close
Browsing: Adams Family Correspondence, Volume 1
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0149
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-06-16
Mary Nicolson to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Plymouth June 16 1775
[salute] Dear Mrs. Adams
I hoped [long?]1 ere now to have Been at Braintree, but evry circumstance has hitherto been Against
me. I have been very unwell ever since I left you, have not been Abroad for a month,
tho not wholly confined all that time. A repeated sore throat and Eyes, has been the
difficulty, this has prevented my being ready to go to you, but had I been ever so
much so, no Opportunity of conveying even a Bundle has offer'd yet. All carriges that
pass between Roxbury and this are filld with things for the Army. Indeed I might go
in a whale Boat, with the party of our Troops who are going after another load of
flour, round by way of Yarmouth and so by Germantown to Sopers landing, but tis a
voiage I beg to be excused from. More over all our folks are so averse to my going
while an Attack is hourly expected, that I know not what to do. For my part I am no
more Apprehensive of danger at Braintree than Plymouth. Poor Charly wants Aunt
Polly I believe, and I want to fit him as much, but dont desire you to wait for my
Assistance especialy for things of Necessity, as I will soon see you and run my chance
of being Taken Prisoner, if by any possible means I can get along for I pine for my
Old friends. I am as far from them that is knowing any thing of them only by common
fame, as If I was in So. Carolina. It would be a great deed of Charity in all or any
of [them]2 to write to me. I am Just famishd for a letter from some of you. I received one from
Miss Eunice wednesday per Mr. John Johnston, by whom I wrote to her. Tis more Trouble
to send a Letter to Taunton than England, but there are very few days pass in which
you might not send here as people are constantly passing to and from the Camp. We
are all Surrounded by Troops. Our house is Officers Quarters, and the head Quarters
adjoining. Give my love to Mrs. Cranch and family, Mr. Palmers and family. Tell them
I
hope soon to see or hear from them, that I did not know the Boats with flour would
go to Germantown, or I would conveyd some things along for the Colonel. Heaven Preserve
you all in Peace and safety so prays your Affectionate Friend & Servt.,
[signed] M. Nicolson
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0150
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-06-18
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Sunday June 18 1775
[salute] Dearest Friend
The Day; perhaps the decisive Day is come on which the fate of America depends. My
bursting Heart must find vent at my pen. I have just heard that our dear Friend Dr.
Warren is no more but fell gloriously fighting for his Country—saying better to die
honourably in the field than ignominiously hang upon the Gallows. Great is our Loss.
He has distinguished himself in every engagement, by his courage and fortitude, by
animating the Soldiers and leading them on by his own example. A particuliar account
of these dreadful, but I hope Glorious Days will be transmitted you, no doubt in the
exactest manner.
The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, but the God of Israel
is he that giveth strength and power unto his people. Trust in him at all times, ye
people pour out your hearts before him. God is a refuge for us.—Charlstown is laid
in ashes. The Battle began upon our intrenchments upon Bunkers Hill, a Saturday morning
about 3 o clock and has not ceased yet and tis now 3 o'clock Sabbeth afternoon.
Tis expected they will come out over the Neck to night, and a dreadful Battle must
ensue. Almighty God cover the heads of our Country men, and be a shield to our Dear
Friends. How [many ha]ve fallen we know not—the constant roar of the cannon is so [distre]ssing that we can not Eat, Drink or Sleep. May we be supported and sustaind in the
dreadful conflict. I shall tarry here till tis thought unsafe by my Friends, and then
I have secured myself a retreat at your Brothers who has kindly offerd me part of
his house.1 I cannot compose myself to write any further at present. I will add more as I hear
further.
[dateline] Tuesday afternoon [20 June]
I have been so much agitated that I have not been able to write since Sabbeth day.
When I say that ten thousand reports are passing vague and uncertain as the wind I
believe I speak the Truth. I am not able to give you any authentick account of last
Saturday, but you will not be destitute of inteligence. Coll. Palmer has just sent
me word that he has an opportunity of conveyance. Incorrect as this scrawl will be,
it shall go. I wrote you last Saturday morning.2 In the afternoon I received your kind favour of the 2 june, and that you sent me
by Captn. Beals at the same time.—I ardently pray that you may be supported thro the
arduous task you have before you. I wish I could { 223 } contradict the report of the Doctors Death, but tis a lamentable Truth, and the tears
of multitudes pay tribute to his memory. Those favorite lines [of] Collin continually sound in my Ears
How sleep the Brave who sink to rest,
By all their Countrys wishes blest?
When Spring with dew'ey fingers cold
Returns to deck their Hallowed mould
She their shall dress a sweeter Sod
Than fancys feet has ever trod.
By fairy hands their knell is rung
By forms unseen their Dirge is sung
Their [There] Honour comes a pilgrim grey
To Bless the turf that wraps their Clay
And freedom shall a while repair
To Dwell a weeping Hermit there.3
I rejoice in the prospect of the plenty you inform me of, but cannot say we have the
same agreable veiw here. The drought is very severe, and things look but poorly.
Mr. Rice and Thaxter, unkle Quincy, Col. Quincy, Mr. Wibert all desire to be rememberd,
so do all our family. Nabby will write by the next conveyance.
I must close, as the Deacon w[aits.] I have not pretended to be perticuliar with regard to what I have heard, because
I know you will collect better intelligence. The Spirits of the people are very good.
The loss of Charlstown affects them no more than a Drop in the Bucket.—I am Most sincerely
yours,
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “To John Adams Esqr. in Philadelphia.” MS is badly worn on outer edges, and text is torn by seal, obscuring a few words that
are here supplied conjecturally in brackets.
3. Except for bad spelling and punctuation this is an accurate rendering of William Collins'
“Ode Written in the Beginning of the Year 1746,” commemorating the British troops
who fell at Prestonpans and Falkirk and published in Collins' Odes, London, 1747. JQA learned these moving lines—among the finest produced in the 18th century—in 1775
and never forgot them. In a draft of a letter he wrote in a faltering hand to an English
Quaker, Joseph Sturge, on the subject of war and pacifism, dated March 1846 (Adams Papers), he gave his own recollection of the events AA here describes:
“The year 1775 was the eighth year of my age. Among the first fruits of the War, was
the expulsion of my father's family from their peaceful abode in Boston, to take refuge
in his and my native town of Braintree.... For the space of { 224 } twelve months my mother with her infant children dwelt, liable every hour of the day
and of the night to be butchered in cold blood, or taken and carried into Boston as
hostages, by any foraging or marauding detachment of men, like that actually sent
forth on the 19th. of April, to capture John Hancock and Samuel Adams on their way
to attend the continental Congress at Philadelphia. My father was separated from his
family, on his way to attend the same continental Congress, and there my mother, with
her children lived in unintermitted danger of being consumed with them all in a conflagration
kindled by a torch in the same hands which on the 17th. of June lighted the fires
in Charlestown. I saw with my own eyes those fires, and
heard Britannia's thunders in the Battle of Bunker's hill and witnessed the tears
of my mother and mingled with them my own, at the fall of Warren a dear friend of
my father, and a beloved Physician to me. He had been our family physician and surgeon,
and had saved my fore finger from amputation under a very bad fracture.... My mother
was the daughter of a Christian Clergyman and therefore bred in the faith of deliberate detestation of War.... Yet in that same Spring and Summer of 1775 she
taught me to repeat daily after the Lord's prayer, before rising from bed the Ode
of Collins, on the patriot warriors who fell in the War to subdue the Jacobite rebellion of 1745.
How sleep the brave, who sink to rest.... [Here follows the rest of Collins' “Ode,” with a single word misquoted.]
“Of the impression made upon my heart by the sentiments inculcated in these beautiful
effusions of patriotism and poetry, you may form an estimate by the fact that now,
seventy one years after they were thus taught me, I repeat them from memory without
reference to the book.”
JQA's feelings ran so deep on the subject of Bunker Hill battle and Joseph Warren's death
that in his Diary he commented with increasing disapproval on the anniversary celebrations
of the battle, which grew more and more elaborate during his lifetime. In 1786, for
example, he declined to go with his fellow students and the faculty of Harvard College
to participate in “a scene of revels, and feasting,” with the head of the table “placed
on the very spot where the immortal Warren fell.” And the celebration in 1843 marking
the completion of the Monument, with Daniel Webster (“a traitor to the cause of human
freedom”) speaking and President Tyler (“a Slave monger”) in attendance, revolted
JQA: “I have throughout my life had an utter aversion to all pageants, and public dinners,
and never attended one, when I could decently avoid it.... But now with the ideal
association of the thundering cannon which I heard, and the smoke of burning Charlestown
which I saw on that awful day,
combined with this Pyramid of Quincy granite, and Daniel Webster spouting <with a Negro holding an umbrella over his head>, and John Tyler's nose with a shadow outstreching that of the monumental column;
how could I have witnessed all this at once without an unbecoming burst of indignation
or of laughter?”
A cairn of stones at the summit of Penn's Hill in Quincy was erected in 1896 to mark
the spot where AA and JQA reputedly viewed the battle and conflagration. The ceremonies dedicating it were
simpler than those on Bunker Hill in 1843; see Wilson, Where Amer. Independence Began, p. 257–259, with illustration. But whether JQA would have approved of them is problematical.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0151
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-06-18
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Phyladelphia June 18. 1775
[salute] My Dear
This Letter, I presume, will go by the brave and amiable General Washington.
Our Army will have a Group of Officers, equal to any service. { 225 } Washington, Ward, Lee, Gates, Gridley,1 together with all the other New England officers, will make a glorious Council of
War.
This Congress are all as deep, as the Delegates from the Massachuchusetts, and the
whole Continent as forward as Boston.
We shall have a Redress of Grievances, or an Assumption of all the Powers of Government
legislative, Executive and judicial, throughout the whole Continent very soon.
Georgia is bestirring itself—I mean the whole of it. The Parish of St. Johns which
is one third of it, was with Us before.
[salute] I am &c.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Abigail Adams Braintree”; endorsed: “C No 11.”
1. All well known officers recently taken into Continental service except Richard Gridley,
formerly in the British engineers, who was now serving with the Massachusetts forces
and was wounded at Bunker Hill; in September he was named colonel of the Continental
regiment of artillery but two months later was superseded by Henry Knox (Mass. Soldiers and Sailors; Heitman, Register Continental Army; JCC, 2:256; 3:358–359).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0152
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-06-22
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] June 22 1775
I received yours [of] june 10, for which I thank you. I want you to be more perticuliar. Does every Member
feel for us? Can they realize what we suffer? And can they believe with what patience
and fortitude we endure the conflict—nor do we even tremble at the frowns of power.—You
inquire of me, who were at the engagement at Grape Island. I may say with truth all
Weymouth Braintree Hingham who were able to bear Arms, and hundreds from other Towns
within 20 30 and 40 miles of Weymouth. Our good Friend the Doctor is in a very misirable
state of Health, has the jaundice to a [very gr]eat degree, is a mere Skelliton and hardly able to [ride fro]m his own house to my fathers. Danger you [know] sometimes makes timid men bold. He stood that day very well, and generously attended
with drink, Bisquit, flints &c. 5 hundred men without taking any pay. He has since
been chosen one of the committee of Correspondence
for that Town, and has done much Service by establishing a regular method of alarm
from Town to Town. Both your Brothers were there—your younger Brother with his company
who gaind honour by their good order that Day. He was one of the first to venture
aboard a Schooner to land upon the Island.—At Chelsa I cannot be so perticuliar as
I do not know only in General, that Coll. Putnam commanded there, and had many Gentlemen
volun• { 226 } ters. We have two companies stationd in this Town, at Germantown Captn. Turner, at
Squantom Capt. Vinton. In Weymouth one, in Hingham two &c.—I believe I shall remove
your Books this week to your Brothers. We think it adviseable. Coll. Quincy has procured
his family a retreat at Deacon Holebrooks. Mr. Cranch has one at Major Basses—in case
of necessity to which we hope not to be driven.—We hear that the troops destined for
Newyork are all expected here, but we have got to that pass that a whole legion of
them would not intimidate
us.—I think I am very brave upon the whole. If danger comes near my dwelling I suppose
I shall shuder. We want powder [although?] with the blessing of Heaven we fear them [not][ . . . ] every possible method that can be made use of [ . . . ] it should, be by the whole continent. The state we are in at present is intrenching
and fortifying. Tis said we have lost 44 men and the Regulars near a thousand, 64
officers amongst them.—God bless and preserve us. Write me every opportunity you can.
I am your
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “To John Adams Esqr. Philadelphia.” MS torn by seal, obscuring two passages which have been only partly restored by conjecture.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0153
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-06-23
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia June 23. 1775
[salute] My Dear
I have this Morning been out of Town to accompany our Generals Washington, Lee, and
Schuyler, a little Way, on their Journey to the American Camp before Boston.
The Three Generals were all mounted, on Horse back, accompanied by Major Mifflin who
is gone in the Character of Aid de Camp. All the Delegates from the Massachusetts
with their Servants, and Carriages attended. Many others of the Delegates, from the
Congress—a large Troop of Light Horse, in their Uniforms. Many Officers of Militia
besides in theirs. Musick playing &c. &c. Such is the Pride and Pomp of War. I, poor
Creature, worn out with scribbling, for my Bread and my Liberty, low in Spirits and
weak in Health, must leave others to wear the Lawrells which I have sown; others,
to eat the Bread which I have earned.—A Common Case.
We had Yesterday, by the Way of N. York and N. London, a Report, which distresses
us, almost as much as that We had last fall, of the Cannonade of Boston. A Battle
at Bunkers Hill and Dorchester Point—three Colonels wounded, Gardiner mortally.1 We wait to hear { 227 } more particulars. Our Hopes and our Fears are alternately very strong. If there is
any Truth in this Account, you must be in great Confusion. God Almightys Providence
preserve, sustain, and comfort you.
[dateline] June 27
This Moment received two Letters from you. Courage, my dear! We shall be supported
in Life, or comforted in Death. I rejoice that my Countrymen behaved so bravely, tho
not so skillfully conducted as I could wish. I hope this defect will be remedied by
the new modelling of the Army.
[salute] My Love every where.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Abigail Adams Braintree”; endorsed: “C No 12.”
1. Thomas Gardner of Cambridge was elected colonel of the 1st Middlesex regiment after
Gen. William Brattle fled to Boston in Sept. 1774; he died in July 1775 of wounds
sustained at Bunker Hill (Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, Boston and N.Y., 1877, p. 418–420).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0154
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-06-24
Isaac Smith Sr. to John Adams
[dateline] Salem. June 24. 1775
[salute] Mr. Adams
Long before this will reach you, you will have an Account of the Action, att Charlestown,
in which though the regulars have gaind an Advantageous Cituation have paid for itt
very dearly, which loss in Millitary Accheivements is lookt upon as trivial. The distruction
of Charlestown is a most Melancholy seen, as Three quarters of the Inhabitants have
lost there, all. Brother Kent house, W. house, as likewise sister Austin houses are
all destroyed,1 and Although the Cheif of the people had removed and there Effects yet there were
Considerable of Value in the Town, and likewise a great many things, belonging to
Boston people, which had been left in homes to be transported into the Country not
expecting any such a devastation would take place so suddenly and not being Able to
get Carts have lost them, all, Among which was Doct. Mathers,2 who's daughters came Out the day before.
You will be informed of the state of Our Affairs, by those who have the Management
of them, but as we have had several times since the Engagement people who have liberty
to go up, by which, some people get a chance down—One three days past and One Yesterday,
a Capt. of a ship being up there to see his Owner Mr. B——, was a spectator from the
begining a saturday Morning and while there being connected with many of the friends
of Govermt. falsly so-called, by which his Account beleive to be as good as any One's.
He says he was on Cops { 228 } hill when the orders came for the burning the Town which was about the same time the
Troops landed—and was att the seeing the Wounded brought back (the dead ther's, as
well as Ours were buried, on Charlestown side). The talk was that they had lost and
wounded about a Thousand about 300 of which was killed. Amongst which Numbers of a
Thousand, about 80 Officers were killed and wounded, 30 of which Number were dead
and many more
since Amongst which was besides Majo. Pitcarn and Williams, Colo. Abbercrombie, (the
latter Yesterday, Intelligence brings) haveing dyed after geting to Boston. Itt was
said Majo. Sh[ . . . ]3 fell but he was not there. On the Other side the loss of Doct. Warren is great, and
itt was a great pitty, that ever there was the least thoughts of bestowing the late
honor upon him, being more wanted in Other Capacities. He was buried in Charlestown
buriing place, itt is said that Offers were made that any of his friends att Boston
might attend his funeral.—Yesterday Morning a Transport Arrived and landed her Troops
said to be One ordered back from N York of 16 sail bound there and itts supposed a
vessell has been sent to stop them from going to N York, so that itts likely we shall
have them all here in a few days which iff so hope the Connecticut forces will come
this way, as itt now takes a great many to secure the different passes.—Since the
Marshal law has
been Established in Boston the people dare not Open there Mouths scarsely. Poor Shrimpton
Hunt your late Neighbour, Only saying a Saturday, that he hopt Our people would get
the better was taken up and Confined itts said in gaol. A son of my late Neighbour
Gore calling Over the way to his sister to see a funeral come along the paul holders
left the Corps, itts said tho beleive not true and whent and put him under gaurd six
hours—suppose by his fathers influence he got Clear. No person was Allowed to be On
there houses, to look Out a sabbath day. None of the select Men are Allowed to come
Out. T.B.4 still remains there. Mrs. Gill got Out the day I did. Your brother Smith was not
in the late Engagement, being confind to his Chamber, not being well. Doct. Cotton
I here has been confined with the Rheumatism and Other disorders.—We are Obstructed
in business by the M[en of] Warr and Cutters, so that I have had Vessells designed here,
Obliged to go round to Ipswich, which goods must be carted from thence here—but in
a few days we must expect more. The people, since the last battle are removing there
household goods from this Town.
[salute] I am with,5 wishing your Counsels may be conducted by An Overruleing Providence, for the purpose of a lasting Tranquility, Your hume. servant,
[signed] Isaac Smith
[Added on cover:] July 1st. A person yesterday from Boston says Jemmey Lovell is confined in gaol in
the dungen for Nobody knows what. The Inhabitants have no Wood, an Account has been
taken of those that are still in Boston which amount to about 5,000. The same person
who says he had the best information that the Number of Officers kil'd and wounded,
is rather more [than] the 84 mentioned and that 102 Sargents were kil'd and wounded, and that the 52d Rigement
had lost 2 Capts. returned or 2 officers, forget which. I here the Officers say that
the battle of Menden did not exceed itt.—I hope Our New Assembly or the General will
make a demand of all the Inhabitants and there Effects, of those who by Contract Ought
to come Out.—There is a Military Watch kept by the friends of Goverment. Martyn Gay
One of the Captns.—Yours by Doct. Church have received.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To John Adams Esqr. a Member of the Continental Congress Philadelphia”;
postal marking: “Camb Post paid 1/”; docketed “June 24. 1775” in a hand the editors
believe is probably that of Rev. William Gordon (1728–1807), of Jamaica Plain (Roxbury, Mass.), the historian of the American Revolution. Docketings
in the same hand appear on some scores of letters received by JA from this date through the following fifteen months (until early Oct. 1776), after
which they disappear. The only possible explanation of these (if they are indeed in
William Gordon's hand) is that Gordon somehow gained access to at least a portion
of JA's letter files at some point after the latter date. Since in 1775 JA thought Gordon vain, talkative, and injudicious (Diary and Autobiography,
2:174), and since no external evidence is yet known to the editors of Gordon's using JA's files—indeed JA replied evasively when Gordon asked for assistance on his History (Gordon to JA, 27 March 1777, Adams Papers, MHS, Procs., 63 [1929–1930]:338; JA to Gordon, 8 April 1777, LbC, Adams Papers, JA, Works, 9:461–462)—it is very surprising to find traces of his hand in the Adams Papers. The identification of persons by their handwriting being a treacherous business,
the editors' conclusion that Gordon consulted and docketed some of JA's early Revolutionary correspondence is put forth tentatively and in the expectation,
or at least the hope, that it
will be confirmed or disproved by evidence still to be found. But Gordon's spidery
hand is highly individualistic and not easily mistaken for anyone else's. He was also
a very pertinacious man and investigator, as shown by his letters gathered and edited
by Worthington C. Ford (MHS, Procs., 63 [1929–1930]: 303–613) and by the references to privately owned materials in the
preface, text, and notes in his 4-volume History, eventually published in London in 1788. He had, moreover, something of a habit of
marking up the papers he examined when preparing his book. (For an example in the
Washington Papers, which he inspected at Mount Vernon in 1784, see Benjamin Rush, Letters, 1:185.) And it may be pointed out, finally, that references in his correspondence
show that Gordon and his wife visited AA in Braintree on a rather familiar footing at times when JA
was absent. Light on this and on more important matters would doubtless be obtainable
if Gordon's own papers survive and could be found. He spent his last years, died,
and was buried at Ipswich in England. With { 230 } the exception of a single letter (Jefferson to Gordon, 2 July 1787, in Jefferson's
Papers, ed. Boyd, 11:525), the present editors, though they have made extensive inquiries,
have found no traces of what must once have been a formidable mass of correspondence
and other MSS in Gordon's possession. Apparently they were not dispersed. But if not, were they
entirely destroyed, or do they lurk somewhere more or less intact?
2. Rev. Samuel Mather, Harvard 1723, “last and least of a great dynasty,” minister of
the Tenth Congregational Society in Boston, where, though not a loyalist, he remained
throughout the siege (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 7:216–238).
3. Illegible. Probably Maj. William Sheriff is meant.
4. Thomas Boylston.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0155
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-06-25
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] June 25 1775 Braintree
[salute] Dearest Friend
My Father has been more affected with the distruction of Charlstown, than with any
thing which has heretofore taken place. Why should not his countanance be sad when
the city, the place of his Fathers Sepulchers lieth waste, and the gates thereof are
consumed with fire, scarcly one stone remaineth upon an other. But in the midst of
sorrow we have abundant cause of thankfulness that so few of our Breathren are numberd
with the slain, whilst our enimies were cut down like the Grass before the Sythe.
But one officer of all the Welch fuzelers remains to tell his story. Many poor wretches
dye for want of proper assistance and care of their wounds.
Every account agrees in 14 and 15 hundred slain and wounded upon their side nor can
I learn that they dissemble the number themselves. We had some Heroes that day who
fought with amazing intrepidity, and courage—
I hear that General How should say the Battle upon the plains of Abram was but a Bauble to this. When we
consider all the circum• { 231 } stances attending this action we stand astonished that our people were not all cut
of. They had but one hundred foot intrenched, the number who were engaged, did not
exceed 800, and they [had] not half amunition enough. The reinforcements not able to get to them seasonably,
the tide was up and high, so that their floating batteries came upon each side of
the causway and their row gallies keeping a continual fire. Added to this the fire
from fort hill and from the Ship, the Town in flames all round them and the heat from
the flames so intence as scarcely to be borne; the day one of the hottest we have
had this season and the wind blowing the smoke in their faces—only figure to yourself
all these circumstances, and then consider that we do not count 60 Men lost. My Heart
overflows at the
recollection.
“Extremity is the trier of Spirits—
Common chances common men will bear;
And when the Sea is calm all boats alike
Shew mastership in floating, but fortunes blows
When most struck home, being bravely warded, crave
A noble cunning.” Shakespear.
We live in continual Expectation of Hostilities. Scarcely a day that does not produce
some, but like Good Nehemiah having made our prayer with God, and set the people with
their Swords, their Spears and their bows we will say unto them, Be not affraid of
them. Remember the Lord who is great and terible, and fight for your Breathren, your
sons and your daughters, your wives and your houses.
I have just received yours of the 17 of june in 7 days only.1 Every line from that far Country is precious. You do not tell me how you do, but
I will hope better. Alass you little thought what distress we were in the day you
wrote. They delight in molesting us upon the Sabbeth. Two Sabbeths we have been in
such Alarms that we have had no meeting. This day we have set under our own vine in
quietness, have heard Mr. Taft, from psalms.2 The Lord is good to all and his tender mercies are over all his works. The good man
was earnest and pathetick. I could forgive his weakness for the sake of his sincerity—but
I long for a Cooper and an Elliot. I want a person who has feeling and sensibility who can take one up with him
“And in his Duty prompt at every call
Can watch, and weep, and pray, and feel for all.”
Mr. Rice joins General Heaths regiment to morrow as adjutant. Your Brother is very
desirous of being in the army, but your good Mother is really voilent against it.
I cannot persuaid nor reason her into a consent. Neither he nor I dare let her know
that he is trying for a place. My Brother has a Captains commission, and is stationd
at Cambridge. I thought you had the best of inteligence or I should have taken pains
to have been more perticuliar. As to Boston, there are many persons yet there who
would be glad to get out if they could. Mr. Boylstone and Mr. Gill the printer with
his family are held upon the { 232 } black list tis said. Tis certain they watch them so narrowly that they cannot escape,
nor your Brother Swift3 and family. Mr. Mather got out a day or two before Charlstown was distroyed, and
had lodged his papers and what else he got out at Mr. Carys, but they were all consumed.
So were many other peoples, who thought they
might trust their little there; till teams could be procured to remove them. The people
from the Alms house and work house were sent to the lines last week, to make room
for their wounded they say. Medford people are all removed. Every sea port seems in
motion.—O North! may the Groans and cryes of the injured and oppressed Harrow up thy
Soul. We have a prodigious Army, but we lack many accomadations which we need. I hope
the apointment of these new Generals will give satisfaction. They must be proof against
calumny. In a contest like this continual reports are circulated by our Enimies, and
they catch with the unwary and the gaping croud who are ready to listen to the marvellous,
without considering of consequences even tho there best Friends are injured.—I have
not venturd to inquire one word of you about your return. I do not know whether I
ought to wish for it—it seems as if your sitting together was absolutely necessary
whilst every day is big with Events.
Mr. Bowdoin called a fryday and took his leave of me desiring I would present his
affectionate regards to you. I have hopes that he will recover—he has mended a good
deal. He wished he could have staid in Braintree, but his Lady was fearful.
I have often heard that fear makes people loving. I never was so much noticed by some people as I have been since you went out of Town, or rather since the 19 of April. Mr. W[inslo]ws family are determined to be sociable. Mr. A——n4 are quite Friendly.—Nabby Johny Charly Tommy all send duty. Tom says I wish I could
see par. You would laugh to see them all run upon the sight of a Letter—like chickens for
a crum, when the Hen clucks. Charls says mar What is it any good news? and who is for us and who against us, is the continual
inquiry.5—Brother and Sister Cranch send their Love. He has been very well since he removed,
for him, and has full employ in his Buisness. Unkel Quincy calls to hear most every
day, and as for the Parson, he determines I shall not make the same complaint I did
last time, for he comes every other day.
Tis exceeding dry weather. We have not had any rain for a long time. Bracket has mowed
the medow and over the way, but it will not be a last years crop.—Pray let me hear
from you by every opportunity till I have the joy of once more meeting you. Yours
ever more,
[signed] Portia
P.S. Tell Bass his father and family are well.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To John Adams Esqr. Philadelphia To the Care
of the Committee of Safety.”
2. Rev. Moses Taft, Harvard 1751, a neighboring minister in what is now Randolph, Mass.
(Weis, Colonial Clergy of N.E.).
3. Samuel Swift, Harvard 1735, not a relative but a brother lawyer and close friend of
JA; see JA's Diary and Autobiography, 1:293 and passim.
4. Perhaps “Allen,” but not now identifiable.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0156
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-06-28
John Thaxter to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree June 28th. 1775
[salute] Dear Sir
One of the many brave and gallant Actions that have graced our Arms, I take the Liberty
of writing you an Account of. The most important Transactions, since your Abscence,
you are undoubtedly already informed of; but as this, I am about to relate, is just
come to hand, I embrace the Opportunity of sending you an Account of it by the Express.
Not long before the Date of this, General Gage dispatched two Sloops with Provision
to Machias, under the Convoy of a Tender—this Provision was to be exchanged for Lumber
and other Articles. Stephen and Ichabod Jones the Contractors had made Application
to the Town to supply the Army and Navy with Lumber—one of the Traitors was taken
Prisoner, the other fled to the [ . . . ][in]1 Imitation of the Colonel perhaps. The Contractors being made Prisoners, the Captain
of the Tender threatned instant Demolition to the Town, if there was not an immediate
Resignation of them and Springs were put to the Cables for that End. The Inhabitants,
neither intimidated by the Abuses they had previously recieved from the Sloops Crews,
nor the brutum Fulmen of the Captain, retained the Prisoners—upon which a few Martial
Civilities passed between both Parties—but finding our Fire too hot, they put to Sea.
The Machias People, determin'd on a Capture of
the Tender, boarded the Sloops, armed them with Implements of War and Husbandry, and
sailed after her, and soon came up with her, when an Engagement ensued, in which our
Men, as usual, proved victorious. The Tender had twelve Swivels it is said. The Captain
and three Men, besides many wounded, fell on their Part; also Robert Avery of Norwich
a Prisoner was unfortunately killed; two or three, with several { 234 } wounded, fell on our Part. What Men remained on board the Tender were taken Prisoners.
This was the tragical End of their intended Exchange.2
A few Days agone arrived at Nantucket, after seven Weeks Passage, a Vessel from England.
One of the Passengers, Viz. Mr. William Palfray brought Letters from some of our Enemies
in England for our Refugees—he carried them to Watertown and they were read in Congress.3 There was one from that infamous Parricide H[utchinso]n, to his Son, wherein he says, “he hopes the Contest will soon be settled, that he
may come and spend the Remainder of his Days at Milton.” This Letter is secret and
confidential, it is to be supposed.
Mr. Blowers and Bliss write to Leonard, Taylor, the Amorys and others. They lash us
with Infatuation, Delusion and Cowardice. They prophecy no Resistance at all [ . . . ] and an ineffectual one, as will be crushed with the greatest Facility. Their P[rophecy will not?] become History.—In the same Vessel came one Camel an Ensign of [ . . . ][regi]ment who, upon a Narrative of the Battles, utterly refused to go to Boston—he was
told, he might be exchanged for one of our Men a Prisoner in Town. No he would not—he
says he did not come to fight. At present he is at Watertown, complimented with a
guard.4 Mr. Duncan Ingraham another Passenger says, they are very peacable in England now;
but gives it as his Opinion, when the News of the Lexington Battle reaches there,
it will throw the Nation into the greatest Convulsions imaginable.
We hear General Washington is expected very soon. Almost every Tongue is applauding
the Wisdom of the Appointment, and almost every Arm is expanded to recieve him. From
present Appearances, We have Reason to believe there will be such a Reception, as
will give a most weighty Confirmation to the Appointment.—Master C[leverl]y “duplices tendens 2d Sydera Palmas,” exclaims, as usual, against Congresses, Novanglus's
Pieces &c. The least justification of them, or of one Measure that has been adopted,
will close his Eyes, and set his Head vibrating. Desponding Fears have not yet seized
him. The Prospect of your Meadow as a Gratuity for his Bigotry and persecuting Zeal,
buoys up his Spirits.5
I am sorry to inform you that our Company does not continue their Exercise. Not once
have they met since your Abscence. We want you, Sir, to animate us.
My Father and Mother send their Respects to you and wish you better Health.
Please to accept this and my Wishes for a Restoration of your Health, { 235 } and the following Toast lately given by Coll. Orne, “may the Justice of Britain disarm
every American.”
[salute] From, Sir, your most obedient Servant,
[signed] J. Thaxter
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To John Adams Esqr. at Philadelphia— To the Care of the Committee of
Safety”; postal marking (“Cambr 2/ stg”) is heavily lined out and replaced by the
word “Free”; docketed by William Gordon(?): “J. Thaxter June 28. 1775.”
2. The action of 11–12 June resulting in the capture of the British vessel Margaretta by the mariners of Machias was the first sea fight of the Revolution, and much has
accordingly been written about it. See French, First Year, p. 360–361.
3. Palfrey presented these letters to the Provincial Congress on 29 June (Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours., p. 419, 420).
4. On Ensign Robert Campbell's unhappy adventures (he was only 17), see same, p. 405,
407, 410, 419, 420.
5. Joseph Cleverly, Harvard 1733, JA's old schoolmaster; he was a devout Anglican and was strongly loyalist in his politics,
but despite some threats against him he was not forced to leave Braintree during the
Revolution (JA, Diary and Autobiography, passim; Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 9:285–288).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0157
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-07-03
Cotton Tufts to John Adams
[dateline] Weymouth July. 3. 1775
[salute] Dear Sr.
You have no Doubt long before this heard of the unhappy Fate of Charlestown, its Destruction
by Fire, the forcing of our Entrenchments there by the ministerial Troops and the
Loss of our valuable Friend Doct. Warren who was shot through the Breast and soon
expir'd. The Entrenchments were unfinishd the work of but one Night. However, they
were gallantly defended and by all Accounts, there was an amazing Destruction amongst
the british Troops; a Victory bought at the dearest Rate—and if all their Victories
are thus bought, they will exactly resemble the Soldier who conquers but in the Contest
recieves a Wound of which he afterwards dies. The lowest Accountt of their Loss amounts
to 1000 Killd and Wounded and the greater part of those who have come out of Boston
since the Engagement report from 13 to 1400 and some have gone as far as 1800. On
our Side about 50 were killd, from 25 to 30 Prisoners mostly wounded, 100 and upwards
wounded who returnd from the Battle. Of the Killd,
Wounded and those that were made Prisoners I believe they dont exceed 200—which considering
the amazing Disadvantages they were under surrounded almost on every side, exposed
to the Fire of the Army, Ships and Floating Batteries, blinded and choaked with the
Smoak of the Town that it seems almost miraculous so few were killd and wounded. Not
above 800 or 900 of our Men were engag'd in this { 236 } Battle and the British Troops were from 3 to 5000 according to the best Accounts We
Can get. Could You my Friend send us a Recipe for the Destruction of those Vermin
that float on the Watre and spit out their Venom, Fire and Rage at us, it is probable
we should maintain our Ground, and make a pretty good Figure amongst the Warriors
and Heroes of this Age. But they sadly worry us. All our Harbours are seald. No Provision
Vessell enters. Quere How are Ordnance Stores to get in.—Since the Engagement Our
Forces have been very industrious in entrenching and fortifying at Roxbury,
Cambridge and in the Environs of Charlestown.
This Morning We hear from McNeal a Rope maker who got out of Boston Yesterday—That
in the late Battle 90 Commissiond and 180 or 190 non commission'd officers of the
British Troops were wounded and slain. What must then be the Number of Privates! Col.
Bruce, Majr. Pitcairn, Majr. Small, Majr. Sheriff are said to be amongst the Dead.
These are mentiond by those that come from Town. But all Accounts from that Quarter
are to be receiv'd cum Grano Salis. For the Inhabitants of the Town (at present) are
in the most abject State imaginable, under military Law, insulted, afraid to stir,
move or ask Questions.—However what I have mentiond in the former part of this Letter
relative to the Destruction of the British Troops is perhaps well grounded as it is
supported by Accounts from J. Bradford, King, Cockran (Bartlet and John Thomas of
Plimouth), McNeal and sundry others who have come out at different Times since the
Engagement and by Hartly from Hospital Island who was sent here last
Week by the Selectmen of Boston (at the Desire (as they say) of 25 Prisoners from
the Country and many of them dangerously wounded) for fresh Provision. By the advice
of Congress some Fresh Provision was sent. This same Hartley (alias his Wife) has
been at Weymouth twice since the Engagement and confirm the above Accounts.
Having told You what there seems to be pretty good Authority for, I will mention some
Things that I cannot vouch for but are commonly talkd off—Viz. that Genl. Burgoine
has not been seen since the Battle—some say that He was slain, others that He immediately
embarked for England.—That 250 Soldiers Widows were sent to England or Ireland in
a Transport Ship, Gen. Gage not being able to support them in Boston. If true, methinks
these will be weighty Preachers.—That 40 or 50 Ton of Powder has got into New York.—That
the Rhode Islanders are fitting out Privateers—&c. &c. We were not long since told
that in that Vessel, which was brought in to Philadelphia with { 237 } Col. Skeene, were 70 Chests of Arms. Pray let me know whether it was a Fact.
You complain in a Letter to your Bosom Friend that your former Correspondents have
forgot You. You see by this, that one (at least) bears You in Remembrance, and if
You will accept this as it is without being transcribed, and with its Length, I'll
promise you a shorter one if Life and Health permits, by future Conveyance. My Health
has been declining. The Alarms we have had Here and the multiplicity of Care and Business
That devolvd on me in Consequence of them, with the Infirmities of Body have almost
destroyd me. This Fortnight past I have recruited much. A General Time of Health.
No reigning Disorder Except the Rash which is in almost every Town. The Season has
been very dry—from Boston to Scituate on the Sea Shore extending about 10 Miles back—in
Weymouth not more than half the Hay on Upland that was produc'd last Year. Your Land
produces Hay in plenty, dry or wet, That I trust You will have enough for Yourself
and some for your Neighbours. Your's, your Father Smith's and
my Family are well. It would be agreeable to hear from You, and to be inform'd what
is in Agitation in your grand assembly &c. That Heaven may inspire You all with Wisdom
and make You happily instrumental of the Salvation of America is the Ardent Wish and
Prayer of Dear Sr.
[salute] Yr. Friend & Humb. Servt.,
[signed] Cotton Tufts
[dateline] June [i.e. July] 4th.
[salute] Dear Sr.
I am this moment informd that your Congress, in Settlement of the Generals have made
Col. H[eat]h superior in Command to General Tho[ma]s—A measure which has given great Concern to the most sensible and judicious and probably
you will have Applications for the reversal of it. The Latter is said to be judicious,
steady and unruffled— the former a Theoretical Officer and further they say not. I
heard this from a Gentleman direct from Head Quarters, well acquainted with the Sentiments
of the most discerning and is himself a Man of distinguishd Abilities and a Warm Friend
to the Cause. Indeed the Sence of the Congress upon this Point may be fully collected
in their late appointment of Doct. Warren to a Command in the Army superior to Col.
H[eat]h.1 Yrs. ut supra.
RC (Adams Papers); docketed in the hand of William Gordon(?).
1. Of the eight Continental brigadier generals appointed by Congress on 22 June, three
were Massachusetts men: Seth Pomeroy (ranking first), William { 238 } Heath (ranking fourth), and John Thomas (ranking sixth) (JCC, 2:103). This meant that Heath had been jumped over Thomas, his senior in the Massachusetts
service. Happily Pomeroy, a tired old veteran, never took up his Continental command.
On the recommendation of Washington and by motion of JA, Congress on 19 July promoted Thomas to Pomeroy's place as first brigadier general
(same, p. 191; JA to James Warren, 23 July, Warren-Adams Letters, 1:85–86). See also French, First Year, p. 295, 304–306, 753–754.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0158
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-07-04
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Phyladelphia July 4. 1775
[salute] My dear
This Letter is to go by my worthy Friend Mr. Stephen Collins of this City. This Gentleman
is of Figure and Eminence as well as Fortune in this Place. He is of the Perswasion
of the Friends, but not stiff nor rigid. He is a Native of Lynn in New England, a
Brother of Ezra Collins in Boston, a Nephew of Friend Collins the Apothecary in Boston.
I have been treated by him in this City, both in the former Congress and the present,
with unbounded Civility, and Friendship. His House is open to every New Englandman.
I never knew a more agreable Instance of Hospitality.1
I beg, my dear, that he may be treated with every Expression of Gratitude, Affection
and Esteem. Perswade him to go to Weymouth to see your Father and Dr. Tufts, if you
can, and your Unkle Quincy.
A certain Mr. John Kaighn, (they pronounce his Name Cain) another Quaker of liberal
sentiments is in Company with Mr. Collins. This Mr. Kaighn has been a principal Cause
of the Prevalence of the Principles of Liberty among the Quakers, and of forming a
Company of Light Infantry, composed entirely of Gentlemen of that Perswasion, who
appear constantly in neat uniforms and perform very well.
I have lost all my Friends in the Massachusetts Bay, excepting my Wife, Coll. Warren
and Coll. Palmer. From each of these I have received two or three Letters and no more.
Not a scratch of a Pen have I been able to obtain from any Body else. We are constantly
obliged to go to the Delegates from Connecticutt and Rhode Island for Intelligence
of what is passing at Boston, Charlestown, Cambridge, Roxbury and Watertown. I am,
my dear ever yours,
[signed] John Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Abigail Adams Braintree—favoured by Mr. Stephen Collins and
Mr. John Kaighn”; endorsed: “C No 13.”
1. Collins made a similarly favorable impression on other New Englanders. William Whipple,
for example, speaks of breakfasting “with that Generous Whig Quaker Stephen Collins
who lives about 3 Miles from Philadelphia” when returning to New Hampshire from Congress
in 1777 (PMHB, 10 [1886]:366). See also AA to JA, 16 July, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0159
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-07-05
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintre July 5 1775
I have received a good deal of paper from you; I wish it had been more coverd; the
writing is very scant but I must not grumble. I know your time is not yours, nor mine.
Your Labours must be great, and your mouth closed, but all you may communicate I beg
you would. There is a pleasure I know not whence it arises nor can I stop now to find
it out, but I say there is a degree of pleasure in being able to tell new's—especially
any which so nearly concerns us as all your proceedings do.
I should have been more particuliar but I thought you knew every thing that pass'd
here. The present state of the inhabitants of Boston is that of the most abject slaves
under the most cruel and despotick of Tyrants. Among many instances I could mention
let me relate one. Upon the 17 of june printed hand Bills were pasted up at the corner
of streets and upon houses forbideing any inhabitant to go upon their houses or upon
any eminence upon pain of death.1 The inhabitants dared not to look out of their houses nor bee heard or seen to ask
a Question. Our prisoners were brought over to the long wharff and there laid all
night without any care of their wounds or any resting place but the pavements till
the next day, when they exchanged it for the jail, since which we hear they are civily
treated. Their living cannot be good, as they can have no fresh provisions. Their
Beaf we hear is all gone, and their own wounded men die very fast, so that they
have raisd a report that the Bullets were poisond. Fish they cannot have—they have
renderd it so difficult to procure it, and the Admiral is such a villan as to oblige
every fishing schooner to pay a Dollor every time they go out. The money that has
been paid for passes is incredible. Some have given ten twenty 30 and forty Dollors,
to get out with a small proportion of their things. Tis reported and believed that
they have taken up a number of persons and committed them to jail—we know not for
what in perticuliar. Master Lovel is confined to the Dungeon, a Son of Mr. Edes is
in jail. One Mr. Wendle [Wendell] who married a Hunt, and one Wiburt a ship carpenter is now upon trial for his life.
God alone knows to what lengths these wretches will go, and will I hope restrain their
malice.
I would not have you be distressd about me. Danger they say makes people valient.
Heitherto I have been distress'd, but not dismayed. I have felt for my Country and
her Sons, I have bled with them, and for them. Not all the havock and devastation
they have made, has { 240 } wounded me like the death of Warren. We wanted him in the Senate, we want him in his
profession, we want him in the field. We mourn for the citizen, the senator, the physician
and the Warriour. May we have others raised up in his room.
I have had a very kind and friendly visit from our dear Friends Col. Warren, Lady
and Son. Mrs. Warren spent a week almost with me, and he came and met her here and
kept Sabbeth with me. Suppose she will write to you, tho she says you are in her debt.2
You scarcely make mention of Dr. Franklin. Surely he must be a valuable member. Pray
what is become of your Judas. I see he is not with you upon the list of Delegates?3 I wish I could come and see you. I never suffer myself to think you are about returning
soon. Can it, will it bee? May I ask? May I wish for it? When once I expect you the
time will crawl till I see you—but hush—do you know tis eleven o clock at Night?
We have had some very fine rains, since I wrote you last. I hope we shall not now
have famine added to war. Grain Grain is what we want here—meat we may have enough
and to spair. Pray dont let Bass forget my pins. Hardwick has applied to me for Mr.
Bass to get him a 100 of needles no. 6 to carry on his stocking weaving.4 He says they in Phyladelphia will know the proper needle. We shall very soon have
no coffee nor sugar nor pepper here—but huckle berrys and milk we are not obliged
to commerce for.
