for retaining and insisting on it, The other great as a Resource
to which We might be driven, by Parliament much sooner than We were aware. The
other great question was what Authority We should conceed to Parliament:
whether We should deny the Authority of Parliament in all Cases: whether We
should allow any Authority to it, in our internal Affairs: or whether We should
allow it to regulate the Trade of the Empire, with or without any restrictions.
These discussions spun into great Length, and nothing was decided. After many
fruitless Essays, The Committee determined to appoint a Sub committee, to make
a draught of a Sett of
Articles, that might be laid in Writing before the grand Committee and become
the foundation of a more regular debate and final decision. I was appointed on
the Subcommittee, in which after going over the ground again, a Sett of Articles were drawn and debated one by one. After
several days deliberation, We agreed upon all the Articles excepting one, and
that was the Authority of Parliament, which was indeed the Essence of the whole
Controversy. Some were for a flatt denyal of all Authority: others for denying the Power of
Taxation only. Some for denying internal but admitting [external] Taxation. After a multitude of Motions had
[been] made, discussed [and] negatived, it
seems as if We should never agree upon any Thing. Mr. John
Rutledge of
South Carolina, one of the Committee, addressing himself to me,
was pleased to say
"Adams We must agree upon Something: You appear to
be as familiar with the Subject as any of Us, and I like your Expressions
necessity of the Case and excluding all Ideas of Taxation
external and internal. I have a great Opinion of that same Idea of the
Necessity of the Case and I am determined against all taxation for revenue.
Come take the Pen and see if you cant produce something that will unite
Us." Some others of the Committee seconding Mr. Rutledge,
I took a sheet of paper and drew up an Article. When it was read I believe not
one of the Committee were fully satisfied with it, but they
all soon acknowledged that there was no hope of hitting on any thing, in which We could all agree with more Satisfaction. All therefore agreed to this, and upon this depended the Union of the Colonies. The Sub Committee reported their draught to the grand Committee, and another long debate ensued especially on this Article, and various changes and modifications of it were Attempted, but none adopted. The Articles were then reported to Congress, and debated Paragraph by Paragraph. The difficult Article was again attacked and defended. Congress rejected all Amendments to it, and the general Sense of the Members was that the Article demanded as little as could be demanded, and conceeded as much as could be conceeded with Safety, and certainly as little as would be accepted by Great Britain: and that the Country must take its fate, in consequence of it. When Congress had gone through the Articles, I was appointed to put them into form and report a fair Draught for their final Acceptance. This was done and they were finally accepted.
all soon acknowledged that there was no hope of hitting on any thing, in which We could all agree with more Satisfaction. All therefore agreed to this, and upon this depended the Union of the Colonies. The Sub Committee reported their draught to the grand Committee, and another long debate ensued especially on this Article, and various changes and modifications of it were Attempted, but none adopted. The Articles were then reported to Congress, and debated Paragraph by Paragraph. The difficult Article was again attacked and defended. Congress rejected all Amendments to it, and the general Sense of the Members was that the Article demanded as little as could be demanded, and conceeded as much as could be conceeded with Safety, and certainly as little as would be accepted by Great Britain: and that the Country must take its fate, in consequence of it. When Congress had gone through the Articles, I was appointed to put them into form and report a fair Draught for their final Acceptance. This was done and they were finally accepted.
The Committee of Violations of Rights reported a sett of Articles which were drawn by Mr. John
Sullivan of
New Hampshire: andfrom These two Declarations, the
one of Rights and the other of Violations, which are printed in the Journal of
Congress for 1774, were two Years afterwards recapitulated in the Declaration
of Independence in 177 on the fourth of July 1776. The Results of
the Procedings of Congress for this Year remain
in the Journals: and I shall not attempt any Account of the debates, nor of any
thing of the share I took in them. I never wrote a Speech
beforehand, either at the Bar or in any public Assembly, nor committed one to
writing after it was delivered, and it would be idle to attempt a Recollection,
of Arguments from day to day, through a whole session,
at the distance of thirty Years. The Delegates
from Massachusetts, representing the State in most immediate
danger, were muchfrequent visited, not only by the members of
Congress but
by all the Gentlemen in Phyladelphia and its neighbourhood, as well as Strangers and Occasional Travellers. We took Lodgings all together at the Stone House opposite the City Tavern then held by Mrs. Yard, which was by some Complimented with the Title of Head Quarters, but by Mr. Richard Henry Lee, more decently called Liberty Hall. We were much caressed and feasted by all the principal People, for the Allens, and Penns and others were then with Us, though afterwards some of them cooled and fell off, on the declaration of Independence. We were invited to Visit all the public Buildings and places of resort, and became pretty well acquainted with Men and things in Philadelphia.