All the good folks here send their regards. Unkle Quincy is just gone from here, sends
his love. You dont say in the two last Letters I received how you do. I hope I have
not felt unwell by sympathy, but I have been very unwell for this week tho better
now. I saw a Letter of your[s] to Col. Palmer by General Washington.5 I hope I have one too.
[salute] Good Night with thoughts of the[e] do I close my Eyes; Angels gaurd and protect the[e], and may a safe return ere long bless thy
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers).
1. No such handbill has been found.
2. Mercy Warren wrote JA this day from Watertown; her letter is in the Adams Papers and is printed, incompletely, in Warren-Adams Letters, 1:71–73.
3. Very likely Joseph Galloway is meant. He had served as a Pennsylvania delegate in
the Continental Congress of 1774 and been reelected in Dec. 1774, but he disapproved
of the measures adopted by the first Congress, published pamphlets against them in
the early months of 1775, and in May declined to serve in the second Congress. He
ultimately went over to the British side. See Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:lix; Julian P. Boyd, Anglo-American Union: Joseph Galloway's Plans to Preserve the British Empire, 1774–1788, Phila., 1941, p. 44–50.
4. The Hardwicks (Hardwigs, Hartwicks, Hartwigs) were one of the families of artisans
in the industrial colony
{ [fol. 240] } { [fol. 240] } | view { [fol. 240] } | view { [fol. 240] } { 241 } established at Germantown in the 1750's; their name was early Anglicized, and they
became substantial citizens of Braintree and Quincy. See Pattee, Old Braintree and Quincy, p. 480 and passim.
![{ [fol. 240] } | view](jpeg?img=AFC01fp240B.jpg){kind=link}
![{ [fol. 240] } | view](jpeg?img=AFC01fp240C.jpg){kind=link}
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0160
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-07-07
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia July1 7. 1775
[salute] My Dear
I have received your very agreable Favours of June 22d. and 25th. They contain more
particulars than any Letters I had before received from any Body.
It is not at all surprizing to me that the wanton, cruel, and infamous Conflagration
of Charlestown, the Place of your Fathers Nativity, should afflict him. Let him know
that I sincerely condole with him, on that melancholly Event. It is a Method of conducting
War long since become disreputable among civilized Nations: But every Year brings
us fresh Evidence, that We have nothing to hope for from our loving Mother Country,
but Cruelties more abominable than those which are practiced by the Savage Indians.
The account you give me of the Numbers slain on the side of our Enemies, is affecting
to Humanity, altho it is a glorious Proof of the Bravery of our Worthy Countrymen.
Considering all the Disadvantages under which they fought, they really exhibited Prodigies
of Valour.
Your Description of the Distresses of the worthy Inhabitants of Boston, and the other
Sea Port Towns, is enough to melt an Heart of stone. Our Consolation must be this,
my dear, that Cities may be rebuilt, and a People reduced to Poverty, may acquire
fresh Property: But a Constitution of Government once changed from Freedom, can never
be restored. Liberty once lost is lost forever. When the People once surrender their
share in the Legislature, and their Right of defending the Limitations upon the Government,
and of resisting every Encroachment upon them, they can never regain it.
The Loss of Mr. Mathers Library, which was a Collection, of Books and Manuscripts
made by himself, his Father, his Grandfather, and Greatgrandfather, and was really
very curious and valuable, is irreparable.2
The Family picture you draw is charming indeed. My dear Nabby, Johnny, Charly and
Tommy, I long to see you, and to share with your Mamma the Pleasures of your Conversation.
I feel myself much obliged to Mr. Bowdoin, Mr. Wibirt, and the two Families you mention,
for their Civilities to you. My Compli• { 242 } ments to them. Does Mr. Wibirt preach against Oppression, and the other Cardinal Vices
of the Times? Tell him the Clergy here, of every Denomination, not excepting the Episcopalian,
thunder and lighten every sabbath. They pray for Boston and the Massachusetts—they
thank God most explicitly and fervently for our remarkable Successes—they pray for
the American Army. They seem to feel as if they were among you.
You ask if every Member feels for Us? Every Member says he does—and most of them really
do. But most of them feel more for themselves. In every Society of Men, in every Clubb,
I ever yet saw, you find some who are timid, their Fears hurry them away upon every
Alarm—some who are selfish and avaricious, on whose callous Hearts nothing but Interest
and Money can make Impression. There are some Persons in New York and Philadelphia,
to whom a ship is dearer than a City, and a few Barrells of flower, than a thousand
Lives—other Mens Lives I mean.
You ask, can they reallize what We suffer? I answer No. They cant, they dont—and to
excuse them as well as I can, I must confess I should not be able to do it, myself,
if I was not more acquainted with it by Experience than they are.
I am grieved for Dr. Tufts's ill Health: but rejoiced exceedingly at his virtuous
Exertions in the Cause of his Country.
I am happy to hear that my Brothers were at Grape Island and behaved well. My Love
to them, and Duty to my Mother.
It gives me more Pleasure than I can express to learn that you sustain with so much
Fortitude, the Shocks and Terrors of the Times. You are really brave, my dear, you
are an Heroine. And you have Reason to be. For the worst that can happen, can do you
no Harm. A soul, as pure, as benevolent, as virtuous and pious as yours has nothing
to fear, but every Thing to hope and expect from the last of human Evils.
Am glad you have secured an Assylum, tho I hope you will not have occasion for it.
Love to Brother Cranch and sister and the Children.
There is an amiable, ingenious Hussy, named Betcy Smith, for whom I have a very great
Regard. Be pleased to make my Love acceptable to her, and let her know, that her elegant
Pen cannot be more usefully employed than in Writing Letters to her Brother at Phyladelphia,
tho it may more agreably in writing Billet doux to young Gentlemen.
The other Day, after I had received a Letter of yours, with one or two others, Mr.
William Barrell desired to read them. I put them into { 243 } his Hand, and the next Morning had them returned in a large Bundle packed up with
two great Heaps of Pins, with a very polite Card requesting Portias Acceptance of
them.3 I shall bring them with me [when]4 I return: But when that will be is uncertain.—I hope not more than a Month hence.
I have really had a very disagreable Time of it. My Health and especialy my Eyes have
been so very bad, that I have not been so fit for Business as I ought, and if I had
been in perfect Health, I should have had in the present Condition of my Country and
my Friends, no Taste for Pleasure. But Dr. Young has made a kind of Cure of my Health
and Dr. Church of my Eyes.
Have received two kind Letters from your Unkle Smith5—do thank him for them—I shall forever love him for them. I love every Body that writes
to me.
[salute] I am forever yours—
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Abigail Adams Braintree”; endorsed: “C No 14.”
1. Corrected from “June” by overwriting.
2. The Mather family books and MSS largely survived and now form “the greatest treasure of the American Antiquarian
Society” (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 7:236). JA's knowledge of this famous collection derived from direct use of it; see his Diary and Autobiography, 3:302.
3. See AA's request in her letter to JA of 16? June, above. Barrell's “Card” has not been found, William Barrell (d.1776) was “a worthy Bostonian transmuted into a worthy Philadelphian” (JA to James Warren, 30 July 1775, Warren-Adams Letters, 1:95). A collection of Barrell's papers is in MHi, including a long and important series of letters written to him by his brother-in-law
John Andrews, 1772–1776, printed in MHS, Procs., 1st ser., 8 (1864–1865): 316–412.
5. Only one has been found, that of 24 June–1 July, above.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0161
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-07-12
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree July 12. 1775
[salute] Dearest Friend
I have met with some abuse and very Ill treatment. I want you for my protector and
justifier.
In this Day of distress for our Boston Friends when every one does what in them lyes
to serve them, your Friend Gorge Trott and family moved up to Braintree, went in with
her two Brothers and families with her Father, but they not thinking themselves so
secure as further in the Country moved away.1 After they were gone Mr. Church took the house and took a number of borders. Mr.
Trott had engaged a house near his Friends but being prevented going quite so soon
as he { 244 } designd, and the great distress people were in for houses, the owner had taken in
a family and dissapointed Mr. Trott, nor could he procure a house any where, for the
more remote from the sea coast you go the thicker you find the Boston people. After
this dissapointment, he had his Goods without unloading brought back to Braintree,
and he with all his family were obliged to shelter themselves in your Brothers house
till he could seek further.2 You know, from the situation of my Brothers family it was impossible for them to
tarry there, Mrs. Trots circumstances requiring more rooms than one. In this extremity
he applied to me to see if I would not accommodate him with the next house, every
other spot in Town being full. I sent for Mr. Hayden and handsomely asked him, he
said he would try, but he took no pains to procure himself a place.3 There were several in the other parish which were to be let, but my Gentleman did
not chuse to go there. Mr. Trot upon account of his Buisness which is in considerable
demand wanted to be here. Mr. Trott, finding there was no hopes of his going out said
he would go in with him, provided I would let him have the chamber I improved for
a Dairy room and the lower room and chamber over it which Hayden has. I then sent
and asked Mr. Hayden to be so kind as to remove his things into the other part of
the house and told him he might
improve the kitchen and back chamber, the bed room and the Dairy room in which he
already had a bed. He would not tell me whether he would or not, but said I was turning
him out of Door to oblige Boston folks, and he could not be stired up, and if you
was at home you would not once ask him to go out, but was more of a Gentleman. (You
must know that both his Sons are in the army, not but one Days Work has been done
by any of them this Spring.) I as mildly as I could represented the distress of Mr.
Trot and the difficulties to which he had been put—that I looked upon it my Duty to
do all in my power to Oblige him—and that he Hayden would be much better accommodated
than hundreds who were turnd out of Town—and I finally said that Mr. Trott should
go in. In this State, Sister Adams got to bed and then there was not a Spot in Brothers
house for them to lie down in.4 I removed my dairy things, and once more requested the old Man to move into the other
part of the house, but he positively tells me he will not and all the art of Man shall
not stir him, even dares me to put any article out of one room into an other. Says
Mr. Trot shall not come in—he has got possession and he will keep it. What not have
a place to entertain his children in when they come to see him. I now write you an
account of the matter, and desire you to write to him and give me orders what course
I shall take. I must take Mr. Trott in with { 245 } me and all his family for the present, till he can look out further or have that house.
It would make your heart ake to see what difficulties and distresses the poor Boston
people are driven to. Belcher has two families with him. There are 3 in Veses [Veasey's] house, 2 in Etters, 2 in Mr. Savils, 2 in Jonathan Bass'es and yet that obstinate
Wretch will not remove his few things into the other part of that house, but live
there paying no rent upon the distresses of others.
It would be needless to enumerate all his impudence. Let it suffice to say it moved
me so much that I had hard Work to suppress my temper. I want to know whether his
things may be removed into the other part of the house, whether he consents or not?
Mr. Trott would rejoice to take the whole, but would put up with any thing rather
than be a burden to his Friends. I told the old Man I believed I was doing nothing
but what I should be justified in. He says well tis a time of war get him out if I
can, but cannon Ball shall not move him. If you think you are able to find 3 houses,
for 3 such tenents as you have they must abide where they are,5 tho I own I shall be much mortified if you do not support me.6
I feel too angry to make this any thing further than a Letter of Buisness. I am most
sincerely yours,
[signed] Abigail Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To John Adams Esqr Phyladelphia To the care of the Committee of Safety.”
1. George Trott, a Boston jeweler who lived in the South End and was an active Son of
Liberty, had in 1776 married Ann Boylston Cunningham, daughter of JA's uncle James Cunningham (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 1:294; Adams Genealogy).
3. Braintree literally teemed with Haydens, old and young, and the particular Hayden
or Haydens who were at this time apparently tenants in the John Adams Birthplace cannot
be identified. (This entire letter and all other allusions to the dispute with old
Mr. Hayden were omitted by CFA in editing the correspondence of AA and JA.)
4. AA reported the recent birth of a niece in her letter to Mercy Warren, 24 July, below; and a daughter of Peter Boylston and Mary (Crosby) Adams was baptized Susannah
on 16 July (Quincy, First Church, MS Records). She died in April 1776. See Adams Genealogy.
6. Three years later AA felt that she had “wrought almost a miracle” when she finally succeeded in getting
Hayden “out of the house, or rather hired him to remove” (to John Thaxter, 9 April 1778, Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0162
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-07-16
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree July 16 1775
[salute] Dearest Friend
I have this afternoon had the pleasure of receiving your Letter by your Friends Mr.
Collins and Kaighn and an English Gentle man his { 246 } Name I do not remember. It was next to seeing my dearest Friend. Mr. Collins could
tell me more perticuliarly about you and your Health than I have been able to hear
since you left me. I rejoice in his account of your better Health, and of your spirits,
tho he says I must not expect to see you till next spring. I hope he does not speak
the truth. I know (I think I do, for am not I your Bosome Friend?) your feelings,
your anxieties, your exertions, &c. more than those before whom you are obliged to
wear the face of chearfulness.1
I have seen your Letters to Col. Palmer and Warren. I pity your Embaresments. How
difficult the task to quench out the fire and the pride of private ambition, and to
sacrifice ourselfs and all our hopes and expectations to the publick weal. How few
have souls capable of so noble an undertaking—how often are the lawrels worn by those
who have had no share in earning them, but there is a future recompence of reward
to which the upright man looks, and which he will most assuredly obtain provided he
perseveres unto the end.—The appointment of the Generals Washington and Lee, gives
universal satisfaction. The people have the highest opinion of Lees abilities, but
you know the continuation of the popular Breath, depends much upon favorable events.
I had the pleasure of seeing both the Generals and their Aid de camps soon after their
arrival and of being personally made known to them. They very politely express their
regard for you. Major Miflin said he had orders from you to visit me at Braintree.
I told him I should be very happy to see him there, and accordingly sent Mr. Thaxter
to Cambridge with a card to him and Mr. Read [Reed] to dine with me. Mrs. Warren and her Son were to be with me. They very politely received
the Message and lamented that they were not able to upon account of Expresses which
they were that day to get in readiness to send of.
I was struck with General Washington. You had prepaired me to entertain a favorable
opinion of him, but I thought the one half was not told me. Dignity with ease, and
complacency, the Gentleman and Soldier look agreably blended in him. Modesty marks
every line and feture of his face. Those lines of Dryden instantly occurd to me
General Lee looks like a careless hardy Veteran and from his appear• { 247 } ence brought to my mind his namesake Charls the 12, king of Sweeden. The Elegance
of his pen far exceeds that of his person. I was much pleased with your Friend Collins.
I persuaded them to stay coffe with me, and he was as unreserved and social as if
we had been old acquaintances, and said he was very loth to leave the house. I would
have detaind them till morning, but they were very desirous of reaching Cambridge.
“Mark his Majestick fabrick! he's a temple
Sacred by birth, and built by hands divine
His Souls the Deity that lodges there.
Nor is the pile unworthy of the God.”
You have made often and frequent complaints that your Friends do not write to you.
I have stired up some of them. Dr. Tufts, Col. Quincy, Mr. Tudor, Mr. Thaxter all
have wrote you now, and a Lady whom I am willing you should value preferable to all
others save one.2 May not I in my turn make complaints? All the Letters I receive from you seem to
be wrote in so much haste, that they scarcely leave room for a social feeling. They
let me know that you exist, but some of them contain scarcely six lines. I want some
sentimental Effusions of the Heart. I am sure you are not destitute of them or are
they all absorbed in the great publick. Much is due to that I know, but being part
of the whole I lay claim to a Larger Share than I have had. You used to be more communicative
a Sundays. I always loved a Sabeth days letter, for then you had a greater command
of your time—but hush to all complaints.
I am much surprized that you have not been more accurately informd of what passes
in the camps. As to intelegance from Boston, tis but very seldom we are able to collect
any thing that may be relied upon, and to report the vague flying rumours would be
endless. I heard yesterday by one Mr. Rolestone [Roulstone] a Goldsmith who got out in a fishing Schooner, that there distress encreased upon
them fast, their Beaf is all spent, their Malt and Sider all gone, all the fresh provisions
they can procure they are obliged to give to the sick and wounded. 19 of our Men who
were in Jail and were wounded at the Battle of Charlstown were Dead. No Man dared
now to be seen talking to his Friend in the Street, they were obliged to be within
every evening at ten o clock according to Martial Law, nor could any inhabitant walk
any Street in Town after that time without a pass from Gage. He has orderd all the
melasses to be stilld up into rum for the Soldiers, taken away all
Licences, and given out others obligeing to a forfeiture of ten pounds L M if any
rum is sold without written orders from the General. He give much the same account
of the kill'd and wounded we have had from others. The Spirit he says which prevails
among the Soldiers is a Spirit of Malice and revenge, there is no true courage and
bravery to be observed among them, their Duty is hard { 248 } allways mounting guard with their packs at their back ready for an alarm which they
live in continual hazard of. Doctor Eliot is not on bord a man of war, as has been
reported, but perhaps was left in Town as the comfort and support of those who cannot
escape, he was constantly with our prisoners. Mr. Lovel and Leach with others are
certainly in Jail. A poor Milch cow was last week kill'd in Town and sold for a shilling
stearling per pound. The transports arrived last week from York, but every additional
Man adds to their distress.—There has been a little Expidition this week to
Long Island. There has been before several attempts to go on but 3 men of war lay
near, and cutters all round the Island that they could not succeed. A number of whale
boats lay at Germantown; 300 volenters commanded by one Capt. Tupper came on monday
evening and took the boats, went on and brought of 70 odd Sheep, 15 head of cattle,
and 16 prisoners 13 of whom were sent by Simple Sapling3 to mow the Hay which they had very badly executed. They were all a sleep in the house
and barn when they were taken. There were 3 women with them. Our Heroes came of in
triumph not being observed by their Enimies. This spiritted up other[s]. They could not endure the thought that the House and barn should afford them any
shelter. They did not distroy them the night before for fear of being discoverd. Capt.
Wild of this Town with about 25 of his company, Capt. Gold [Gould] of Weymouth with as many of his, and some other
volenters to the amount of an 100, obtaind leave to go on and distroy the Hay together
with the House and barn and in open day in full view of the men of war they set of
from the Moon so call'd coverd by a number of men who were placed there, went on,
set fire to the Buildings and Hay. A number of armed cutters immediately Surrounded
the Island, fired upon our Men. They came of with a hot and continued fire upon them,
the Bullets flying in every direction and the Men of Wars boats plying them with small
arms. Many in this Town who were spectators expected every moment our Men would all
be sacrificed, for sometimes they were so near as to be calld to and damnd by their
Enimies and orderd to surrender yet they all returnd in safty, not one Man even wounded.
Upon the Moon we lost one Man from the cannon on board the Man of War.4 On the Evening of the same day a Man of War came and anchord near Great Hill, and
two cutters came to Pig Rocks.5 It occasiond an alarm in this Town and we were up all Night. They remain there yet,
but have not ventured to land any men.
This Town have chosen their Representative. Col. Palmer is the Man. There was a considerable
musture upon Thayers side, and Vin• { 249 } tons company marched up in order to assist, but got sadly dissapointed. Newcomb insisted
upon it that no man should vote who was in the army—he had no notion of being under
the Military power—said we might be so situated as to have the greater part of the
people engaged in the Military, and then all power would be wrested out of the hands
of the civil Majestrate. He insisted upon its being put to vote, and carried his point
immediately. It brought Thayer to his Speach who said all he could against it.6—As to the Situation of the camps, our Men are in general Healthy, much more so at
Roxbury than Cambridge, and the Camp in vastly better order. General Thomas has the
character of an Excelent officer. His Merit has certainly been overlook'd, as modest
merrit generally is. I hear General Washington is much
pleased with his conduct.
Every article here in the West india way is very scarce and dear. In six week[s] we shall not be able to purchase any article of the kind. I wish you would let Bass
get me one pound of peper, and 2 yd. of black caliminco for Shooes. I cannot wear
leather if I go bare foot the reason I need not mention. Bass may make a fine profit
if he layes in a stock for himself. You can hardly immagine how much we want many
common small articles which are not manufactured amongst ourselves, but we will have
them in time. Not one pin is to be purchased for love nor money. I wish you could
convey me a thousand by any Friend travelling this way. Tis very provoking to have
such a plenty so near us, but tantulus like not able to touch. I should have been
glad to have laid in a small stock of the West India articles, but I cannot get one
copper. No person thinks of paying any thing, and I do not chuse to run in debt. I
endeavour to live in the most frugal manner posible, but I am
many times distressed.—Mr. Trot I have accommodated by removeing the office into my
own chamber, and after being very angry and sometimes persuaideding I obtaind the
mighty concession of the Bed room, but I am now so crouded as not to have a Lodging
for a Friend that calls to see me. I must beg you would give them7 warning to seek a place before Winter. Had that house been empty I could have had
an 100 a year for it. Many person[s] had applied before Mr. Trot, but I wanted some part of it my self, and the other
part it seems I have no command of.—We have since I wrote you had many fine showers,
and altho the crops of grass have been cut short, we have a fine prospect of Indian
corn and English grain. Be not afraid, ye beasts of the field, for the pastures of
the Wilderness do spring, the Tree beareth her fruit, the vine and the olive yeald
their increase.
We have not yet been much distressed for grain. Every thing at { 250 } present looks blooming. O that peace would once more extend her olive Branch.
“This Day be Bread and peace my lot
All Else beneath the Sun
Thou knowst if best bestowed or not
And let thy will be done.”
But is the Almighty ever bound to please
Ruild by my wish or studious of my ease.
Shall I determine where his frowns shall fall
And fence my Grotto from the Lot of all?
Prostrate his Sovereign Wisdom I adore
Intreat his Mercy, but I dare no more.
Our little ones send Duty to pappa. You would smile to see them all gather round mamma
upon the reception of a letter to hear from pappa, and Charls with open mouth, What
does par say—did not he write no more. And little Tom says I wish I could see par.
Upon Mr. Rice's going into the army he asked Charls if he should get him a place,
he catchd at it with great eagerness and insisted upon going. We could not put him
of, he cryed and beged, no obstical we could raise was sufficent to satisfy him, till
I told him he must first obtain your consent. Then he insisted that I must write about
it, and has been every day these 3 weeks insisting upon my asking your consent. At
last I have promised to write to you, and am obliged to be as good as my word.8—I have now wrote you all I can collect from every quarter. Tis fit for no eye but
yours, because you can make all necessary allowances. I cannot coppy.
There are yet in Town 4 of the Selectmen and some thousands of inhabitants tis said.—I
hope to hear from you soon. Do let me know if there is any prospect of seeing you?
Next Wedensday is 13 weeks since you went away.
I must bid you adieu. You have many Friends tho they have not noticed you by writing.
I am sorry they have been so neglegent. I hope no share of that blame lays upon your
most affectionate
[signed] Portia
Mr. Cranch has in his possession a Barrel of Mrs. Wilkings Beer which belonged to
the late Dr. Warren. He does not know what to do with it. Suppose you should take
it and give credit for it, as there will be neither wine, lemmons or any thing else
to be had but what we make ourselves. Write me your pleasure about it.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Parentheses in this sentence have been supplied for clarity.
3. The name of a character in Mercy Warren's satire The Group standing for Nathaniel Ray Thomas (1731–1787), Harvard 1751, a well-to-do and prominent loyalist of Marshfield who in 1774 had
been named a mandamus councilor. Thomas' house in Marshfield (later more famous as
Daniel Webster's Massachusetts home) had been used, at his invitation, as a barracks
for British troops sent from Boston to keep order in Plymouth co. during the winter
of 1774–1775. Immediately after the action at Concord Thomas fled to Boston, where
he proved serviceable to the British command, and thereafter to Nova Scotia, where
he died impoverished. See Jones, Loyalists of Mass., p. 273–275; Marshfield... The Autobiography of a Pilgrim Town, Marshfield, 1940, p. 115–120, 138–143.
5. Great Hill is at the extremity of Hough's Neck in present Quincy, and Pig Rock is
half a mile offshore from Great Hill.
6. This election was held on 10 July. The new House of Representatives convened at Watertown
on the 19th, and two days later Joseph Palmer was elected to the Council. On 14 Aug.,
therefore, a new election was held at Braintree, and Col. Ebenezer Thayer was returned
to the House. See Braintree Town Records, p. 463; Mass., House Jour., 1775–1776, 1st sess., p. 6.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0163
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-07-17
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia July 17. 1775
[salute] My Dear
About five O Clock this Morning, I went with young Dr. Bond at his Invitation and
in his Carriage, to his Fathers Seat in the Country. His Mother, with three of her
Grand Children, little Girls, resides here. The old Lady has lately lost two of her
Children grown up, and as she cannot forget them, retires to this little Box, to indulge
or aswage her Grief.1 The House is only one small room, with one Chamber over it. But the Farm is large,
the Gardens very spacious, the orchards noble, and the Fruit Trees, very numerous
and of great Variety. Noble Rowes of poplar Trees, in Europe they are called Tulip
Trees, a more noble and beautifull Tree, than our Lime Trees. The House stands upon
the highest Land, that is any where to be found in the Neighbourhood of this City.
The Prospect round it is rural, very spacious and very agreable. The Air is very pure.
We breakfasted, upon balm Tea and Bread and Butter. A most amuzing and refreshing
Excursion We had, and such Excursions are very necessary to preserve our Health, amidst
the suffocating Heats of the City, and the wasting, exhausting Debates of the Congress.
{ 252 } This young Dr. Bond is above thirty, perhaps near forty. He has lost his Wife, and
has two pretty little Girls—one about Ten Years old who sings most sweetly and dances,
delightfully. He is the Tom Brattle of Philadelphia2—fat and jolly, a Lover of Pleasure, educated at the Colledge here, has been in Trade,
and sunk his father five or six thousand Pounds sterling, and then returned to the
Study and practice of Physic. Wine and Women he uses very freely. There is a pretty
Girl, in a Chamber opposite to his Lodgings in the City, with whom he is supposed
to have Connections.—Epicurism and Debauchery, are more common in this Place than
in Boston.
I never observe in the World, an Example, of any Person brought to Poverty from Affluence,
from Health to Distemper, from Fame to Disgrace by the Vices and Follies of the age,
but it throws me into a deep Rumination upon Education. My poor Children, I fear will
loose some Advantages in Point of Education, from my continual Absence from them.
Truth, Sobriety, Industry should be pe[r]petually inculcated upon them.
Pray my dear, let them be taught Geography and the Art of copying as well as drawing
Plans of Cities, Provinces, Kingdoms, and Countries—especially of America. I have
found great Inconvenience for Want of this Art, since I have had to contemplate America
so much, and since I had to study the Processes and Operations of War.
But their Honour, Truth, in one Word their Morals, are of most importance. I hope
these will be kept pure.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Thomas Bond Sr. (1712–1784) studied medicine in Annapolis and in Europe and is best remembered for suggesting
the idea and collaborating with Benjamin Franklin in founding the Pennsylvania Hospital,
1751–1752; his wife was the former Sarah Roberts (DAB). Their son Thomas (1743–1794), College of Philadelphia 1760, served as a medical officer during the Revolution
(Benjamin Rush, Letters, 1:154 and passim; Louis C. Duncan, Medical Men in the American Revolution, Carlisle, 1931, p. 184 and passim).
2. Thomas Brattle (1742–1801), Harvard 1760, son of JA's old antagonist Gen. William Brattle of Cambridge. There is a brief account of his
somewhat curious career in MHS, Colls., 1st ser., 8 (1802):82–85.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0164
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-07-23
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] July 23 1775
[salute] My Dear
You have more than once in your Letters mentioned Dr. Franklin, and in one intimated
a Desire that I should write you something concerning him.
{ 253 } Dr. Franklin has been very constant in his Attendance on Congress from the Beginning.
His Conduct has been composed and grave and in the Opinion of many Gentlemen very
reserved. He has not assumed any Thing, nor affected to take the lead; but has seemed
to choose that the Congress should pursue their own Principles and sentiments and
adopt their own Plans: Yet he has not been backward: has been very usefull, on many
occasions, and discovered a Disposition entirely American. He does not hesitate at
our boldest Measures, but rather seems to think us, too irresolute, and backward.
He thinks us at present in an odd State, neither in Peace nor War, neither dependent
nor independent. But he thinks that We shall soon assume a Character more decisive.
He thinks, that We have the Power of preserving ourselves, and that even if We should
be driven to the disagreable Necessity of assuming a total Independency, and set up
a separate state, We could maintain it. The People of England, have thought that the
Opposition in America, was wholly owing to Dr. Franklin: and I suppose their scribblers
will attribute the Temper, and Proceedings of this Congress to him: but there cannot
be a greater Mistake. He has had but little share farther than to co operate and assist.
He is however a great and good Man. I wish his Colleagues from this City were All
like him, particularly one,1 whose Abilities and Virtues, formerly trumpeted so much in America, have been found
wanting.
There is a young Gentleman from Pensylvania whose Name is Wilson, whose Fortitude,
Rectitude, and Abilities too, greatly outshine his Masters. Mr. Biddle, the Speaker,
has been taken off, by Sickness. Mr. Mifflin is gone to the Camp, Mr. Morton is ill
too, so that this Province has suffered by the Timidity of two overgrown Fortunes.
The Dread of Confiscation, or Caprice, I know not what has influenced them too much:
Yet they were for taking Arms and pretended to be very valiant.2—This Letter must be secret my dear—at least communicated with great Discretion. Yours,
[signed] John Adams
RC (Adams Papers).
1. John Dickinson.
2. On 6 May 1775 the Pennsylvania Assembly had added three men to its delegation in the
second Continental Congress: Benjamin Franklin, who had just arrived from England;
Thomas Willing, a rich and conservative merchant in Philadelphia; and James Wilson,
a lawyer in Carlisle (Penna. Archives, 8th ser., 8:7231). Of the six who had been elected earlier, JA mentions here that Edward Biddle and John Morton were ill too much of the time to
be of much service, and that Thomas Mifflin had gone into the army. Though JA does not mention them specifically, the other two (besides Dickinson)—Charles Humphreys,
a Quaker, and George Ross, of { 254 } Lancaster—were relatively inactive members. The “two overgrown Fortunes” who dominated
the Pennsylvania delegation were, therefore, Dickinson and Willing.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0165
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-07-23
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia July 23d: 1775
[salute] My Dear
Have only Time to send by this Opportunity a Token of Remembrance. The Fast1 was observed here with a Decorum and solemnity, never before seen ever on a Sabbath.
The Clergy of all Denominations, here preach [ . . . ]2 Politicks and War in a manner that I never heard in N. England. They are a Flame
of Fire. It is astonishing to me, that the People are so cool here. Such sermons in
our Country would have a much greater Effect.
I hope to see you eer long. You have stirred up my Friends to write to me. Austin,
Tudor, Rice have wrote.3 Dr. Tufts wrote me an excellent Letter and very particular Intelligence.4 I am yours &c.
[salute] My Love to all the Children.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Abigail Adams Braintree—To the Care of the Committee of Safety”;
endorsed: “C No 15.”
1. Called for by the Continental Congress and observed on 20 July; see JCC, 2:87–88, 192; JA, Diary and Autobiography, 3:353.
2. Two words obscured by a heavy ink blot.
3. All three letters are in Adams Papers||, and printed in Papers of John Adams under authorship of Austin, Rice, and Tudor, on 7, 14, and 19 July 1775 respectively.||
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0166
Recipient: Warren, Mercy Otis
Date: 1775-07-24
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] Braintree 24 [July]1 1775
[salute] My Dear Mrs. Warren
I have been hoping every day since I received your obliging favour to get time to
thank you for it,2 but many avocations some from company some from family affairs have prevented. I
have not wrote only to my counterpart since; from whom I have received two Letters
since you left me. The last was 7 of july, and wrote in better spirits than any I
have received since his absence, and gave me better spirits for two reasons, the first
because he appeard easier and the second because he tells me he hopes it will not
be more than a Month before he shall return.
I know my pleasure will communicate some degree to my friend from the benevolent sympathy
of her Heart. I was much [obliged]3 to your Worthy Friend for calling and Breakfasting with me, tho deprived of that
pleasure a few days before, oweing to my having been up all the Night before with
my Sister Adams who about sunrise was { 255 } deliverd of a fine Daughter. Your apprehensions with regard to my Health are a testimony
of your regard. As the disorder does not increase upon me I do not apprehend any danger
from it. Tis true I enjoy a good flow of spirits for the most part. I sometimes wonder
at myself, and fear least a degree of stupidity or insensibility should possess my
mind in these calamitous times or I could not feel so tranquil amidst such scenes,
and yet I cannot charge myself with an unfealing Heart. I pitty, commisirate and as
far as my ability reaches feel ready and desirous to releave my fellow creatures
under their distresses. But I am not naturally (tis no virtue acquired in me) of that
rastless anxious disposition.
You apprehend more than their really was in a Letter which I could not consistant
with my regard to my dearest Friend communicate. I only wish I had been near enough
to have shared a solitary hour with him.
You will be sensible no doubt from a communication of the last paquet which your Friend
received, that they have to combat not only other provinces but their own—a doubly
difficult task when those who ought to aid, become stumbling blocks—but how hard is
it to devest the Humane mind of all private ambition, and to sacrifice ourselves and
all we possess to the publick Emolement.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0167
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-07-24
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] PhiladelphiaJuly 24th, 1775.1
[salute] My Dear,
IT is now almost three Months since I left you, in every Part of which my Anxiety
about you and the Children, as well as our Country, has been extreme.
The Business I have had upon my Mind has been as great and important as can be intrusted
to [One]2 Man, and the Difficulty and Intricacy of it is prodigious. When 50 or 60 Men have
a Constitution to form for a great Empire, at the same Time that they have a Country
of fifteen hundred Miles extent to fortify, Millions to arm and train, a Naval Power
to begin, an extensive Commerce to regulate, numerous Tribes of Indians to negotiate
with, a standing Army of Twenty seven { 256 } Thousand Men to raise, pay, victual and officer, I really shall pity those 50 or 60
Men.3
I must see you e'er long.——Rice, has wrote me a very good Letter, and so has Thaxter,4 for which I thank them both.——Love to the Children.
[signed] J. A.
I wish I had given you a compleat History from the Beginning to the End of the Journey,
of the Behaviour of my Compatriots.——No Mortal Tale could equal it.——I will tell you
in Future, but you shall keep it secret.——The Fidgets, the Whims, the Caprice, the
Vanity, the Superstition, the Irritability of some of us, is enough to——
Addressed To Mrs Abigail Adams Braintrie,5 to the Care of Col. Warren, favor d by Mr. Hichborne.
RC not found. Printed from (Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News-Letter), 17 Aug. 1775, p. 2, col. 1. Since, as explained in note 1 below, the newspaper text appears to be perhaps the best now available, the letter
is given here precisely as first printed. Concerning extant MS texts see note 1 also.
1. This is one of the two letters JA wrote from Philadelphia this day that fell into British hands when the bearer, Benjamin
Hichborn of Boston, was captured at Conanicut Ferry near Newport, R.I., and foolishly
failed to throw away a number of letters he was carrying. The other intercepted JA letter was addressed to James Warren; it alluded at its outset to John Dickinson
(though it did not name him) as “A certain great Fortune and piddling Genius” who
had “given a silly Cast to our whole Doings”; and it led to the historic quarrel between
JA and Dickinson. (Texts of the letter to Warren are in JA, Works, 1:179–180, and Warren-Adams Letters, 1:88–89.) Brought to Boston on 6 Aug., JA's letters were published in Margaret Draper's Massachusetts Gazette; MS copies were sent to London by Gage, Graves, and others; British papers
printed and reprinted them; and for some months—until events caught up with his sentiments—JA was notorious on both sides of the Atlantic as the arch-advocate of American military
resistance and independence from Great Britain.
An editorial note summarizing this incident and its effects, with references to sources
and discussions, is in JA's Diary and Autobiography, 2:174–175. JA's later recollections of the affair are in same, 3:318–319. A fuller account must be deferred until the letter to Warren, which was the more controversial of the two, is printed in Series III
of the present edition. By that time, one may at least hope, the missing originals
may have come to light.
In the meantime it should be pointed out that although about two dozen MS texts of the intercepted letters are present (mostly as photoduplicates) or recorded
in the Adams Papers Editorial Files, the best of these are no better than contemporary copies, all with demonstrable
textual defects. So far as is known, the original letters remained in Vice-Admiral
Samuel Graves' hands (he transmitted only copies to Gage and to the Admiralty), though
it is possible that the originals were sent to the printer, and 18th-century printing
offices were graveyards for MSS no matter how important. The editors attach little
weight to the fact that in the American Clipper (a serial sale catalogue of the now defunct American Autograph Shop, Merion Station,
Penna.) for Oct. 1938, item 7 purports to be the “A.L.S.” of the present letter, offered
for sale at $127.50. The text as there printed strongly suggests that
this item is simply another early MS copy.
The most authoritative of the con• { 257 } temporary MS copies of the letter to AA known to the editors are the following: (1) P.R.O.: C.O.5, vol. 122:15i, originally enclosure No. 8, according to its endorsement, in
Graves to Philip Stephens, secretary to the Lords of the Admiralty, 17 Aug. 1775.
(2) P.R.O.: C.O.5, vol. 92:248, enclosure No. 1 in Gage to Dartmouth, 20 Aug. 1775 (covering
letter printed in Gage, Corr., 1:412–413). (3) MiU-C: Gage Papers, English Series, FC of an enclosure in Gage to Dartmouth, 20 Aug. 1775; endorsement on FC of covering letter states that this packet was “Sent by Mrs. Gage” and a “Duplicate
by Lt. [Belkmoon?].” (4) Brit. Mus.: Add. MSS., Haldimand Papers, vol. 21687:225–226; endorsed.
(5) William Salt Library, Stafford, England: Dartmouth Papers; endorsed: “Copy of
a Letter from J.A. (John Adams) to Mrs. Abigail Adams. Philadelphia, 24th. July, 1775.”
The only text in the Adams Papers claiming any textual authority is a curious one. It is a 19th-century Tr, apparently made for JQA when he was working on his father's papers in 1829–1830, which was originally an
abbreviated and otherwise defective text but which was then carefully corrected in
the same or another unidentified hand, so that it is virtually identical with the
text in Massachusetts Gazette. Attached to Tr is a single leaf from an earlier (i.e. contemporary) copy containing on one side the postscript and address of JA's letter to AA, and on the other side the following undated and unsigned message which looks altogether
like an original note of transmittal:
“Hon. sir, If Col. Hatch is with you please to let him see this which has been corrected
by one in the hands of Judge [Peter] Oliver.
“Mrs. Adams is daughter of a clergyman at Weymouth, and Thaxter is a clerk to her
husband.”
The writer and recipient of this message are unknown but they were certainly loyalists.
So was Nathaniel Hatch (1723–1784), Harvard 1742, of Boston and Dorchester, a colonel of militia, judge of the Suffolk
Court of Common Pleas, and mandamus councilor (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 11:150–152; JA, Diary and Autobiography, 1:311; 2:1, 94). This MS is, then, a fragment of one of the numerous contemporary copies of JA's letter to AA that circulated among the Massachusetts loyalists.
The contemporary copies listed above do not vary markedly from one another except
in scribal details, and a comparison of all of them with the text printed in Massachusetts Gazette leads to the tentative conclusion that on the whole the newspaper text is at least
as faithful to the original as any MS now known, if not more so. It looks, in fact, as if the printer had used either the
original or a more accurate copy than any now available, and that he simulated in
type JA's writing in small matters of form with unusual care. The editors have so concluded
in spite of the fact that still another letter captured on Hichborn's person is known
to have been doctored when printed in the same issue of the Massachusetts Gazette (see Allen French, “The First George Washington Scandal,” MHS, Procs., 65 [1932–1936]:460–474), and also despite JA's own later
allegation that his letter to Warren had been “made... worse [when printed], than it was in the Original” (Diary and Autobiography, 3:319).
2. This word is not in the newspaper text but is found in all five of the contemporary
MS copies listed above except that which was forwarded by Graves to the Admiralty (No.
1). The editors think it probable that the word was in JA's original; if so, this is the only significant textual error in the newspaper printing.
3. It was this sentence of course, with its references to forming a “Constitution” and
establishing a “Naval Power,” that particularly shocked loyalist and British readers
of JA's letter. See, for example, Gage to Dartmouth, 20 Aug. (Gage, Corr., 1:412–413); Burgoyne to Germain, 20 Aug. (E. B. de Fonblanque, Political and Military Episodes ... from the Life and Correspondence of ... John Burgoyne, London, 1876, p. 194–195); Nicholas Cresswell, Journal, 1774–1777, N.Y., 1928, p. 147–148; Isaac Smith Jr.'s letter to his father from London
cited in note 5 under AA's letter to JA of 2–10 March 1776, below; { 258 } and the extremely interesting discussion by Ezra Stiles in his Literary Diary, 1:650–652.
4. All of the contemporary copies listed above except No. 1, that enclosed by Graves
to the Admiralty, spell this name “Thaiter.” The copy in the Haldimand Papers, No.
4, has a marginal note keyed to the names Rice and “Thaiter” which reads: “two of
his Apprentices.”
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0168
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-07-24
Richard Cranch to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree July 24th 1775
[salute] Dear Bror:
Sister Adams informs me that you complain that your Friends this way neglect writing
to you. I believe a share of the Blame belongs to me, and shall now endeavour to make
some amends.
We have lately had several little Expeditions from this quarter against the Enemy,
a particular account of which, as near as I can collect it from those who were present,
I shall give you.—On the 11th. Inst. in the evening, about 400 Men (partly from the
Camp at Roxbury, and partly of the Guards on our Shore) went off from Germantown in
47 Whale Boats, in order to sweep Long Island then surrounded with Men of War. Landed
on the Island at 10 o Clock at Night, parted into two grand Divisions and march'd
to the House. Majr. Tuppham [Tupper] commanded, and Capt. Shaw who lately liv'd on Deer Island, conducted him to the House.
Shaw burst in a Window and enter'd and Tuppham after him; the Men in the mean time
being properly station'd. They expected to have catch'd some Tories there, but found
none of any Note. Our People came on so secretely that they were not known to be on
the Island untill they enter'd the House; they demanded of the Man who was in the
House
“what People were on the Island?” and were answer'd that a number were in the Barn
who had been sent from Boston to cut the Hay and make it. Upon which our People enter'd
the Barn and seiz'd them all Prisoners before they knew they were in danger. Among
the Prisoners in the House was a Lady, perhaps une Fille de joie, who pretended to
be on the point of Marriage with a Capt. of one of the Transports. 15 Prisoners, about
30 Cattle, a Horse, and about 100 Sheep were brought off that Night undiscover'd.
Next morning about 10 Whale Boats went on again in broad Day, from Dorchester to Burn
the Barns and Hay on the Island (suppos'd to be about 70 Ton). These Boats were discover'd
immediately by the Men of War which surrounded the Island, and Barges and Cutters
were sent to cutt them off. Our People, however, burnt the House and Barns and gott
off without a Man being Kill'd or wounded in the Boats or on the Island tho' a most
heavy fire was Kept up from the Men of War from above and
below { 259 } the Island, whose Shot both ways swep't across the Island where our Men were, and
tho' our Boats were pursue'd by the Barges and Tenders continually firing on them
so near that they were sure of taking a number of our Boats as they tho't, yet we
escap'd. Capt. Gould of Weymouth, who was most expos'd, was told by the Officer of
the Man of War to “yield for he was his Prisoner,” Gould answer'd “not yet” and discharg'd
his Musquet full at him, and encouraging his Men to pull up, he escap'd with the Skin
of his Teeth. When some of our foremost Men were landed at the Head of the Moon, they
fir'd briskly on the Enemy's Barges, and kept them off so as to secure the landing
of the hindermost which were so hotly pursued. In this engagement one of our Men (Mr.
Clarke of Stoughton) was Kill'd.
Another Expedition has been from hence to Nantaskett and the Light House. Not many
Days ago a small Man of War drew up close to the Houses at Nantaskett within the Gutt,
and afterwards paraded it by coming up as far as Pig Rocks by Hoffs Neck, and then
lying off Hingham Cove [ . . . ], and then returning to Nantaskett again. These movements made our People conclude
that the Man of War was sent to secure to Gage's Army, the Grain then ready to cutt
on the lands at Nantaskett; especially as the Barge had seized Mr. Milton of Nantaskett
and his Cart and Oxen and carried him and his Oxen to the Admiral, where the Oxen
were kept but the Man after much examination releas'd. Under this perswasion, last
Tuesday Night our men from Germantown and the neighbouring shore to the amount of
about 400, Guards, Mowers &c. pass'd over to Hingham in Boats, and from thence by
land to Nantaskett, having engag'd a number of Carts to come over the long Beach.
They with great expedition mow'd and
sent off the Grain to the amount of 70 Cart Load, and having done that, on Thursday
morning a Company commanded by Majr. Vose of Milton, went over to the Light House,
took down and bro't off the Lamps, brought off 1 Barrell of Gun Powder, sever all
Tierces of Oil, a quantity of old Cordage, Severall Boats &c. and then Burnt the Light
House, (but not the Dwelling House) then returning to Nantaskett they found that the
Burning of the L: House had alarm'd the Men of War, and that their Barges and Cutters
were sent down to attack our People, which they accordingly did, 7 of their Barges
being lash'd together for that Purpose. A Hot Fire ensu'd for near an Hour but none
of our Men were Kill'd and only two wounded. Our People try'd to draw them on Shore
by seeming to run from them, but to no purpose, the men-of-War's-men seem'd evidently
afraid to come near them; and at last put off so as to be out of the reach of our
Musquetts.1 When Mr. Milton
was carried on board the Admiral, he examin'd { 260 } him very strictly about the Whale Boats that lately appear'd in the Harbour, what
their Number was? where they were kept? whether he could Pilot his People to them
&c.? To all which he made such answers as gave the great Man no Satisfaction, especially
when he told him that he understood that our People kept the Whale Boats drawn up
into the Woods.
[salute] I fear you will be tir'd with the length of this Scrawl unless reliev'd by believing it to be design'd for your amusement, by your most affectionate Bror.,
[signed] R:C
PS Please to give my best Regards to Mr. S: Adams and tell him that I saw his Wife
and Daughter at Dedham last Thursday, and heard from his Son, they are all well. Your
Family and all the Circle of our Friends are as well as usual.
I have heard lately from Mr. Paine's Family who were then well; please to give my
kind Regards to him.
A few Days ago Mr. Jno. Roulstone Watch Maker and his Family procur'd a Pass to come
out of Boston, who is the only one that I have heard of that has had a Pass since
the Battle of Charlestown. He landed at Ruggles's (now Bent's) and came to see me,
he says it is Sickly among the Inhabitants, and more so among the Troops: That the
Inhabitants are treated with great Rigour, 3 Men were committed to Jail for only going
up into a Steeple to look out; That he was threaten'd for daring too look out from
the top of his own House. That a Provost Major terrifies like the Holy Office, no
one knowing who is the Victim 'till too late to escape if that was Possible. Poor
Mr. Jas. Lovell, Mr. Leech, and Mr. Hunt the Publisher are in Jail. Jno. Cotton Dep:
Secy: is Dead.
RC (Adams Papers); docketed in an unidentified hand.
1. The raid on Nantasket occurred on the 18th; that on the Brewsters on the 20th. The
Boston lighthouse was (and still is) located on Little Brewster, formerly often called
Beacon Island. The British took prompt steps to repair the light, and on 31 July another
raiding party under Capt. Benjamin Tupper wrecked it again and captured a detachment
of marines. See AA to JA, 31 July–2 Aug., below; also William Tudor to JA, 31 July, and James Warren to JA, 31 July–2 Aug., both in Adams Papers, the latter printed in Warren-Adams Letters, 1:95–99.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0169
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-07-25
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree, July 25 1775
[salute] Dearest Friend
I received yours of July 7 for which I heartily thank you, it was the longest and
best Letter I have had, the most Leasurely and therefore { 261 } the most Sentimental. Previous to your last I had wrote you and made some complaints
of you, but I will take them all back again—only continue your obliging favours whenever
your time will allow you to devote one moment to your absent Portia.
This is the 25 of July. Gage has not made any attempts to march out, since the Battle
at Charlstown. Our Army are restless and wish to be doing something to rid themselves
and the land of the Virmin and Locusts which infest it. Since I wrote you last the
Companys stationd upon the coasts both in this Town, Weymouth and Hingham were orderd
to Nantasket to reap and bring of the Grain which they accomplished, all except a
field or two which was not ripe, and having whale boats they undertook to go to the
light House and set fire to it, which they effected in open day and in fair sight
of several men of War. Upon their return came down upon them Eight Barges, one cutter,
one Schooner, all in Battle array, and pourd whole broad sides upon them, but our
Men all reached the shore and not one life lost, two only slightly wounded in their
legs. They marchd up a Hill and drew into order in hopes the marines would land, but
they chose rather to return without a land engagement, tho tis
Thought they will burn the Town down as soon as our forces leave it. I had this account
from Capt. Vinton who with his company were there. These little Skirmishes seem trifling,
but they serve to innure our Men and harden them to Danger. I hear the Rebels are
very Wroth at the distruction of the light House.
There has been an offer from Gage to send the poor of Boston to Salem by Water, but
not complied with on our part. They returnd for answer they would receive them upon
the lines. Dr. Tufts saw a Letter from Deacon Newall1 in which he mentions the Death of John Cotton, says tis very sickly in Town. Every
Fishing vessel is now obliged to enter and clear out as tho she was going a foreign
Voyage, no inhabitant is sufferd to partake, but obliged to wait till the Army are
supplied, and then if one remains they are allowed to purchase it. An order has been
given out in Town that no person shall be seen to wipe their faces with a white hankerchief.
The reason I hear is, that tis a Signal of Mutiny. General Burgoine lives in Mr. Samll.
Quincys House. A Lady who lived opposite says she saw raw meat cut and hacked upon
her Mahogona Tables, and her superb damask curtain and cushings exposed to the rain
as if they were of no value. How much better do the
Tories fare than the Whigs? Suppose this worthy good Man was put in with all confidence
that nothing should be hurt. I was very much pleased with Generals Lees Letter, and
really entertaind a more favorable opinion of Burgoyne than I before had im• { 262 } bibed from his Speach,2 but a Late letter from London wrote to Mr. Josiah Quincy and in case of his absence
to be opened either by you or Mr. Samll. Adams or either of the Warrens has left me
no room to think that he is possessd either of Generosity, Virtue or Humanity. His
character runs thus—As to Burgoyne I am not Master of Language sufficient to give
you a true Idea of the Horrible wickedness of the Man. His designs are dark, His Dissimulation
of the deepest die, for not content with deceiving Mankind he practices deceit on
God himself, by Assuming the Appearance (like Hutchinson) of great attention to Religious
Worship when every action of his life is totally abhorant to all Ideas
of true Religion, Virtue or common Honesty. An Abandoned Infamous Gambler of Broken
fortune and the Worst Most detestable of the Bedford Gang who are wholly bent on Blood,
tyrany and Spoil, and therefore the darling Favorite of our unrivalled Ruler Lord
Bute.—The character of How is not drawn much more favourably, But Clintons General
character very good and tis said he does not relish the Service he is sent upon.3
I am ready to believe this of Clinton as I have never heard of any Speaches of his
since his arrival, nor scarcely any mention of him. That such characters as Burgoynes
and Hows should engage in such a cause is not to be wonderd at, but really to be lamented
when a Man possessd of one spark of virtue should be drawn aside, and disgrace himself
and posterity by adding one more to the already infamous List.—Suppose you have heard
of Darbys arrival, and the intelligance he brings. I could not refrain wishing them
everlasting fetters. “The News received with some symptoms of pleasure” and “our Friends
increased” and a few more such sugar plumbs.4 Were they suffering as we are, could Americans sit thus coldly whilst Brittons were
a Bleading? How is it posible that the love of Gain and the Lust of domination should
render the Humane mind so callous to every principal of honour, Generosity and Benevolence.
May that day be far distant from America when trade's unfeeling train shall usurp
this land and dispossess the Swain.
“Ill fares the land, to hastening ills a prey
Where wealth accumulates, and men decay:
Princes and Lords may flourish, or may fade;
A Breath can make them, as a Breath has made
But a bold peasantry, their Country's pride,
When once destroyed, can never be supplied.”
Your address5 meets with general approbation here, your petition• { 263 } ing the King6 again pleases (forgive me if I say the timid and the weak) those persons who were
esteemed the Luke Warm, and who think that no Works of Supereragation can be performed
to Great Brittain—whilst others say you heap coals of fire upon the Heads of your
Enimies. You know you are considerd here as the most perfect body—if one Member is
by any means renderd incapable of acting tis supposed the difficency will be made
up. The Query is why your president left the Congress so long as to make it necessary
to chuse an other Member, whether he declined returning to you again?7
Suppose you have a list of our Counsel.8 It was generally thought that Gage would make an attempt to come out either Election
Day or upon the Fast, but I could not believe we should be disturbed upon that Day,
even the Devils believe and tremble, and I really believe they are more affraid of
the Americans prayers than their Swords. I could not bear to hear our inanimate old
Batchelor.9 Mrs. Cranch and I took our chaise and went to hear Mr. Haven of Deadam,10 and We had no occasion to repent Eleven miles ride. Especially as I had the pleasure
of spending the day with my name sake and Sister Delegate.11 Why should we not assume your titles when we give you up our names. I found her comfortably
situated, in a little Country cottage with patience, perseverance and fortitude for
her companions, and in better Health than she has enjoyed for many months
past.
I fear General Thomas being overlooked and Heath placed over him will create much
uneasiness. I know not who was to blame, but it is like to make a great and fatal
Gap in the Army. If Thomas resigns all his officers resign; and Mr. Thomas cannot
with honour hold under Heath. The Camp will evince to every Eye how good an officer
he has been—but this is out of my Sphere. I only say what others say and what the
general disposition of the people is.
I believe you will not complain that I do not write often enough and lengthy enough.
When you are tired tell me. Pray make my complements to Mr. Barrel for his great civility
to Portia. I really feel very anxious to be exposed to any Eyes but yours whose partiality
I have so often Experienced to cover a multitude of faults that I rely upon it with
the utmost Security.—You will not faill letting me hear from you by every opportunity.
All our little folks send duty to pappa. Johnny says do you think Mamma pappa will
write to me—has not he so many things to do that he will forget me. Brother and Sister
Cranch send their Love. My Mother says I must always remember to add hers to you when
I write. I need not say how much I want to see you, but no one will credit my story
of your returning in a month. I hope to have { 264 } the best of proofs to convince them—it cannot need any to convince you how sincerely
I am your most affectionate
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Timothy Newell was a deacon of Brattle Street Church and a Boston selectman. His diary
during the siege of Boston, April 1775–March 1776, is printed in MHS, Colls., 4th ser., I (1852):261–276.
2. For Burgoyne's “Speach” see The Speech of a General Officer in the House of Commons, February 20th, 1775 [London?, 1775]. This was probably reprinted in Boston after Burgoyne's arrival
there late in May; see T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” No. 155a–b. For Charles Lee's exchange with Burgoyne, see same, No. 179a–c, and French, First Year, p. 306–307, with references there.
3. All of this appears to be taken from a passage in a letter to AA from Mercy Warren, 17 July (Adams Papers), which states that these “characters” are in a letter dated at London, 2 May.
4. Quotation marks editorially supplied in this sentence. Capt. John Derby of Salem had
carried the first news of the engagement of 19 April to England and had returned to
Salem on 18 July (Mass. Spy, 26 July 1775).
8. Among those elected to the Council on 21 July was JA (Mass., House Jour., 1775–1776, 1st sess., p. 6).
9. Rev. Anthony Wibird.
10. Rev. Jason Haven, Harvard 1754, minister at Dedham since 1756 (Weis, Colonial Clergy of N.E.).
11. Mrs. Samuel Adams, the former Elizabeth Welles.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0170
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-07-25
Cotton Tufts to John Adams
[dateline] Weymouth July 25. 1775
[salute] Dear Sr.
Since my last to you, nothing very important has occurd. The Skirmish near Long Island,
You have already received an Accountt off by Mrs. Adams. A Party of Soldiers were
employd last Week in removing Grain from Nantasket and having got off what was ripe,
on Thursday they went in Whaleboats to the Light House, set Fire to it having first
taken off the Lamps, 3 or 4 bbs. of oil and 1/2 bb. Powder. They returnd to Nantasket
and soon after were visited by several Cutters and Barges who fird on our Men with
their Cannon and wounded Two of them slightly. No further Damage ensued. On the same
Day they burnt a Barn and Hay at the Great Brewster, and those of the Party who came
from Roxbury on their Return to the Camp, in the Evening set Fire to a House and Barn
on Spectin Island.1
Since the Battle at Charlestown Our Army has been very industrious { 265 } in securing every important Pass from Charlestown to Dorchester. General Sullivan's
Station is at Winter Hill, had the Pleasure of dining with him last Friday at Bro[the]r Bishops at whose House he lodges. General Putnam is at Prospect Hill. Gen. Ward
at Cambridge. General Washington has taken Possession of John Vassall's House. General
Thomas has Commanded the Camp at Roxbury, and am sorry to hear that he resignd his
office last Saturday, as he has given great Satisfaction to the most sensible and
judicious amongst us—and with those he stands the first for Military Abilities among
the New England Generals, (so far as I can collect the Sense of People) but of this
You will probably know more from some of Your Friends. In my last I express'd my Mind
upon this Subject, which I have since found to be agreable to the Sentiments of our
best Friends. It is said Politicians are never
wanting in Devices. Cannot this Step be recalld?2
We have had a perfect Calm for some Days not a Gun has been dischargd from the Enemy
since last Thursday upon any of our People. I saw Mrs. Drapers Paper of the 6th. Instt.3 One Article of Intelligence is that 1000 of the Rebel Army hath deserted since the
Battle of Charlestown. The Paper contains a Sneer on the Continental Fast and very
sagaciously is introduced the Fable of The Countryman with his Cart Wheels plungd in the Mire
applying to Jupiter for Assistance who calls him a Fool and orders him to put his
Shoulders to the Wheels &c. John Cotton Dep. Secy. died at Boston last Week. This
Day saw Your Family, Mr. Cranchs and Bror. Quincy. All are well. Your Friends at Weymouth
also. Pray write me whatever passes amongst You that may be communicated, and believe
me to be Yr. Friend & Very H Servt.,
[signed] C.T.
[dateline] Tuesday Evening4
Since I clos'd my Letter Mr. Smith informed me that He saw Mrs. Blake this Afternoon,
who came out of Boston last Friday. She Confirms the Accountt of the Loss of the best
of the British Troops in the Battle at Charlestown—that the Number of the Slain amounted
to 14 or 1500. That almost all the wounded have since died. That a Flux carries of[f] great Numbers of the Soldiers dayly. That Veal was sold for a pistereen and an half
per lb. She mentions the Death of John Cotton and Three of his Children. That Charlestown
was first set on Fire by a Bomb and what Buildings were not burnt that Day The Sailors
set fire to the next. That there had been diverse Court Martials in Consequence of
it—The General Officers disapproving the Conduct. Whether this last is to be relied
on is doubtful but the former { 266 } Part it is probable may be credited as this Woman (who is a Niece of Dr. Perkins's)
livd and conversd with Tories while in Town and is supposed to be
of that Class.
[signed] C.T.
RC (Adams Papers).
3. Margaret Draper's Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News-Letter.
4. Presumably the same day on which the first part of the letter was written, since the
25th was a Tuesday.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0171
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-07-26
Isaac Smith Sr. to John Adams
[dateline] Salem July 26 1775
[salute] Mr. Adams
I forgot in my last epistle, to desire you to speak to the Phila. printer's of the
News paper's generally sent this way for to send me One, weekly which as the posts
are now regulated, comes here a Thursday Afternoon, the Hartford post arriving att
Cambridge a Wednesday Night.
Your two Peices Issue'd by your Congress1 meets with general Applause—but we want to see that to the King and as itt is supposed,
itt is on the passuage there, and will be there soon, itt would be as well to have
itt publishd to the world as to defer itt, till you may here of itts Arrival, which
now may not be till sometime after the former Usual time—but as itt is probable there
are some resolutions on that matter, would not dictate, but iff you could hand a body
a Coppy which many friends are Anxious to see and have spoke to me about I would not
make any publick Use off itt, which you may inclose by post, what postage of my letters
you may make a Minute and will pay you.
I Observe the Advertisement of Mr. Loyds which Agrees with what I was told by a person
from Boston, who told me there was a brig carried in with a large quality of pork,
Stock &c. said to have loaded att Norfolk, and pretended to be bound to the West Indies,
but before she got Out of the Capes a Mr. Wood took possession of her—which when I
was told the story I mistrusted, that itt was a scheem, simelar to What was proposd
by Mr. Loyd, who in the station he was in Acted, no Otherwise than Others must have
done.
I find by Capt. Darbey the Manifactore's by some means or Other ar kept imployed and
that many sort of goods are rise in prise, being in such demand, however cant think
that can be the case any length { 267 } of time.—I hope you will contrive some Office for bro. Cushing,2 & are Yr. H S,
[signed] IS
2. The first overt sign that Thomas Cushing was lagging behind popular sentiment was
his omission from the Boston delegation in the new House of Representatives. As Samuel
Adams put it, Cushing was “kickd up Stairs” to the Council (Warren-Adams Letters, 1:94).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0172
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-07-28
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia July 28. 1775
[salute] My Dear
Your two last Letters had very different Effects. The long one gave me vast Satisfaction.
It was full of usefull Information, and of excellent Sentiments. The other relating
to the ill Usage you have received from Hayden gave me great Pain and the utmost Indignation.
Your generous Solicitude for our unfortunate Friends from Boston, is very amiable
and commendable, and you may depend upon my Justification of all that you have done
or said to Hayden. His sawcy, insolent Tongue is well known to me, but I had rather
he should indulge it to me than to you. I will not endure the least disrespectfull
Expression to you. In my Absence and in your Situation, it is brutal. I send you a
Warning to him to go out of the House immediately. You may send it to him, if you
see fit. If you do, let two or three Witnesses see it, before you send it, and let
it be sent by a good Hand.
This Letter will go by four young Gentlemen from Maryland. Mr. Cary, Son of Mr. Sam.
Cary, of Charlestown, Mr. Lux, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Smith, young Soldiers and Voluntiers
to the Camp.—I am yours,
[signed] John Adams
Love to the Children. Thank Nabby for her Letter.1 I will answer it.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Abigail Adams Braintree favoured by Mr. Lux”; endorsed: “C
No 17.” Enclosed “Warning” from JA to his tenant Hayden not found.
1. Not found.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0173
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-07-30
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia July 30th. 1775
[salute] My dear
This Letter is intended to go by my Friend Mr. William Barrell, whom I believe you
have seen in Boston. If he calls at our House you will please to receive him complaisantly
and thank him for your Present of Pins. I have been treated by him with great Civility,
both at this and the former Congress.
This Day, I have heard my Parish Priest, Mr. Duffill from 2. Chron. 15. 1. 2. This
Gentleman never fails to adapt his Discourse to the Times. He pressed upon his Audience
the Necessity of Piety and Virtue, in the present Times of Adversity, and held up
to their View the Army before Boston as an Example. He understood, he said, that the
Voice of the Swearer was scarcly heard, that the Sabbath was well observed and all
Immoralities discountenanced. No doubt there were vicious Individuals, but the general
Character was good.—I hope this good Mans Information is true, and that this will
become more and more the true Character of that Camp. You may well suppose that this
Language was exceedingly pleasing to me.
We have nothing new, but the Arrival of some Powder. Three little Vessells have certainly
arrived, making about Ten Tons in the whole, and four or five Tons have arrived from
S. Carolina. A Supply, I think now We shall certainly obtain. Congress have taken
Measures for this End, which I hope to have the Pleasure of explaining to you in Person,
within a few Days, as Congress has determined to adjourn to sometime in September.
I could not vote for this myself because I thought it might be necessary to keep together,
but I could not blame those who did, for really We have been all so assiduous in Business,
in this exhausting debilitating Climate, that our Lives are more exposed than they
would be in Camp.1
[salute] Love to the Children.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Abigail Adams Braintree favoured by Mr. Barrell”; endorsed:
“C No 18.”
1. On Saturday, 29 July, it was “Resolved, That this Congress will, as soon as the public business permits, adjourn to the
5th. of Septr. next” (JCC, 2:224). Samuel Adams gave the following explanation to his wife next day: “The arduous
Business that has been before the Congress and the close Application of the Members,
added to the Necessity and Importance of their visiting their several Colonies and
attending their respective Conventions, have inducd them to make a Recess during the
sultry Month of August” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:184). According to the Journal, Congress adjourned on 1 Aug. (JCC, 2:239), but it is clear from letters and diaries of certain members that { 269 } some business was transacted the following morning; see R. T. Paine, MS
Diary (MHi), under 2 Aug.; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:185, 187. JA probably set off from Philadelphia later the same day, though possibly not until
the 3d. There is no record of his return trip, but he traveled very fast, for he arrived
in Watertown on the morning of the 10th and plunged at once, as a member of the Council,
into the work of the General Court; see his Diary and Autobiography, 2:165–166, and Mass., House Jour., 1775–1776, 1st sess., p. 60. AA did not learn until the 11th that he was back in Massachusetts (AA to JA, 10–11 Aug., below; see note 2 there).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0174
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-07-31
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree july 31—1775
I do not feel easy more than two days together without writing to you. If you abound
you must lay some of the fault upon yourself, who have made such sad complaints for
Letters, but I really believe I have wrote more than all my Sister Delegates. Their is nothing new transpired since I wrote you last, but the sailing of some transports,
and 5 deserters having come into our camp. One of them is gone I hear to Phyladelphia.
I think I should be cautious of him—no one can tell the secret designs of such fellows
whom no oath binds—he may be sent with assassinating designs. I can credit any viliny
that a Ceasar Borgea would have been guilty of—or Satan himself would rejoice in.
Those who do not scruple to bring poverty, Misiry, Slavery and Death upon thousands
will not hesitate at the most diabolical crimes—and this is Brittain. Blush o! Americans
that ever thou derivest thy origin from such a race.
We learn from one of these Deserters that our ever valued Friend Warren, dear to us
even in Death; was [not]1 treated with any more respect than a common soldier, but the [sav]age wretches call'd officers consulted together and agreed to sever his Head from
his body, and carry it in triumph to Gage, who no doubt would have “grin'd horrible
a gastly smile,” instead of imitating Ceasar who far from being gratified with so
horrid a Spectacle, as the Head even of his Enimy, turned away from Pompeys with disgust
and gave vent to his pitty in a flood of tears.
“How much does pagan tenderness put christian Benevolence to shame.” What Humanity
could not obtain, the rights and ceremonies of a Mason demanded. An officer who it
seems was one of the Brotherwhood requested that as a Mason he might have the body
unmangled, and find a decent interment for it. He obtaind his request, but upon returning
to secure it, he found it already thrown into the Earth, only { 270 } with the ceremony of being first placed there, with many bodies over him2—
“Nor writ his Name whose tomb should pierce the Skies.”
“Glows my resentment into Guilt? What Guilt
Can equal voilations of the Dead?
The Dead how sacred! Sacred is the Dust
Of this Heaven-labourd form erect, divine!
This Heav'n assum'd Majestick robe of earth.”
[dateline] August 2
Thus far I wrote and broke of[f]. Hearing there was a probability of your return I thought not to send it, but the
reception of yours this morning of July 23, makes me think the Day fart[h]ur of[f] than I hoped. I therefore will add a few lines tho very unfit. I have had a very
Ill Night. Just recoverd from the rash, I went out yesterday to attend the funeral
of a poor fellow who the Night before fell in Battle as they were returning from the
Light house. (I catchd some cold.) A Sabbeth Evening there was a warm fire from Prospect
Hill and Bunkers Hill, begun first by the Riffel men taking of their Gaurds. 2 Men
upon our side were kill'd, 5 of their guards were killd, 2 taken. I believe my account
will be very confused, but I will relate it as well as I am able. A Sabbeth Evening
a number of Men in Whale Boats went of from Squantom and Dorchester to the light house,
where the General Gage had again fixd up a Lamp, and sent 12
carpenters to repair it. Our people went on amidst a hot fire from 30 Marines who
were placed there as a guard to the tory carpenters, burnt the dwelling house, took
the Torys and 28 Marines, kill'd the Leiunt. and one Man, brought of all the oil and
stores which were sent, without the looss of a man till they were upon their return
when they were so closely persued that they were obliged to run one whale boat ashore
and leave her to them. The rest arrived safe except the unhappy youth whose funeral
I yesterday attended, who received a Ball thro the temples as he was rowing the boat.
He belong'd to Road Island. His name was Griffin. He with 4 wounded Marines was brought
by Capt. Turner to Germantown and buried from their with the Honours of War. Mr. Wibird
upon the occasion made the best oration (he never prays you know) I ever heard from
him. The poor wounded fellow[s] (who are all wounded in their arms) desired they might attend. They did and he very
pathetacally addressd them; with which they appeard affected. I spoke with them. I
told them it was very unhappy that they { 271 } should be obliged to fight their best Friends. They said they were sorry—they hoped
in God an end would be speadily put to the unhappy contest. When they came, they came
in the way of their Duty to releave Admiral Montague—with no thoughts of fighting—but
their situation was such as obliged them to obey orders, but they wish'd with all
their souls they that sent them here had been in the heat of the Battle, express'd
gratitude at the kindness they received, said in that they had been deceived, for
they were told if they were taken alive, they should be Sacrificed by us. Dr. Tufts
Dress'd their wounds.
I had a design to have wrote you something about a talk'd of appointment of a Friend
of Mine to a Judicial Department, but hope soon to see that Friend, before his acceptance
may be necessary.3 I enclose a complement coppied by a Gentleman from a peice in the Worcester paper
signed Lycurgus.4
I can add no more as the good Col. Palmer Waits only my compliments to Mrs. Miflin,
and tell her I do not know whether her Husband is safe here. Belona and Cupid have
a contest about [him.] You hear nothing from the Ladies, but about Major Miflins easy address, politeness,
complasance &c. &c. Tis well he has so agreable a Lady at Phyladelphia. They know
nothing about forts, intrenchments &c. when they return5 or if they do they are all forgot and swallowed up in his accomplishments.
[salute] Adieu my Dearest Friend and allways believe me unalterably yours,
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esq. at Philadelphia
To the Care of Major Mifflin.” Enclosure missing; see note 4.
2. AA is reporting only a part of the rumors that circulated then and later about British
indignities to Joseph Warren after his death in Bunker Hill battle, where he fought
as a volunteer and not as an officer. Their precise extent is now known from a letter,
only recently published, written a few days after the battle by the British officer
who commanded the burial detachment. This was Capt. Walter Sloane Laurie, who wrote
from “Camp on Charles Town Heights” to an unidentified correspondent, 23 June 1775:
“Doctor Warren, President of the Provincial Congress, and Captain General, in the
Absence of Hancock and [Samuel] Adams, and next to Adams, in abilities, I found among
the Slain, and stuffed the Scoundrel with another Rebel, into one hole, and there
he, and his seditious principles may remain” (quoted in Sigmund Diamond, “Bunker Hill,
Tory Propaganda, and Adam Smith,” NEQ, 25:367 [Sept. 1952]). In April 1776, soon after the
British evacuation of Boston, Warren's body was identified, exhumed, and reburied
from King's Chapel in the Old Granary with public and Masonic honors; see AA's account in her letter to JA of 7–11 April 1776, below.
3. This is a hint, well in advance of the fact, that JA was to be appointed to the Superior Court of Massachusetts. In the following October
he was appointed chief justice by the Council (under the legal fiction that the Gov• { 272 } ernor was “absent”); see AA to JA, 25 Oct., below, and note 5 there.
4. Not now with the letter. The piece referred to, signed “Lycurgus” in Mass. Spy, 12 July, answered “Democritus,” who had argued that only “men of common understanding”
were qualified to be representatives in the General Court. “Lycurgus” pointed out
that the principal leaders of the patriot cause were college-educated, many of them
being members of the learned professions, and praised highly the Massachusetts delegates
to the Continental Congress, to whom “Democritus'” observations were “affrontive.”
5. That is, when the ladies return from visits to the American headquarters in Cambridge.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0175
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-08-10
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree August 10 1775
[salute] Dearest Friend
Tis with a sad Heart I take my pen to write to you because I must be the bearer of
what will greatly afflict and distress you. Yet I wish you to be prepaired for the
Event. Your Brother Elihu lies very dangerously sick with a Dysentery. He has been
very bad for more than a week, his life is despaired of. Er'e I close this Letter
I fear I shall write you that he is no more.
We are all in great distress. Your Mother is with him in great anguish. I hear this
morning that he is sensible of his Danger, and calmly resigned to the will of Heaven;
which is a great Satisfaction to his mourning Friend's. I cannot write more at present
than to assure you of the Health of your own family. Mr. Elisha Niles lies very bad
with the same disorder.—Adieu.
[dateline] August 11
I have this morning occasion to sing of Mercies and judgments. May I properly notice
each—a mixture of joy and grief agitate my Bosom. The return of thee my dear partner
after a four months absence is a pleasure I cannot express, but the joy is overclouded,
and the Day is darkened by the mixture of Grief and the Sympathy I feel for the looss
of your Brother, cut of in the pride of life and the bloom of Manhood! in the midst
of his usefulness;1 Heaven san[c]tify this affliction to us, and make me properly thankful that it is not my sad lot
to mourn the loss of a Husband in the room of a Brother.
May thy life be spaired and thy Health confirmed for the benefit of thy Country and
the happiness of thy family is the constant supplication of thy Friend.2
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To John Adams Esqr.”
1. JA's tribute to his brother Elihu, who “had commanded a Company of Militia all Summer
at Cambridge,” is in his Diary and Autobiography, 3:326.
2. From this it appears that the speed { 273 } of JA's return journey surprised everyone, including his wife, and that urgent business
in the General Court caused him to pause in Watertown before proceeding to Braintree,
where he had evidently hoped to turn up on his own doorstep unannounced after nearly
four months' absence. The editors' inference in a note in JA's Diary and Autobiography (2:166), that he first went home and then to Watertown to attend the Council, is therefore
wrong. During the rest of August JA spent weekends at home and weekdays attending the Council until the General Court
adjourned on the 24th. AA came with him to Watertown for the last three days of the session. After a final
weekend at home he left early on Monday the 28th for Philadelphia, but stayed for
two or three days' further attendance in Council before leaving Watertown, probably
on 1 September. See his
Diary and Autobiography, 2:167–168, and references there; JA to Mercy Warren, 26 Aug., Warren-Adams Letters, 1:104–105; AA to Mercy Warren, 27 Aug., printed below.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0176
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-08-18
Hannah Storer Green to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Westfield August 18th. 1775
[salute] My Dear Friend
[epigraph]
“To certain Trouble we are born
Hope to rejoice but sure to mourn.”
A serious truth this, which daily observation teaches, and experience convinces us
of; for at the very moment that our hopes are at their height, trouble comes upon
us like an armed Man, our hearts sink within us and we tremble with fear. Again our
hopes rise, we anticipate the happiness of that day, when we shall gain the Victory
over our worse than Savage enemies, when we shall meet and rejoice together again
in quiet habitations. Here again our hearts are damp'd at the thought that tho' we
should be permitted to return, yet many of our friends may be laid in their graves,
and here I cannot but recall to my mind our brave General, and your particular friend;
who nobly lost his life in the cause of Liberty; regretted by all, except those who
are dead to every feeling of humanity. Others being overborne with trouble, and lacking
the necessaries of life, fall victims to the stroke of Death. Thus we go on balancing
between Hope, and fear; hopeing for good but sure of —— I was a
going to say evil, but I will not, why should I call that evil, which God hath appointed?
and I doubt not will make it all turn for good; but still my friend, the human heart
recoils at what has, and what still may happen.
I am glad for your sake to hear Mr. Adams is safe return'd tho' I am sorry upon other
accounts that there should be a separation of that noble body upon whom our welfare
so much depends and to whom we are so much obliged. Our regards to him and thanks
for the share he has had in the good work. May he go on and prosper, and nations yet
unborn, arise and speak his praise.
{ 274 } I was concern'd when I heard of the engagement on Grape Island on account of your
Fathers family. I imagine it must have put them in a great fright, I hope they are
all well. Let me know particularly how they do, &c.
We are now at the distance of an Hundred Miles from our own habitation without any
thing that we can call our own except a little matter for present use having left
House and Shop with every thing belonging thereto, flying as it were for our Lives
and at the same time not knowing our real danger, so as to have secur'd our Substance
in case we should not return.—What is your opinion? Do you think there is any likelihood,
of the towns being preserv'd and the treasures of it kept from being a prey in the
hand of the enemy? Or do you give it over for lost? I shall take it kindly if you
will write me as particularly as you can, as I know it is in your power to give me
a rational account of the matter and which will be laying a great obligation upon
Your Old Friend,
[signed] Hannah Green
P.S. My kind remembrance to every enquiring friend. Should be glad to know about Mr.
Abra. Hunt and his Wife, as they went to Braintree, whether they are well and whether
he remains there or gone to the Army.
I should have wrote to you before if I'd had paper but I could not buy any here and
had not Sister Green sent me some to write to her I could not have improved this opportunity.
Mr. Green has been looking over the above and says that he would not have had it gone
upon any account without his best regards to you and yours, in which you may be sure
I join him.
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0177
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-08-26
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Watertown. Saterday 12 o Clock [26 August 1775]1
I know my dear friend Mrs. Adams will be Glad to hear Her friend is in Better Health
than when she Left Her. Hope I shall be able to Look Homewards some time Next Week.
I Long for my own Retirement, and for the opportunity of seeing and Entertaining my
Friend, at my own Habitation. But I know who talks sometimes of Fate. I suppose he
means that providence has Its fixed Decrees to which Mortals must submit. Mr. Warren
was yesterday at Cambridge and { 275 } there saw the Letters to Mrs. Abigail &c.2 I believe I shall not now have the pleasure of seeing them, so Cannot Give my judgment
whether treasonable or not.
I Return a Sermon Mr. Adams favoured me with. Tell him (but strictly Confidential and secret) that before he sets out I believe he will yet hear the Musick of War and the Loud
Blasts of Distruction that will probably make Miserable the fond Wife and the affectionate
Mother. Tis my opinion He will have some important Inteligence to Carry to Philadelphia
if He stays at Braintree forty eight hours Longer.3 But if I am mistaken tell Him not to Laugh at that or any other Follies of his Friend.
I have Grounds for the Conjecture, and may Heaven Crown with success Every Enterprize
of justice, and Grant that Harmony may again preside in our Land with the Ensigns
of Fredom and Honour Blazond on her standard.
You will write me by Coll. Palmer And Let me know if your Friend and my Friend Gos
off in Good spirits. You will permit me to unite with you in Every Wish for his Health,
Happiness and safe Return.
[salute] With unfeigned Regards to both Mr. and Mrs. Adams subscribes their affectionate Friend,
[signed] Mercy Warren
RC (Adams Papers).
3. On the night of the 27th–28th American forces took and fortified Ploughed Hill on
the Mystic River, thus advancing their lines closer to Charlestown Neck and Bunker
Hill (Washington, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 3:453, 462).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0178
Recipient: Warren, Mercy Otis
Date: 1775-08-27
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] Braintree August 27 1775
[salute] My Dear Mrs. Warren
It was with pleasure I received a line from my Friend to day informing me of her better
Health. I was really anxious for her—more so on account of the great mortality which
prevails around us. I arrived at my own habitation a fryday1 and found my family all well—a blessing which I hope will be continued to me.
The peaceful tranquility of my own habitation was enhanced to me by a few Days absence,
amidst a more noisy and tumultuous scene than I love, tho I injoyed many hours of
pleasure in the society of my Friends.
I have not heard any of the allarms you mention, only the artillery of the clouds
which has been pretty heavey this afternoon but pro• { 276 } duced us many refreshing showers, in which I rejoice for many reasons. My Friend will
leave me to morrow morning, and will have a much more agreable journey for the rain.
I find I am obliged to summons all my patriotism to feel willing to part with him
again. You will readily believe me when I say that I make no small sacrifice to the
publick.
You write me that you have been to Head Quarters, and there seen the Letters. Pray
what did you think of them? Money must be much plentier than provisions with Gage
or he would not think of setting so high a value upon them.
I shall send this by Mr. Adams who will call upon you as he has alterd his mind with
regard to going to Deadam. I shall be very glad to see my Friend next week. Any week
or any time she may be assurd of a hearty welcome from her affectionate
[signed] Portia
PS My regards to the young Ladies where you are. I left a peice of black gauze upon
the table. Please to inquire for it and take it with you. My best regards attend your
worthy partner.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0179
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-08
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree Sepbr. 8 1775
[salute] Dearest Friend
Since you left me I have passed thro great distress both of Body and mind; and whether
greater is to be my portion Heaven only knows. You may remember Isaac was unwell when
you went from home.1 His Disorder increasd till a voilent Dysentery was the consequence of his complaints,
there was no resting place in the House for his terible Groans. He continued in this
state near a week when his Disorder abated, and we have now hopes of his recovery.
Two days after he was sick, I was seaz'd with the same disorder in a voilent manner.
Had I known you was at Watertown I should have sent Bracket for you. I sufferd greatly
betwen my inclination to have you return, and my fear of sending least you should
be a partaker of the common calamity. After 3 day[s] an abatement of my disease relieved me from that anxiety. The next person in the
same week was Susy. She we carried home, hope she will not be very bad. Our Little
Tommy was the next, and
he lies very ill now—there is no abatement at present of his disorder. { 277 } I hope he is not dangerous. Yesterday Patty was seazd and took a puke.2 Our House is an hospital in every part, and what with my own weakness and distress
of mind for my family I have been unhappy enough.
And such is the distress of the neighbourhood that I can scarcly find a well person
to assist me in looking after the sick. Mrs. Randle [Randall] has one child that is not expected to live out the night, Mrs. Belcher has an other,
Joseph Bracket an other, Deacon Adams has lost one, but is upon the recovery himself,
and so are the rest of his family.3 Mr. Wibird lies bad. Major Miller is dangerous. Revd. Mr. Gay is not expected to
live.
So sickly and so Mortal a time the oldest Man does not remember. I am anxious for
you. Pray let me hear from you soon. I thought you would have left me a Letter at
Watertown as you staid so long there. I was disapointed that you did not.—As to politicks
I know nothing about them. The distresses of my own family are so great that I have
not thought about them. I have wrote as much as I am able to, being very week. I hope
to add a more pleasing account er'er I close. Adieu.
[dateline] Sunday Sepbr. 10.
Tis now two days since I wrote. As to my own Health I mend but very slowly—have been
fearful of a return of my disorder to day but feel rather better now. Hope it is only
oweing to my having been fatigued with looking after Tommy as he is unwilling any
body but Mamma should do for him, and if he was I could not find any body that is
worth having but what are taken up already with the sick. Tommy I hope is mending,
his fever has abated, his Bowels are better, but was you to look in upon him you would
not know him, from a hearty hale corn fed4 Boy, he is become pale lean and wan. Isaac is getting better, but very slowly. Patty
is very bad. We cannot keep any thing down that she takes, her situation is very dangerous.
Mr. Trot and one of his children are taken with the disorder.
I shall write every day if I am able. Pray let me hear from you often. Heaven preserve
both your life and health and all my sufferings will be but small. By the first safe
conveyance be kind eno to send me 1 oz. of turkey Rhubub, the root, and to procure
me 1 quarter lb. of nutmegs for which here I used to give 2.8 Lawful, 1 oz. cloves,
2 of cinnamon. You may send me only a few of the nutmegs till Bass returns. I should
be glad of 1 oz. of Indian root. So much sickness has occasiond a scarcity of Medicine.
Distroy this. Such a doleful tale it contains can give no pleasure to { 278 } any one. Our other children are well and send Duty to pappa. Bracket has been complaining
but has got better. The small pox in the natural way was never more mortal than this
Distemper has proved in this and many neighbouring Towns. 18 have been buried since
you left us in <the other> Mr. Welds parish. 4, 3 and 2 funerals in a day for many days. Heitherto our family
has been greatly favourd. Heaven still preserve us. Tis a melancholy time with us.
I hope you will not think me in the dismals, but publick and private judgments ought
to be noticed by every one. I am most affectionately Yours,
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “The Honble: John Adams Esqr: at the Congress
Philadelphia”; endorsed: “Portia. Sep. 8. 10. 1775.”
1. Isaac Copeland, a hired or bound farm boy.
2. Susy and Patty, whose last names are unknown, were evidently young servants or bound
girls. AA's subsequent letters report that Susy recovered and returned, but Patty, who was
probably a relative of JA or AA and had lived four years in the Adams household, died after a protracted and grisly
illness early in October.
4. The earliest use of this adjective recorded in DAE is by Joel Barlow in his Hasty Pudding, published 1793: “Brown, corn-fed nymphs and strong, hard-handed beaux.” The more
recent Dict. of Americanisms records “corn-fed pork” in 1787.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0180
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-17
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree Sepbr. 16 [i.e. 17] Sunday 1775
I set myself down to write with a Heart depressed with the Melancholy Scenes arround
me. My Letter will be only a Bill of Mortality, tho thanks be to that Being who restraineth
the pestilence, that it has not yet proved mortal to any of our family, tho we live
in daily Expectation that Patty will not continue many hours. A general putrefaction
seems to have taken place, and we can not bear the House only as we are constantly
clensing it with hot vinegar. I had no Idea of the Distemper producing such a state
as hers till now. Yet we take all posible care by shifting her bed every day. Two
of the children John and Charlss I have sent out of the house, finding it difficult
to keep them out of the chamber. Nabby continues well. Tommy is better, but intirely
striped of the hardy robust countanance as well as of all the flesh he had, save what
remains for to keep his bones together. Jonathan is the only one who remains in the
family but what has had a turn of the disorder. Mrs.
Randle has lost her daughter, Mrs. Bracket hers, Mr. Thomas Thayer his wife. 2 persons
belonging to { 279 } Boston have died this week in this parish. I know of eight this week who have been
buried in this Town.
In Weymouth it is very sickly, but not Mortal. Dr. Tufts tell[s] me he has betwen 60 and 70 patients now sick with this disorder. Mr. Thaxter has
been obliged to go home as it was not posible for me to accommodate him. Mr. Mason
came this week, but if he had been inclined I could not have taken him now.1 But the general Sickness in the Towns determined him to return home for the present.
The dread upon the minds of people of catching the distemper is almost as great as
if it was the small pox. I have been distress'd more than ever I was in my life to
procure watchers and to get assistance.
I hear Mr. Tudor has been dangerously sick, but is now upon the recovery. Mr. Wibird
is very low indeed, scarcly able to walk a step. We have been 4 Sabbeths without any
meeting. Thus does pestilence travel in the rear of War to remind us of our intire
dependance upon that Being who not only directeth the arrow by day, but has also at
his command the pestilence which walketh in Darkness. So uncertain and so transotory
are all the enjoyments of Life that were it not for the tender connections which bind
us here, would it not be folly to wish for a continuance here? I think I shall never
be wedded to the World, and were I to loose about a Dozen of my dearest Connections
I should have no further realish for Life.
But perhaps I deceive my self, and know but little of my own Heart;
“To Bear and Suffer is our portion here.”
And unto him who mounts the Whirlwind and directs the Storm I will chearfully leave
the ordering of my Lot, and whether adverse or prosperous Days should be my future
portion I will trust in his right Hand to lead me safely thro, and after a short rotation
of Events fix me in a state immutable and happy.
You will think me melancholy. Tis true I am much affected with the distress'd Scenes
around me but I have some Anxietyes upon my mind which I do not think it prudent to
mention at present to any one. Perhaps when I hear from you, I may in my next Letter
tell you. In the mean time I wish you would tell me whether the intercepted Letters
have reachd Phyladelphia and what affect they have there. There is a most infamous
versification of them I hear sent out. I have not been able to get it.2 As to politicks there seems to be a dead calm upon all sides. Some of the Tories
have been sending out their children. Col. Chandler has sent out his children, and
Mr. Winslow has sent out his daughter. People appear to be gratified with the remon• { 280 } strance, address and petition,3 and most earnestly long for further intelegance.
God helps them that help themselves as King Richard said and if we can obtain the
divine aid by our own virtue, fortitude and perseverance we may be sure of releaf.