by all the Gentlemen in Phyladelphia and its neighbourhood, as well as Strangers and Occasional Travellers. We took Lodgings all together at the Stone House opposite the City Tavern then held by Mrs. Yard, which was by some Complimented with the Title of Head Quarters, but by Mr. Richard Henry Lee, more decently called Liberty Hall. We were much caressed and feasted by all the principal People, for the Allens, and Penns and others were then with Us, though afterwards some of them cooled and fell off, on the declaration of Independence. We were invited to Visit all the public Buildings and places of resort, and became pretty well acquainted with Men and things in Philadelphia.
There is an Anecdote, which ought not to be omitted, because it had
Consequences of some moment, at the time, which have continued to operate for
many Years and indeed are not yet worn out, though forgotten the
cause is forgotten or rather was never generally known. Governor
Hopkins and Governor Ward of
Rhode Island came to our Lodgings, and said to Us,
that President Manning of
Rhode Island Colledge and Mr.
Bachus [Backus] of
Massachusetts were in Town, and had conversed with some
Gentlemen in
Philadelphia who wished to communicate to Us a little Business,
and wished We would meet them at Six in the Evening at Carpenters Hall. Whether
they explained their Affairs more particularly to any of my Colleagues I know
not, but I had no Idea of the design. We all went at the hour, and to my great
Surprize found the Hall almost full of People, and
a great Number of Quakers seated at the long Table with their broad brimmed
Beavers on their Heads. We were invited to Seats among them: and informed that
they had received Complaints from some Anabaptists and some Friends in
Massachusetts against certain Laws of that Province, restrictive
of the Liberty of Conscience: and some Instances were mentioned in the General
Court and in the Courts of justice, in which Friends and Baptists had been
grievously oppressed. I know not how my Colleagues felt, but I own
Iwas Some was greatly surprized and somewhat indignant, being like my
Friend Chase of a temper naturally quick and warm, at seeing our State and her Delegates thus summoned before a self created Trybunal, which was neither legal nor Constitutional.
Friend Chase of a temper naturally quick and warm, at seeing our State and her Delegates thus summoned before a self created Trybunal, which was neither legal nor Constitutional.
Israel Pemberton a Quaker of large Property and more
intrigue began to speak and said that Congress were here,
endeavouring to form a Union of the Colonies:
but there were difficulties in the Way, and none of more importance than
Liberty of Conscience. The Laws of
New England and particularly of Massachusetts,
were inconsistent with it, for they not only compelled Men to pay to the
Building of [illegible] Churches and Support of Ministers but to
go to some known Religious Assembly on first days &c. and that he and his
friends were desirous of engaging Us, to assure them that our State would
repeal all those Laws, and place things as they were
in Pennsylvania. A Suspicion instantly arose in my Mind, which I
have ever believed to have been well founded, that this artfull Jesuit, for I was then had been
before apprized of his Character, was endeavouring to avail himself of this opportunity, to
break up the Congress, or at least to withdraw the Quakers and the Governing
Part of
Pensilvania from Us: for at that
time by means of a most unequal Representation, the Quakers had a Majority in
their House of Assembly and by Consequence the whole Power of the State in
their hands. I arose and spoke in Answer to him. The Substance of what I said
was, that We had no Authority to bind our Constituents to any such Proposals:
that the Laws of
Massachusetts, were the most mild and equitable Establishment of
Religion that was known in the World, if indeed they could be called an
Establishment: that it would be in vain for Us to enter into any Conferences on
such a Subject, for We knew before hand our Constituents would disavow all We
could do or say, for the Satisfaction of those who invited Us to this meeting.
That the People of
Massachusetts were