Tomorrow will be 3 weeks since you left home in all which time I have not heard one
word from you. Patience is a Lesson I have not to learn so can wait your own time,
but hope it will not be long er'e my anxious heart is releaved. Adieu. I need not
say how sincerely I am your affectionate
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “Honble. John Adams Esqr. Philadelphia To the
care of Col: Warren”; endorsed: “Portia Sep. 16. 1775.”
1. Jonathan Mason (1756–1831), of Boston, College of New Jersey 1774, began his law studies with JA, was admitted to the bar in 1779, and later served as a Federalist in both the Massachusetts
House and Senate and the U.S. House and Senate; after the turn of the century he was
a leading developer of real estate on Beacon Hill in Boston (DAB; Chamberlain, Beacon Hill, p. 85 ff. and passim). From Mason's correspondence with both JA and AA surviving among the Adams Papers, there appears to have been a strong and reciprocal attachment between him and them.
2. Published as a handbill (see Warren-Adams Letters, 1:88, note), but no copy has been found. In her letter to JA of 22 Oct., below, AA gave the title as “a pharaphrase upon the Second Epistle of John the round Head to
James the prolocutor of the Rump parliment.”
3. An Address, Petition, and Remonstrance in favor of the Americans presented by the
City of London to the King on 5 July, printed in Mass. Spy, 13 Sept. 1775.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0181
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-09-17
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Septr. 17. 1775
[salute] My Dear
This is the first Time, that I have attempted to write, since I left you. I arrived
here in good Health, after an agreable Journey, last Wednesday; There had not been
Members enough to make a House, several Colonies being absent, so that I was just
in Time. The next day, an adequate No. appeared, and Congress has sat ever since.1
Georgia is now fully represented, and united to the other Twelve.
Their Delegates are Dr. Zubly, a Clergyman of the independant Perswasion who has a
Parish in that Colony and a good deal of Property. He is a Native of Switzerland,
is a Man of Learning and Ingenuity. It is said he is Master of several Languages,
Greek, Latin, French, Dutch and English. In the latter it is said, he writes tolerably.
He is a Man of Zeal and Spirit, as We have already seen upon several occasions.
{ 281 } However, as he is the first Gentleman of the Cloth who has appeared in Congress, I
can not but wish he may be the last. Mixing the sacred Character, with that of the
Statesman, as it is quite unnecessary at this Time of day, in these Colonies, is not
attended with any good Effects. The Clergy are universally too little acquainted with
the World, and the Modes of Business, to engage in civil affairs with any Advantage.
Besides those of them, who are really Men of Learning, have conversed with Books so
much more than Men, as to be too much loaded with Vanity, to be good Politicians.
Mr. Bullock is another of the Georgian Delegates, a sensible Man, a Planter I suppose.
Mr. Houstoun is the third, a young Lawyer of Modesty as well as sense and Spirit which
you will say is uncommon.
Mr. Jones and Dr. Hall are not yet arrived.
Mr. Henry is made a General in Virginia, and therefore could not come. Mr. Pendleton
and Coll. Bland excused them selves on Account of Age and ill Health. Messrs. Nelson,
Wythe, and Lee, are chosen and are here in the Stead of the other three. Wythe and
Lee are inoculated. You shall hear more about them. Altho they come in the Room of
very good Men, We have lost nothing by the Change I believe.2—Remember me in the tenderest Language, to all our little Folks.—I am yours.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams Braintree”; endorsed: “Sepbr. 17.”
1. JA and Samuel Adams traveled together from Watertown and arrived in Philadelphia on
12 Sept., a week after the day to which Congress had adjourned; for their itinerary
see JA's Account with Massachusetts, printed in his Diary and Autobiography, 2:168–169. A quorum was obtained and Congress proceeded to business on 13 Sept. (JCC, 2:240 ff.).
2. In his Diary entry for 15 Sept.JA had more to say about the new delegates: John Joachim Zubly, Archibald Bulloch, and
John Houstoun of Georgia; and Thomas Nelson Jr., George Wythe, and Francis Lightfoot
Lee of Virginia (Diary and Autobiography, 2:172–173).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0182
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-09-21
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Plimouth 21 of Sept. [1775]
As soon as the Letter1 of my Beloved friend reached my Hand, I immediately set down to Congratulate her
on the Recovery of her Lovely Boy. May Returning Health Enliven the Countenance of
Each one of your family, and Every Blessing Alight on your Habitation. I have been
very solicitous about you since I left you. Hearing several times [ . . . ] transiently that you and the Little flock about you were { 282 } very Ill, it is a great relief to my mind to be informd that so many of them are in
better Health. I hope poor Patty may yet recover Notwithstanding your apprehensions.
The Letter you sent is not the one in question. There is still another somewhere.
However am obliged and will Return them all, safe. As to the Copy of another I had
much Rather you should dispose of It as you please than suspect any want of Confidence
in your Friend.2
I have not seen the paraphrase you Mention nor is it Likely I shall unless you procure
it for me, for I have not yet seen the Letters so much talked off. I was in hopes
you would have sent me the Copies. Should be Glad you would send both when you have
oppertunity.
You ask my opinion of the petition, the Remonstrance and the Irish Conduct &c. I think
they discover that there are some people in England who have sense Enough to Discern
that Impending Ruin Hangs over the Nation, and a few that may be Influenced by the
Love of justice and Humanity And a Regard to their American Brethren but I believe
there are many matters to be Adjusted before a setlement will be made. The silence
of a Great personage may Indicate an obstinate perseverance in Error but perhaps it
may be best. Negotiation under Certain Circumstance is but building on a Fabric so
shatered by the Recent storm, that it is in Danger of falling under the Hands of the
Workmen on the first Rude Blast which shall attack it.
I hear our Good Friend Mrs. Lincoln is Returned. I Wish she would make it Certain
by a signal from her own Hand. With my affectionate Compliments to her and the Family
do remind her of this Request.
I hope you will have your Drooping spirits Revived Ere Long by a Letter from a Gentleman,
I Esteem (I belive I shall not be very wide from the truth) if I say Next to one I
hope for the Happiness of seeing before this Reaches the Hand of the agreable Portia,
from one who will Indulge so far in the Romantic stile as to subscribe once more by
the Name of Your affectionate
[signed] Marcia
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0183
Recipient: Cranch, Mary Smith
Date: 1775-09-22
Hannah Storer Green to Mary Smith Cranch
[dateline] Westfield Sepr. 22d. 1775
[salute] My Dear Friend
I suppose you have received a Letter from me1 which upon recol• { 283 } lection, I'm sensible, bears evident tokens of a disorderd mind, but I hope, the distraction
of the times, together with being in a great hurry for fear of losing the opportunity,
will plead my excuse; and as I know you to be a friend I am sure you will not expose
me; and indeed had it not been to such a one I should not have attempted writing at
a time when my spirits were much agitated between hope and fear and tossed about like
the waves of the Sea.—I wish you would let me hear from you. I want to know how you
all do. Thro' the divine goodness we are in health. I would add more but Brother Storer
is below and I want to be with him as much as I can so I know you will excuse me.
[salute] I am Affectionately Your Friend,
[signed] Hannah Green
P.S. I have a favor to ask of you, in case we should return to Boston we should be
glad of a Seat at Dr. Coopers in the Pew with the Widow Cotton without incommoding
her, now as we mean to make application to Mr. Hancock I would ask you to speak to
Mrs. Adams about it to know whether she thought Mr. Adams would be kind eno' to ask
Mr. Hancock about it.2 I do not mean to lay Mr. Adams under any obligation upon our account but if he would
be kind eno' to speak to him for us, I should be obliged to him. Be sure so as not
to incommode Mrs. Cotton but only to take a Seat with her (as we suppose there will
be full room eno' and to spare for both). Yours and Mrs. Adams's advice and assistance in this as well as any other instance will be gratefully receivd by
Your friend,
[signed] H.G.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs: Mary Cranch In Braintree.”
1. Not found.
2. John Hancock had given £1,000 toward the new building of Rev. Samuel Cooper's Brattle
Street Meetinghouse, completed in 1773 (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 11:195).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0184
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-09-23
Joseph Hawley to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Watertown 23d. Septr. 1775
[salute] Mrs. Adams
The Publick have great Need of two Vols. of Mr. Adams English Statutes at large. The edition which Mr. Adams owns is (if I don't mistake) Ruffhead's. The one Vol.
which is wanted is that which contains the Statutes of 27th. of Edward the third and
the other which is Needed contains the Statutes of the 23d. of Henry the 8th.1
I would not ask such a favour Madam, if the publick was not much interested. I shall
desire Col. Thayer to be particularly careful in { 284 } bringing them—after their Arrival, I will undertake that they be Most carefully used
and will be responsible for a speedy return of them. I don't know where else they
can be Obtained.
[salute] I am Madm. Your Most respectful and Obedient Sert.,
[signed] Joseph Hawley
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams at Braintree.”
1. JA's set of the British Statutes at Large was that compiled by Owen Ruffhead, 8 vols. in 9, London, 1763–1765; it survives
among his books in the Boston Public Library. The volumes Hawley wanted were the first
two. A comparison of the statutes enacted during the regnal years mentioned by Hawley
with the entries in the Massachusetts House Journal at this period does not suggest the precise use to which Hawley intended to put the
Statutes.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0185
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-25
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree Sepbr. 25 1775
[salute] Dearest Friend
I set down with a heavy Heart to write to you. I have had no other since you left
me. Woe follows Woe and one affliction treads upon the heal of an other. My distress
for my own family having in some measure abated;1 tis excited anew upon the distress of my dear Mother. Her kindness brought her to
see me every day when I was ill and our little Tommy. She has taken the disorder and
lies so bad that we have little hopes of her Recovery. She is possess'd with the Idea
that she shall not recover, and I fear it will prove but too true.
In this Town the distemper seems to have abated. We have none now so bad as Patty.
She has lain 21 days, each day we had reason to think would be her last, but [a] good Constitution, and youth for ought I know will finally conquer the distemper.
She is not able to get out of Bed, nor can she help herself any more than a new born
infant. Yet their are symptoms which now appear in her favour.
The desolation of War is not so distressing as the Havock made by the pestilence.
Some poor parents are mourning the loss of 3, 4 and 5 children, and some families
are wholy striped of every Member.
Wherefore is it that we are thus contended with? How much reason have I for thankfulness
that all my family are spaired whilst so many others are striped of their parents,
their children, their husbands.
O kind Heaven spair my parents, spair my Dearest Friend and grant him Health. Continue
the lives and health of our dear children. Sister Elihu Adams lost her youngest child
last night with this disorder.2 I can add no more than Supplications for your welfare, and an ardent desire to hear
from you by every opportunity. It will alleviate { 285 } every trouble thro which it may be my Lot to pass. I am most affectionately your distress'd
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esq at Philadelphia
To the Care of Col: Warren”; docketed in an unidentified hand.
2. An infant daughter whose name is not known.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0186
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-09-26
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Septr. 26. 1775
[salute] My Dear
I have not written the usual Compliment of Letters since I left Braintree; nor have
I received one Scratch of a Pen from any Body, till the last Evening, when the Post
brought me a Line from Mrs. Warren,1 in which she informs me that you had been ill, but was better. I shall be unhappy
till I hear farther from you, tho I hope for the best.
I have enjoyed better Health, this session than the last, and have suffered less from
certain Fidgets, Pidlings, and Irritabilities which have become so famous. A more
serious Spirit prevails than heretofore. We shall soon be in Earnest. I begin to think
We are so. Our Injunctions of Secrecy are so much insisted on, that I must be excused
from disclosing one Iota of any Thing that comes to my Knowledge as a Member of the
Congress. Our Journal of the last session however, I conjecture will be speedily printed
and then I will inclose it to you.
I want to be informed from Hour to Hour, of any Thing which passes in Boston—whether
our Friends come out—what Property they bring?—how they fare in Town? How the Tories
subsist &c. &c. &c. Whether the Troops are healthy or sickly?
I also want to know every Thing which passes in our Army. The Feats and Exploits of
our little Naval Armaments would be very agreable.
Tudor is made easy. He must keep a Clerk, or there will be Jealousies. Indeed it is
his Duty for it is impossible he can do the Business himself, and if that is not done,
Injustice to the public will be done.2
I have seen the Utility of Geometry, Geography, and the Art of drawing so much of
late, that I must intreat you, my dear, to teach the Elements of those Sciences to
my little Girl and Boys. It is as pretty an Amusement, as Dancing or Skaiting, or
Fencing, after they { 286 } have once acquired a Taste for them. No doubt you are well qualified for a school
Mistress in these Studies, for Stephen Collins tells me the English Gentleman, in
Company with him, when he visited Braintree, pronounced you the most accomplished
Lady, he had seen since he left England.—You see a Quaker can flatter, but dont you
be proud.3
My best Wishes and most fervent Prayers attend our little Family. I have been banished
from them, the greatest Part of the last Eighteen Months but I hope to be with them
more, in Time to come. I hope to be excused from attending at Philadelphia, after
the Expiration of the Year. I hope that Dr. Winthrop, Mr. Sever, Mr. Greenleaf, Coll.
Warren, Mr. Hawley, Mr. Gerry, some or all of them will take their Turns, in the States4—and suffer me, at least to share with my Family, a little more than I have done,
the Pleasures and Pains of this Life, and that I may attend a little more to my private
Affairs that I may not be involved in total Ruin, unless my Country should be so and
then I should choose to share its Fate.
RC (Adams Papers); docketed in two or more unidentified hands.
1. Dated at Watertown, 4 Sept. 1775 (Adams Papers; partly printed in Warren-Adams Letters, 1:106–107). Mrs. Warren casually reported that AA had been “a Little unwell ... but is much better.”
2. William Tudor had been appointed judge advocate general on 14 July and soon found
himself overwhelmed with work; see Tudor to JA, no date, filed under Aug. 1775 (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0187
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-09-27
James Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Watertown Sepr. 27th: 1775
[salute] Dear Madam
I Received yours last Evening.1 Att the same time that I feel a Joy on the happy recovery of yourself and Family,
I feel a Tender Simpathy, and Concern with you on the Continuation of your Anxiety
and Affliction by the Illness of your Mother. I hope you will soon be relieved by
her recovery. I Intended before this to have had the pleasure of going to Plymo. and
makeing at least a short Visit to Mrs. Warren and Family, and should not have failed
Calling on you as I went along. I cant Express the Mortifications I feel on the repeated
disappointments I have met with. I have been detained here three weeks Expecting every
minute the remainder of the money to be sent from Philadelphia. The delay is unaccountable
to every one here. We are all Agreed that there is some Wickedness at the Bottom,
but know { 287 } not where. It is suspected to be in one of the Treasurer's whose Principles I am told
would not recommend him to the place he holds. I
know of no Conveyance at present to Philadelphia but by the Post who goes Tomorrow.
Will Endeavour to Acquaint you of any I may meet with. The two Letters I received
from you for Mr. Adams, I Inclosed in my own and sent by Mr. Willing. His postponeing
his Journey from one day to another for a Week was the Occasion, of both of them going
by the same Conveyance. I presume they are delivered before this. We have a remarkable
Dearth of News. Nothing but what you see in the Paper Except the safe arrival of our
Troops at Kennebeck.2 Not A word from Philadelphia. I hope very soon to have a Letter from your worthy
Partner, who I dare say with me regrets those Circumstances that oblige us to a Seperation
from the very worthy objects of our Esteem and Affection. I will forward the Letter
you send by the first Opportunity. I am Madam with the greatest regard Your Friend
& Humble Servt.,
[signed] J. Warren
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Not found.
2. These troops had sailed from Newburyport to the Kennebeck River for the march into
Canada under the command of Benedict Arnold. See French, First Year, p. 431–432.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0188
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-29
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree Sepbr. 29 1775
[salute] Dearest Friend
I received your kind favour of the 17. It was a Cordial to my dejected Heart to see
and hear of your safe arrival in good Health and Spirits.
Many are the Mercies of Heaven towards me. Tho I feel myself severely chastned yet
I would not be unmindful either of the favours or frowns of him who hath said that
he doth not afflict willingly.—Tis allotted me to go from the sick and allmost dyeing
Bed of one of the Best of parents to my own habitation, where again I behold the same
Scene, only varied by a remoter connextion—
“A Bitter change, severer for severe.”
I go to my Mother, and stay 12 hours with her, and then am obliged to return home
to the most gastly object my Eyes ever beheld, who is continually desirous of my being
with her the little While she expects to live, and who is now become such a putrid
mass as scarcely to be able for any one to do their Duty towards her.
{ 288 } You can more easily conceive than I discribe what are the sensations of my Heart,
when absent from either, continually expecting a Messenger with the fatal tidings;
er'e this will reach you I suppose you will have received a Catalogue of my afflictions.
In past years small has been my portion of the Bitter Cup in comparison with many
others. But there is now prepairing for me I fear, a large draught thereof. May I
be enabled to submit with patience and resignation to the rod and him who hath appointed
it, knowing it is directed by unerring wisdom. The consolations of Religion are the
only sure comforters in the day of affliction. They are not Buried in the dust, they
journey not from us, nor can they be wrested from the mind by the lawless rapine of
tyrants.
Thus far I wrote but could add no more till this morning. The Doctor is just gone,
but alas he gives me no hopes, as he can see no symptoms upon which he can Build.
I go to day to give a respit to my sisters.
All our dear little one[s] are well. Tommy looks cleverly. Patty still lives beyond any thing we could expect.
Yesterday we thought her dyeing, but she revived again.
You must write me by every opportunity. You will not expect me to look abroad for
any news. I hope you will have every intelegance from others much better than can
be given you by your afflicted
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esqr. at Philadelphia”;
endorsed: “Portia. Septr. 29. 1775.”
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0189
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-01
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Weymouth october. 1 1775
Have pitty upon me, have pitty upon me o! thou my beloved for the Hand of God presseth
me soar.
Yet will I be dumb and silent and not open my mouth becaus thou o Lord hast done it.
How can I tell you (o my bursting Heart) that my Dear Mother has Left me, this day
about 5 oclock she left this world for an infinitely better.
After sustaining 16 days severe conflict nature fainted and she fell asleep. Blessed
Spirit where art thou? At times I almost am ready to faint under this severe and heavy
Stroke, seperated from thee who used to be a comfortar towards me in affliction, but blessed be God, { 289 } his Ear is not heavy that he cannot hear, but he has bid us call upon him in time
of Trouble.
I know you are a sincere and hearty mourner with me and will pray for me in my affliction.
My poor father like a firm Believer and a Good christian sets before his children
the best of Examples of patience and submission. My sisters send their Love to you
and are greatly afflicted. You often Express'd your anxiety for me when you left me
before, surrounded with Terrors, but my trouble then was as the small dust in the
balance compaird to what I have since endured. I hope to be properly mindful of the
correcting hand, that I may not be rebuked in anger.—You will pardon and forgive all
my wanderings of mind. I cannot be correct.
Tis a dreadful time with this whole province. Sickness and death are in almost every
family. I have no more shocking and terible Idea of any Distemper except the Plague
than this.
Almighty God restrain the pestilence which walketh in darkness and wasteth at noon
day and which has laid in the dust one of the dearest of parents. May the Life of
the other be lengthend out to his afflicted children and Your distressd
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “To The Honle. John Adams at Philadelphia To
the Care of Col. Warren”; endorsed: “Portia Octr. 1. 1775.”
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0190
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-10-01
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Octr. 1. 1775
[salute] My Dear
This Morning, I received your two Letters of September 8th. and September 16th.1—What shall I say?—The Intelligence they contain, came upon me by Surprize, as I never
had the least Intimation before, that any of my Family was ill, excepting in a Card
from Mrs. Warren received a few days ago, in which she informed me that Mrs. Adams
had been unwell but was better.2
You may easily conceive the State of Mind, in which I am at present.—Uncertain and
apprehensive, at first I suddenly thought of setting off, immediately, for Braintree,
and I have not yet determined otherwise. Yet the State of public Affairs is so critical,
that I am half afraid to leave my Station, Altho my Presence here is of no great Consequence.
I feel—I tremble for You. Poor Tommy! I hope by this Time, however, he has recovered
his plump Cheeks and his fine Bloom. By { 290 } your Account of Patty I fear—but still I will hope she has been supported, and is
upon the Recovery.
I rejoice to learn that Nabby and her Brothers have hitherto escaped and pray God
that his Goodness may be still continued to them.—Your Description of the distressed
State of the Neighbourhood is affecting indeed.
It is not uncommon for a Train of Calamities to come together. Fire, Sword, Pestilence,
Famine, often keep Company, and visit a Country in a Flock.
At this Distance I can do no good to you nor yours. I pray God to support you—I hope
our Friends and Neighbours are kind as usual. I feel for them, in the general Calamity.
I am so far from thinking you melancholly, that I am charmed with that Admirable Fortitude,
and that divine Spirit of Resignation which appears in your Letters. I cannot express
the Satisfaction it gives me, nor how much it contributes to support me.
You have alarmed me however, by mentioning Anxieties which you do not think it prudent
to mention to any one. I am wholly at a Loss to conjecture what they can be. If they
arise from the Letters,3 be assured that you may banish them forever. These Letters have reached Philadelphia,
but have produced Effects very different from those which were expected from the Publication
of them. These Effects I will explain to you sometime or other. As to the Versification
of them, if there is Wit or Humour in it laugh—if ill Nature, sneer—if mere Dullness,
why you may even yawn or nod. I have no Anger, at it, nay even scarcly contempt. It
is impotent.
As to Politicks, We have nothing to expect but the whole Wrath and Force of G. Britain.
But your Words are as true as an oracle “God helps them, who help them selves, and
if We obtain the divine Aid by our own Virtue, Fortitude and Perseverance, We may
be sure of Relief.”
It may amuse you to hear a Story. A few days ago, in Company with Dr. Zubly, somebody
said, there was nobody on our side but the Almighty. The Dr. who is a Native of Switzerland,
and speaks but broken English, quickly replied “Dat is enough.—Dat is enough,” and
turning to me, says he, it puts me in mind of a fellow who once said, The Catholicks
have on their side the Pope, and the K. of France and the K. of Spain, and the K.
of Sardinia, and the K. of Poland and the Emperor of Germany &c. &c. &c. But as to
them poor Devils the Protestants, they have nothing on their side but God Almighty.
{ 291 } RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. Adams—Braintree”; endorsed: “Octobr. 1”; docketed in an unidentified
hand: “Oct / 75 Mr. A.”
1. Both printed above, the second under its true date of 17 September.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0191
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-10-02
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Octr. 2. 1775
[salute] My Dear
Every Thing here is in as good a Way as I could wish, considering the Temper and Designs
of Administration. I assure you, the Letters have had no such bad Effects, as the
Tories intended, and as some of our shortsighted Whiggs apprehended: so far otherwise
that I see and hear every day, fresh Proofs that every Body is coming fast into every
political Sentiment contained in them. I assure you I could mention compliments passed
upon them: and if a serious Decision could be had upon them, the public Voice would
be found in their Favour.
But I am distressed with Cares of another Kind. Your two Letters are never out of
my Thoughts. I should have mounted my Horse this day for Braintree, if I had not hopes
of hearing further from you in a Day or two.
However, I will hope that your Prospects are more agreable than they were, and that
the Children are all better as well as the rest of the Family and the Neighbours.
If I should hear more disagreable Advices from you I shall certainly come home, for
I cannot leave you, in such Affliction, without endeavouring to lessen it, unless
there was an absolute Necessity of my staying here, to do a Duty to the Public, which
I think there is not.
I must beg to be excused my dear from hint[ing] any Thing for the future of public Persons or Things. Secrecy is so much exacted:
But thus much I can say, that I never saw so serious and determined a Spirit.
I must also beseech you to be cautious what you write to me and by whom you send.
Letters sent to the Care of Coll. Warren, will come Safe.
My Regards with all proper Distinctions to my Relations and yours, my Friends and
yours, my Acquaintances and yours.
This will go by Major Bayard, a Gentleman of the Presbyterian Perswasion in this City,
of excellent Character to whom I am indebted for a great many Civilities.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “For Mrs: Adams Braintree favoured by Major Bayard”; endorsed: “Ocbr.
2”; docketed in an unidentified hand.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0192
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-04
John Thaxter to John Adams
[dateline] Hingham Octr. 4th. 1775
[salute] Dear Sir
Since your absence your family has been visited with such a scene of sickness, as,
I believe it never before saw. Mrs's. Adams, Tommy, Copeland, Susy and Patty have
been sick with the disorder which began to rage when you left Braintree; but they
have all recovered saving Patty who Yesterday lay at the point of death.
Little Tommy, whom I affectionately love, had it so severely, that his life was despaired
of; but God the great fountain and source of Being graciously averted the arrow of
Death that seemed impending, and spared the tender Plant.
Mrss. Adams, whom I have just Grounds to respect, I unfeignedly pity in her present
Distress. The Care of her Family in its present Situation is perplexing and burdensome—almost
too much for her to sustain considering she is but just recovering from the violent
Operations of this debilitating disorder.
I sympathize with her under an additional Distress, viz. the Loss of her Mother Smith,
at whose Funeral Solemnity, she was Yesterday a mournful and an affected Attendant.
One great Distress backed with another as severe has almost unnerved her; but Christian
Fortitude cooperating with a firm Dependance on providential Support has enabled her
to sustain the repeated Attacks of Distress and Despair.
The Symptoms of this Disorder are greatly abated and we are in hopes its Operations
will soon cease.—Sword and Pestilence spread wild Havock and Carnage among Men. The
one and the other we have experienced; of late, the latter is gradually removeing;
but the Duration of the former is known only to that God who hath appointed both.
Appearances seem to indicate that the Scabbard must still continue in Exile, and that
the Sword must not as yet seek her safe Retreat.
[salute] I am, dear Sir, your very humble Servt:,
[signed] J. Thaxter
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To The Honble: John Adams Esqr. at Philadelphia”; endorsed: “Hingham
Octr. 4. 1775”; docketed in the hand of William Gordon(?).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0193
Date: 1775-10-06
Obituary of Elizabeth Quincy Smith
[dateline] Weymouth Octer. 6th 1775
Last Sabbath departed this Life universally lamented Mrs. Elizabeth Smith, the amiable
and virtuous Consort of the Revd. Mr. William Smith of this town; Aged 53 years. She
has left a disconsolate Husband and four Children to mourn her Loss.1
No external motives to virtue with which mankind are favoured are more powerfully
operative than living Examples of Piety and goodness: But next to these, perhaps, may be ranked the faithfull Coppies
of Piety and virtue exhibited in the Characters of departed Saints. Hence we find that our blessed Lord, when on Earth, propos'd
his Example to his Followers—“Learn of me &c.” and hence also the holy Apostle recommends as
patterns to the primitive Christians the Characters of those departed Worthies who “thro' Faith and Patience inherited the promisses.”
Those who had the Happiness of being acquainted with Her whose much lamented Death gave rise to these Reflections, will not be offended at
seeing so amiable a Character as hers modestly presented to publick view.
Tho' Mrs. Smith decended from very worthy and honourable Ancestors the pride of Parentage
never found a place in her Heart: her true Dignity Sprung from a nobler Alliance.
She “was born of God” and as a Christian was carefull without ostentation to walk
in all the Commandments and Ordinances of the Lord blameless and to Teach the same
to her family2 carefully avoiding that blind zeal for Trifles which so often alienates the affections
of Christians and sours the sweetest Temper. In the various Social Relations of Wife,
Mother and Mistress of a Family She was kind, tender and humane: but these soft and
amiable Qualities appeared much more in obliging Actions than warm Expressions. In
Sickness especially, her kind Assistance extended far beyond the limits of her Family
or particular Connections. It was enough that the distressed was poor or a Stranger
or Friendless to call her from her beloved retirement to their help and assistance;
indeed it was
in visiting and assisting the sick and Distressed that Mrs. Smith peculiarly excell'd.
Her Tenderness and Attention were such as almost to prevent the Wishes of the Patient
while the Chearfullness with which she administered to their Necessities “made languor
smile and smothed the bed of Death.”
In her Domestick Oeconomy she was a Pattern of Prudence and { 294 } Industry and by imploying the Indus[t]rious Poor3 promoted at once the publick Good and that of individuals by the best kind of Charity.
In her Relation to the Parish, as the Wife of their Minister She was remarkably Prudent
and Discreet never intermedling as a Party in any of the little Feuds and Quarrels
that might happen in the Parish: but on the contrary allways using her best endeavours
to restore Peace and Friendship where they had been unhappily interrupted: And such
was her great Prudence and her mild and friendly manner of address that the blessing
of the Peace Maker was often hers. Her treatment of the Parishioners was with the
utmost frankness and affability when she met them abroad and with the most friendly
Hospitality when she entertained them at home. By such a Prudent, virtuous and kind
behaviour she gained the universal love and Esteem of that worthy Community where
she had for more than thirty years resided And where perhaps in all that time no Death
was ever more sincerely or more universally lamented than hers. In the Course of life
she was often visited by long and painfull Indispositions of
body; but She received the visits of those harbingers of Death with Christian Fortitude:
and when at last her constitution tender and delicate at best was forc'd to yield
to the king of Terrors; even then she was not “afraid with any Amazment” but calmly
resigned her Soul into the hands of her great Redeamer saying with the blessed St.
Stephen “Lord Jesus receive my Spirit.” With these Words she clos'd the Mortal Drama,
Her next were heard in heaven!4
MS (Adams Papers); in an unidentified hand and without docketing or other markings; see note 1.
1. This obituary tribute is not in the hand of any member of the Smith family or circle
known to the present editors. It is probably a fair copy of a missing original to
which, as some phrases in the text suggest, AA may well have contributed. The tribute was printed in the Halls' New-England Chronicle or Essex Gazette of 19 Oct. 1775—a paper which had recently been published in Salem, was currently
published in Cambridge, and after the British evacuation was transferred to Boston.
The newspaper text is somewhat shorter and contains a number of verbal changes; only
two variants are noted here.
2. Remainder of this sentence omitted in newspaper text.
3. Newspaper text reads: “... and by employing many of her poor Neighbours in making
Clothing.”
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0194
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-10-07
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Octr. 7th. 1775
[salute] My dear
Yesterday, by the Post, I received yours of Septr. 25th., and it { 295 } renewed a Grief and Anxiety, that was before almost removed from my Mind. Two days
before I had the Pleasure of a very valuable Letter from Coll. Quincy,1 in which he kindly informed me that you and Our Family were so much better that you
and my dear Nabby, had made a Visit at his House: and Mr. Williams, who brought the
Letter acquainted me that he had been to Braintree after the Date of it, that you
was in good Spirits, that Tommy was so much better as to be playing abroad, and that
he hoped Patty was not dangerous: you will easily believe that this Information gave
me great Pleasure and fine Spirits: It really relieved me from a heavy Load: But your
last Letter has revived my Concern.—I will still hope however that your excellent
Mother will yet be spared for a Blessing to her Family and an Example to the World.
I build my Hopes of her Recovery, upon the
Advantage of a Constitution which has hitherto sustained so many Attacks and upon
a long Course of exact Temperance which I hope has deprived the Distemper of its most
dangerous food and Fuel.—However, our Lives are not in our own Power. It is our Duty
to submit.—“The Ways of Heaven are dark and intricate.” Its designs are often inscrutable,
But are always wise and just and good.
It was long before I had the least Intimation of the Distress of the Family, and I
fear, that your not receiving so many Letters from me as usual may have been one Cause
of Infelicity to you.—Really, my dear, I have been more cautious than I used to be.
It is not easy to know whom to trust, in these times, and if a Letter from any Person
in the situation I am in, can be laid hold of, there are so many Lies made and told
about it, so many false Copies taken and dispersed, and so many false Constructions
put, that one ought to be cautious.
The Situation of Things, is so alarming, that it is our Duty to prepare our Minds
and Hearts for every Event, even the Worst. From my earliest Entrance into Life, I
have been engaged in the public Cause of America: and from first to last I have had
upon my Mind, a strong Impression, that Things would be wrought up to their present
Crisis. I saw from the Beginning that the Controversy was of such a Nature that it
never would be settled, and every day convinces me more and more. This has been the
source of all the Disquietude of my Life. It has lain down and rose up with me these
twelve Years. The Thought that we might be driven to the sad Necessity of breaking
our Connection with G.B. exclusive of the Carnage and Destruction which it was easy
to see must attend the seperation, always gave me a great deal of Grief. And even
now, I would chearfully retire from public life forever, renounce all Chance for Profits
or Honours from { 296 } the public, nay I would chearfully
contribute my little Property to obtain Peace and Liberty.—But all these must go and
my Life too before I can surrender the Right of my Country to a free Constitution.
I dare not consent to it. I should be the most miserable of Mortals ever after, whatever
Honours or Emoluments might surround me.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams Braintree”; added in another hand: “To the Care of J
Parke Esq”; endorsed: “Octobr. 7”; docketed in an unidentified hand.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0195
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-09
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree october 9 1775
I have not been composed enough to write you since Last Sabbeth1 when in the bitterness of my soul, I wrote a few confused lines, since which time
it has pleased the great disposer of all Events to add Breach to Breach—
The day week that I was call'd to attend a dying parents Bed I was again call'd to
mourn the loss of one of my own Family. I have just returnd from attending Patty to
the Grave. No doubt long before this will reach you, you have received a melancholy
train of Letters in some of which I mention her as dangerously sick. She has lain
5 weeks wanting a few days so bad as that we had little hopes of her Recovery; the
latter part of the Time she was the most shocking object my Eyes ever beheld, and
so loathsome that it was with the utmost dificulty we could bear the House. A mortification
took place a week before she dyed, <nothing but duty and humanity could> and renderd her a most pityable object. We have great sickness yet in the Town; she
made the fourth Corpse that was this day committed to the Ground. We have many others
now so bad as to dispair of their lives. But Blessed be the Father of Mercies all
our family are now well, tho I have my apprehensions least the
malignincy of the air in the House may have infected some of them, we have fevers
of various kinds, the Throat Distemper as well as the Dysentery prevailing in this
and the Neighbouring Towns.
“Rare are solitary woes, they Love a Train
And tread each others heal.”
How long o Lord shall the whole land say I am sick? O shew us { 297 } wherefore it is that thou art thus contending with us? In a very perticuliar manner
I have occasion to make this inquiry who have had Breach upon Breach, nor has one
wound been permitted to be healed e'er it is made to Blead affresh, in six weeks I
count 5 of my near connections laid in the grave. Your Aunt Simpson died at Milton
about ten days ago with the Dysentery.2
But the heavy stroke which most of all distresses me is my dear Mother. I cannot overcome
my too selfish sorrow, all her tenderness towards me, her care and anxiety for my
welfare at all times, her watchfulness over my infant years, her advice and instruction
in maturer age; all, all indear her memory to me, and highten my sorrow for her loss.
At the same time I know a patient submission is my duty. I will strive to obtain it!
But the lenient hand of time alone can blunt the keen Edg of Sorrow. He who deignd
to weep over a departed Friend, will surely forgive a sorrow which at all times desires
to be bounded and restrained, by a firm Belief that a Being of infinite wisdom and
unbounded Goodness, will carve out my portion in tender mercy towards me! Yea tho
he slay me I will trust in him said holy Job. What tho his corrective Hand hath been
streatched against me; I will not murmer. Tho earthly comforts are taken away I will
not repine, he who gave them has surely a right to
limit their duration, and has continued them to me much longer than I deserved. I
might have been striped of my children as many others have been. I might o! forbid
it Heaven, I might have been left a solitary widow.
Still I have many blessing[s] left, many comforts to be thankfull for, and rejoice in. I am not left to mourn as
one without hope.
My dear parent knew in whom she had Believed, and from the first attack of the distemper
she was perswaded it would prove fatal to her. A solemnity possess'd her soul, nor
could you force a smile from her till she dyed. The voilence of her disease soon weakened
her so that she was unable to converse, but whenever she could speak, she testified
her willingness to leave the world and an intire resignation to the Divine Will. She
retaind her senses to the last moment of her Existance, and departed the World with
an easy tranquility, trusting in the merrits of a Redeamer. Her passage to immortality
was marked with a placid smile upon her countanance, nor was there to be seen scarcly
a vestage of the king of Terrors.
Tis by soothing Grief that it can be healed. { 298 }
Forgive me then, for thus dwelling upon a subject sweet to me, but I fear painfull
to you. O how I have long'd for your Bosom to pour forth my sorrows there, and find
a healing Balm, but perhaps that has been denyed me that I might be led to a higher
and a more permamant consolater who has bid us call upon him in the day of trouble.
“The sweet remembrance of the just
Shall flourish when they sleep in Dust.”
“Give Sorrow words.
The Grief that cannot speak
Whispers the o'er fraught heart and bids it Break.”
As this is the first day since your absence that I could write you that we were all
well, I desire to mark it with perticuliar gratitude, and humbly hope that all my
warnings and corrections are not in vain.
I most thankfully received your kind favour of the 26 yesterday. It gives me much
pleasure to hear of your Health. I pray Heaven for the continuance of it. I hope for
the future to be able to give you more intelegance with regard to what passes out
of my own little circle, but such has been my distress that I knew nothing of the
political world.
You have doubtless heard of the viliny of one who has professd himself a patriot,
but let not that man be trusted who can voilate private faith, and cancel solem covanants,
who can leap over moral law, and laugh at christianity.3 How is he to be bound whom neither honour nor conscience holds?—We have here a Rumor
that Rhodiland has shared the fate of Charlstown—is this the Day we read of when Satan
was to be loosed?
I do not hear of any inhabitants getting out of Town. Tis said Gage is superceeded
and How in his place,4 and that How released the prisoners from Gaoil. Tis also said tho not much credited
that Burgoine is gone to Philadelphia.
I hope to hear from you soon. Adieu. Tis almost twelve o clock at Night. I have had
so little Sleep that I must bid you good Night. With hearty wishes for your return
I am most sincerely Your
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “The Honble. John Adams a Member of the Continental
Congress Philadelphia To the care of Coll. Lincoln Watertown”; endorsed: “Portia Octr.
9. 1775.”
1. That is, Sabbath before last, 1 October.
3. Late in September an exceedingly compromising letter in cipher written by Dr. Benjamin
Church during the summer to his brother-in-law, a loyalist in Boston, was brought
to light and caused a sensation because Church was high in patriot councils, a member
of the Committee of Safety and of the House of Representatives, and in July had been
appointed by Congress direc• { 299 } tor and chief physician of the Continental hospital. Church defended himself with
spirit and ingenuity and never admitted his guilt. The suspicion that he was a traitor
was not definitively proved until the 20th century. In his study entitled General Gage's Informers, Ann Arbor, 1932, Allen French published documents from the Gage Papers in the Clements
Library showing that Church had been furnishing information to the British command
in Boston since at least early in 1775. The Massachusetts House expelled Church, and
he was court-martialed, but his punishment was referred to
the Continental Congress, which, though it imprisoned Church, never quite made up
its mind about him. Apparently there were some members who thought Church had acted
with more bad judgment than bad faith. For a contemporary account of Church's detection,
see James Warren to JA, 1 Oct. (Warren-Adams Letters, 1:121–122). William Tudor furnished JA with a report of Church's examination at the bar of the House in a letter of 28 Oct. (Adams Papers). JA's first impulse was to warn against abandoning Church “for a Traitor without certain
Evidence” (to Warren, 18 Oct., Warren-Adams Letters, 1:142; see also JA to AA, 13 Oct., below). Later JA hinted that Hancock and Samuel Adams took too lenient a view of Church's conduct
(Diary and Autobiography, 3:384). For what finally happened to Church, see French, General Gage's Informers, p. 195 ff.
4. Sir William Howe superseded Gage as commander of British forces south of Canada on
10 October.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0196
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-10-10
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Octr. 10. 1775
I am much concerned least you should feel an Addition to your Anxieties, from your
having so seldom heard from me. But I pray you to dismiss all Concern about me. I
am happier far than I was before the Adjournment. My Health is better, and Business
and Conversation are much more to my Taste.
The surprizing Intelligence We have in private Letters concerning the Director of
the Hospital, has made me more cautious of Writing than ever. I must be excused from
writing a Syllable of any Thing of any Moment. My Letters have been and will be nothing,
but Trifles. I dont cho[o] se to trust the Post. I am afraid to trust private Travellers. They may peep. Accidents
may happen, and I would avoid, if I could, even Ridicule, but especially Mischief.
Pray, bundle up every Paper, not already hid, and conceal them in impenetrable Darkness.
Nobody knows what may occur.
My Love to those who are dearest to us both. Send yours to the Care of the Gentleman
whose Care has hitherto been successfull. Date them in Time, but not Place, and assume
a new fictitious Name.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams To the Care of Coll Warren”; endorsed: “Ocbr. 10”; docketed
in an unidentified hand.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0197
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-10-13
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Octr. 13. 1775
I this day received yours of the 29 of September, and the 1st. of October.
Amidst all your Afflictions, I am greatly rejoiced to find that you all along preserve
so proper and so happy a Temper—that you are sensible “the Consolations of Religion
are the only sure Comforters.” It is the Constitution under which We are born that
if We live long ourselves We must bury our Parents and all our Elder Relatives and
many of those who are younger. I have lost a Parent, a Child and a Brother, and each
of them left a lasting Impression on my Mind: But, you and I have [many]1 more Relations, and very good Friends to follow to the House [app]ointed for all Flesh, or else We must be followed by them.—In your last you make no
Mention of Patty, poor distress'd Girl! I fear the next News I shall hear will be
of her Departure, yet I will hope, that Youth, and a strong Constitution which has
lasted so long will finally survive. If not We must submit.
I bewail more than I can express, the Loss of your excellent Mother. I mourn the Loss
of so much Purity, and unaffected Piety and Virtue to the World. I know of no better
Character left in it. I grieve for you, and your Brother, and sisters, I grieve for
your Father, whose Age will need the Succour of so excellent a Companion. But I grieve
for nobody more than my Children, and Brothers Smiths and Mr. Cranch's. Her most amiable,
and discreet Example, as well as her Kind Skill and Care I have ever relyed upon in
my own Mind, for the Education of these little Swarms. Not that I have not a proper
Esteem for the Capacity and Disposition of the Mothers, but I know that the Efforts
of the Grandmother, are of great Importance, when they second those of the Parent.
And I am sure that my Children are the better for the forming Hand of their Grandmother.
It gives me great Joy to learn that ours are well—let us be thankfull for this and
many other Blessings yet granted us. Pray my dear cherish in the Minds of my Nabby
and Johnny and Charly and Tommy the Remembrance of their Grand mamma, and remind them
of her Precepts and Example.
God almighty grant to you and to every Branch of the Family, all the Support that
you want! You and I, my dear, have Reason, if ever Mortals had, to be thoughtfull—to
look forward beyond the transitory Scene. Whatever is preparing for Us, let us be
prepared to receive. It is Time for Us to subdue our Passions of every Kind. The Prospect
{ 301 } before Us is an Ocean of Uncertainties, in which no pleasing objects appear. We have
few Hopes, excepting that of preserving our Honour and our Consciences untainted and
a free Constitution to our Country. Let me be sure of these, and amidst all my Weaknesses,
I cannot be overcome. With these I can be happy, in extream Poverty, in humble Insignificance,
nay I hope and believe, in Death: without them I should be miserable, with a Crown
upon my Head, Millions in my Coffers, and a gaping, idolizing Multitude at my Feet.—My
Heart is too full of Grief for you and our Friends to whom I wish you to present my
Regards, to say any
Thing of News or Politicks. Yet the Affair of the surgeon general is so strange, and
important an Event that I cannot close this gloomy Letter, without adding a Sigh for
this imprudent unfortunate Man! I know not whether the Evidence will support the Word
Treachery, but what may We not expect after Treachery to himself, his Wife and Children!2
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams Braintree To the Care of Coll Warren”; endorsed: “Octobr.
13”; docketed in an unidentified hand.
2. Church's intermediary in the affair of the cipher letter was a woman generally believed
to be his mistress; it was therefore supposed that one of the reasons why he took
money from the British was in order to support her. See Allen French, General Gage's Informers, p. 183 ff.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0198
Recipient: Warren, Mercy Otis
Date: 1775-10-19
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] Braintree October 19 1775
I thank my Friends for their kind remembrance of me last week,1 the Letter enclosed was dated one day after that I received a week before, and containd
no publick intelegance. I have been Expecting Letters by the Gentlemen who I hear
have arrived,2 but fear I have not any, as there are none come to hand. I thought I should hear
oftner from Philadelphia this fall, than I had ever done before, but I never before
had so few Letters, or found the communication so difficult.
I wish my Friend you would be kind enough to write me often whilst you tarry at Watertown,
and let your Letters be of the journal kind; by that mean I could participate in your
amusements, in your pleasures, and in your sentiments which would greatly gratify
me, and I should collect the best of inteligance.
Pray Sir is this request unreasonable. I would not ask any thing willingly which might
be deemd so. If it is not will you use your { 302 } influence in obtaining for me this favour? It is Matter of speculation what the errant
of these Gentlemen is. Some suppose one thing some an other.
What do you immagine will be the consequence if a certain Letter writer should escape without very severe punishment? Would there not be suspicions in the
minds of people, prejudicial to those in power? The Country appear much exasperated,
and would say he was not the only traitor.
You have not wrote me what you think of the intercepted Letters, nor of the ridiculous
pharaphrase. I wish you would be kind eno to return the coppy of the Letters when
ever you have done with them.
I hear Mrs. Miflin is come to the Head Quarters. If you see her, please to present
my complements to her. I want to know all that passes. Curiosity you see natural to
me as a——3 but I know who has as much, and therefore can excuse a reasonable share of it in
her Friend.
My best regards attend Mrs. Wintrope when you see her.4 When do you expect to return? I hope I shall see more of you then, and have the pleasure
of both your company, much longer. I fear I shall not see you at Watertown. I feel
but little inclination to go into company. I have no son big enough to accompany me,
and two women cannot make out so well, as when they are more naturally coupled. I
do not fancy riding thro Roxbury with only a female partner; so believe you will not
see Your
[signed] Portia
2. Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Lynch, and Benjamin Harrison, a committee appointed and
instructed by Congress on 29–30 Sept. to confer with Washington and the de facto governing authorities in New England on “the most effectual method of continuing,
supporting, and regulating a continental army” (JCC, 3:265–267). They arrived at Watertown on the 15th (James Warren to JA, 20–22 Oct. 1775, Warren-Adams Letters, 1:149).
4. Hannah (Fayerweather) Tollman Winthrop (d. 1790), 2d wife of JA's friend Professor John Winthrop of Harvard (Mayo, Winthrop Family, p. 187–191).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0199
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-10-19
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Octr: 19. 1775
[salute] My Dear
It is some Time since I wrote you, and I have nothing, now, { 303 } to write but Repetitions of Respect and Affection.—I am anxious to hear from you.
I hope, the Family is better, and that your Grief for the great Loss We have all sustained
is somewhat abated. I hope your Father and Sister Betcy, are well, tho they must be
greatly afflicted. Give my Love to Betcy, and let her know that I feel, most intimately
for her, as well as for myself, and the rest. I consider the Stroke must fall heavier
upon her, as it was nearer to her. Her Prosperity is near my Heart—I wish her every
Blessing which she can possibly wish for herself.
Really it is very painfull to be 400 Miles from ones Family and Friends when We know
they are in Affliction. It seems as if It would be a Joy to me to fly home, even to
share with you your Burdens and Misfortunes. Surely, if I were with you, it would
be my Study to allay your Griefs, to mitigate your Pains and to divert your melancholly
Thoughts.
When I shall come home I know not. We have so much to do, and it is so difficult to
do it right, that We must learn Patience. Upon my Word I think, if ever I were to
come here again, I must bring you with me. I could live here pleasantly if I had you,
with me. Will you come and have the small Pox here? I wish I could remove all the
Family, our little Daughter and Sons, and all go through the Distemper here.—What
if We should? Let me please myself with the Thought however.
Congress has appointed Mr. Wythe, Mr. Deane and me, a Committee to collect an Account
of the Hostilities committed by the Troops and Ships, with proper Evidence of the
Number and Value of the Houses and other Buildings destroyed or damaged, the Vessells
captivated and the Cattle, Sheep, Hogs &c. taken. We are about writing to all the
general assemblies of New England, and to many private Gentlemen in each Collony to
assist Us in making the Collections. The Gentlemen with me are able Men. Deane's Character
you know. He is a very ingenious Man and an able Politician. Wythe is a new Member
from Virginia, a Lawyer of the highest Eminence in that Province, a learned and very
laborious Man: so that We may hope this Commission will be well executed.1 A Tale of Woe it will be! Such a scene of Distress, and Destruction and so patiently
and magnanimously born. Such a Scene of Cruelty and Barbarity, so unfeelingly committed.—I
mention this to you my
dear, that you may look up and transmit to me a Paper, which Coll. Palmer lent me
containing a Relation of the Charlestown Battle, which was transmitted to England
by the Committee of Safety. This Paper I must have, or a Copy of it.2
{ 304 } I wish I could collect from the People of Boston or others, a proper Set of Paintings
of the Scenes of Distress and Misery, brought upon that Town from the Commencement
of the Port Bill. Posterity must hear a Story that shall make their Ears to Tingle.
[salute] Yours—yours—yours—
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams Braintree”; endorsed: “Octobr. 19”; docketed in an unidentified
hand.
1. The committee to prepare “a just and well authenticated account of the hostilities
committed by the ministerial troops and navy in America since last March” was appointed
on 18 Oct., and on the 26th Congress ordered the resolution concerning it published
(JCC, 3:298–299, 307). Some of the letters of inquiry signed and sent by the committee
survive (three from scattered sources are recorded in the Adams Papers Editorial Files), and there are many references to the project in JA's private correspondence at this time. But contrary to JA's hope, more pressing business prevented this plan from being “executed” at all.
2. This “Relation” had been drawn up by the Committee of Safety, or by its order, and
transmitted in a letter from Joseph Palmer to Arthur Lee in London, 25 July 1775.
The narrative and covering letter are printed in Force, Archives, 4th ser., 2:1373–1376, though curiously not in the official record of the Committee
of Safety's proceedings, which ends at 15 July with an editorial statement that no
further record is preserved (Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours., p. 597). Palmer forwarded a copy of the narrative to JA in a letter of 31 Oct. –11 Nov. 1775 (Adams Papers; enclosure filed at 25 July 1775); see also AA to JA, 5 Nov., below, which evidently forwarded another copy.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0200
Recipient: Adams, Abigail (daughter of JA and AA)
Date: 1775-10-20
John Adams to Abigail Adams 2d
[dateline] October 20th, 1775
[salute] My dear Daughter
I condole with you, most sincerely, for the loss of your most worthy grandmamma. I
know you must be afflicted at this severe stroke. She was an excellent instructress
to you, and a bright example of every amiable virtue. Her piety and benevolence; her
charity; her prudence, patience, and wisdom, would have been, if it had pleased God
to spare her life, an admirable model for you to copy. But she is no more: however,
I hope you will remember a great deal of her advice and be careful to pursue it.
Now you have lost so valuable an ancestor, I hope you will be more attentive than
ever to the instructions and examples of your mamma and your aunts. They I know will
give you every assistance in forming your heart to goodness and your mind to useful
knowledge, as well as to those other accomplishments which are peculiarly necessary
and ornamental in your sex. My love to your brothers and all the rest of the family.
Your father,
[signed] John Adams
MS not found. Printed from (Journal and Correspondence of Miss Adams, ... Edited by Her Daughter, New York, 1841–1842, 2:3–4.)
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0201
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1775-10-20
John Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] Octr. 20. 1775
[salute] My dear son
I have suffered a great deal of Anxiety on your Account, having heard of your severe
sickness. But am very glad to learn that you are better.1
I hope you will remember to whom you are obliged for your Restoration to Health, and
that you will be sensible of the kind Care of your Mamma in your Illness and thankfull
for it.
Your excellent Grandmamma, it is to be feared, took the Distemper which proved fatal
to her at our House when she was kindly assisting your Mamma in attending upon you
and the rest of the sick Family.— Your Age was so tender that you never had so much
Knowledge of her, as your sister and Brothers, but I hope you knew so much of her
Goodness as to wish to imitate it.
Be always dutifull and obedient to your Mamma and mind your Books—for it is only from
your Books and the kind Instructions of your Parents that you can expect to be usefull
in the World.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0202
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-21
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree October 21 1775
Tis ten Days since I have wrote you a line; I have received one Letter since dated
27 of Sepbr.1 You do not mention having heard from me altho I have wrote six Letters. I thought
I should have heard oftner from you in this absence than I had ever done before, but
it has been quite otherways. I never found the communication so difficult, and tis
only in my Night visions that I know any thing about you.
I have now the pleasure to tell you that we are all well. Charlly has had an ill turn
since I wrote, but soon got better. Mr. Thaxter and Mr. Mason are returnd to me, and
my family begins again to appear as it used to. Hayden does not stir. Says he will
not go out of the parish unless he is carried out—and here nobody will let him come
in. I { 306 } have offerd him part of the House that Field is in if he will but go out, but no where
suits, and it is not to be wonderd at as he has wood at free cost and has plunderd
pretty well from the family they live <with> many articles.2 I have a great mind to send a sheriff and put him out.
The sickness has abated here and in the Neighbouring Towns. In Boston I am told it
is very sickly among the inhabitants and the soldiry. By a Man one Haskings who came
out the day befor yesterday I learn; that there are but about 25 hundred Soldiers
in Town. How many there are at Charlstown he could not tell. He had been in Irons
3 weeks, some malicious fellow having said that he saw him at the Battle of Lexinton,
but he proved that he was not out of Boston that day, upon which he was releazd, and
went with two other men out in a small boat under their Eye to fish. They play'd about
near the shore a while catching small fish, till they thought they could possibly
reach Dorchester Neck; no sooner were they perceived attempting to escape than they
had 20 cannon dischargd at them, but they all happily reachd the shore. He says no
Language can paint the distress of the inhabitants, most of them destitute of wood
and of provisions of every kind. The Bakers say unless they have a new
supply of wood they cannot bake above one fortnight longer—their Bisquit are not above
one half the former size. The Soldiers are obliged to do very hard duty, and are uneasy
to a great degree, many of them declareing they will not continue much longer in such
a state but at all hazards will escape; the inhabitants are desperate, and contriveing
means of escape. A floating Battery of ours went out two nights ago, and row'd near
the Town, and then discharged their Guns. Some of the Ball went into the Work house,
some through the Tents in the common, and one through the Sign of the Lamb Tavern;
he says it drove them all out of the common, Men, women and children screaming, and
throe'd them into the utmost distress. But very unhappily for us in the discharge
of one of the cannon, the Ball not being properly ramed down one of them split and
killd 2 men and wounded 7 more, upon which they were obliged to return. He also says
that the Tories are much distressd about the fate of Dr.
Church, and very anxious to obtain him, and would exchange Lovel for him. This Man
is so exasperated at the ill usage he has received from them that he is determined
to inlist immediately. They almost starved him whilst he was in Irons, he says he
hopes it will be in his power to send some of them to Heaven for mercy.
They are building a fort by the Hay market and rending down houses for timber to do
it with. In the course of the last week several person[s] { 307 } have found means to escape. One of them says tis talked in Town that How will issue
a proclamation giving Liberty to all who will not take up arms to depart the Town,
and make it death to have any intercourse with the Country afterwards.
At present it looks as if there was no likelihoods of peace. The Ministry are determind
to proceed at all events. The people are already slaves, and have neither virtue or
spirit to help themselves or us. The time is hastning when Gorge like Richard may
cry a kingdom a kingdom for a horse, and want even that wealth to make the purchase.
I hope by degrees we shall be innured to hardships and become a vi[r]tuous valient people, forgetting our formour Luxery and each one apply with industery
and frugality to Manufactory and husbandery till we rival all other Nations by our
Virtues.
I thank you for your amuseing account of the Quaker[s]. Their great stress with regard to coulours in their dress &c. is not the only ridiculous
part of their Sentiments with regard to Religious Matters.
There's not a day, but, to the Man of thought,
Betrays some secret, that throws new reproach
on life, and makes him sick of seeing more.
What are your thoughts with regard to Dr. Church? Had you much knowledg of him? I
think you had no intimate acquaintance with him.
It is a matter of great Speculation what will be his punishment. The people are much
enraged against him. If he is set at liberty, even after he has received a severe
punishment I do not think he will be safe. He will be dispised and detested by every
one, and many suspisions will remain in the minds of people with regard to our rulers;
they are for supposing this person is not sincere and that they have jealousy of.
“A foe to God was ne'er true Friend to man
Some sinister intent taints all he does.”
Have you any prospect of returning. I hoped to have heard from you by the Gentlemen
who came as a committe here, but they have been here a week, and I have not any Letters.
My Father and Sister Betsy desire to be rememberd to you. He is very disconsolate.
It makes my heart ake to see him and I know not how to go to the House; he said to
me the other day child I see your Mother, go to what part of the house I will. I think
he has lost almost { 308 } as much flesh as if he had been sick, and Betsy poor Girl looks broke and worne with
Grief. These near connextions how they twist and cling about the Heart and when torn
of draw the best Blood from it—
“Each Friend snatchd from us is a plume
pluck'd from the wing of Humane vanity.”
Be so good as to present my Regards to Mrs. Hancoke.3 I hope she is very happy. Mrs. Warren call'd upon me on her Way to Watertown. I wish
I could as easily come to you, as she can go to Watertown but tis my Lot. In the 12
years we have been married I believe we have not lived together more than six.
If you could with any conveniancy procure me the articles I wrote for I should be
very glad, more especially the needles and cloth. They are in such demand that we
are really distressd for want of them.
We have had abundance of rain since you left us. I hope the Sickness with which we
have been excersised has not reach'd Philadelphia. Mr. Wibird has not been able to
preach since you left us, and is in a very low state.
Our little ones are well. Tommy is so fat he can scarcly see out of his Eyes, but
is still excersiced with them fits. Dr. Tufts son is sick with a slow fever. Adieu.
I think of nothing further to add but that I am With the tenderest Regard your
[signed] Portia
PS [] Since I wrote the above I have received a Letter by Mr. Bayard for which I thank
you. It gives me pleasure to find you in so good health. I have heard this Evening
that a Man of War has been sent to Falmouth to make a demand of wood, upon which an
express was sent of to our camp, and the express says a few hours after he set out,
he heard a smart cannonade. The truth has not yet reachd us.4 We are anxious to hear from Canady.—If you can procure me some Carolina pink root
from any of the Apothecarys I wish you would for Tommy. We think knots of worms is
the occasion of his fits. I have tried worm Seed, but it has no Effect.—Write if you
can to my Father and Sister. Send the news papers they are very acceptable.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esqr. at Philadelphia
To the Care of Coll: Warren”; endorsed: “Portia's Letter Oct. 21. 1775.”
1. Not found.
3. John Hancock was married on 28 Aug. to Dorothy, daughter of Justice Edmund Quincy,
at Fairfield, Conn. (DAB). See Adams Genealogy. The couple had long been engaged, but JA's surprise at the news was considerable and was expressed in a letter to James Warren
of 17 Sept. (Warren-Adams Letters, 1:110).
4. The town of Falmouth (now Port• { 309 } land, Maine) was bombarded and burnt by a British naval squadron acting under orders
from Adm. Samuel Graves, 17 Oct.; see French, First Year, p. 540–543, 765–766.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0203
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-10-21
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] October 21. 1775
[salute] My Dear
This Letter will go by two Gentlemen, who are travelling to your Country, for the
Sake of acquiring military Knowledge. The Name of one of them is Mr. John Folwell
and the other Mr. Josiah Hart. Each of them is the Captain of a Company of Militia
in their Country, which is no small Honour here. Captn. Hart is the Son of a Mr. Joseph
Hart of Warminster in the County of Bucks in this Province, whose benevolent disposition
has led him to exert himself, zealously to gather Collections of Money and other Things
for the Relief of our Friends in Boston, and whose Character and Influence, has enabled
him to do it with Success. These Travellers are visiting the Camp for the Sake of
gaining military Knowledge by Experience, that their Country may have the Benefit
of it whenever there shall be Occasion to call it forth.
I dont know that they will visit Braintree. If they should I hope you will treat them
with as much Civility as your Circumstances will admit.
We have had a Calm for a long Time, but expect the Weather will change very soon.
Remember me to all. My Duty to your Father, with my best Wishes for his Support under
his severe Affliction.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams Braintree favoured by Messrs. Folwell and Hart. To the
Care of Coll Warren”; above address, apparently in JA's hand: “J.A.”; endorsed: “ocbr. 21”; docketed in an unidentified hand.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0204
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-22
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree october 22 1775
Mr. Lorthorp1 call'd here this Evening and brought me yours of the 1 of October a day which will
ever be rememberd by me, for it was the most distressing one I ever experienced. That
morning I rose and went into my Mothers room, not apprehending her so near her Exit,
went to her Bed with a cup of tea in my hand, raised her head to give it to her, she
swallowed a few drops, gaspd and fell back upon her pillow, opend her Eyes with a
look that pirced my Heart and { 310 } which I never shall forget. It was the eagerness of a last look—“and O! the last sad
silence of a Friend.”
Yet she lived till 5 oclock that day, but I could not be with her. My dear Father
prayed twice beside her Bed that day. God Almighty was with him and suported him that
day and enabled him to go thro the Services of it. It was his communion day. He had
there a tender scene to pass through—a young Grandaughter Betsy Cranch joining herself
to the church, and a Beloved Wife dying to pray for—weeping children, weeping and
mourning parishoners all round him, for every Eye streamed, his own heart allmost
bursting as he spoke. How painful is the recollection, yet how pleasing?
I know I wound your Heart. Why should I? Ought I to give relief to my own by paining
yours?
“Yet the Grief that cannot speak
Whispers the o'er fraught heart and bids it burst.”
My pen is always freer than my tongue. I have wrote many things to you that I suppose
I never could have talk'd.
My Heart is made tender by repeated affliction. It never was a hard Heart. The death
of Patty came very near me, having lived four years with me, under my care. I hope
it will make me more continually mindful and watchfull of all those who are still
committed to my charge.
Tis a great trust. I daily feel more and more of the weight and importance of it,
and of my own inability. I wish I could have more of the assistance of my dearest
Friend but these perilous times swallow him up.
Mr. Lorthrope has given me this account of the demand upon Falmouth. A Man of War
and two tenders went down and sent to the inhabitants to demand their Arms and require
them to Stand Nutur, they required time to consider, they gave them till nine oclock
the next day, which time they imployed in removeing the women, children and the rest of their most valuable Effects out of Danger when they sent their answer in the Negative. Upon which they began
a cannonade and were continuing it when the Express came away.— Hitchbourn and an
other Gentleman got out of Town in a small Boat, one of the fogy nights we have had
this week.2 I have not heard what intelegance he brings. An other person says that How enlarged
all the prisoners but Lovel and he would not come out.
I have since seen the pharaphrase as tis call'd but tis as low as the mock oration
tho no reflection upon your private character further { 311 } than immoderately whiping your Schollers when you kept School, a crime any one will
acquit you of who knows you. As a specimen of the wit and humour it containd I will
give you the tide—a pharaphrase upon the Second Epistle of John the round Head to
James the prolocutor of the Rump parliment. Dear Devil &c.
I had it, but it was when I was in so much distress that I cared nothing about it.
I will mention when I see you the foolish conjectures of some who want always to be
finding out something extraordinary in what ever happens.
Mr. Cranchs family are well and send Love to you. Your Mother too, is always anxious
for you, and is so apprehensive least a fleet should be sent to Bombard Philadelphia
that she has not much comfort. Brothers family are well except young Crosby who had
the dysentery very bad, and has left him Bereaved of his reason.3 Isaac is so far recoverd as to return after six weeks and Susy is returnd to me again.
Our neighbours are now all getting well.
[salute] I hope to hear often from you which is all the alleviation I have of your absence, and is next to seeing you the greatest comfort of your
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esq. at Philadelphia
To the Care of Coll: Warren”; endorsed: “Portia Octr. 22. 1775.”
1. Probably Isaac Lothrop, of Plymouth, who had been James Warren's colleague as a member
of the General Court and of the several Provincial Congresses; see their Journals and Warren-Adams Letters, passim.
2. Benjamin Hichborn escaped from Adm. Graves' ship, Preston, in Boston Harbor on 19 Oct. by eluding a sentry, climbing out of the gunroom port,
and dropping into the captain's canoe, in which he reached Dorchester Neck (Hichborn
to JA, 25 Nov.–10 Dec. 1775, Adams Papers).
3. Presumably Joseph Crosby Jr. (1751–1783), Harvard 1772, younger brother of Mrs. Peter Boylston Adams (Mary Crosby); in 1802
his daughter Elizabeth Anne married her cousin, Boylston Adams, son of Peter Boylston
Adams. (Information from Harvard Univ. Archives.)
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0205
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-10-23
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Octr. 23. 1775
Yesterday yours of Octr. 9th. came to Hand. Your Letters never failed to give me Pleasure—the
greatest Pleasure that I take, is in receiving them. And altho every one, which has
yet come to Hand is replete with melancholly Tidings, yet I can truly say I never
was so earnest to receive them. I rejoice in the happy Principles and the happy Temper,
which apparently dictated them all.
{ 312 } I feel myself much affected with the Breach upon the Family. But We can count a Mother,
a Brother, an Aunt, and a Brothers Child among the slain by this cruel Pestilence.
May God almighty put a stop to its Rage, and humble us under the Ravages already made
by it.
The sorrows of all our Friends on the Loss of your Mother are never out of my Mind.
I pray God to spare my Parent whose Life has been prolonged by his Goodness hitherto,
as well as yours that survives.
The tremendous Calamities already felt of Fire, Sword and Pestilence, may be only
Harbingers of greater still. We have no security against Calamities here—this Planet
is its Region. The only Principle is to be prepared for the worst Events.
If I could write as well as you, my sorrows would be as eloquent as yours, but upon
my Word I cannot.
The unaccountable Event which you allude to has reached this Place and occasioned
a Fall. I would be glad however that the worst Construction might not be put. Let
him have fair Play—tho I doubt.
The Man who violates private Faith, cancells solemn Obligations, whom neither Honour
nor Conscience holds, shall never be knowingly trusted by me. Had I known, when I
first voted for a Director of an Hospital, what I heard afterwards when I was down,1 I would not have voted as I did. Open barefaced Immorality ought not to be so countenanced.
Tho I think, a Fatality attends us in some Instances, yet a divine Protection and
favour is visible in others, and let us be chearfull whatever happens. Chearfullness
is not a sin in any Times.
I am afraid to hear again almost least some other should be sick in the House. Yet
I hope better, and that you will reassume your wonted Chearfullness and write again
upon News and Politics. Send your Letters to Warren for Conveyance. I wont trust any
other.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams Braintree to the Care of Coll Warren”; endorsed: “Octobr.
23”; docketed in an unidentified hand.
1. That is, while in Massachusetts between sessions of Congress.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0206
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-25
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] October 25 1775
I have been highly favourd this week past. No less than 5 Letters I have received
from you. It is a releif to one to know that we have a Friend who shares our misfortunes
and afflictions with us. Your Letters administer comfort to my wounded Heart. It will
sometimes when of of1 my Gaurd swell and exceed the bounds I endeavour to { 313 } set to it. It is natural to mourn the loss of any comforts in proportion to the pleasure
and satisfaction we derived from them.
Altho I have all immaginable reason to think my dear Mother far happier than she could
be in this uncertain perplexing state of existance, and do not [wish]2 her back again, yet my selfish Heart longs for her smiling countanance, her kind
advice, her tender care, her prudent Example and her thousand amiable virtues. They
are never out of my mind. I am continually recollecting her watchfulness over my infant
years, her great care and assiduity to early instill religious principals into her
children. Nor did she faill of her duty in her last hours but upon her dying Bed,
gave counsel where she thought it most necessary. I wish I could have conversd more
with her myself, but such a flood of tenderness would break in upon me that I could
never converse with her as leaving me, tho she herself neither smiled nor weept during
her whole sickness. Our Little ones were sufficiently affected at the loss of their
worthy Grandmamma especially
Nabby, and all but Tommy followed her to the Grave.
I am very sensible of the truth of your observation with regard to their loss. The
instructions of my own Grandmamma3 are as fresh upon my mind this day as any I ever received from my own parents and
made as lasting and powerfull impressions. Every virtuous example has powerfull impressions
in early youth. Many years of vice and vicious examples do not erase from the mind
seeds sown in early life. They take a deep root, and tho often crop'd will spring
again.
I have been to day with my Sister Cranch who is very ill, and the Doctor thinks threatned
with a fever. I have little respite from trouble—“Life is a poor play.”
Sister Betsy too is very unwell. It continus very sickly in Weymouth. All sorts of
fevers, throat distemper and dysenterys prevail. In this Town it has abated.
I have an invitation to dine to morrow with Dr. Franklin, Mr. Bodwin [Bowdoin], Dr. Cooper and Lady at Coll. Quincys. If my Sister is better believe I shall accept
of it, as I have a great desire to see Dr. Franklin who I design to ask the favour
of taking this.
Poor Falmouth has shared the fate of Charlstown; are we become a Sodom? I would fain
hope we are not. Unsearchable are the ways of Heaven who permitteth Evil to befall
a city and a people by those very hands who were by them constituded the Gaurdians
and protecters of them. We have done Evil or our Enimies would be at peace with us.
The Sin of Slavery as well as many others is not washed away.
{ 314 } A deserter came out of Town yesterday and says the General had given orders that no
more Bread should be sold to the inhabitants by the Bakers, nor by the Soldiers but
if any overplus remaind of their allowance they should return it to the Store and
receive their money. Poor poor inhabitants of Boston what will be their fate? A milch
Cow was carried into the market and there offerd for sale at a Quarter a dollor per
pound. Now and then a poor Creature runs a risk and gets clear.
Mr. Hardwick desires Mr. Bass would not forget his needles, and I would make the same
request to you. I wrote for a few articles in the physical way. I assure you medicine
is very scarce, the great Demand for it has distressd the Doctors. I would not croud
you with articles, but hope you will remember my other bundle of pins, the price of
one paper now amounts to what we used to give for a whole Bundle.
Mr. Bass'es Father desires to be rememberd to his Son and to acquaint him that they
were all well.
Your worthy Mother also desires her Love to you and is well. Adieu tis late at night,
past the midnight hour. I wish for a safe return. You have the honour of a commission
of the peace in the house sent to me last week4 and I hear are appointed Chief justice.5 Mr. Read is an other of the justices. Who the rest are I have not heard. Once more
adieu from yours Without a Signature.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Portia. Oct. 25 1775.”
2. Supplied for a word torn away by seal.
4. This was a commission as justice of the peace and of the quorum in Suffolk co., “By
Command of the Major Part of the Council,” dated at Watertown, 6 Sept. 1775 (Adams Papers). The form was the printed form headed “GEORGE the Third,” &c.
5. JA was nominated by the Council on 11 Oct. a justice of the Superior Court (M-Ar: Council Records, 17:128), and on 28 Oct. the deputy secretary of the Council, Perez Morton, informed him that he had been
elected “first or Chief Justice” (Adams Papers). But as things turned out, JA never actually served; see his Diary and Autobiography, 3:359–363, and notes there.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0207
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-10-28
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Octr. 28. 1775
[salute] My dear
The Fall of Dr. Ch[urc]h, has given me many disagreable Reflections, as it places human Nature itself in
a Point of bad Light, but the { 315 } Virtue, the sincerity, the Honour, of Boston and Massachusetts Patriots in a worse.—What
shall We say of a Country which produces such Characters as Hutchinson and Church?—However
to turn my Attention from this detestible Subject to another more agreable. Congress
has appointed instead of Church, Dr. Morgan of this City whose Character I will pourtray
for your Satisfaction.
The Gentleman appointed Director and surgeon general of the Hospital, is John Morgan
M.D. Fellow of the Royal Society at London; Correspondent of the Royal Academy of
Surgery at Paris; Member of the Arcadian Belles Lettres Society at Rome; Licentiate
of the Royal Colledges of Physicians in London and in Edinburgh; and Professor of
the Theory and Practice of Medicine in the Colledge of Philadelphia.
This Gentleman was one of the first who received their Education in the Colledge in
this City, and served an Apprenticeship of six Years with Dr. John Redman an eminent
Phisician, here, during one whole Year of which he put up the Prescriptions of all
the Phisicians who attended the public Hospital here, who were all eminent. After
this the Dr. entered the Army and served four Years under Generals Moncton, Forbes
and Stanwix, where he had an entensive1 Practice, in the Army among all Kinds of Diseases. Five years after, he left the
Army he spent in Europe,2 under the most celebrated Masters in every Branch of Medicine. During this Period
he visited the principal Cities and Seats of Science in Great Britain, Holland, France
and Italy.
Returning from his Travels, he was chosen Professor of Medicine in the Colledge in
this City, where he has constantly read Lectures every Winter, and for many Years
practiced among the Citizens.
Dr. Morgans moral Character is very good, and his manners are civil, decent, and agreable.
He married a sister of the Lady of our Chaplain, Mr. Dushe, who is new Rector of the
three united Churches in this City. A sister of the Doctors is married to Mr. Stillman
the Antipaedobaptist lately in Boston, now in this Place.3
Thus I hope We shall hear no Complaint that this Place is not now well filled.
Jealousy and Envy spare nobody. Some have whispered that the Dr. is a little Visionary
in Theory and Practice. But all agree that he is attentive, vigilant and laborious
for the good of his Patients in a great Degree, and he is said to be a pious Man.4
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams Braintree”; docketed in an unidentified hand.
4. Despite all these conspicuous qualifications, Morgan, who had been appointed on 17
Oct. director general and chief physician of the Continental hospitals (JCC, 3:297), lasted less than a year in that responsible post. There is reason to believe
that the duties of this office were so difficult and multifarious that no human being
could have discharged them satisfactorily.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0208
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-10-29
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Octr. 29.1775
I cannot exclude from my Mind your melancholly Situation. The Griefs of your Father
and Sisters, your Uncles and Aunts, as well as the remoter Connections, often croud
in upon me, when my whole Attention ought to be directed to other Subjects.
Your Uncle Quincy, my Friend as well as Uncle, must regret the loss of a beloved Sister,
Dr. Tufts my other Friend I know bewails the loss of a Friend, as well as an Aunt
and a sister, Mr. Cranch the Friend of my youth as well as of my riper Years, whose
tender Heart sympathizes with his fellow Creatures in every Affliction and Distress,
in this Case feels the Loss of a Friend, a fellow Christian, and a Mother.
But alas what avail these mournfull Reflections. The best Thing We can do, the greatest
Respect We can show to the Memory of our departed Friend, is to copy into Our own
Lives, those Virtues which in her Lifetime rendered her the Object of our Esteem,
Love and Admiration. I must confess I ever felt a Veneration for her, which seems
increased by the News of her Translation.
Above all Things my dear, let us inculcate these great Virtues and bright Excellencies
upon our Children.
Your Mother had a clear, and penetrating Understanding and a profound Judgment, as
well as an honest and a friendly and a charitable Heart.
There is one Thing however, which you will forgive me if I hint to you. Let me ask
you rather, if you are not of my opinion? Were not her Talents, and Virtues too much
confined, to private, social and domestic Life. My Opinion of the Duties of Religion
and Morality, comprehends a very extensive Connection with society at large, and the
great Interest of the public. Does not natural Morality, and much more Christian Benevolence,
make it our indispensible Duty to lay ourselves out, to serve our fellow Creatures
to the Utmost of our { 317 } Power, in promoting and supporting those great Political systems, and general Regulations
upon which the Happiness of Multitudes depends. The Benevolence, Charity, Capacity
and Industry which exerted in private Life, would make a family, a Parish or a Town
Happy, employed upon a larger Scale, in Support of the great Principles of Virtue
and Freedom of political Regulations might secure whole Nations and Generations from
Misery, Want
and Contempt. Public Virtues, and political Qualities therefore should be incessantly
cherished in our Children.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams Braintree To the Care of Coll Warren”; endorsed: “ocbr.
29”; docketed in an unidentified hand.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0209
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-10-29
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] [Philadelphia], 29 October, 17751
Human nature with all its infirmities and depravation is still capable of great things.
It is capable of attaining to degrees of wisdom and of goodness, which, we have reason
to believe, appear respectable in the estimation of superior intelligences. Education
makes a greater difference between man and man, than nature has made between man and
brute. The virtues and powers to which men may be trained, by early education and
constant discipline, are truly sublime and astonishing. Newton and Locke are examples
of the deep sagacity which may be acquired by long habits of thinking and study. Nay,
your common mechanics and artisans are proofs of the wonderful dexterity acquired
by use; a watchmaker, in finishing his wheels and springs, a pin or needlemaker, &c.
I think there is a particular occupation in Europe, which is called a paper-stainer
or linen-stainer. A man who has been long habituated to it, shall sit for a whole
day, and draw upon paper fresh figures to be
imprinted upon the papers for rooms, as fast as his eye can roll, and his fingers
move, and no two of his draughts shall be alike. The Saracens, the Knights of Malta,
the army and navy in the service of the English republic, among many others, are instances
to show, to what an exalted height valor or bravery or courage may be raised, by artificial
means.
It should be your care, therefore, and mine, to elevate the minds of our children
and exalt their courage; to accelerate and animate their industry and activity; to
excite in them an habitual contempt of meanness, abhorrence of injustice and inhumanity,
and an ambition to { 318 } excel in every capacity, faculty, and virtue. If we suffer their minds to grovel and
creep in infancy, they will grovel all their lives.
But their bodies must be hardened, as well as their souls exalted. Without strength
and activity and vigor of body, the brightest mental excellencies will be eclipsed
and obscured.
1. Place and date, including the brackets, are given here as found in CFA's text. This is the first letter in the correspondence between JA and AA known to have been available to CFA but not now to be found as an original in the Adams Papers. In the volumes of “Family Correspondence” which CFA caused to be bound up, the present editors have found no indication of the removal
of this letter, so that it was evidently taken out of the sequence early, perhaps
in the 1830's, and, after a transcript for publication was made, was perhaps given
away to some applicant for a specimen of JA's handwriting. (See Introduction to JA, Diary and Autobiography, 1:xxxiv–xxxv.)
A close comparison of the texts of this letter as printed in 1841 and as reprinted
in JA–AA, Familiar Letters, 1876 (p. 119), shows that CFA further corrected and “improved” his grandfather's epistolary style when reprinting
letters he had edited before.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0210
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-10-29
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Octr. 29. 1775
There is, in the human Breast, a social Affection, which extends to our whole Species.
Faintly indeed; but in some degree. The Nation, Kingdom, or Community to which We
belong is embraced by it more vigorously. It is stronger still towards the Province
to which we belong, and in which We had our Birth. It is stronger and stronger, as
We descend to the County, Town, Parish, Neighbourhood, and Family, which We call our
own.—And here We find it often so powerfull as to become partial, to blind our Eyes,
to darken our Understandings and pervert our Wills.
It is to this Infirmity, in my own Heart, that I must perhaps attribute that local
Attachment, that partial Fondness, that overweening Prejudice in favour of New England,
which I feel very often and which I fear sometimes, leads me to expose myself to just
Ridicule.
New England has in many Respects the Advantage of every other Colony in America, and
indeed of every other Part of the World, that I know any Thing of.
1. The People are purer English Blood, less mixed with Scotch, Irish, Dutch, French,
Danish, Sweedish &c. than any other; and descended from Englishmen too who left Europe,
in purer Times than { 319 } the present and less tainted with Corruption than those they left behind them.
2. The Institutions in New England for the Support of Religion, Morals and Decency,
exceed any other, obliging every Parish to have a Minister, and every Person to go
to Meeting &c.
3. The public Institutions in New England for the Education of Youth, supporting Colledges
at the public Expence and obliging Towns to maintain Grammar schools, is not equalled
and never was in any Part of the World.
4. The Division of our Territory, that is our Counties into Townships, empowering
Towns to assemble, choose officers, make Laws, mend roads, and twenty other Things,
gives every Man an opportunity of shewing and improving that Education which he received
at Colledge or at school, and makes Knowledge and Dexterity at public Business common.
5. Our Laws for the Distribution of Intestate Estates occasions a frequent Division
of landed Property and prevents Monopolies, of Land.1
But in opposition to these We have laboured under many Disadvantages. The exorbitant
Prerogatives of our Governors &c. which would have overborn our Liberties, if it had
not been opposed by the five preceding Particulars.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams Braintree To the Care of Coll Warren”; endorsed: “ocbr.
29”; docketed in an unidentified hand.
1. The nature of New England institutions and their influence on New England character
and society were subjects endlessly fascinating to JA and lifelong themes in both his private and public writings. For a few samples see
his fragmentary Draft of a Dissertation on Canon and Feudal Law, Feb. 1765 (Diary and Autobiography, 1:256–258); letter to Abbé Mably, 15 Jan. 1783, LbC, Adams Papers (printed in various places but most conveniently in JA, Works, 5:491–496, with an editorial note explaining the circumstances of its composition);
and notes on his conversation with William Langborn of Virginia in London, 21 July
1786 (Diary and Autobiography, 3:195–196).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0211
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-11-04
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Novr. 4. 1775
Have but Yesterday received yours of Octr. 21.
Your Letters of the following Dates I have received. Septr. 8. and 10. 16. 29. Oct.
1. 9. 21. 22.1 These Letters and indeed every Line from you, gives me inexpressible Pleasure, notwithstanding
the melancholly Scenes discribed in most of them of late.
{ 320 } I am happy to learn that the Family is in Health once more, and hope it will continue.
My Duty to my Mother. I wish she would not be concerned about me. She ought to consider
that a Dissentery can kill as surely as a Cannon. This Town is as secure from the
Cannon and Men of War as the Moon is. I wish she had a little of your Fortitude. I
had rather be kill'd by a Ball than live in such continual Fears as she does.
I cant write so often as I wish: I am engaged from 7 in the Morning till 11. at Night.
Two Pair of Colours belonging to the Seventh Regiment, were brought here last night
from Chambly, and hung up in Mrs. Hancocks Chamber with great Splendor and Elegance.
That Lady sends her Compliments and good Wishes. Among an hundred Men, almost at this
House she lives and behaves with Modesty, Decency, Dignity and Discretion I assure
you. Her Behaviour is easy and genteel. She avoids talking upon Politicks. In large
and mixed Companies she is totally silent, as a Lady ought to be—but whether her Eyes
are so penetrating and her Attention so quick, to the Words, Looks, Gestures, sentiments
&c. of the Company, as yours would be, saucy as you are this Way, I wont say.
But to resume a more serious subject. You ask me to write to your Father and sister,
and my Heart wishes and longs to do it, but you can have no Conception, what there
is to prevent me. I really fear I shall ruin myself for Want of Exercise.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Novembr 4”; docketed in an unidentified hand.
1. All printed above. That of 8 and 10 Sept. is a single letter; that of 16 Sept. was actually written on the 17th.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0212
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-11-05
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] November 5 1775
I have been prevented writing you for more than a Week past by a Whitlow upon the
fore finger of my right Hand. Tis now so tender that I can manage a pen but poorly.
I hope you have received several Letters from me in this fortnight past. I wrote by
Mr. Linch [Lynch], and by Dr. Frankling the latter of whom I had the pleasure of dining with, and of
admiring him whose character from my Infancy I had been taught to venerate. I found
him social, but not talkative, and when he spoke something usefull droped { 321 } from his Tongue; he was grave, yet pleasant, and affable.—You know I make some pretensions
to physiognomy and I thought I could read in his countanance the Virtues of his Heart,
among which patriotism shined in its full Lusture—and with that is blended every virtue
of a christian, for a true patriot must be a religious Man. I have been led to think
from a late Defection that he who neglects his duty to his Maker, may well be expected
to be deficient and insincere in his duty towards the public. Even suppose Him to
possess a large share of what is called honour and publick Spirit yet do not these
Men by
their bad Example, by a loose immoral conduct corrupt the Minds of youth, and vitiate
the Morrals of the age, and thus injure the publick more than they can compensate
by intrepidity, Generosity and Honour?
Let revenge or ambition, pride, lust or profit tempt these Men to a base and vile
action, you may as well hope to bind up a hungry tiger with a cobweb as to hold such
debauched patriots in the visionary chains of Decency or to charm them with the intellectual
Beauty of Truth and reason.
But where am I running. I mean to thank you for all your obliging favours lately received
and tho some of them are very Laconick, yet were they to contain only two lines to
tell me that you were well, they would be acceptable to me. I think however you are
more apprehensive than you need to be. The Gentleman to whose care they have always
been directed has been very kind in his conveyances and very careful. I hope however
that it will not now be long before we shall have nearer interviews. You must tell
me that you will return next Month. A late appointment will make it inconveniant (provided
you accept) for you to go again to Congress.
The little flock in receiving pappas Letters have been more gratified than they could
have been by any other present. They are very proud of being thus noticed. I am much
obliged by the Sermons lately received. The Dedication of Dr. Zublys is both spirited
and zealous. I was greatly pleased with it, but suppose it will be casting of pearl
before Swine.1
It seems Humane Nature is the same in all ages and Countrys. Ambition and avarice
reign every where and where they predominate their will be bickerings after places
of Honour and profit. There is an old adage kissing goes by favour that is daily verified.
I enclose to you the paper you sent for.2 Your Buisness in collecting facts will be very difficult, and the Sufferings of this
people cannot be circumscribed with pen, ink and paper. Besides these Ministers of
Satan are rendring it every day more and more difficult by their { 322 } ravages and devastation, to tell a tale which will freeze the young Blood of succeeding
Generations as well as harrow up the Souls of the present.
Nothing new has transpired since I wrote you last. I have not heard of one persons
escaping out of Town, nor of any Manuover of any kind.
Master John is very anxious to write, but has been confined for several days with
a severe cold which has given him soar Eyes, but he begs me to make his Excuse and
say that he has wrote twice before, but it did not please him well enough to send
it. Nabby has been with her Aunt Betsy ever since her Grandmammas Death. Charlly and
Tommy beg mamma to thank pappa for their Letters, and wish they could write to tell
him so. Brother and Sister Cranch send their Love. Mrs. Cranch's disorder left her
soon, the Sickness has greatly abated all round us. Your Mother speaks pathetically
of you, and always sends her Love to you. I will only ask you to Measure by your own
the affectionate regard of Your Nearest Friend.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esq. at Philadelphia
To the Care of Col: Warren”; endorsed: “Portia Novr. 5. 1775.” For the enclosure see
note 2.
1. John Joachim Zubly, The Law of Liberty. A Sermon on American Affairs, Preached at the Opening of the Provincial
Congress of Georgia, Phila., 1775. Several editions were published; see T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” No. 204a-c.
2. This must have been the Massachusetts Committee of Safety's “Relation” of the battle
of Bunker Hill, dated 25 July 1775 (copy in Adams Papers under that date), signed by Joseph Palmer, and requested by JA in his letter to AA of 19 Oct., above, q.v.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0213
Recipient: Warren, Mercy Otis
Date: 1775-11-05
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] Braintree [ca. 5 ]November1 1775
[salute] Dear Marcia
I hope the Historick page will increase to a volume. Tis this hope that has kept me
from complaining of my friends Laconick Epistles. Our amiable Friend, who lately favourd
me with a visit, informd you I suppose of the difficulty I Labourd under, of a Whitlow
upon the fore finger of my right Hand, which prevented my writing to my dearest Friend;
and to her who holds one of the first places among the female Friend's of Portia.
I have to acknowledge the kind care of both my Friends in the conveyance of Letters.
I feel loth the House should rise whilst the Congress sits. But was not there some
Mistake in the last Letters, has not your Friend one which must have been meant for
me, by a mistake in { 323 } the Superscription? I inclose the Letter. I read it, not regarding the Dear Sir, but
could not comprehend how I came to have such a reply to a subject I had said very
little upon. Upon Nabbys taking it into her hand she observed the address.
I am curious to know how you spend your time? Tis very sausy to make this demand upon
you; but I know it must be usefully imployed and I am fearfull if I do not question
you I shall loose some improvement which I might otherways make.
What becomes of the state prisoner? Is he not to have a trial? When weighd in the
balance I fear he will be found wanting. A patriot without religion in my estimation
is as great a paradox, as an honest Man without the fear of God. Is it possible that
he whom no moral obligations bind, can have any real Good Will towards Man, can he
be a patriot who by an openly vicious conduct is undermineing the very bonds of Society,
corrupting the Morals of Youth, and by his bad example injuring that very Country
he professess to patrionize more than he can possibly compensate by his intrepidity,
Generosity and honour? The Scriptures tell us righteousness exaltheth a Nation.
I wish there was more of it to be seen among all orders and professions, but the Continental
Connextion will not improve the Morals of our youth. A little less snearing at our
New England puritanism would be full as honorary to our Southern Breathren.
I thank you my Friend for your invitation but cannot comply with it, tho my inclination
is very strong. I want to see my Friends and hear our worthy Dr.2 Pray be so kind as to present my Regards to Dr. Winthrope and Lady. She desired me
to write to her. I wish my Friend would let her know that I can better reply to a
favour from her than begin a correspondence, tho I should esteem it an honour.
But Marcia can witness for me how averse I have been to writing.
I lament the Death of the worthy president as of an honest Man. Mr. Randolphs character
has secured him Esteem. How well might some folks have saved their credit, and their
Bacon too (as the phraze is) by a resignation of a certain place.3
O Ambition how many inconsistent actions dost thou make poor mortals commit!
Adieu my Friend. I hope soon to have the pleasure of seeing you at Braintree, and
of a social Evening beside our fire. How happy should I esteem myself could the dear
Friend of my Heart join us. I think I make a greater Sacrifice to the publick than
I could by Gold and Silver, had I it to bestow. Does not Marcia join in this Sentiment
with her
[signed] Portia4
2. “I shall Not be heer [i.e. at Watertown] after Next sabbath so think you had better Come and hear Dr. [Samuel] Cooper then as He Designs to preach himself Notwithstanding a Late accident” (Mercy
Warren to AA, 3 Nov. 1775, Adams Papers).
3. Peyton Randolph, formerly president of Congress, had returned to Philadelphia on 5
Sept. for the new session, but died on 22 Oct. (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:lxvi). There were others besides AA who thought that John Hancock should have stepped down from the presidency upon Randolph's
return.
4. A few days later Mercy Warren acknowledged the present letter in a letter without
date (Adams Papers, filed under Nov. 1775), which contains the following passage bearing on JA's intercepted letters:
“One Expression in one Letter [recently captured aboard a vessel from Ireland] I must tell you. The Writer says the Colonies must and will be Reduced, and Notwithstanding
the spirit that appears, and the stand that has been made, They are Convinced by the
submissive Terms in which the Petition to the king is Couched that there must be a
Weakness somewhere.
“How will this make our pidling Geniuss appear, and will not the spirited sentiments, and the Enlarged plans of policy Hinted
by a Certain Letter Writer be now applauded.”
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0214
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-11-12
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree Novbr. 12 1775
I received yours of October 23. I want to hear from you every day, and I always feel
sorrow when I come to the close of a Letter. Your Time must be greatly engrosed, but
little of it to spaire to the calls of Friendship, and I have reason to think I have
the largest share of it.
Winter makes it[s] approaches fast. I hope I shall not be obliged to spend it without my dearest Friend,
I know not how to think of it.
The intelegance you will receive before this reaches you, will I should think make
a plain path, tho a dangerous one for you. I could not join to day in the petitions
of our worthy parson, for a reconciliation betwen our, no longer parent State, but
tyrant State, and these Colonies.—Let us seperate, they are unworthy to be our Breathren.
Let us renounce them and instead of suplications as formorly for their prosperity
and happiness, Let us beseach the almighty to blast their counsels and bring to Nought
all their devices.
I have nothing remarkable to write you. A little Skirmish hapned last week. The perticuliars
I have endeavourd to collect, but whether I have the facts right I am not certain.
A Number of Cattle were kept { 325 } at Leachmores point where two Centinals were placed, in a high tide tis an Island.
The Regulars had observed this and a Scheme was laid to send a Number of them over
and take of the Stock. Accordingly a number of Boats and about 400 men were sent;
they landed it seems, unperceived by the Centinals who were a sleep; one of whom they
killed the other took prisoner. As soon as they were perceived, they pourd the cannon
from Prospect Hill upon them which sunk one of their Boats, but as the tide was very
high, it was difficult getting over, and some time before any alarm was given. A Coll.
Tomson of the Riffel Men, Marchd instantly with his Men, and tho a very stormy day,
regarded not the tide, nor wated for Boats, but Marchd over, neck high in water, and
dischargd their peices, when the Regulars ran without waiting for to get of their
Stock, and made the best of their way to the opposite Shore. The General sent his
thanks in a public manner to the brave officer and his Men.1 Major Mifflin I hear was there, and flew about as tho he would have raisd the whole
Army.
May they never find us deficient in courage and Spirit.
Our Army is exceedingly well supplied with every article but wood and provinder which
is very scarce. As to provisions we should find no difficulty to vitual an other Army
full as large. Tis now very Healthy both in the Army, and country, we have had very
long teadious rains for six weeks past; sometimes not more than one fair day in a
week.
All our Friends are well. My Father seems to be much broke by his great affliction,
seems to have his care and anxiety doubled. I can perceive it in numberless instances.—I
hope you will be able to get his Sulky repaird, as he wants it now it comes cold Weather
very much.
Dr. Frankling invited me to spend the winter in Philidelphia. I shall wish to be there,
unless you return. I have been like a nun in a cloister ever since you went away,
have not been into any other house than my Fathers and Sisters, except once to Coll.
Quincys. Indeed I have had no inclination for Company. My Evenings are lonesome and
Melancholy. In the day time family affairs take of my attention but my Evenings are
spent with my departed parent. I then ruminate upon all her care and tenderness, and
I am sometimes lost, and absorb'd in a flood of tenderness e'er I am aware of it,
or can call to my aid, my only props and support.
[salute] I must bid you adieu tis late at Night. Most affectionately Yours.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esq at Philadelphia
To the Care of Coll: Warren”; endorsed: “Novr. 12. Portia.”
1. For the affair at Lechmere Point (now East Cambridge) on 9 Nov., see Wash• { 326 } ington's thanks to Col. William Thompson in his general orders of the 10th, and Washington's
report to the President of Congress, 11 Nov. (Washington, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 4:79, 84).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0215
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-11-12
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Novr. 12. 1775
[salute] My dear
I am often afraid you will think it hard that I dont write oftener to you. But it
is really impossible. Could I follow the Inclinations of my Heart I should spend half
my Time, in this most agreable and pleasing Employment: But Business presses me so
close that I am necessitated to mortify my self. From 7 to ten in the Committees and
from six to ten in the Evening in the same, and from 10 to four in Congress. Many
Letters to write too upon Business.
As to News, you have every Thing in the public Papers, which I am not now under the
strongest Ties of Honour, Virtue and Love of my Country to keep secret, and not to
divulge directly or indirectly.
I am most earnestly desirous to come home, but when I shall get Leave I know not.
I long to write to your Excellent Father and sisters, but cannot get Time. You must
have observed, and so must all my Friends that every Letter I write is scratched off
in the utmost Haste.
How do you like Dr. Franklyn? He tells me he called at the House and saw you, and
that he had the Pleasure of dining with you at his Friend Coll. Quincys. This gave
me great Pleasure because I concluded from it that my dear and most worthy sisters
Cranch and Betcy were better.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. Adams Braintree To the Care of Coll Warren.”
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0216
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-11-15
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Novr. 15th. 1775
This I suppose will go by Mr. James Bowdoin who has just arrived here from London.1 He has been very obliging in communicating to me Pamphlets and News Papers in which
last I find that some Parts of Novanglus have been retailed out there and have brought
on a Battle in the public Papers between Hutchinson and Pounal.2 Mr. Bowdoin has been to Italy, Holland, France and England and is returned an honest
and warm American. He says to his Astonishment, he found { 327 } the great American Controversy better understood, and the Consequences of it more
clearly foreseen in France than in England.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams Braintree.”
2. The parts of JA's “Novanglus” papers (published earlier this year in the Boston Gazette) that had been “retailed” in England consisted of extracts that appeared in the first
volume of John Almon's Remembrancer, or Impartial Repository of Public Events, London, 1775, p. 24–32, 45–54, under the title “History of the Dispute with America;
from its Origin in 1754, to the Present Time.” The allusion to “a Battle in the public
Papers” between former Governors Thomas Hutchinson and Thomas Pownall remains obscure
and may be groundless gossip.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0217
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-11-18
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] November 18. 1775
Your kind Letter of the 5th. Inst. came to Hand yesterday by Captain McPherson. I
admire your skill in Phisiognomy, and your Talent at drawing Characters, as well as
that of your Friend Marcia from whom at the same Time I received several important
Characters, which you shall one day see.1
I agree with you in your sentiments that there is Reason to be diffident of a Man
who grossly violates the Principles of Morals, in any one particular habitually. This
sentiment was conveyed to Us in one of the Paradoxes of the ancient Stoicks, that
“all sins were equal,” and the same Idea is suggested from higher Authority, He that
violates the Law in any one Instance is guilty of all. I have no Confidence in any
Man who is not exact in his Morals. And you know that I look upon Religion as the
most perfect System, and the most awfull Sanction of Morality.
Your Goodness of Heart, as well as your sound Judgment will applaud me for using the
utmost Caution in my Letters. But if you could see me, and observe how I am employed
you would wonder that I find Time to write to any Body. I am very busy and so is every
Body else here.
I hope to be with you at Christmas, and then to be excused from coming here again,
at least untill others have taken their Turns.
The late Appointment, you mention gives me many very serious Thoughts. It is an Office
of high Trust, and of vast Importance at any Time: But of greater at this, than any
other. The Confusions and { 328 } Distractions of the Times, will encumber that Office with embarrassments, expose it
to dangers and Slanders, which it never knew before. Besides I am apprehensive of
other Difficulties. Mr. [William] Cushing has been on that Bench, and was my senior at the Bar. Will he accept under
another? Mr. Paine too has taken an odd Turn in his Head of late, and is so peevish,
passionate and violent that he will make the Place disagreable, if he does not think
better of it. Mr. Cushing, Mr. Serjeant [Sargeant] and Mr. Read are very able Men, and Mr. Paine might be so if he was undisturbed in
his Mind. But the Unhappy Affair in his Family, his Church and Town, appears to me
to have affected his Mind too much. It is a melancholly Thought to me,
because I have ever had a Friendship for him. I am really sorry that he has exposed
his Character and Reputation so much of late as he has done, by certain Airs he has
given himself, and it has many Times, in the beginning of the summer, when I was in
an ill state of Health made me unhappy. But since the Adjournment, I have avoided
Altercation with him, and this I shall continue to do.
That Ambition and Avarice reign every where as you observe, is most true. But I hope
that Preferment will follow Merit, after our Affairs get into a more settled Course.
Remember me to all.
When you said that Kissing goes by Favour, you did not explain the Particulars I wish
you had. But all Censure and Clamour at this Time must be avoided and discountenanced
as much as possible.
I should be glad to be informed, whether the Appointment of me, that you speak of,
appears to be to the satisfaction of the People or not.2
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0218
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-11-27
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] November 27 1775
Tis a fortnight to Night since I wrote you a line during which, I have been confined
with the Jaundice, Rhumatism and a most voilent { 329 } cold; I yesterday took a puke which has releived me, and I feel much better to day.
Many, very many people who have had the dysentery, are now afflicted both with the
Jaundice and Rhumatisim, some it has left in Hecticks, some in dropsies.
The great and incessant rains we have had this fall, (the like cannot be recollected)
may have occasiond some of the present disorders. The Jaundice is very prevelant in
the Camp. We have lately had a week of very cold weather, as cold as January, and
a flight of snow, which I hope will purify the air of some of the noxious vapours.
It has spoild many hundreds of Bushels of Apples, which were designd for cider, and
which the great rains had prevented people from making up. Suppose we have lost 5
Barrels by it.
Col. Warren returnd last week to Plymouth, so that I shall not hear any thing from
you till he goes back again which will not be till the last of <next> this month.
He Damp'd my Spirits greatly by telling me that the Court had prolonged your Stay
an other month.1 I was pleasing myself with the thoughts that you would soon be upon your return.
Tis in vain to repine. I hope the publick will reap what I sacrifice.
I wish I knew what mighty things were fabricating. If a form of Goverment is to be
established here what one will be assumed? Will it be left to our assemblies to chuse
one? and will not many men have many minds? and shall we not run into Dissentions
among ourselves?
I am more and more convinced that Man is a dangerous creature, and that power whether
vested in many or a few is ever grasping, and like the grave cries give, give. The
great fish swallow up the small, and he who is most strenuous for the Rights of the
people, when vested with power, is as eager after the perogatives of Goverment. You
tell me of degrees of perfection to which Humane Nature is capable of arriving, and
I believe it, but at the same time lament that our admiration should arise from the
scarcity of the instances.
The Building up a Great Empire, which was only hinted at by my correspondent may now
I suppose be realized even by the unbelievers. Yet will not ten thousand Difficulties
arise in the formation of it? The Reigns of Goverment have been so long slakned, that
I fear the people will not quietly submit to those restraints which are necessary
for the peace, and security, of the community; if we seperate from Brittain, what
Code of Laws will be established. How shall we be governd so as to retain our Liberties?
Can any goverment be free which is not adminstred by general stated Laws? Who shall
frame these Laws? Who will give them force and energy? Tis true your Resolution[s] as a { 330 } Body have heithertoo had the force of Laws. But will they continue to have?
When I consider these things and the prejudices of people in favour of Ancient customs
and Regulations, I feel anxious for the fate of our Monarchy or Democracy or what
ever is to take place. I soon get lost in a Labyrinth of perplexities, but whatever
occurs, may justice and righteousness be the Stability of our times, and order arise
out of confusion. Great difficulties may be surmounted, by patience and perseverance.
I believe I have tired you with politicks. As to news we have not any at all. I shudder
at the approach of winter when I think I am to remain desolate. Suppose your weather
is warm yet. Mr. Mason and Thaxter live with me, and render some part of my time less
disconsolate. Mr. Mason is a youth who will please you, he has Spirit, taste and Sense.
His application to his Studies is constant and I am much mistaken if he does not make
a very good figure in his profession.
I have with me now, the only Daughter of your Brother; I feel a tenderer affection
for her as she has lost a kind parent. Though too young to be sensible of her own
loss, I can pitty her. She appears to be a child of a very good Disposition—only wants
to be a little used to company.2
Our Little ones send Duty to pappa and want much to see him. Tom says he wont come
home till the Battle is over—some strange notion he has got into his head. He has
got a political cread to say to him when he returns.
I must bid you good night. Tis late for one who am much of an invalide. I was dissapointed
last week in receiving a packet by the post, and upon unsealing it found only four
news papers. I think you are more cautious than you need be. All Letters I believe
have come safe to hand. I have Sixteen from you, and wish I had as many more. Adieu.
Yours.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esq. at Philadelphia”;
docketed in AA's hand: “Portia Novr. 27 1775.”
1. On 11 Nov. the House of Representatives resolved that because “the important Business
of the Colony” had hitherto prevented that body “from proceeding to a Choice of Delegates”
for 1776, the commissions of the current delegates were to be extended from the end
of December to the end of January (Mass., House Jour., 1775–1776, 2d sess., p. 269–270). These noncommittal words conceal the intense struggle
then going on between radicals and moderates in the House over who should represent
Massachusetts in Congress during the critical year 1776. In January the radicals won
a partial victory. Thomas Cush• { 331 } ing was displaced by Elbridge Gerry. Robert Treat Paine's place was threatened but
in the end retained. Hancock and the two Adamses were reelected. See Mass., House Jour., 1775–1776, 3d sess., p. 165, and the instructions to the delegates there, 18 Jan.
1776.
2. This must have been Susanna (1766–1826), daughter of Elihu and Thankful (White) Adams; in 1785 she married Aaron Hobart Jr.
See Adams Genealogy.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0219
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-12-03
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Decr. 3. 1775
[salute] My best Friend
Yours of Novr. 12 is before me. I wish I could write you every day, more than once,
for although I have a Number of Friends, and many Relations who are very dear to me,
yet all the Friendship I have for others is far unequal to that which warms my Heart
for you. The most agreable Time that I spend here is in writing to you, and conversing
with you when I am alone. But the Calls of Friendship and of private Affection must
give Place to those of Duty and Honour, even private Friendship and Affections require
it.
I am obliged by the Nature of the service I am in to correspond with many Gentlemen
both of the Army and the two Houses of Assembly which takes up much of my Time. How
I find Time to write half the Letters I do, I know not, for my whole Time seems engrossed
with Business. The whole Congress is taken up, almost in different Committees from
seven to Ten in the Morning—from Ten to four or sometimes five, we are in Congress
and from six to Ten in Committees again. I dont mention this to make you think me
a Man of Importance because it is not I alone, but the whole Congress is thus employed,
but to apologise for not writing to you oftener.1
Indeed I know not what to write that is worth your reading. I send you the Papers,
which inform you of what is public. As to what passes in Congress I am tied fast by
my Honour to communicate Nothing. I hope the Journal of the session will be published
soon, and then you will see what We have been about in one View, excepting what ought
to be excepted.
If I could visit the Coffee Houses, in the Evening and the Coffee Tables of the Ladies
in the Afternoon, I could entertain you with many smart Remarks upon Dress and Air,
&c. and give you many sprightly Conversations, but my Fate you know is to be moping
over Books and Papers, all the Leisure Time I have when I have any.
I hope I shall be excused from coming to Philadelphia again, at least untill other
Gentlemen have taken their Turns. But I never will come here again without you, if
I can perswade you to come with me. { 332 } Whom God has joined together ought not to be put asunder so long with their own Consent.
<We will get your Father and sister Betcy to keep House for Us.>2 We will bring Master Johnny with Us, you and he shall have the small Pox here, and
We will be as happy, as Mr. Hancock and his Lady.—Thank Nabby and John for their Letters,3 and kiss Charles and Tom for me. John writes like an Hero glowing with Ardor for
his Country and burning with Indignation against her Enemies. When I return I will
get the sulky back to New Haven, and there leave it to be repaired, to be brought
home by the first Post after it is done.
As to coming home, I have no Thoughts of it—shall stay here till the Year is out,
for what I know. Affairs are in a critical state and important Steps are now taking
every day, so that I could not reconcile it to my own Mind to be absent from this
Place at present.
Nothing is expected from the Commissioners, yet We are waiting for them, in some Respects.4 The Tories, and Timids pretend to expect great Things from them. But the Generality
expect nothing but more Insults and Affronts. Privateering is licensed and the Ports
are wide open. As soon as the Resolves are printed, which will be tomorrow, I'le send
them.5
I have had a long Conversation with []. He seems to be in a better Temper, and I live on Terms of Decency and Civility with
him and he with me. And I am determined to live so. Have lived in more Decency with
him and another, since my last Return than ever, at least than since last August when
the sin of Precedence was committed. Theres the Rub. But what cant be cured must be
endured.6
RC (Adams Papers).
1. “During his term of service in Congress, [JA] was a member of ninety, and chairman of twenty-five committees” (note by CFA on this passage, in JA–AA, Familiar Letters, p. 127). This may be short of the truth, and at any rate it hardly more than suggests
the burden of committee and administrative work that JA carried during his periods of service in the Continental Congress from Sept. 1774
to Nov. 1777. No intensive study of his work in this capacity has yet been made. Materials
for it are profuse though not altogether satisfactory.
2. This sentence was heavily inked out, probably immediately after being written, but
the editors are fairly confident of the reading here given.
3. Not found.
4. In his speech to Parliament on 26 Oct. George III had said that “certain persons upon
the spot” would be authorized to grant pardons to individuals and receive the submission
of such provinces in America as “shall be disposed to return to [their] allegiance” (Merrill Jensen, ed., English Historical Documents: American Colonial Documents to 1776, N.Y., 1955, p. 852). The eventual but abortive result was the conciliatory
mission of the Howe brothers in 1776.
5. It is not certain just which “Resolves” JA meant, since at this juncture Congress was from day to day adopting resolutions for
fitting out armed vessels { 333 } and regulating the embryonic American navy. JA was a prime mover in these measures; see his Diary and Autobiography, 2:198–199, 201–202, 221–222; 3:343–351.
6. The allusions in this paragraph are a little puzzling. The blank in the first sentence
can only stand for JA's fellow delegate Robert Treat Paine, though at this time Paine was absent from Congress
as a member of the committee to confer with Gen. Philip Schuyler at Ticonderoga (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:xlviii). If, as the editors believe, the first nameless person is Paine, “another”
is undoubtedly Thomas Cushing, who was in growing disfavor because of his politics
of moderation.
Notwithstanding JA's assertion above that he had “no Thoughts” of returning home, he asked and obtained
from Congress on 8 Dec. “Leave to visit my State and Family” because he was “worn
down with long and uninterrupted Labour,” and also because he wished to see whether
he should now assume his duties as chief justice or continue in Congress. He left
Philadelphia on the 9th and arrived in Braintree on the 21st. See his Diary and Autobiography, 2:223–224; 3:350, 359–360.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0220
Recipient: Smith, Rev. William
Date: 1775-12-05
Isaac Smith Jr. to the Reverend William Smith?
[dateline] Enfield near London Decr. 5 1775
[salute] Dear Sir1
The present opportunity appears to me so convenient for writing to you, that I cannot
avoid sending you a few lines.—I will not now trouble you with my motives for leaving
home, so soon after I last saw you. You will do me the justice, Sir, to believe me,
that it was not owing to the want of affection to my Country, or of sympathy with
my friends and immediate connections. The distressed circumstances of both have, from
the first moment of my arrival here, oppressed my mind in a degree, that has rendered
me far from happy at this distance from them.2
I suppose by this time, you are impatient in general to know what effect the various
unfortunate events, that have happened in America during the spring and summer have
upon Parliament this Winter. The K[ing']s Speech you will have probably before Christmas. The spirit of the two Houses is
the same, and the measures proposed in it, have been approved and adopted. The K.
is enabled, if he pleases, to embody the Militia of the Kingdom. A Bill is passing
to prohibit all intercourse with the Colonies, and authorize the K. to appoint Commissioners
in the Colonies, for the purposes of granting pardons, opening the Ports, and restoring
trade as usual, upon Submission. 25,000 men or more are to be in America in the Spring,
and 70 Sail of men of war. This force however, (say the Ministry) is not intended,
for immediate action, but to give greater weight to the proposals of the Commissioners,
who will be vested with large discretionary powers, to terminate the contest,
if possible, without further effusion of blood. An end this, which almost every man
in the Kingdom wishes to see { 334 } accomplished. The Minority have received a small increase this Session. The D[uke]of Grafton, with a number of his connections, has joined their number. They have exerted themselves
with great warmth, but with their former inefficacy. The Ministry carry every point,
by a majority of two to one. On one occasion the last week, the opposition was no more than ten. Gov. Pownall
is no longer our Advocate. Lord G. Sackville Germaine is appointed Secretary for the
American Department. The last petition to his Majesty from the Congress has been laid
before the H[ouse] of L[ord]s, but tho the D. of G. moved a resolve in consequence of it, none was passed.
Individuals, and particular branches of trade and of manufacture must and indeed do
suffer, yet I hear no general complaint of the failure of either. The woollen Manufacture,
which is the proper Staple of G.B. is said to be fully employed. To tell you the truth,
Sir, we have not a sufficient knowledge among us in general of the commerce or the
wealth of this Country. I know, how ready we are to imagine, that both are absolutely
dependent upon the Colonies for their existence. I wish for our own sakes, that we
were not quite so confident. It is a good old rule, tho' grown rather obsolete, “boast
not thyself of tomorrow.” To me we seem to be waging a most unequal war. G.B. if it
does fall, will fall gradually and imperceptibly. God alone knows the consequences
of the present dangerous contest, and his wise providence commonly causes civil convulsions
to advance the good of mankind. Confidence in his government is at all times our duty,
but in such as these, it is certainly one of
peculiar importance, a Virtue of the most desirable kind. How to acquire it indeed
in any just degree, is a difficulty which experience alone can tell!
I am at present at this place in an agreeable situation, and officiating to a small
Society. But I shall not take up my Abode in Old E[ngland] from choice and inclination. I wish for nothing more ardently upon earth, than to
see my friends and Country again in the enjoyment of peace, freedom and happiness.
Nor shall I delay my return to them, the moment that I find there is the least certainty
of their being restored to a better Situation, than is now their unfortunate lot.
I wish, Sir, to say much more to you, but I know not whether this will reach you.
To Dr. T.3 I shall write with pleasure another time, tho' I consider myself indeed, as writing
to him now. I should be glad to hear from you, if possible. I beg to be remembred
in the most affectionate manner to my Aunt, and every body else at Weymouth and Braintree,
and am, dear Sir, with sincere respect Your, much obliged.
[signed] I Smith junr.
P.S. I had fully designed to have wrote by this Conveyance to M.A.,4 but for several reasons, hope he will forgive me, that I do not.
RC (Adams Papers); docketed in the hand of William Gordon(?): “I. Smith Jnr. Decr. 5. 1775.” Probably
enclosed in AA's letter to JA, 2–10 March 1776, below, q.v.
1. The name of the recipient of this letter has been assigned conjecturally and solely
on the basis of internal evidence. At the close of the text the writer asks to be
remembered to “my Aunt, and every body else at Weymouth and Braintree.” Isaac had
only one aunt in either place, namely Mrs. William Smith, AA's mother, the news of whose recent death he had obviously not heard. The allusions
in the letter to others in the Weymouth-Braintree circle fit in perfectly well with
the assumption that it was addressed to AA's father. Apparently he turned it over to her and she sent it on, with a tart comment
or two, in hers to JA, 2–10 March 1776, below.
3. Doubtless Dr. Cotton Tufts.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0221
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-12-10
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree December 10. 1775
I received your obliging favour by Mrs. Morgan, with the papers, and the other articles
you sent which were very acceptable to me. As they are not to be purchased here, I
shall be very choise of them.
I have according to your desire been upon a visit to Mrs. Morgan, who keeps at Major
Miflins. I had received a Message from Mrs. Mifflin some time agone desireing I would
visit her. My Pappa who you know is very obliging in this way accompanied me, and
I had the pleasure of drinking coffe with the Dr. and his Lady, the Major and his
Lady and a Mr. and Mrs. Smith from New York,1 A daughter of the famous Son of Liberty Capt. Sears,2 General Gates and Lee, a Dr. McHenery3 and a Mr. Elvin,4 with many others who were strangers to me. I was very politely entertaind and noticed
by the Generals, more especially General Lee, who was very urgent with me to tarry
in Town and dine with him and the Laidies present, at Hob Goblin Hall, but I excused
my self. The General was determined that I should not only be acquainted with him,
but with his companions too, and
therefore placed a chair before me into which he orderd Mr. Sparder to mount and present
his paw to me for a better acquaintance. I could not do otherways than accept it.—That
Madam says he is the Dog which Mr. . . . . . has renderd famous.5
I was so little while in company with these persons and the company so mixed that
it was almost imposible to form any judgment of them. { 336 } The Dr. appeard modest and his Lady affable and agreable. Major Mifflin you know I
was allways an admirer of, as well as of his delicate Lady. I beleive Phyladelphia
is an unfertile soil, or it would not produce so many unfruitfull women. I always
conceive of these persons as wanting one addition to their happiness, but in these
perilous times I know not whether it ought to be considerd as an infelicity, since
they are certainly freed, from the anxiety every parent must feel for their rising
ofspring.
I drank Coffe one day with General Sulivan upon Winter Hill. He appears to be a Man
of Sense and Spirit. His countanance denotes him of a warm constitution, not to be
very sudenly moved, but when once roused, not very easily Lull'd. Easy and social,
well calculated for a Military Station, as he seem[s] to be possess'd of those populour qualifications necessary to attach Men to him.
By the way, I congratulate you upon our late noble acquisition of military Stores.
Tis a most Grand mortar I assure you.6 Surely heaven smiles upon us in many respects, and we have continually to speak of
mercies as well as judgments. I wish our Gratitude may be any ways proportionate to
our Benefits.
I suppose in congress you think of every thing relative to trade and commerce, as
well as other things, but as I have been desired to mention to you some things I shall
not omit them. One is that their may some thing be done in a continental way with
regard to Excise upon Spiritous Liquors that each of the New England colonies may
be upon the same footing where as we formerly used to pay an Excise, and the other
colonis none or very little by which means they drew away our trade. That an Excise
is necessary tho it may be objected too by the mercantile intrissts, as a too frequent
use of Spirit endangers the well being of Society. An other article is that some method
may be devised to keep among us our Gold and Silver, which is now every day shiped
of to the West Indias for Molasses, Coffe, Sugar &c. This I can say of my own knowledg
that a Dollor in Silver is now become a great rarity, and our Traders will give you
a hundred pounds of paper for Ninety of Silver, or near
that proportion. If any trade is alloud to the West indias would it not be better
to carry some commodity of our own produce in exchange? Medicine, Cotton Wool and
some other articles we are in great want of. Formerly we used to purchase cotton wool
at 1 Shilling Lawfull money pr. Bag, now tis 3, and the scarcity of that article distresses
us, as it was wrought up with less trouble than any other article of cloathing. Flax
is now from a Shilling to one and Sixpence pr. pound, Sheeps wool Eighteen pence { 337 } and linnens not to be had at any price. I cannot mention the article in the English
goods way which is not double, and in the West India Molasses by retail I used formerly
to purchase at one and Eight pence now tis 2 and Eight pence, rum 3 Shillings, coffe
one and 3 pence &c. All other things in proportion. Corn is 4 Shillings pr. Bushel,
rye 5, oats 3 and Eight pence, Hay 5 and Six Shilling pr. hundred, wood twenty Shillings
pr. cord. But meat of all
kinds cheap.
I enclose a memorandom of Dr. Tufts requesting you to procure for him those articles
if you can bring them with any conveniance. The Dr. takes it a little hard that you
have never wrote him a line, as he has wrote you several times. If it was but a few
lines he would Receive it kindly.
I am very loth to trouble you about articles of conveniancy for myself, especially
as they are so much out of your way of Buisness. I will only mention two or three
which if you can direct Bass to get for me will much oblige me—one black Barcelona
hankerchief, two or 3 yd. of black Caliminco for shooes and binding for the same—he
knows how much will be proper—and 3 or 4 common manchester check hankerchiefs for
the pocket.7 Not a hankerchief of any kind can be purchased here, but out of the Store for the
Army, and they are allowd only to those who inlist. My Pappa would be glad you would
send him a Sermon of Dr. Zublys.
My unkle Quincy desires to be rememberd to you, inquired when you talked of comeing
home. I told him you had not fixed any time. He says if you dont come soon he would
advice me to procure an other husband. He of all persons ought not to give such advice
I told him unless he set a better example himself.8
Be kind enough to burn this Letter. Tis wrote in great haste and a most incorrect
Scrawl it is but I cannot conclude it without telling you we are all very angry with
your House of Assembly for their instructions. They raise prejudices in the minds
of people and serve to create in their minds a terror at a Seperation from a people
wholy unworthy of us. We are a little of the Spanel kind. Tho so often spurned still
to fawn argues a meaness of Spirit that as an individual I disclaim, and would rather
endure any hardships than submit to it.9
Our Little folks are all well and long for Pappas return, in which wish their Mamma
most sincerely joins them. Yours.
I often meet with a [bundle?], open a cover with eager expectations and find only a news paper, but I know your
avocations will not suffer you to write so often as you [wish?].
RC (Adams Papers); docketed in AA's hand: “Portia Decembr. 10 1775.” Enclosed list of medicines wanted by Cotton Tufts
not found.
1. Not further identified.
5. In the last paragraph of his letter to James Warren of 24 July, which was intercepted and published by the British, JA spoke of “the Oddity of a great Man,” meaning Gen. Charles Lee. “He is a queer Creature.
But you must love his Dogs if you love him, and forgive a thousand whims for the Sake
of the Soldier and the Scholar” (Warren-Adams Letters, 1:89). Writing JA on 5 Oct., Lee declared himself flattered by these remarks, and added in a postscript: “Spada
sends his love to You and declares in very intelligible language that He has far'd
much better since your allusion to him, for he is carress'd now by all ranks, sexes
and Ages” (Adams Papers).
AA's spelling “Sparder” for Spada is a revealing example of New England phonetic or
orthographic overcompensation or both.
6. On 29 Nov. Capt. John Manley in the Lee privateer of Marblehead captured the Nancy, an ordnance ship from Woolwich; a spectacular item in the Nancy's cargo was a large brass mortar, which was taken to Cambridge and named The Congress
(William Gordon, The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment, of the Independence of the United
States of America, London, 1788, 2:144–145).
7. Dashes supplied in this sentence for clarity.
8. Norton Quincy had married Martha Salisbury in 1747; she died just a year later, and
he never remarried (Adams Genealogy).
9. On 3 Nov. the Continental Congress, after intermittent discussion and debate since
18 Oct., had resolved to advise the New Hampshire Provincial Convention “to call a
full and free representation of the people” in order to establish and maintain “a
form of government... during the continuance of the present dispute between G[reat] Britain and the colonies” (JCC, 3:319; italics supplied). It is somewhat remarkable that AA, immediately and without any guidance from her husband (who had lately said nothing
about public affairs in his letters to her), should have pronounced this language
and action timid and unsatisfactory. JA was a member of the committee that had reported this resolution, and though according
to his later recollections he had argued against using the term “Colonies,” he nevertheless
“thought this resolution a Tryumph and a most important Point gained”
(Diary and Autobiography, 3:354–357).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0222
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1775-12-11
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Plimouth Dec. 11 1775
My Dear Mrs. Adams has Disappointed Me so often that I think I will no more promise
myself the pleasure of A Visit. But I think I will put in A Double Claim for Letters,
both by way of Compensation for the Failure of her Company, And to Attone for her
Husbands Deficiency. However I know his Work is Arduous and that He has Many Correspondents
to answer, so I Believe it is best I should Run him No further in Debt, for I should
be very unwilling so Respectable A Friend should die A Bankrupt.
But I Wish you Would Convey me such a part of Certain private { 339 } Journals as you dare trust me, With.1 I have A Curiosity to know a Little More about Certain public Characters and perticuler
transactions than I am in a Way of being Acquainted with. It Would be an agreable
Entertainment to my Lonely hours.
This Living Absent from the Best Companions of our Lives is Exceedingly Disagreable
to us both, but You have sisters At Hand and Many Agreable Friends around You which
I have not. I have not seen A Friend of an afternoon Nor spent one abroad Except once
or twice I Rode out since I Came from Braintree. Yet it is Less painful to me to be
Alone than to many others of my sex Though at the same time no one takes Greater pleasure
in the Entertainment and Converse of Real friends.
I Desire you Would write very Long Letters and Give me all the Inteligence you Can
and dont be Ceremonious with Your Friend.
I Return A Number of Letters with which I was Entrusted agreable to my promise, and
am oblige'd for the use of your property thus Long.
I am pleased with the sucesses of the Brave Coll. Arnold and with the late Captures
by Sea. Yet When I Look forward I almost tremble at the prospect. So Many Internal
Difficulties to struggle Through, as well as A [violent?] Foe without, Makes to me the Face of public affairs Look Dark, and of Course the
interruption of private Happiness must Ensue. But my Imagination is often too Busy
for my peace, and though I often hope for the Best, Yes always, Yet the A[n]ticipation of Future Ills sometimes Defaces the more sanguine Images of Felicity.
As I have three or four other Letters which must be Wrote this afternoon my Friend
will Excuse my hastily subscribing the Name of her affectionate
[signed] M Warren
I hope the Young Woman You talked with about Coming to Plimouth has suffered no Disadvantage
by the Delay in not sending for her. Some Circumstances took place which prevented,
but if she is not otherways Engaged I may send Next Week, but would not stand in the
Way of her providing otherways as tis uncertain.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “Mrs. Abigail Adams Braintree.” Enclosed letters
not identifiable.
1. AA did not comply with this request; see her letter to Mrs. Warren of Jan.? 1776, printed as an Addendum to this volume, p. 422–424, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0223
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-01-02
Isaac Smith Sr. to John Adams
[dateline] Salem January the 2d. 1776
[salute] Mr. Adams
I wrote you sometime Ago,1 desireing you to inquire of the So. { 340 } Carolina Gentlemen whether they wanted to make Exchange of some money, I had in So.
Carolina, but as itt is not very likely I Apprehend I have concluded, to send a Vessell
to bring the Value in Rice, which I find is Allowed—so would not give you the trouble.
I wrote Mr. Black to send me a Phila. weekly paper but as I have not received One
as yet suppose the printer may think itt best to begin the New Year.
Grain will be very much wanted the ensueing spring and Year—And am sending several
fishing schooners to Virginia &c. for Corn &c.—but unless that Coast could be kept
clear itt will be Attended with a great resque. As the Contineltal money we suppose
will pass there I have sent and shall send more, and as the resque is great I have
been thinking that iff Your Congress would pass some resolve simelar to an Act in
former times when paper Currency past here, that were a person was possest of any
sum of money which was lost by fire or by sea and could bring satisfactory proof,
that in such cases itt was made good to the sufferers. And as grain will be greatly
wanted and in case such a resolve could be past itt would be a means of incorageing
people to send there Vessells, the Act to be binding, that the money so sent should
be laid Out In the United provinces—and in faith that something simelar may be Acted
upon, to Answer such a purpose I have been and Noted in A
Noterary's office about seven hundred Dls., which I have sent by one Vessell having
taken the Number's of the bills and [ . . . ] Names and then taken the Masters Oath that he received such money's to carry to Virginia,
for the purchaseing of grain. And As the money should not fall into the Enemy's hands,
I have Orderd the Master to throw itt Over board—for there is not the least doubt
but sometime or Other, or even now in many places they could get friends to keep or
transact such money's so as to be equal to them as silver or gold. Now, the supposition
I go upon is, that by renewing those bills there can be no disadvantage to the Colony's
as there will be no more money Isued, and, the person who may be the looser of itt
cant be suppos'd but what would gladly pay the charge of haveing them renu'ed, indeed
iff he did not he Ought not to be benifited by such an indulgency. I am aware there
may be An Objection to such an Act and this may be said, that the money may be hid
in the
Vessell or by some means or Other securd, but, in that case there would [ . . . ] a possibility of secreating itt by the people as they are generally made prisoners
and would be found Out One way or Other and that no fraud of that kind should take
place the Master should when returnd be upon Oath that the money was thrown Over board
and destroyed. Should you think some such Act was legible doubt not you may think
{ 341 } of some method to prove the satisfactoriness of the Loss. Some Others have and purpose
takeing the steps I have mentioned in Confidence of something of this kind might take
place.
As any News we have nothing very Material no prizes lately and am sorry the privateers
are not Out which is Occasioned by there time being up but hope there will be new
Men and Officers soon as now is the Only time and many Vessells must be on the Coast.
Capt. Constant Freeman is here, has had a long Conferance with the General relative
to the Armies att Quebeck.
He says Bliss the lawyer and wife were there haveing taken an order for there money
in lew of what they left att Boston and not being honord was badly off as many Others
who went from Boston. Ellwell, John Coffin &c. were made some Officers in the Malitia2—he gives a most shocking Account of the treatment of Mr. James Walker and wife, the
same Gentleman that had his3 cut and barbarously treated, some years Ago, but happily was retaken in the Gaspee
Brigantine. Colo. Aliens people were chaind in Couples and he likewise, and all sent
to England, which you will be informed of no doubt.4
He says Ld. Chatham ordered his son home, And that he saild back October and that
the Chief Justice Mr. Hay [Hey] went home without Carlton's Leave or Consent.
I suppose the Troops thought to be gone to Rd. Island are gone to joyn Ld. Dunmore.
We suppose a New Admiral Arrived last saturday with 2 or 3 M[en of] Warr who lay att Nantasket with 2 or 3 more. A Number of ships is gone up within
a few days so that itts likely they will have a supply.
They have taken a brigantine belonging to Newbury and a schooner belonging here the
latter Very Valuable. We have from Boston the kings speech of the 26 October which
suppose the Gen. will send you.
We are all well. Itts likely you may have heard Mr. Balch is returnd from England
but came Out the begining Octbr. so cant bring any thing New of a publick Nature tho
possibly he may of his One invention.—I am Your &c.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “I. Smith. Esq. Jan. 2d. 1776.”
1. Letter not found.
2. In the Canadian militia. John Coffin, a former Boston merchant and distiller, was
cited by British officers for his conduct in the defense of Quebec in Dec. 1775 (Jones, Loyalists of Mass., p. 94).
3. Word omitted in MS. On Thomas (not James) Walker, a merchant of Assomption near Montreal who acted in the American interest
and, with his wife, suffered some harrowing adventures, see Justin H. Smith, Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony: Canada and the American Revolution, N.Y. and London, 1907, 1:43–45, 395–398, 490, and passim.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0224
Recipient: Adams, John
Recipient: Cushing, Thomas
Recipient: Palmer, Joseph
Recipient: Gerry, Elbridge
Date: 1776-01-19
Isaac Smith Sr. to John Adams, with Adams' Letter of Transmittal
[dateline] Salem, January 19, 1776
[salute] Mr. Adams
I had wrote you several posts before my hearing you was returned. I should be very
glad if you and Mrs. Adams could take a turn this way before you return to Philadelphia
again.
I had lately a schooner arrived, with some powder, at Barnstable, rather better than
three hundred pounds, which was disposed of there, as the people wanted it much. I
understand that any person importing powder shall be entitled to ship the value of
it in fish, and to bring the produce thereof in powder.1 As such, I should be glad to have a certificate from the proper persons authorized
to give one. I want to ship the fish in a different bottom, which cannot make any
odds, as both belong to me. I should be glad to have liberty for one hundred and eighty
quintals of fish, being about the amount of the powder. The powder was imported in
the schooner Sally, Ebenezer Nickerson, master, from St. Eustatius, and now want to ship the fish by
the schooner Endeavour, Jesse Harding, for the West-Indies.
Your assisting the bearer in procuring the above, will oblige your humble servant,
[signed] Isaac Smith
Mr. Adams presents his compliments to Mr. Cushing, Mr. Palmer, Mr. Gerry, and the
other gentlemen at Mr. Hunt's, and begs the favour of them to assist the bearer in
the business mentioned in the within letter.2
2. The prompt and favorable action of the Council on Smith's request is shown in a minute
and a signed order of that body dated 20 Jan., printed by Force following the text
of JA's note. JA did not sign the order (though he was a member of the Council and had been in more
or less regular attendance since just after Christmas). He was probably at Braintree
preparing for his return to Philadelphia, having decided that he would, after all,
resume his seat there rather than take up his duties as chief justice at this time.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0225
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-01-24
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Watertown Jan. 24. 1776
[salute] My dear Nabby
I am determined not to commit a fault which escaped me, the last Time I sat out for
the southward.
I waited on General Thomas at Roxbury this Morning, and then went to Cambridge where
I dined at Coll. Mifflins with the General, and Lady, and a vast Collection of other
Company, among whom were six or seven Sachems and Warriours, of the French Cagnawaga
Indians, with several of their Wives and Children. A savage Feast they made of it,
yet were very polite in the Indian style. One of these sachems is an Englishman a
Native of this Colony whose Name was Williams, captivated in his Infancy with his
Mother, and adopted by some kind Squaw—another I think is half french Blood.
I was introduced to them by the General as one of the grand Council Fire at Philadelphia
which made them prick up their Ears, they came and shook Hands with me, and made me
low Bows, and scrapes &c. In short I was much pleased with this Days entertainment.
The General is to make them presents in Cloaths and Trinketts, they have visited the
Lines at Cambridge and are going to see those at Roxbury.1
Tomorrow We2 mount, for the grand Council Fire—Where I shall think often of my little Brood at
the Foot of Pens Hill. Remember me particularly to Nabby, Johnny, Charly and Tommy.
Tell them I charge them to be good, honest, active and industrious for their own sakes,
as well as ours.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. John Adams Braintree.”
1. On the Caughnawagas' visit to Washington's headquarters in Cambridge, see also JA's Diary entry of this day (Diary and Autobiography, 2:226–227).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0226
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-02-07
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] February 7 1776
Just Come to hand is A Letter from my very Worthy Friend1 who I suppose is by this time arrived at Philadelphia and Another from his Good Portia2 whose Mind seems to be Agitated by A Variety of passions of the Noblest kind, A sense
of Honnour, of Friendship, of parental and Conjugal affection, of Domestick Felicity
And public { 344 } Happiness. I do not wonder you had a struggle within yourself when your Friend was
again Called upon to be Absent from his Family for perhaps many months but as you
have sacrificed private Inclination to the public welfare I hope the Reward of Virtue
will be your portion. I beleive the person you Consent should be absent from you need
Give himself very Little Concern about the Ill natured sugestions of an Envious World,
and I Cannot think you have any Apprehension that the Wispers of Malice Will Lessen
the Esteem and Affection I have for my Friends and if she is unkindly
brooding anything to their Disadvantage it has not Reached my Ear. When it does I
shall Comply with your Request and Give you the opportunity you Mention. Mean time
Let me have an Explanation of that source of uneasiness you hint at, in yours. Follow
my Example and set Down Immediatly and write and I will Ensure you a safe Conveyance
by a Gentleman who I hope will Call on you on saterday on his way to pay a Visit to
his Marcia. You may trust him with your Letter though Ever so important, and anything
Else you will Venture to Communicate.
I Want to know if Certain Intercepted Letters had any Consequences at Philadelphia.
Was any umbrage taken by any Genius Great or small.
I Wonder where Mr. Adamss Letter has been for A whole month. It might have traveled
to Quebec And back again since it was wrote. I began to think he was about to drop
Our Correspondence and Indeed I think now I am obliged to you for Its Continuance.
Yet had I Received the Letter before he went off I beleive I should have Ventured
to answer some of his queries Though they were not put in a Manner serious Enough
for me to suppose he Expected it. However when you write again do make my Regards
and thank him for his of January 8th. Only the fear of Interrupting his important
Moments prevents my doing it myself. But I think he has so many friends to Correspond
with that it is Rather Calling him from more Useful Employment to Attend to my Interruptions.
Yet there is a proposal in his that may set my pen to work again perhaps before he
Returns.
I am Very sorry for the Ill Health of your Family. Hope they are all Recovered. Do
put them in mind of the affection of your Friend, in a way most pleasing to the Little
Circle.
What is became of my dear Mrs. Lincoln. Do tell her I have impatiently Wished through
the whole Winter for the pleasure of hearing from her and the family. Do make them
my best Regards.
I write in a very Great Hury or I should touch a Little on politicks, { 345 } knowing you Love a Little seasoning of that Nature in Every production, but it is
two wide A Field to Enter this Evening so will only Wish that the Aquisition of Boston
and Quebec may make the opening of the year 76 an Era of Glory to the arms of America,
and May hand down the Name of Washington and Arnold to the Latest posterrity, with
the Laurel on their Brow. But A Reverse I tremble to think off. Let us forbear to
Name it. So will hasten to subscribe the Name of Your Affectionate Friend,
[signed] M W
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Abigail Adams Braintree”; docketed in an unidentified hand:
“Mrs. Warren Feb 1st. '76.”
2. Jan.? 1776; printed as an Addendum to this volume, p. 422–424, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0227
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-02-11
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Feby. 11. 1776
[salute] My Dear
Here I am again. Arrived last Thursday,1 in good Health, altho I had a cold Journey. The Weather, a great Part of the Way,
was very severe, which prevented our making very quick Progress, and by an Accident
which happened to one of my Horses, which obliged me to leave her at Brookfield and
hire another, was delayed two days. An Horse broke loose in the Barn and corked2 mine under the fore-shoulder. I hope that Bass upon his Return will find her well.
My Companion was agreable and made the Journey much less tedious than it would have
been.
I can form no Judgment of the State of public Opinions and Principles here, as yet,
nor any Conjectures of what an Hour may bring forth.
Have been to meeting and heard Mr. Duffill [Duffield] from Jer. 2.17. Hast thou not procured this unto thy self, in that thou hast forsaken
the Lord thy God, when he led thee by the Way?—He prayed very earnestly for Boston
and New York, supposing the latter to be in Danger of Destruction.
I, however, am not convinced that Vandeput will fire upon that Town3—It has too much Tory Property to be destroyed by Tories.
I hope it will be fortified and saved. If not the Q[uestion] may be asked “hast thou not procured this &c?”
Tomorrow, Dr. Smith is to deliver an oration in Honour of the brave Montgomery.4 I will send it, as soon as it is out, to you.
There is a deep Anxiety, a kind of thoughtfull Melancholly, and in { 346 } some a Lowness of Spirits approaching to Despondency, prevailing, through the southern
Colonies, at present, very similar, to what I have often observed in Boston, particularly
on the first News of the Port Bill, and last year about this Time or a little later,
when the bad News arrived, which dashed their fond Hopes with which they had deluded
themselves, thro the Winter. In this, or a similar Condition, We shall remain, I think,
untill late in the Spring, When some critical Event will take Place, perhaps sooner.
But the Arbiter of Events, the Sovereign of the World only knows, which Way the Torrent
will be turned. Judging by Experience, by Probabilities, and by all Appearances, I
conclude, it will roll on to Dominion and Glory, tho the Circumstances and Consequences
may be bloody.
In such great Changes and Commotions, Individuals are but Atoms. It is scarcly worth
while to consider what the Consequences will be to Us. What will be the Effects upon
present and future Millions, and Millions of Millions, is a Question very interesting
to Benevolence natural and Christian. God grant they may and I firmly believe they
will be happy.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. John Adams Braintree.”
1. 8 February.
2. That is, calked: “To wound with a calk, as a horse's leg” (Webster, 2d edn.). Calk (in the sense of a projecting metal point affixed to a shoe to prevent
slipping) appears frequently in American colloquial usage as “cork”; thus “corked
boots.” See DAE and Dict. of Americanisms under both calk and cork.
3. Capt. (later Adm.) George Vandeput, then commanding H.M.S. Asia in New York Harbor.
4. JA was mistaken about the date. The ceremonies in honor of Gen. Richard Montgomery,
who was killed in the American assault on Quebec on the last day of 1775, were not
held until Monday, 19 Feb., when Rev. William Smith, provost of the College of Philadelphia,
delivered an oration in the “Dutch Calvinist” (i.e. German Reformed) Church in Philadelphia
that JA later said was considered such “an insolent Performance” that Congress declined either
to thank the orator or to print his speech. However, “The orator then printed it himself,
after leaving out or altering some offensive Passages” (to AA, 28 April, below). What offended JA and others were Smith's markedly loyalist sentiments. See entries in Richard Smith's
Diary of Proceedings in Congress for 25 Jan., 12, 19, 21 Feb., in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:327, 347, 356, 359 and references in editorial notes there. For Smith's
Oration as printed, see “Bibliographical Notes” in JCC, 6:1117–1118; also T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” No. 228a-h.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0228
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-02-13
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Feby. [13]1 1776
Lee is at York,2 and We have requested a Battalion of Philadelphian { 347 } Associators, together with a Regiment of Jersey Minute Men, to march to his Assistance.
Lord Sterling3 was there before with his Regiment, so that there will be about 1000 Men with Lee
from Connecticutt, about 600 with Ld. Sterling from the Jerseys, one Battalion of
about 720 Minute Men from Jersey and one of the same No. from Philadelphia. We shall
soon have four Battalions more raised in Pensilvania, to march to the same Place and
one more in the Jerseys.4
Mr. Dickinson, being the first Collonell, and Commander of the first Battalion too,
claimed it, as his Right to march upon this Occasion. Mr. Reed, formerly Gen. Washingtons
Secretary goes his Lt, Coll. Mr. Dickinsons Alacrity and Spirit upon this occasion,
which certainly becomes his Character and setts a fine Example, is much talk'd of
and applauded. This afternoon, the four Battallions of the Militia were together,
and Mr. Dickinson mounted the Rostrum to harrangue them, which he did with great Vehemence
and Pathos, as it is reported.
I suppose, if I could have made Interest enough to have been chosen more than a Lt.,
I should march too upon some such Emergency, and possibly a Contingency may happen,
when it will be proper for me to do it still, in Rank and File. I will not fail to
march if it should.
In the Beginning of a War, in Colonies like this and Virginia, where the martial Spirit
is but just awakened and the People are unaccustomed to Arms, it may be proper and
necessary for such popular Orators as Henry and Dickenson to assume a military Character.
But I really think them both, better Statesmen than Soldiers, tho I cannot say they
are not very good in the latter Character. Henrys Principles, and Systems, are much
more conformable to mine than the others however.
I feel, upon some of these Occasions, a flow of Spirits, and an Effort of Imagination,
very like an Ambition to be engaged in the more active, gay, and dangerous Scenes.
(Dangerous I say but recall that Word, for there is no Course more dangerous than
that which I am in.) I have felt such Passions all my Lifetime, particularly in the
year 1757, when I longed more ardently to be a Soldier than I ever did to be a Lawyer.
But I am too old, and too much worn, with Fatigues of Study in my youth, and there
is too little need in my Province of such assistance, for me to assume an Uniform.
Non tali Auxilio nec Defensoribus istis Tempus eget.
I believe I must write you soon, Lord Sterlings Character, because I was vastly pleased
with him. For the future I shall draw no Characters but such as I like. Pimps destroy
all Freedom of Correspondence.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. John Adams Braintree.”
1. JA left space for the day of the month but did not enter it. A portion of the text of
this letter is printed in Burnett's Letters of Members, where it is pointed out (1:348, note) that the mustering of “the four Battallions
of the [Philadelphia] Militia” (mentioned in the second paragraph) was recorded by
others as occurring on 13 February.
2. New York City.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0229
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-02-18
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] February 18. 1776
[salute] My dearest Friend
I sent you from New York a Pamphlet intituled Common Sense, written in Vindication
of Doctrines which there is Reason to expect that the further Encroachments of Tyranny
and Depredations of Oppression, will soon make the common Faith: unless the cunning
Ministry, by proposing Negociations and Terms of Reconciliation, should divert the
present Current from its Channell.1
Reconciliation if practicable and Peace if attainable, you very well know would be
as agreable to my Inclinations and as advantageous to my Interest, as to any Man's.
But I see no Prospect, no Probability, no Possibility. And I cannot but despise the
Understanding, which sincerely expects an honourable Peace, for its Credulity, and
detest the hypocritical Heart, which pretends to expect it, when in Truth it does
not. The News Papers here are full of free Speculations, the Tendency of which you
will easily discover. The Writers reason from Topicks which have been long in Contemplation,
and fully understood by the People at large in New England, but have been attended
to in the southern Colonies only by Gentlemen of free Spirits and liberal Minds, who
are very few. I shall endeavour to inclose to you as many of the Papers and Pamphlets
as I can, as long as I stay here. Some will go by this Conveyance.
Dr. Franklin, Mr. Chase, and Mr. Charles Carroll of Carrollton in Maryland, are chosen
a Committee to go into Canada. The Characters of the two first you know. The last
is not a Member of Congress, but a Gentleman of independant Fortune, perhaps the largest
in America, 150 or 200, thousand Pounds sterling, educated in some University in France,
tho a Native of America, of great Abilities and Learning, compleat Master of French
Language and a Professor of the Roman { 349 } catholic Religion, yet a warm, a firm, a zealous Supporter of the Rights of America,
in whose Cause he has hazarded his all.
Mr. John Carroll of Maryland, a Roman Catholic Priest and a Jesuit, is to go with
the Committee. The Priests in Canada having refused Baptism and Absolution to our
Friends there.2
General Lee is to command in that Country, whose Address, Experience, and Abilities
added to his Fluency in the French Language, will give him great Advantages.3
The Events of War are uncertain: We cannot insure Success, but We can deserve it.
I am happy in this Provision for that important Department, because I think it the
best that could be made in our Circumstances. Your Prudence will direct you to communicate
the Circumstances of the Priest, the Jesuit and the Romish Religion only to such Persons
as can judge of the Measure upon large and generous Principles, and will not indiscreetly
divulge it. The Step was necessary, for the Anathema's of the Church are very terrible
to our Friends in Canada.
I wish I understood French as well as you. I would have gone to Canada, if I had.
I feel the Want of Education every Day—particularly of that Language. I pray My dear,
that you would not suffer your Sons or your Daughter, ever to feel a similar Pain.
It is in your Power to teach them French, and I every day see more and more that it
will become a necessary Accomplishment of an American Gentleman and Lady. Pray write
me in your next the Name of the Author of your thin French Grammar, which gives you
the Pronunciation of the French Words in English Letters, i.e. which shews you, how
the same Sounds would be signified by English Vowells and Consonants.
Write me as often as you can—tell me all the News. Desire the Children to write to
me, and believe me to be theirs and yours.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. From this it appears that JA first encountered and read Thomas Paine's subsequently famous pamphlet Common Sense: Addressed to the Inhabitants of America on his way to Philadelphia during the first days of Feb. 1776. (It had been published
in Philadelphia about three weeks earlier.) It also appears, from this and other letters
JA wrote at the time (see especially his letter of 19 March, below), that he thought better of Common Sense and its author when he first read it than he did later on. The best he could say
in old age was that Common Sense was "a tollerable Summary of the Arguments” for independence, and that it had led
JA himself to correct its crudities and supply its deficiencies by writing his essay
published later this spring as Thoughts on Government (Diary and Autobiography,
3:331–334).
3. Lee was, however, soon sent south to Virginia rather than north to Canada.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0230
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-02-21
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Febry 21 1776
Tis a month this day since you left me, and this is the first time I have taken my
pen to write to you. My conscience accuses me, but I have waited in hopes of having
something worth saying to you, some event worth relating; but it has been a dead calm
of dull repose. No event of any importance upon either side excepting the burning
of some houses by the Enemy upon Dorchester Neck has taken place since you left us.
The preparations increase and something great is daily expected, something terible
it will be. I impatiently wait for, yet dread the day.—I received a Letter from you
wrote at Watertown, and a Book Last week;1 for which I am much obliged, tis highly prized here and carries conviction whereever
it is read. I have spread it as much as it lay in my power, every one assents to the
weighty truths it contains. I wish it could gain Credit enough in your assembly to
be carried speadily into Execution.
I have been uneasy upon your account. I know your delicacy must be wounded by the
unjust and malicious censures of an unworthy associate, whose self conceit and vanity
really makes him an object of contempt <,too dirty to soil my fingers> and commisiration. He has not only treated your character in a very abusive and ungentlemanlike
manner, but descended to low vulgar attacks and Language upon our Worthy Friend.2
I think from the temper in which he writes you cannot avoid altercation with him,
but I hope you will be guarded. Envy and vanity will do his work very effectually.
“To all my foes dear fortune sent thy Gifts
But never to my Friends.
I tamely can endure the first
But this with envy makes me Burst.”
I must beg the favour of you to send me a quire of paper, or I know not whether I
shall be able to write you an other Letter. We cannot get any here. I was obliged
to beg this, and your Daughter requests a blank Book or two. If Mack Fingal is published
be so good as to send it.3
The army is full, more men now in camp than has been since the army was first together.
Not very sickly there, But in the Country the { 351 } plurisy fever prevails and is very mortal. We have lost 3 grown persons in this part
of the Town this week. Many others lay bad—it carries them of in 8 days.
[salute] All our Friends send Love. Write me by every opportunity and believe me at all times Yours.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To The Honble. John Adams Esqr. In Philadelphia
Pr. favour”; franked: “Free Wm Ellery”; endorsed: “Portia. Feb. 21.”
1. Paine's Common Sense, the authorship of which was not yet known.
2. This alludes to the bitter quarrel that had sprung up during the preceding months
between Robert Treat Paine and James Warren, in which JA, as Warren's confidant and close political ally and Paine's impatient colleague in
Congress, was unavoidably involved. Surviving letters of Warren written in July and
Aug. 1775 show that he and Paine were on fairly cordial terms until that point, but
developments were about to occur that made them enemies. As for JA, he and Paine had long been rivals at the bar in Massachusetts and on somewhat touchy
terms of friendship because Paine, senior in age and in professional status to JA, had watched the younger man's prestige and influence surpass his own as the Revolutionary
struggle came on. When JA's intercepted letters were published by the British in August, Paine (no doubt rightly)
considered himself as one of those in Congress whose “Fidgets,... Whims, [and] Irritability” JA was complaining of (JA to AA,
24 July 1775, above). On top of this JA was appointed chief justice of the Superior Court in the fall, and Paine was ranked
fourth among the five justices then named. (See Warren to JA, 20 Oct., 5 Nov. 1775, Warren-Adams Letters, 1:150, 178.) JA was himself uneasy about this arrangement and well aware of Paine's resentment. “Mr.
Paine,” he told AA, “has taken an odd Turn in his Head of late, and is so peevish, passionate and violent
that he will make the Place disagreable” (18 Nov. 1775, above). Paine spared JA this trouble by refusing the appointment, but Warren soon made matters much worse.
In a letter to JA of 3 Dec. he dropped some inexcusably sarcastic comments on Paine's conduct both in Congress
and out (Warren-Adams Letters, 1:190). JA received this letter on his way home from Congress and sent it on to Philadelphia
for Samuel Adams to see. It fell into someone's hands who showed it to Paine when
he returned from his mission to Ticonderoga, and it opened the floodgates of his resentment.
Early in January he addressed a scorching protest to Warren, in which he said, among
other things, that he knew perfectly well who (meaning JA) had been furnishing Warren with the calumnies now circulating and whose “machinations”
had “degraded” Paine in the recent appointments. This letter Warren copied and enclosed
to JA under a cover of 31 Jan. which called it “A Model of Invective and dulness” and said it might soon be properly
answered. (Warren's letter of 31 Jan. is in the Adams Papers, with the copy of Paine's to Warren attached; the enclosure is dated 5 Jan., but Paine's draft in the Paine Papers in MHi is dated 1 Jan. 1776.) No answer by Warren has been found. Before long the Warrens
evidently showed Paine's letter to AA, and she may have heard more on the subject from Joseph Palmer, to whom on 1 Jan.
Paine had addressed a bitter complaint about the behavior of Warren and JA (draft in Paine Papers; copy in Adams Papers). Palmer's answer was so exemplary that it deserves at least partial quotation:
From the evidence available it appears that both Paine and JA did so act toward each other in the critical months that followed.
“I thank you for your late favour, but was exceedingly sorry to find any misunderstanding
between Friends, especially at this time of public danger; I don't intend to meddle
in this matter, any farther than to urge you both, as you regard the good of your
distressed Country, to stifle every private resentment, incompatable with the public
{ 352 } good, and conduct yourselves in every respect as your Christian profession requires”
(24 Jan., Paine Papers).
3. John Trumbull, JA's law clerk during 1773–1774, wrote the first part of his M'Fingal:A Modern Epic Poem in 1775 at New Haven, where he had begun the practice of law. JA saw a MS of the poem in Philadelphia and wrote Trumbull, 5 Nov., praising it and asking who sat for the portraits of the principal characters (RC in NjP). Trumbull's interesting reply of 14 Nov. says among other things that no single person was the model for either the tory M'Fingal
or the patriot Honorius; “But the Picture of the Townmeeting is drawn from the Life”
(Adams Papers). “Canto I” of M'Fingal was published at Philadelphia in Jan. 1776 (though with a 1775 imprint). The complete
poem, twice as long and destined to be popular for many years among American readers,
was published at Hartford in 1782. See Alexander Cowie, John Trumbull, Connecticut Wit, Chapel Hill, 1936, ch. 7.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0231
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-03-02
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Saturday Evening March 2 [1776]
I was greatly rejoiced at the return of your servant to find you had safely arrived,
and that you were well. I had never heard a word from you after you left New york,
and a most ridiciolous story had been industerously propagated in this and the neighbouring
Towns to injure the cause and blast your Reputation, viz. that you and your President
had gone on board a Man of War from N–y and saild for England. I should not mention
so idle a report, but that it had given uneasiness to some of your Friends, not that
they in the least credited the report, but because the Gaping vulgar swallowed the
story. One man had deserted them and proved a traitor, an other might &c. I assure
you such high Disputes took place in the publick house of this parish, that some men
were collerd and draged out of the shop, with great Threats for reporting such scandelous
lies, and an unkle of ours offerd his life as a forfeit for you if the report proved
true.
However it has been a nine days marvel and will now cease. I heartily wish every Tory
was Extirpated [from]1 America, they are continually by secret means undermineing and injuring our cause.
I am charmed with the Sentiments of Common Sense; and wonder how an honest Heart,
one who wishes the welfare of their country, and the happiness of posterity can hesitate
one moment at adopting them; I want to know how those Sentiments are received in Congress?
I dare say their would be no difficulty in procuring a vote and instructions from
all the Assemblies in New England for independancy. I most sincerely wish that now
in the Lucky Minuet it might be done.
I have been kept in a continual state of anxiety and expectation { 353 } ever since you left me. It has been said to morrow and to morrow for this month, but
when the dreadfull to morrow will be I know not—but hark! the House this instant shakes
with the roar of Cannon.—I have been to the door and find tis a cannonade from our
Army, orders I find are come for all the remaining Militia to repair to the Lines
a monday night by twelve o clock. No Sleep for me to Night; and if I cannot who have
no guilt upon my Soul with regard to this Cause, how shall the misirible wretches
who have been the procurers of this Dreadfull Scene and those who are to be the actors,
lie down with the load of Guilt upon their Souls.
[dateline] Sunday Eve March 3
I went to Bed after 12 but got no rest, the Cannon continued firing and my Heart Beat
pace with them all night. We have had a pretty quiet day, but what to morrow will
bring forth God only knows.
[dateline] Monday Evening
Tolerable quiet to day. The Militia have all musterd with 3 days provision and are
all march'd by 8 o clock this afternoon tho their notice was no longer than 8 o clock
Saturday, and now we have scarcly a Man but our regular guards either in W[eymouth,] H[ingham] or B[raintree] or M[ilton] and the Militia from the more remote towns are call'd in as Sea coast Guards. Can
you form to yourself an Idea of our Sensations. P[alme]r is chief C[olone]l, B[as]s is Leit. C[olone]l and S[ope]r Major and Hall Captain.2
I have just returnd from P[enn']s Hill where I have been sitting to hear the amazing roar of cannon and from whence
I could see every shell which was thrown. The sound I think is one of the Grandest
in Nature and is of the true Speicies of the Sublime. Tis now an incessant Roar. But
O the fatal Ideas which are connected with the sound. How many of our dear country
men must fall?3
[dateline] Twesday morning
I went to bed about 12 and rose again a little after one. I could no more sleep than
if I had been in the ingagement. The ratling of the windows, the jar of the house
and the continual roar of 24 pounders, the Bursting of shells give us such Ideas,
and realize a scene to us of which we could scarcly form any conception. About Six
this morning, there was quiet; I rejoiced in a few hours calm. I hear we got possession
of Dorchester Hill Last Night. 4000 thousand men upon it to day—lost but one Man.
The Ships are all drawn round the Town. To night { 354 } we shall realize a more terible scene still. I sometimes think I cannot stand it—I
wish myself with you, out of hearing as I cannot assist them. I hope to give you joy
of Boston, even if it is in ruins before I send this away.—I am too much agitated
to write as I ought, and languid for want of rest.
[dateline] Thursday Fast Day
All my anxiety, and distress, is at present at an End. I feel dissapointed. This day
our Militia are all returning, without effecting any thing more than taking possession
of Dorchester Hill. I hope it is wise and just, but from all the Muster and Stir I
hoped and expected more important and decisive Scenes; I would not have sufferd all
I have for two such Hills. Ever since the taking of that we have had a perfect calm
nor can I learn yet what Effect it has had in Boston. I do not hear of one persons
escapeing since.
I was very much pleased with your choise of a committe for Canada. All those to whom
I have venturd to shew that part of your Letter approve the Scheme of the Priest as
a master stroke of policy. I feel sorry that G[eneral] Lee has left us, but his presence at New York was no doubt of great importance as
we have reason to think it prevented Clinton from landing and gathering together such
a nest of virmin as would at least have distressd us greatly. But how can you spair
him from there? Can you make his place good—can you supply it with a man eaquelly
qualified to save us? How do the Virginians realish the Troops said to be destined
for them? Are they putting themselves into a State of Defence? I inclose to you a
Coppy of a Letter sent by Capt. Furnance [Furnass] who is in Mr. Ned Churchs imploy and who came into the Cape about 10 days ago. You
will learn the Sentiments of our Cousin4 by it, some of which may be true, but I hope he is a much better divine than politician.
I hear in one of his Letters he mentions certain intercepted Letters which he says
have made much Noise in England, and Laments that you ever wrote them.5
What will he and others say to Common Sense? I cannot Bear to think of your continuing
in a State of Supineness this winter.
“There is a tide in the affairs of Men
Which taken, at the flood leads on to fortune;
omitted, all the voyage of their life
is bound in shallows and in miseries.
On such a full sea are we now afloat;
{ 355 }And we must take the current when it serves,
or lose our ventures.”
Shakespear
[dateline] Sunday Eve March 10
I had scarcly finished these lines when my Ears were again assaulted with the roar
of Cannon. I could not write any further. My Hand and heart will tremble, at this
domestick fury, and firce civil Strife, which cumber all our parts. Tho,
Yet is not pitty chok'd, nor my Heart grown Callous. I feel for the unhappy wretches
who know not where to fly for safety. I feel still more for my Bleading Country men
who are hazarding their lives and their Limbs.—A most Terible and incessant Cannonade
from half after 8 till Six this morning. I hear we lost four men kill'd and some wounded
in attempting to take the Hill nearest the Town call'd Nook Hill.6 We did some work, but the fire from [the ships]7 Beat [off our] Men so that they did not [secure] it but retired to the fort upon the other Hill.
Blood and destruction are so much in use
And Dreadfull objects so familiar,
I have not got all the perticuliars I wish I had but, as I have an opportunity of
sending this I shall endeavour to be more perticuliar in my next.
All our Little ones send duty. Tommy has been very sick with what is call'd the Scarlet
or purple fever, but has got about again.
If we have Reinforcements here,8 I believe we shall be driven from the sea coast, but in what so ever state I am I
will endeavour to be therewith content.
Man wants but Little here below
Nor wants that Little long.
You will escuse this very incorrect Letter. You see in what purtubation it has been
written and how many times I have left of. Adieu pray write me every opportunity.
Yours.
Tooks Grammer is the one you mention.9
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “March 10. answd March. 19.” Enclosure: probably Isaac Smith Jr.'s letter
to Rev. William Smith(?), dated at Enfield near London, 5 Dec. 1775, above.
2. Col. Joseph Palmer of Germantown, Jonathan Bass, Edmund Soper, and John Hall Jr. (Mass. Soldiers and Sailors, { 356 } 11:803; 1:748; 14:642; 7:92). Capt. John Hall Jr. was a stepson of JA's mother by her 2d marriage, 1766.
3. The purpose of this bombardment, as Washington reported to Congress on the 7th, was
“to harrass the Enemy and divert their attention” preparatory to assaulting and fortifying
the heights on Dorchester Neck, an operation undertaken on Monday night, 4 March,
Gen. John Thomas commanding. Local militia had been called up in large numbers in
expectation of a British counterattack (Washington, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 4:370–372). Bad weather and rough water preventing a successful assault on the new
American fortifications, Howe thereupon decided to evacuate Boston (same, p. 373,
note). The militia were dismissed on the 7th (same, p. 374).
5. “Very unluckily for us, two intercepted letters, wrote by Mr. John Adams, and one
from another member of the Congress have been republished here, and (especially the
former,) have furnished a topic for general conversation the week past. They are supposed
to contain proof that the Congress, some of them at least, have very different views
from what they profess in their publications” (Isaac Smith Jr. to Isaac Smith Sr.,
London, 26 Sept. [1775], MHi: Smith-Carter Papers).
6. Nook or Nook's Hill at Dorchester Point, overlooking the harbor and the British lines
on Boston Neck. See, further, AA to JA, 16–18 March, below.
7. Bottom line of MS partly worn away; missing words supplied from CFA's text in JA–AA, Familiar Letters, p. 140.
9. In his letter of 18 Feb., above. AA was mistaken in her citation; see her letter of 16–18 March, below, and note 6 there.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0232
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-03-08
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia March 8. 1776
[salute] My Dear
Yesterday by Major Osgood I had the Pleasure of a Letter from Mr. Palmer,1 in which he kindly informed me of your and the Familys Welfare. This is the first
Intelligence I have had from Braintree since I left it—not a Line from you. Am sorry
to learn that Braintree People are alarmed—hope they will not be attacked. Want to
know the Particulars—how they have been threatned &c.
Thomas is made a Major General and ordered to Canada. The general Expectation here
is that the boldest Efforts of our Enemies will be made at Virginia and S. Carolina.—I
believe no such Thing. Boston, N. York and Quebec will be their Object.
I have sent you, as many Letters as I could, and some Pamphlets and News Papers, and
shall continue to do so. I want a servant excessively. Know not what to do for Want
of one. So much Company—and so many Things to do.
Write me as often as you can—let me know whether Bass got home without any Accident,
and whether your Fathers beautifull Mare is well of her Wound.
{ 357 } God bless you my dear, and all about you, to whom be pleased to remember my most tender
Affection.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. Adams at Mr. John Adams's Braintree favd. by Mr. Osgood to the
Care of Coll Warren or Palmer.”
1. Dated at Watertown, 19 Feb. (Adams Papers). The letter was brought (and the present letter was delivered) by Samuel Osgood (1747–1813), Harvard 1770, at this time major and aide-de-camp to Gen. Artemas Ward, later a
Massachusetts delegate to the Continental Congress, first postmaster general under
the Constitution, and Jeffersonian officeholder in New York City (DAB). During the 1780's Osgood became one of JA's most trusted correspondents.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0233
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-03-16
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] B[raintr]ee March 16 1776
I last Evening Received yours of March 8. I must confess my self in fault that I did
not write sooner to you, but I was in continual Expectation that some important event
would take place and give me a subject worth writing upon. Before this reaches you
I immagine you will have Received two Letters from me; the last I closed this Day
week;1 since that time there has been some movements amongst the Ministerial Troops as if
they meant to evacuate the Town of Boston. Between 70 and 80 vessels of various sizes
are gone down and lay in a row in fair sight of this place, all of which appear to
be loaded and by what can be collected from our own observations and from deserters
they have been plundering the Town. I have been very faithless with regard to their
quitting Boston, and know not how to account for it, nor am I yet satisfied that they
will leave it—tho it seems to be the prevailing opinion of most people; we are obliged
to place the Militia upon Gaurd every Night upon the shoars thro fear of an invasion.
There has been no firing since Last twesday, till about 12 o clock last Night, when
I was waked out of my sleep with a smart Cannonade which continued till nine o clock
this morning, and prevented any further repose for me; the occasion I have not yet
heard, but before I close this Letter I may be able to give you some account of it.
By the accounts in the publick papers the plot thickens; and some very important Crisis
seems near at hand. Perhaps providence see's it necessary in order to answer important
ends and designs that the Seat of War should be changed from this to the Southeren
colonies that each may have a proper sympathy for the other, and unite in a seperation.
The Refuge of the Believer amidst all the afflictive dispensations of { 358 } providence, is that the Lord Reigneth, and that he can restrain the Arm of Man.
Orders are given to our Army to hold themselves in readiness to March at a moments
warning. I'll meet you at Philippi said the Ghost of Caesar to Brutus.
[dateline] Sunday Noon2
Being quite sick with a voilent cold I have tarried at Home to day; I find the fireing
was occasiond by our peoples taking possession of Nook Hill, which they kept in spite
of the Cannonade, and which has really obliged our Enemy to decamp this morning on
board the Transports; as I hear by a mesenger just come from Head Quarters. Some of
the Select Men have been to the lines and inform that they have carried of [every] thing they could [po]ssibly take, and what they could not they have [burnt, broke, or hove into the water. This] is I [believe fact,] many articles of good Household furniture having in the course of the week come on
shore at Great Hill,3 both upon this and Weymouth Side, Lids of Desks, mahogona chairs, tables &c. Our
People I hear will have Liberty to enter Boston, those who have had the small pox.
The Enemy have not yet come under sail. I cannot help suspecting some design which
we do not yet comprehend; to what quarter of the World they are bound is wholy unknown,
but tis generally Thought to New york. Many people are elated with their quitting
Boston. I confess I do not feel so, tis only lifting the burden from one shoulder
to the other which perhaps is less able or less willing to support it.—To what a contemptable
situation are the Troops of Britain reduced! I feel glad however that Boston is not
distroyed. I hope it will be so secured and guarded as to baffel all future attempts
against it.—I hear that General How said upon going upon some Eminence in Town to
view our Troops who had taken Dorchester Hill unperceived by them till sun rise, “My
God these fellows have done more work in one night than I could make my Army do in
three months” and he might well say so for in one night two forts and long Breast
Works were sprung up besides several Barracks. 300 & 70 teems were imployed most of
which went 3 load in the night, beside 4000 men who worked with good Hearts.
From Pens Hill we have a view of the largest Fleet ever seen in America. You may count
upwards of 100 & 70 Sail. They look like a Forrest. It was very lucky for us that
we got possession of Nook Hill. They had placed their cannon so as to fire upon the
Top of the Hill where they had observed our people marking out the Ground, but { 359 } it was only to elude them for they began lower upon the Hill and nearer the Town.
It was a very foggy dark evening and they had possession of the Hill six hours before
a gun was fired, and when they did fire they over shot our people so that they were
coverd before morning and not one man lost, which the enemy no sooner discoverd than
Bunker Hill was abandoned and every Man decamp'd as soon as he could for they found
they should not be able to get away if we once got our cannon mounted. Our General
may say with Ceasar veni vidi et vici.
What Effect does the Expectation of commisioners have with you? Are they held in disdain
as they are here. It is come to that pass now that the longest sword must deside the
contest—and the sword is less dreaded here than the commisioners.
You mention Threats upon B[raintre]e. I know of none, nor ever heard of any till you mentiond them. The Tories look a
little crest fallen; as for Cleverly he looks like the knight of the woful countanance.
I hear all the Mongrel Breed are left in Boston—and our people who were prisoners
are put into Irons and carried of.
As to all your own private affair[s] I generally avoid mentioning them to you; I take the best care I am capable of them.
I have found some difficulty attending the only Man I have upon the place, being so
often taking of.4 John and Jonathan have taken all the care in his absence, and performed very well.5 Bass got home very well. My Fathers horse came home in fine order and much to his
satisfaction. Your own very poor.—Cannot you hire a Se[r]vant where you are. I am sorry you are put to so much difficulty for want of one.—I
suppose you do not think one word about comeing home, and how you will get home I
know not.
I made a mistake in the Name of the Grammer—tis Tandons, instead of Took.6 I wish you could purchase Lord Chesterfields Letters—I have lately heard them very
highly spoken of. I smiled at your couplet of Lattin,7 your Daughter may be able in time to conster8 it as she has already made some considerable proficiency in her accidents, but her
Mamma was obliged to get it translated.
Pray write Lord Sterlings character. I want to know whether you live in any harmony
with——9 and how you setled matters. I think he seems in better humour.
I think I do not admire the Speach from the Rostrum, tis a heavy unelegant, verbose
performance and did not strike my fancy at all.10 I am very sausy suppose you will say. Tis a Liberty I take with you; indulgance is
apt to spoil one. Adieu—Yours most Sincerely.
{ 360 } PS Pray convey me a little paper. I have but enough for one Letter more.
[dateline] Monday morning
A fine quiet night—no allarms no Cannon. The more I think of our Enemies quitting
Boston, the more amaz'd I am, that they should leave such a harbour, such fortifications,
such intrenchments, and that we should be in peaceable possession of a Town which
we expected would cost us a river of Blood without one Drop shed. Shurely it is the
Lords doings and it is Marvelous in our Eyes. Every foot of Ground which they obtain
now they must fight for, and may [they purchase it at] a Bunker Hill price.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esq. at Philadelphia
To the Care of Coll: Palmer”; franked: “Free Wm Ellery”; endorsed: “March 16. 1776.
answed April. 6th. 1776.” (No letter from JA to AA of 6 April 1776 has been found.) MS damaged by wear at bottom and fore edges; a few words have been supplied (in brackets)
from CFA's printed text in JA–AA, Familiar Letters, p. 140–144.
1. Her letter of 2–10 March, above.
2. 17 March, a day still annually celebrated in Boston as Evacuation Day.
3. On Hough's Neck in Braintree (now Quincy).
4. Thus in MS. AA's meaning probably is: I have found some difficulty managing the affairs of the farm,
the only hired hand I have being so often taken off (by militia duty or by illness).
(CFA omitted this entire paragraph in editing the letter, as he regularly did details
of farm management and the Adamses' business affairs.)
6. See JA to AA, 18 Feb., and AA to JA, 2–10 March, both above. BN, Catalogue, lists J. E. Tandon, A New French Grammar Teaching a Person ... to Read, Speak, and Write That Tongue, 3d edn., revised, London, 1736. BM, Catalogue, lists I. E. Tandon, The Englishman's French Grammar, new edn., London 1815. No Adams copy of this book has been found.
9. Doubtless Robert Treat Paine is meant.
10. If JA's reply to this letter were not lost (see descriptive note above), it would undoubtedly be possible to tell with certainty what AA meant by “the Speach from the Rostrum” which she found so distasteful. In any case,
her present comments would not have been, as she says, “sausy” unless she were criticizing
something for which JA had had some personal or official responsibility. One possibility is the Proclamation of the Massachusetts General Court of 23 Jan., designed to be read at annual town
meetings in March, at the opening of courts, and in pulpits. This paper had actually
been written by JA; see his Works, 1:192–197; Diary and Autobiography, 2:226; Ford, Mass. Broadsides, No. 1973, with facsimile facing p. 272. But whether or not AA knew of his part in the Proclamation, she was more likely to have approved its sentiments and style than to have criticized
them. Her strictures may of course have been intended for an as yet unidentified pamphlet
or a piece in one of the newspapers among those that JA was cur• { 361 } rently sending her from Philadelphia. But the editors incline to think that they apply
to Provost William Smith's Oration in Memory of General Montgomery, which was delivered on 19 Feb., advertised on 4 March, and could have been sent
to AA with JA's letter of 8 March, here acknowledged. If AA was indeed commenting on Smith's performance, her opinion accorded very well with
that of the Philadelphia ladies who had heard the eulogy delivered. On 26 Feb. Samuel
Adams wrote his wife:
“Certain political Principles were thought to be interwoven with every part of the
Oration which were displeasing to the Auditory. It was remarkd that he could not even
keep their Attention. A Circle of Ladies, who had seated themselves in a convenient
place on purpose to see as well as hear the Orator, that they might take every Advantage
for the Indulgence of Griefe on so melancholly an Occasion, were observd to look much
disappointed and chagrind” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:365).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0234
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-03-17
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] March 17. 1776
[salute] My dearest Friend
Our worthy Friend Frank Dana arrived here last Evening from N. York, to which Place
he came lately from England in the Packet.1 In Company with him, is a Gentleman by the Name of Wrixon, who has been a Field Officer
in the British Army, served all the last War in Germany, and has seen service in every
Part of Europe. He left the Army some time ago, and studied Law in the Temple, in
which Science he made a great Proficiency. He wrote lately a Pamphlet under the Title
of the Rights of Britons, which he has brought over with him. He is a Friend of Liberty
and thinks justly of the American Question. He has great Abilities as well as Experience
in the military Science, and is an able Engineer. I hope We shall employ him.2
The Baron De Woedke, We have made a Brigadier General, and ordered him to Canada.
The Testimonials in his favour I shall inclose to you.3
Mr. Danas Account, with which Mr. Wrixons agrees, ought to extinguish in every Mind
all Hopes of Reconciliation with G. Britain. This delusive Hope has done us great
Injuries, and if ever We are ruined, will be the Cause of our Fall. A Hankuring after
the Leeks of Egypt, makes us forget the Cruelty of her Task Masters.
I shall suffer many severe Pains, on your Account for some Days. By a Vessell from
Salem a Cannonade was heard from Dark till one O Clock, last night was a Week ago.
Your Vicinity to such scenes of Carnage and Desolation, as I fear are now to be seen
in Boston and its Environs, will throw you into much Distress, but I believe in my
Conscience I feel more here than you do. The sound of Cannon, was not so terrible
when I was at Braintree as it is here, tho I hear it at four hundred Miles Distance.
{ 362 } You cant imagine what a Mortification I sustain in not having received a single Line,
from you since We parted. I suspect some Villany, in Conveyance.
By the Relation of Mr. Dana, Mr. Wrixon and Mr. Temple,4 Mr. Hutchinson, Mr. Sewall, and their Associates are in great Disgrace in England.
Persons are ashamed to be seen to speak to them. They look dejected and sunk.
I shall inclose an Extract of a Letter from Monsr. Dubourg in Paris and a Testimonial
in favour of our Prussian General. Adieu.
RC (Adams Papers). Enclosures not found.
1. Francis Dana (1743–1811), Harvard 1762, a lawyer of Cambridge, Mass., and a political moderate, had gone to
England early in 1775 with notions of finding some mode of reconciliation between
the ministry and Massachusetts. His observations evidently convinced him that separation
was the only course. On returning home he was at once elected to the Council; in 1777
and again in 1784 he was elected a delegate to the Continental Congress. Dana accompanied
JA on his second or “Peace” mission to Europe in 1779 as secretary of legation, and
during 1781–1783 served as the first (but never accredited) American minister to the
Russian Court at St. Petersburg, young JQA going with him as French interpreter. He was appointed an associate justice of the
Supreme Judicial Court in 1785; from 1791 until his resignation in 1806 he presided
as chief justice. See DAB;
Cresson, Francis Dana (a rather unreliable work); and JA, Diary and Autobiography, passim. For many years Dana was one of JA's most trusted correspondents; he was friendly as well with other members of the
family; and he will often appear in the story of their lives as told in their correspondence.
The middle name of the first Charles Francis Adams, who was born the year after Dana
retired from the Massachusetts bench, signalized JQA's respect and friendship for Dana.
2. Elias Wrixon was appointed to a colonelcy but declined it. See JCC, 4:219–220, 242, 275, 316; also JA's Diary and Autobiography, 3:382. His “Pamphlet” has not been further identified.
3. Frederic William, Baron de Woedtke, a Prussian soldier of fortune, was appointed a
brigadier general, was sent to the northern army, turned out to be a drunkard, and
died in the summer of 1776 at Ticonderoga (Benjamin Rush, Letters, 1:112; see the references there).
4. William Temple of New Hampshire (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:387).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0235
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-03-19
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] March 19. 1776
Yesterday I had the long expected and much wish'd Pleasure of a Letter from you, of
various Dates from the 2d. to the 10 March. This is the first Line I have received
since I left you. I wrote you from Watertown I believe, relating my Feast at the Quarter
Master General with the Coghnawaga Indians, and from Framingham, { 363 } an Account of the ordnance there,1 and from New York I sent you a Pamphlet—hope you received these.
Since my arrival here, I have written to you as often as I could.
I am much pleased with your Caution, in your Letter, in avoiding Names both of Persons
and Places, or any other Circumstances, which might designate to Strangers, the Writer,
or the Person written to, or the Persons mentioned. Characters and Descriptions will
do as well.
The Lye, which you say occasioned such Disputes at the Tavern, was curious enough.—Who
could make and spread it? Am much obliged to an Unkle, for his Friendship: my worthy
fellow Citizens may be easy about me. I never can forsake what I take to be their
Interests. My own have never been considered by me, in Competition with theirs. My
Ease, my domestic Happiness, my rural Pleasures, my Little Property, my personal Liberty,
my Reputation, my Life, have little Weight and ever had, in my own Estimation, in
Comparison of the great Object of my Country. I can say of it with great Sincerity,
as Horace says of Virtue—to America only and her Friends a Friend.
You ask, what is thought of Common sense. Sensible Men think there are some Whims,
some Sophisms, some artfull Addresses to superstitious Notions, some keen attempts
upon the Passions, in this Pamphlet. But all agree there is a great deal of good sense,
delivered in a clear, simple, concise and nervous Style.
His Sentiments of the Abilities of America, and of the Difficulty of a Reconciliation
with G.B. are generally approved. But his Notions, and Plans of Continental Government
are not much applauded. Indeed this Writer has a better Hand at pulling down than
building.
It has been very generally propagated through the Continent that I wrote this Pamphlet.2 But altho I could not have written any Thing in so manly and striking a style, I
flatter myself I should have made a more respectable Figure as an Architect, if I
had undertaken such a Work. This Writer seems to have very inadequate Ideas of what
is proper and necessary to be done, in order to form Constitutions for single Colonies,
as well as a great Model of Union for the whole.
Your Distresses which you have painted in such lively Colours, I feel in every Line
as I read. I dare not write all that I think upon this Occasion. I wish our People
had taken Possession of Nook Hill, at the same Time when they got the other Heights,
and before the Militia were dismissed.
Poor Cousin!—I pitty him. How much soever he may lament certain { 364 } Letters I dont lament. I never repent of what was no sin. Misfortunes may be born
without Whining. But if I can believe Mr. Dana, those Letters were much admired in
England. I cant help laughing when I write it, because they were really such hasty
crude Scraps. If I could have foreseen their Fate, they should have been fit to be
seen and worth all the Noise they have made. Mr. Dana says they were considered in
England as containing a comprehensive Idea of what was necessary to be done, and as
shewing Resolution enough to do it. Wretched Stuff as they really were, (according
to him) they have contributed somewhat towards making certain Persons' to be thought
the greatest Statesmen in the World.—So much for Vanity.
My Love, Duty, Respects, and Compliments, wherever they belong.
Virginia will be well defended, so will N.Y., so will S. Car. America will eer long,
raise her Voice aloud, and assume a bolder Air.
RC (Adams Papers).
2. His authorship of Common Sense was also, to his chagrin, “propagated” in Europe; see his Diary and Autobiography, 2:351–352.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0236
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-03-22
Isaac Smith Sr. to John Adams
[dateline] Salem. March 22d. 1776
[salute] Mr. Adams
You will by this itts likely have heard, of the departure of the Troops from Boston.
I went in this week and found my home in good Order, though great devastation as to
many Others.
I here Mr. Gearey [Gerry] has wrote to his brother about purchaicing a Cargo, of fish—and have been with me,
About purchaicing some I have. I Understand, itt is by the Order of Congress. I dont
purpose parting with itt, unless I can have the chance of shiping itt by my Own Vessells
As choose to imploy them, and think I have as good a right, to have them imployed
as any man in the goverment, as I question whether any One will suffer more—and iff
you could let me know, in what Manner the Vessells and Cargo's are to be fixt Out
upon.—I sent three or four Schooners for Virginia As grain will be wanted and would
be a publick benifit, but dont know but they will be taken. One Crew returned Yesterday
being taken in the Capes of Virginia, by which I shall suffer Two hund. pds. ster.
I have a Number of Schooners laying by as well as larger Vessells which should be
glad to get imploy for, and One att Baltimore hauld up there. Iff { 365 } any probability of
any liberty to go as private property to foreign ports let me know.—We hourly expect
to see the fleet come along.
[salute] I am with regard Sr. Yr. hum Servt.,
[signed] Isaac Smith
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To the Honble. John Adams Esq Philadelphia”; franked: “Free”; endorsed:
“Isaac Smith March 22, 1776. answd April 4th.” (No answer has been found.)
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0237
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-03-27
Isaac Smith Sr. to John Adams
[dateline] Salem March the 27th. 1776
[salute] Mr. Adams
Sir I wrote you by last, to which refer you. I beleive the brigantine of Mr. Gearey
is taken, a Vessell from So. Carolina which left itt About 20. days Ago, the Master
of which says he saw a sailor who said he belonged to a brigantine with powder designed
into the Eastern part of Our goverment, and that they came athot of a M[an of] War and threw in the Night part of the powder Over, before they boarded her in the
Morning, but the Master never Askt him what the Capts. name was.
I have a Vessell Arrived in a short passuage from Cadiz. The Master says he heard
att Cadiz1 she was saild, left Cadiz about the middle of last Month, there was a large ship
from Phila. with flour suppose On the Continental Account.—We are in expectation of
seeing the remainder of the fleet come along.
Mr. Lowell of Newbury is agoing to remove to Boston. We have nothing Material, this
way, more than Boston Affairs. Many have sufferd, by those who have been intrusted
with there Affairs. Deacon Barrel in particular, by One Archabald Cunningham a scotch
Man (who Mr. Hancock knows) who has carried of allmost every thing, and some Others
likewise. Itt's said R. Thomas2 was concernd in helping himself and B. Lyde, of Mr. Jona. Massons [Mason's] things, the latter being intrusted with the care of them, and many more such Instances.—Not
haveing time to Add, least missing the post, & am Yr. hume. servant,
[signed] Isaac Smith
RC (Adams Papers); addressed and franked like the preceding letter from Smith; endorsed: “Isaac Smith
Esq. Mar. 27. [1776 added in hand of William Gordon?].”
1. Supply the word “before”?
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0238
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-03-29
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] March 29. 1776
I give you Joy of Boston and Charlestown, once more the Habitations of Americans.
Am waiting with great Impatience for Letters from you, which I know will contain many
Particulars.
We are taking Precautions to defend every Place that is in Danger—The Carolinas, Virginia,
N. York, Canada.
I can think of nothing but fortifying Boston Harbour. I want more Cannon than are
to be had, I want a Fortification upon Point Alderton,1 one upon Lovells Island, one upon Georges Island, several upon Long Island, one upon
the Moon, one upon Squantum.
I want to hear of half a Dozen Fire ships and two or three hundred Fire Rafts prepared.
I want to hear of Row Gallies, floating Batteries Built, and Booms laid across the
Channell in the Narrows and Vesseauu de Frize, sunk in it. I wish to hear, that you
are translating Braintree Commons into the Channell.
No Efforts, No Expence are too extravagant for me to wish for to fortify that Harbour
so as to make it impregnable. I hope every Body will join and work untill it is done.
We have this Week lost a very valuable Friend of the Colonies, in Governor Ward of
Rhode Island, by the small Pox in the natural Way. He never would hearken to his Friends
who have been constantly advising him to be inoculated ever since the first Congress
began. But he would not be perswaded. Numbers, who have been inoculated, have gone
through the Distemper, without any Danger, or even Confinement, but nothing would
do.—He must take it in the natural Way and die.
He was an amiable and a sensible Man, a stedfast Friend to his Country upon very pure
Principles.
His Funeral was attended with the same Solemnities as Mr. Randolphs. Mr. Stillman
being the Anabaptist Minister here, of which Perswasion was the Governor, was desired
by Congress to preach a sermon, which he did with great Applause.2
[salute] Remember me as you ought.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Point Allerton, at the tip of the Nantasket peninsula.
2. Samuel Ward (1725–1776), former governor of Rhode Island and delegate to the Continental Congress from its
beginning in 1774, died on 26 March and was given a public funeral next day (DAB; JA, Diary and Autobiography, 3:376).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0239
Recipient: Tufts, Cotton
Date: 1776-03-29
John Adams to Cotton Tufts
[dateline] Philadelphia March 29. 1776
[salute] My dear sir
We are impatiently waiting for Intelligence of further Particulars from Boston. We
have only heard that General How and his Army have left it, and that General Washington
with a Part of his, has taken Possession of it. How shall I express my Joy to you
at this great Event! As we are in Possession of Dorchester Heights, Charlestown Heights
and Noddles Island, I think there can be no Danger of their Returning to Boston very
soon. I hope, the Instant they leave the Harbour, that our Colony will begin to fortify
it in such a Manner, that no hostile Fleet shall ever enter it again. I hope We shall
fortify upon the Heights of Point Alderton, upon Lovells Island, Georges Island, Governors
Island, Castle Island, Dorchester Heights and Noddles Island. I had like to have forgot
Long Island And the Moon and Squantum, for there should be a Fortification upon each
of these.
What can be done to obstruct the Channell between the West Head of Long Island and
the Moon? But more especially, can nothing be done in Nantaskett Road, or in the Narrows
to obstruct the Channell.
Will Gallies, carrying heavy Cannon be of any service? The Men of War seem to dread
them exceedingly. They convey a sure shot and a terrible one, and they are very nimble
and alert.
But cannot some thing be done, with Fire? Fire ships or sloops, or schooners, or Fire
Rafts or all together, I should think might be used to some Purpose.
They are making Preparations to defend this River in this Way, I mean with Fire. They
have several Fire Vessells besides several Hundreds of Fire Rafts, ready. They would
fill the whole River with Flame.
If the Bottom in the Narrows of our Channell is hard, I should think that the Vesseau
de Frize, which is used in this River would do. They are large Frames of great Timber,
loaded with stone and sunk. Great Timbers barbed with Iron, pointed and feathered,
are placed in such a Posture as to intangle a Vessell, and shatter her, and sink her.
I hope that No Efforts, No Labour, or Expence will be spared in securing Boston Harbour
against Enemies. It will be our Interest to do it, for as Privateering is begun and
Trade will be opened, nothing will draw into our Country so many Prizes, so much Trade
and Wealth as an impregnable Harbour. It will become the Principal Rendezvous { 368 } in my Opinion of Privateers, and American Men of War, as well as a Principal Mart.
I hope, if Batteries, fixed or floating, Fire Works, Gallies, Vesseau de Frize, or
all together can secure that Harbour, let it be done.
We are taking every Precaution to secure N. York, Virginia, Carolina and Canada, and
by the Blessing of Heaven, I have great Hopes We shall do it with success. My Duty
to Mrs. Tufts and Love to Mr. Cotton,1 and believe me to be your sincere Friend,
[signed] John Adams
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0240
Recipient: Quincy, Norton
Date: 1776-03-30
John Adams to Norton Quincy
[dateline] Philadelphia March 30th. 1776
[salute] Dear sir
The Acquisition of Boston, and its Harbour is of such vast Importance to the Province
of Massachusetts Bay and New England in general, and indeed to all the confederated
Colonies; that the Utmost Wisdom and public Spirit of our Countrymen ought to be employed
in order to preserve it by such Fortifications as will make it impregnable for the
future by any hostile Fleet.
There is not in the whole World perhaps an Harbour, whose Channell is commanded by
so many Eminencies, both upon Islands and the Main: But in order to avail ourselves
of the full Benefit of these natural Advantages many heavy Cannon and much Powder
will be wanted. I hope that Measures will be fallen upon to procure a supply of both.
I think that the Militia of every Town which lies around Boston Harbour, ought to
be formed into Matrosses or Artillery Men, that so they may be ready upon Occasion
to go down to the Garrisons in the Harbour, and there officiate for the Defence of
their Country.
It is now Twelve Days, since our Army entered Boston, and We have heard no Particulars.
I wish you would be kind enough to put your Pen to Paper, now and then, for the Edification,
Comfort, Information &c. of your Friend,
[signed] John Adams
Remember me to all.
MS not found. Printed from a facsimile of RC in (Anderson Galleries, N.Y., Catalogue of Sale No. 2026 (Manning Sale, pt. 1),
19–20 Jan. 1926, lot 281). RC sold later by Samuel T. Freeman, Phila., Frederick S. Peck Collec• { 369 } tion, pt. 3, 13–14 May 1947, lot 1, where the address is given as “to the Hon. Norton
Quincy.”
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0241
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-03-31
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree March 31 1776
I wish you would ever write me a Letter half as long as I write you; and tell me if
you may where your Fleet are gone? What sort of Defence Virginia can make against
our common Enemy? Whether it is so situated as to make an able Defence? Are not the
Gentery Lords and the common people vassals, are they not like the uncivilized Natives
Brittain represents us to be? I hope their Riffel Men who have shewen themselves very
savage and even Blood thirsty; are not a specimen of the Generality of the people.
I am willing to allow the Colony great merrit for having produced a Washington but
they have been shamefully duped by a Dunmore.
I have sometimes been ready to think that the passion for Liberty cannot be Eaquelly
Strong in the Breasts of those who have been accustomed to deprive their fellow Creatures
of theirs. Of this I am certain that it is not founded upon that generous and christian
principal of doing to others as we would that others should do unto us.
Do not you want to see Boston; I am fearfull of the small pox, or I should have been
in before this time. I got Mr. Crane to go to our House and see what state it was
in. I find it has been occupied by one of the Doctors of a Regiment, very dirty, but
no other damage has been done to it. The few things which were left in it are all
gone. Cranch1 has the key which he never deliverd up. I have wrote to him for it and am determined
to get it cleand as soon as possible and shut it up. I look upon it a new acquisition
of property, a property which one month ago I did not value at a single Shilling,
and could with pleasure have seen it in flames.
The Town in General is left in a better state than we expected, more oweing to a percipitate
flight than any Regard to the inhabitants, tho some individuals discoverd a sense
of honour and justice and have left the rent of the Houses in which they were, for
the owners and the furniture unhurt, or if damaged sufficent to make it good.
Others have committed abominable Ravages. The Mansion House of your President2 is safe and the furniture unhurt whilst both the House and Furniture of the Solisiter
General3 have fallen a prey to their own merciless party. Surely the very Fiends feel a Reverential
awe for Virtue and patriotism, whilst they Detest the paricide and traitor.
{ 370 } I feel very differently at the approach of spring to what I did a month ago. We knew
not then whether we could plant or sow with safety, whether when we had toild we could
reap the fruits of our own industery, whether we could rest in our own Cottages, or
whether we should not be driven from the sea coasts to seek shelter in the wilderness,
but now we feel as if we might sit under our own vine and eat the good of the land.
I feel a gaieti de Coar4 to which before I was a stranger. I think the Sun looks brighter, the Birds sing
more melodiously, and Nature puts on a more chearfull countanance. We feel a temporary
peace, and the poor fugitives are returning to their deserted habitations.
Tho we felicitate ourselves, we sympathize with those who are trembling least the
Lot of Boston should be theirs. But they cannot be in similar circumstances unless
pusilanimity and cowardise should take possession of them. They have time and warning
given them to see the Evil and shun it.—I long to hear that you have declared an independancy—and
by the way in the new Code of Laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to
make I desire you would Remember the Ladies, and be more generous and favourable to
them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of the Husbands.
Remember all Men would be tyrants if they could. If perticuliar care and attention
is not paid to the Laidies we are determined to foment a Rebelion, and will not hold
ourselves bound by any Laws in which we have no voice, or Representation.
That your Sex are Naturally Tyrannical is a Truth so thoroughly established as to
admit of no dispute, but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up the harsh
title of Master for the more tender and endearing one of Friend. Why then, not put
it out of the power of the vicious and the Lawless to use us with cruelty and indignity
with impunity. Men of Sense in all Ages abhor those customs which treat us only as
the vassals of your Sex. Regard us then as Beings placed by providence under your
protection and in immitation of the Supreem Being make use of that power only for
our happiness.
[dateline] April 5
Not having an opportunity of sending this I shall add a few lines more; tho not with
a heart so gay. I have been attending the sick chamber of our Neighbour Trot whose
affliction I most sensibly feel but cannot discribe, striped of two lovely children
in one week. Gorge the Eldest died on wedensday and Billy the youngest on fryday,
with { 371 } the Canker fever, a terible disorder so much like the thr[o]at distemper, that it differs but little from it. Betsy Cranch has been very bad,
but upon the recovery. Becky Peck they do not expect will live out the day. Many grown
person[s] are now sick with it, in this [street?] 5. It rages much in other Towns. The Mumps too are very frequent. Isaac is now confined
with it. Our own little flock are yet well. My Heart trembles with anxiety for them.
God preserve them.
I want to hear much oftener from you than I do. March 8 was the last date of any that
I have yet had.—You inquire of whether I am making Salt peter. I have not yet attempted
it, but after Soap making believe I shall make the experiment. I find as much as I
can do to manufacture cloathing for my family which would else be Naked. I know of
but one person in this part of the Town who has made any, that is Mr. Tertias Bass
as he is calld who has got very near an hundred weight which has been found to be
very good. I have heard of some others in the other parishes. Mr. Reed of Weymouth
has been applied to, to go to Andover to the mills which are now at work, and has
gone. I have lately seen a small Manuscrip de[s]cribing the proportions for the various sorts of powder, fit for cannon, small arms
and pistols. If it would be of any Service your way I will get it transcribed and
send it to you.—Every one of your Friend[s] send their Regards, and all
the little ones. Your Brothers youngest child lies bad with convulsion fitts.5 Adieu. I need not say how much I am Your ever faithfull Friend.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “To The Honble. John Adams Esqr: In Philadelphia”;
franked: “Free”; endorsed: “March 31. April 5. answd Ap. 14th.”
1. This is probably a slip of the pen for “Crane,” AA's agent in Boston mentioned above. (At least two Crane “housewrights” active in Boston
at this time are recorded in the Thwing Catalogue, MHi.) AA normally refers to her brother-in-law Richard Cranch as “Mr. Cranch.”
2. John Hancock.
3. Samuel Quincy.
5. Susanna, daughter of Peter Boylston Adams. She had been born the previous July and
died later in the present month.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0242
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-04-04
Peter Boylston Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Braintree April 4th. 1776
So far Sincable of my duty to Comply with your Dissier to write to you I now Take
my pen in hand to give you a narative of the Evelotions thats hapned Since you Left
us. Before the Taking Posseseon of { 372 } Dorchester hills the Militia [of] Braintree Was Called Upon to go to the Lines at Dorchester Neck to be in Readiness
of an Atack from the Regulors. What makes me Relate this is I was one of these hardy
hereos Led on by a Brave Corl. [Colonel] Who Spoke to his men nearly to this Purpose fellow Solgers its Proviable before this
affair is Ended We may be Called to action the Man that Turns his back Upon the Enemy
I Sware by all that good and Sacred I will Shute him and I give you the same Liberty
to Kill Me if you see me flinch. Thus Much and Return to give an account as well as
I can of the first Night. Our Generals I think Played the man for by Cannonading as
they had done two or three Nights before our People went on the hill
with three hundred and Eighty Teams and Some Carreyed Seven Loads before Light without
haveing a Single Cannon fired at them how Ever Cannon have got to be Very farmilliar
to Us and the Blase of Booms [Bombs] dont Seem to Terefye us, but Reather Raize our Spiritts I Saw four Booms flying Like
flying Committs at a Time. The Continueass Thunder of Cannon it Terefyed Some so that
they Could Not Sleep but this I can tell you, I Neaver Was so brook of sleep but that
I had annough When I Went to bed. I have ben Obliged to Turn out and Take Turn to
guard upon the Shoars after the fleet Left the Town till We Ware Releved by Corl.
Tupper who has ben Prepaireing fire Rafts to Send among them and had got them Ready
and would have Lighted the Torch as he calls it that Evening if there Sailing before
had not Prevented it. Our frends I beleve are generly well our young Child has been
Very sick but is better. Poor Trott has Lost two of his Children his oldest and youngest.
Your house1 is Not So Much damaged as I was afraid it would be So I Conclud by assureing I am
your Sincear frind and brother,
[signed] P B Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esqr. in Philadelphia”;
franked: “Free”; endorsed: “ansd. Ap. 14.” (JA's answer has not been found.)
1. In Boston.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0243
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-04-06
Isaac Smith Sr. to John Adams
[dateline] Salem Aprill the 6 1776
[salute] Mr. Adams
I wrote you a post or two Ago, of being informd Mr. Gearey had wrote his brother to
procure a Cargo or two of fish, to ship to Europe and had Applyed to me for some I
have by me, but as I have sundry Vessells of my Own lying by should be glad to have
them imployed, { 373 } and iff the Congress wants to purchase I would let them have mine and would see to
the loading of her and to follow there directions. Suppose I may have from 10 to 1200
Q[uintals] of good fish and a friend of mine 6 or 700 more, probable Enough to make up two fishing
schooner Cargo's. I should be Oblidged to you to write me Answer by the retarn of
this post iff you may not have done itt. Your Compliance will Oblidge Your frd. and
hume. servt.,
[signed] Isaac Smith
Ps Commodore Manleys fleet has taken a brigantine bound to Halifax on board of which
is Bill Jackson and all his Effects and itt's said she has a large quantity of the
Stolen goods—and there is on board likewise One Greenbrush, receiver general of the
stolen goods and has distinguisht himself in that way by demanding People's propaty
from them. Itts said he came from Y[ork]1 and itts said those Carpenters and runagarders from that way has behaved worse than
any Others.2—A sloop is on shore at the Cape, beleive nothing very Valuable on board but itt Appears
they (the inhabitants)3 went away in a most dismal Cituation, not haveing even Water sufficient and crowded
and some sick with the small pox.
[dateline] the <7> 8th att Boston
Boston Doctr. Cooper Preacht Yesterday for the first time att the Old brick a sermon
proper to the Occasion which hope will be printed. Preacht from 2 Saml. 7 Chap. 10
V.—sung the first part 9 Psalm, and 126.
The small pox being in Town and am Apt to think will spread as so many people and
soilders are in Town, which will be a hindrance of the Inhabitants coming to tarry
att present. We have two to have itt. Iff there should be liberty to Innoculate should
Advise Mrs. Adams and the Children to come.
[salute] I am Yrs.,
[signed] IS
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To the Honble. John Adams Esqr. Philadelphia”; postal marking: “Prov
Free”; endorsed: “Mr. Smith,” with date of letter added in hand of William Gordon(?).
2. The vessel taken by Manley's squadron was the Elizabeth, a straggler from the British fleet evacuating Boston. She was loaded with a great
quantity of goods looted from Boston warehouses during the last days of the siege,
and was brought into Portsmouth on 4 April (William Bell Clark, George Washington's Navy, Baton Rouge, 1960, p. 130–132, 137–138). Among the captives was the tory merchant
William Jackson (d. 1810), who was brought to trial in Boston for misappropriation of patriot property. His
statement in self-defense provides a vivid picture of events in Boston just before
and during the evacuation (Jackson to the Mass. Council, 12 June 1776, contemporary
copy, MHi: Hancock { 374 } Papers). On Jackson and his misfortunes see also Isaac Smith to JA, 16 April 1776 (Adams Papers), and
Jones, Loyalists of Mass., p. 178. The captive mentioned by Smith as “Greenbrush” was Crean Brush, an Irish
adventurer who was a member of the New York Assembly and whose daughter had married
Ethan Allen. Appointed by Howe to superintend the removal of property and stores from
Boston, Brush used strong-arm methods that made him quickly and thoroughly disliked.
He was tried in Boston and imprisoned until Nov. 1777, when he escaped and made his
way to New York, where he died the following year. See Rowe, Letters and Diary, p. 301–302; Clark, as cited above; French, First Year, p. 666–667, 672–673; Jones, Loyalists of Mass., p. 288 and note. For an anonymous tract by Crean Brush attacking the Continental
Congress, see
T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” No. 154.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0244
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-04-07
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] April 7 1776
I Received two Letters from you this week one of the 13 and the other the 19 of March.1 I know not where one of my Letters is gone, unless you have since Received it. I
certainly wrote you in Febry. and the first Letter I wrote I mention that I had not
wrote before. I have write2 four Letters before this. Believe I have Received all yours Except one you mention
writing from Framingham which I never heard of before.3
Have Received all the papers you sent, the oration and Magizines. In the small papers
I some times find peices begun and continued, (for instance Johnstones Speach) but
am so unlucky as not to get the papers in order and miss of seeing the whole.
The Removal of the Army seem's to have stoped the current of news. I want to know
to what part of America they are now wandering. Tis Reported and creditted that Manly
has taken a schooner belonging to the Fleet richly Laden with money, plate and english
Goods with a Number of Tories. The particuliars have not yet Learnt.
Yesterday the Remains of our Worthy General Warren were dug up upon Bunker Hill and
carried into Town and on monday are to be interred with all the Honours of War.
[dateline] April 10
The Dr. was Buried on monday the Masons walking in procession from the State House,
with the Military in uniforms and a large concourse of people attending. He was carried
into the Chaple, and their a funirel Dirge was played, an Excellent prayer by Dr.
Cooper, and an oration by Mr. Morton which I hope will be printed.4 I think the Subject must have inspired him, a young fellow could not have wished
{ 375 } a finer opportunity to have displayed his talents. The amiable and heroick virtues
of the disceased recent in the minds of the Audience, the noble cause to which he
fell a Martir, their own Sufferings and unparrelled injuries all fresh in their minds,
must give weight and energy to whatever could be deliverd upon the occasion, the Dead
Body like that of Caesars before their Eyes, whilst each wound, “like dumb mouths
did ope their ruby lips, and beg the voice and utterance of a Tongue.”
“Woe to the Hands that shed this costly blood;
A curse shall light upon their line;
Domestick fury, and firce civil Strife
Shall cumber all the parts of Britton.”5
[dateline] April 11
I take my pen and write just as I can get time, my Letters will be a strange Mixture.
I really am cumberd about many things and scarcly know which way to turn myself. I
miss my partner, and find myself uneaquil to the cares which fall upon me; I find
it necessary to be the directress of our Husbandery and farming. Hands are so scarce,
that I have not been able to procure one, and add to this that Isaac has been sick
with a fever this fortnight, not able to strick a Stroke and a Multiplicity of farming
Business pouring in upon Us.
In this Dilemma I have taken Belcher into pay, and must secure him for the Season,
as I know not what better course to stear. I hope in time to have the Reputation of
being as good a Farmeress as my partner has of being a good Statesmen.—To ask you any thing about your return
would I suppose be asking a Question you cannot answer.
Retirement, Rural quiet, Domestick pleasure, all all must give place to the weighty
cares of State. It would be meanly poor in Solitude to hide an honest Zeal unwarp'd
by party Rage—
“Though certain pains attend the cares of State
A Good Man owes his Country to be Great
Should act abroad the high distinguish'd part
And shew at least the purpose of his Heart.”
I hope your Prussian General will answer the high Character which is given of him.
But we who have been bread in a land of Liberty scarcly know how to give credit to
so unjust and arbitary a Mandate of a Despot—to cast of a faithfull Servant only for
being the unhappy bearer of ill news degrades the Man and dishonours the prince.
The Congress by imploying him have shewn a Liberality of Senti• { 376 } ment not confined to colonies or continents, but to use the words of common Sense,
have carried their Friendship on a Larger Scale, by claiming Brotherhood with every
European christian, and may justly triumph in the Generosity of the Sentiment.
Yesterday was taken and carried into Cohasset by 3 whale Boats who went from the Shore
on purpose a Snow from the Grenades, laiden with 354 puncheons of W.I. Rum, 43 Barrels
of Sugar, 12,500 weight coffe, a valuable prize. A Number of eastern Sloops have brought
Wood into Town since the Fleet saild. We have a Rumour of Admiral Hopkings6 being engaged with a Number of Ships and tenders off Road island—are anxious to know
the event. Be so good as to send me a List of the vessels which sail with Hopkings,
their Names, Weight of Mettal and Number of Men—all the News you know &c.
I hear our jurors refuse to serve because the writs are issued in the Kings Name.
Surely they are for independance.
Write me how you do this winter. I want to say many things I must omit, it is not
fit to wake the Soul by tender strokes of art, or to Ruminate upon happiness we might
enjoy, least absence become intolerable. Adieu Yours.
I wish you would burn all my Letters.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “To The Honble. John Adams Esqr. In Philadelphia
To the care of Col Warren”; endorsed: “Ap. 7.”
2. Altered by overwriting from “wrote.”
4. Perez Morton, An Oration; Delivered ... April 8, 1776, on the Re-interment of the Remains of ...
Joseph Warren, Boston, 1776; reprinted in New York and Philadelphia; T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” No. 221a–d.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0245
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-04-12
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] April 12. 1776
Inclose a few Sheets of Paper, and will send more as fast as Opportunities present.
Chesterfields Letters are a chequered sett. You would not choose to have them in your
Library, they are like Congreeves Plays, stained with libertine Morals and base Principles.
{ 377 } You will see by the Papers, the News, the Speculations and the Political Plans of
the Day.
The Ports are opened wide enough at last, and Privateers are allowed to prey upon
British Trade.1 This is not Independency you know.—What is? Why Government in every Colony, a Confederation
among them all, and Treaties with foreign Nations, to acknowledge Us a Sovereign State,
and all that.—When these Things will be done, or any of them, Time must discover.
Perhaps the Time is near, perhaps a great Way off.
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0246
Recipient: Warren, Mercy Otis
Date: 1776-04-13
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] Braintree April 13. 1776
[salute] Dear Marcia
I Received a few lines1 from you more than a week ago, and determined to have replied immediately to them,
but tho you will scarcly believe me, I have never found an opportunity to take up
my pen till this moment, which is ten oClock Saturday evening; tis true I have wrote
several evenings since, but only to my Nearest Friend, and he has chid me for my delays,
delays of which I have not been guilty, but the Letters have not reachd him. I miss'd
the very kind care of my much valued Friend2 greatly in that respect.
Your freedom in detaining the pamphlets was very agreable to me, it assurd me that
Marcia made no Stranger of her Friend; and judging by her own Heart, knew that any
entertainment or pleasure of her Friends contributed to her happiness.
I find myself dear Marcia, not only doubled in Wedlock but multiplied in cares to
which I know myself uneaquel, in the Education of my little flock I stand in need
of the constant assistance of my Better half.3
I can not do them the justice I wish to, from the multiplicity of other concerns which
devolve upon me in consequence of the continued absence of my associate.
I find it necessary not only to pay attention to my own in door domestick affairs,
but to every thing without, about our little farm &c. The Man upon whom I used to
place dependance was taken sick last winter and left us. I have not been able to supply
his place—therefore am obliged to direct what I fear I do not properly understand.
Frugality, Industery and ecconomy are the Lessons of the day—at least they must be
so for me or my small Boat will suffer shipwreck.
{ 378 } I have been much gratified with the respect shewn to the remains of our worthy Friend.
I hope and believe that the orator excerted himself upon the occasion—he had a fine
field to display himself in.
O pardon me, thou bleeding peice of Earth!
That I am meek and gentle with these Butchers
Thou art the Ruins of as brave a Man
As ever live'd in the tide of times;
Woe to [the] hand that shed this costly Blood
Over thy Wounds now do I prophesy,
(Which like dumb mouths, do ope their Ruby lips
To beg the voice and utterance of a Tongue)
A curse shall light upon that line of Men
Domestick fury and firce civil Strife
Shall cumber all the parts of Brittain.
Shakspear
But where do I ramble. You inquire for inteligence. I immagine you have the same that
I have. I have more news papers than Letters. My Last containd an account of the Death
of Governor Ward of Road Island with the small pox, “an amiable and sensible Man,
a stedfast Friend to his Country upon very pure principals.”
I hope you will fullfill your promise of writing me a long Letter. How do you like
Mrs. Washington. Any other person you have seen, and noticed should be glad of your opinion. I love characters drawn by your pen.—When do you
think of returning? Suppose you have not ventured into Boston. I dare not tho I have
a great desire to look at it.
My affectionate Regards (Shall I use that word) to the Coll. from his and your assured
Friend,
[signed] Portia
1. Not found.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0247
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-04-14
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] April 14 1776
I have misst my Good Friend Col. W[arre]n from Watertown in the conveyance of my Letters; you make no mention of more than
one, write me how many you have had and what the dates were. I wrote { 379 } you upon the 17 of March.1 Perticuliars it was not then posible to obtain; and after that I thought every pen
would be imployed in writing to you a much more accurate account than I could give
you.
The Fleet lay in the Road allmost a fortnight after the Town was evacuated; in that
time Major Tuper came with a Body of Men to G[e]r[man]t[ow]n and procured two Lighters, (one of them was that of which you are part owner) and
fitted them with every sort of combustable Matters, Hand Grenades &c. in order to
set fire to the Fleet, but the very day he was ready they saild and it was said that
they had inteligence from Boston of the design. However he carried the Lighters up
to Town for the next Fleet that appears.
Fort Hill is a fortifying I suppose in the best Manner, committes have been appointed
to survey the Islands &c. but we are scanty of Men, tis said we have not more than
2000 Effective Men left, and the General thought it necessary to take the Heavy cannon
with him. We have many peices spiked up which they are imployed in cleaning, about
an 100 peices I have heard was left at the Castle with their trunnels broke or spiked.
The Castle you have no doubt heard was burnt by the Troops before they saild, and
an attempt made to blow up the walls in which however they did not succeed any further
than to shatter them.
There are so many things necessary to be done that I suppose Buisness moves slowly.
At present we all seem to be so happy and so tranquil, that I sometimes think we want
another Fleet to give some energy and spirit to our motions. But there has been a
great overturn and people seem to be hardly recoverd from their amazement. Many Building[s] in Town sustaind great damages more perticuliarly at the South end, the Furniture
of many houses was carried of or broken in peices. Dr. Gardiner left all his furniture
and Medicine valued tis said at 400 Sterling. Dr. Loyd is still in Town, Dr. Whitworth
too, both ought to be transported.2 Mr. Goldwait [is] in Town [and] all the Records of which he had the care safe, tho it seems part of them were carried
into Boston. All the papers relating to the probate courts are missing.3 Mr. Lovel and all the prisoners taken at the
Charlstown Battle are carried of. The Bells are all in Town, never were taken down.
The officers and Tories have lived a life of Dissipation. Inclosed is a prologue of
Burgoines, with a parody written in Boston soon after it was acted.—Burgoine is a
Better poet than Soldier.4
As to goods of any kind, we cannot tell what quantity there is. Only two or three
Shops open. Goods at a most extravagant price—all the better to promote Manufactures.
The small pox prevents my going to Town; several have broke out { 380 } with it in the Army since they went into Boston. I cannot help wishing that it would
spread.5 I think the Country is in more danger than ever. I am anxious about it. If it should
spread there is but one thing would prevent my going down to our own House and having
it with all our children and I dont know but I should be tempted to run you in debt
for it.
There is talk of raising an other Regiment. If they should I fear we shall suffer
in our Husbandery. Labour is very high. I cannot hire a Man for six months under 20
pounds Lawfull money.
The Works upon the Neck are levelling. We keep Guards upon the Shoars yet.—Manly has
taken a vessel Load of Tories. Among them is Black the Scotchman and Brasen head Jackson,
Hill the Baker &c. What can be done with them. I think they ought to be transported
to England. I would advertize for tory transports.
Hanover has made large quantities of salt peter.
This week we are to hold court here, but I do not imagine any thing will be done.
I have a Letter from you the 29 of March. Tis said there is one from Mr. Gerry the
3 of April acquainting us with your opening trade. Who is the writer of Common Sense,
of Cato, of Casandra?6
I wish you would according to promise write me an account of Lord Sterling. We know
nothing about him here.
All the Tories look crest fallen. Several deserters from on board the commodore['s] ship say that tis very sickly on board. We have only that and two or 3 cutters beside's.7 We fear that a Brig laiden with 70 tons of powder which saild from Newbury port has
fallen into the enemys hands upon her return.
Pray continue to write me by every opportunity, the writing Books were very acceptable
presents.
I rejoice in the Southern Victorys. The oration was a very elegant performance, but
not without much Art—a few Strokes which to me injure the performance.8
I know not any thing further which I ought to say but that I am most affectionately
Yours.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “To The Honble. John Adams Esqr. In Philadelphia
To the care of Col: Warren”; endorsed: “Ap. 14.” The stated enclosures were not received
by JA; see note 4.
1. 16–18 March, above.
2. James Lloyd Sr. (1728–1810), of whom there is an account in Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, vol. 12 (in press, 1962); and Miles Whitworth Sr., who is mentioned under his son's
name in Jones, Loyalists of Mass., p. 295.
3. AA's carelessness in the foregoing passage leaves her meaning a little uncertain. Ezekiel Goldthwait (1710– { 381 } 1782) was, among other things, clerk of the Suffolk Inferior Court of Common Pleas; there
is an account of him and of what happened, so far as known, to the court records during
the siege of Boston, by John Noble, Col. Soc. Mass., Pubns., 5 (1902):5–26.
4. JA said in his reply of 28 April, below, that the enclosures were not with the letter when he received it. On Burgoyne's
efforts in drama writing during the siege of Boston, among others The Blockade of Boston, acted in January and parodied as The Blockheads, or The Affrighted Officers, see Winsor, Memorial History of Boston, 3:93, 161–162, with references there.
5. So that the town authorities would permit inoculation.
7. Meaning British ships left behind to divert troop and supply vessels that might have
sailed from England. This squadron, under Capt. Francis Banks in the Renown, patrolled Nantasket Roads and the lower harbor until mid-June (French, First Year, p. 672, 682–683). See Mary Palmer to JA, 15–17 June, below.
8. William Smith's Oration on Montgomery, Perez Morton's more recent Oration on Warren, or some other?
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0248
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-04-14
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Ap. 14. 1776
You justly complain of my short Letters, but the critical State of Things and the
Multiplicity of Avocations must plead my Excuse.—You ask where the Fleet is. The inclosed
Papers will inform you. You ask what Sort of Defence Virginia can make. I believe
they will make an able Defence. Their Militia and minute Men have been some time employed
in training them selves, and they have Nine Battallions of regulars as they call them,
maintained among them, under good Officers, at the Continental Expence. They have
set up a Number of Manufactories of Fire Arms, which are busily employed. They are
tolerably supplied with Powder, and are successfull and assiduous, in making Salt
Petre. Their neighbouring Sister or rather Daughter Colony of North Carolina, which
is a warlike Colony, and has several Battallions at the Continental Expence, as well
as a pretty good Militia, are ready to assist them, and they are in very good Spirits,
and seem determined to make a brave Resistance.—The Gentry
are very rich, and the common People very poor. This Inequality of Property, gives
an Aristocratical Turn to all their Proceedings, and occasions a strong Aversion in
their Patricians, to Common Sense.1 But the Spirit of these Barons, is coming down, and it must submit.
It is very true, as you observe they have been duped by Dunmore. But this is a Common
Case. All the Colonies are duped, more or less, at one Time and another. A more egregious
Bubble was never blown up, than the Story of Commissioners coming to treat with the
Congress. Yet it has gained Credit like a Charm, not only without but { 382 } against the clearest Evidence. I never shall forget the Delusion, which seized our
best and most sagacious Friends the dear Inhabitants of Boston, the Winter before
last. Credulity and the Want of Foresight, are Imperfections in the human Character,
that no Politician can sufficiently guard against.
You have given me some Pleasure, by your Account of a certain House in Queen Street.
I had burned it, long ago, in Imagination. It rises now to my View like a Phoenix.—What
shall I say of the Solicitor General? I pity his pretty Children, I pity his Father,
and his sisters. I wish I could be clear that it is no moral Evil to pity him and
his Lady. Upon Repentance they will certainly have a large Share in the Compassions
of many. But let Us take Warning and give it to our Children. Whenever Vanity, and
Gaiety, a Love of Pomp and Dress, Furniture, Equipage, Buildings, great Company, expensive
Diversions, and elegant Entertainments get the better of the Principles and Judgments
of Men or Women there is no knowing where they will stop, nor into what Evils, natural,
moral, or political, they will lead us.
Your Description of your own Gaiety de Coeur, charms me. Thanks be to God you have
just Cause to rejoice—and may the bright Prospect be obscured by no Cloud.
As to Declarations of Independency, be patient. Read our Privateering Laws, and our
Commercial Laws. What signifies a Word.
As to your extraordinary Code of Laws, I cannot but laugh. We have been told that
our Struggle has loosened the bands of Government every where. That Children and Apprentices
were disobedient—that schools and Colledges were grown turbulent—that Indians slighted
their Guardians and Negroes grew insolent to their Masters. But your Letter was the
first Intimation that another Tribe more numerous and powerfull than all the rest
were grown discontented.—This is rather too coarse a Compliment but you are so saucy,
I wont blot it out.
Depend upon it, We know better than to repeal our Masculine systems. Altho they are
in full Force, you know they are little more than Theory. We dare not exert our Power
in its full Latitude. We are obliged to go fair, and softly, and in Practice you know
We are the subjects. We have only the Name of Masters, and rather than give up this,
which would compleatly subject Us to the Despotism of the Peticoat, I hope General
Washington, and all our brave Heroes would fight. I am sure every good Politician
would plot, as long as he would against Despotism, Empire, Monarchy, Aristocracy,
Oligarchy, or Ochlocracy.—A fine Story indeed. I begin to think the Ministry as deep
as they are wicked. After stirring up Tories, Landjobbers, Trimmers, { 383 } Bigots, Canadians, Indians, Negroes, Hanoverians, Hessians, Russians, Irish Roman
Catholicks, Scotch Renegadoes, at last they have stimulated the [] to demand new Priviledges and threaten to rebell.2
RC (Adams Papers). Enclosed newspapers not found or identified.
1. Thomas Paine's pamphlet.
2. For JA's more serious thoughts on the question of women's rights, see his letter to James
Sullivan, 26 May 1776 (LbC, Adams Papers; Works, 9:375–378).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0249
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-04-15
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] April 15. 1776
I send you every News Paper, that comes out, and I send you now and then a few sheets
of Paper but this Article is as scarce here, as with you. I would send a Quire, if
I could get a Conveyance. I write you, now and then a Line, as often as I can, but
I can tell you no News, but what I send in the public Papers.
We are Waiting it is said for Commissioners, a Messiah that will never come.—This
Story of Commissioners is as arrant an Illusion as ever was hatched in the Brain of
an Enthusiast, a Politician, or a Maniac. I have laugh'd at it—scolded at it—griev'd
at it—and I dont know but I may at an unguarded Moment have rip'd1 at it—but it is vain to Reason against such Delusions. I was very sorry to see in
a Letter from the General that he had been bubbled with it, and still more to see
in a Letter from my sagacious Friend W[arren] at Plymouth, that he was taken in too.
My Opinion is that the Commissioners and the Commission have been here (I mean in
America)2 these two Months. The Governors, Mandamus Councillors, Collectors and Comptrollers,
and Commanders of the Army and Navy, I conjecture compose the List and their Power
is to receive Submissions. But We are not in a very submissive Mood. They will get
no Advantage of Us.
We shall go on, to Perfection I believe. I have been very busy for some time—have
written about Ten sheets of Paper with my own Hand, about some trifling Affairs, which
I may mention some time or other—not now for fear of Accidents.3
What will come of this Labour Time will discover. I shall get nothing by it, I believe,
because I never get any Thing by any Thing that I do. I am sure the Public or Posterity
ought to get Something. I believe my Children will think I might as well have thought
and laboured, a little, night and Day for their Benefit....4 But I will not bear the { 384 } Reproaches of my Children. I will tell them that I studied and laboured to procure
a free Constitution of Government for them to solace themselves under, and if they
do not prefer this to ample Fortune, to Ease and Elegance, they are not my Children,
and I care not what becomes of them. They shall live upon thin Diet, wear mean Cloaths,
and work hard, with Chearfull Hearts and free Spirits or they may be the Children
of the Earth or of no one, for me.
John has Genius and so has Charles. Take Care that they dont go astray. Cultivate
their Minds, inspire their little Hearts, raise their Wishes. Fix their Attention
upon great and glorious Objects, root out every little Thing, weed out every Meanness,
make them great and manly. Teach them to scorn Injustice, Ingratitude, Cowardice,
and Falshood. Let them revere nothing but Religion, Morality and Liberty.
Nabby and Tommy are not forgotten by me altho I did not mention them before. The first
by Reason of her sex, requires a Different Education from the two I have mentioned.
Of this you are the only judge. I want to send each of my little pretty flock, some
present or other. I have walked over this City twenty Times and gaped at every shop
like a Countryman to find something, but could not. Ask every one of them what they
would choose to have and write it to me in your next Letter. From this I shall judge
of their Taste and Fancy and Discretion.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. JA defines and illustrates this use of the verb rip very clearly in his Diary and Autobiography, 1:97.
3. JA's anonymous essay entitled Thoughts on Government: Applicable to the Present State of the American Colonies was advertised on 22 April as published by John Dunlap in Philadelphia (T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” No. 205a–b). JA sent a copy of it to James Warren on 20 April (Warren-Adams Letters, 1:230–231). It was essentially a reply to Common Sense—not to Paine's arguments for independence but to his naive “Notions” (as JA considered them) about the new governments that would have to be formed in America;
see JA to AA, 19 March, above. Though JA believed that his pamphlet eventually exerted substantial influence on a number of
the early state constitutions, no detailed study of the nature and amount of its influence
has ever been made. For the complex and still partly obscure history of the composition
of
Thoughts on Government, see JA's Diary and Autobiography, 3:331–333, and references there. In Oct. 1961 one more of the four different MS versions known to have been written by JA in the weeks preceding the present letter came to light. This is the holograph text
he prepared for the North Carolina delegate William Hooper, who had left Congress
at the end of March to attend the Provincial Congress at Halifax, which had in contemplation
a new constitution. The document was found in the North Carolina State Department
of Archives and History (Nc–Ar) in the David L. Swain Papers. Thus there remains to be found only the holograph
furnished by JA to Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant for { 385 } use at Trenton; JA said this one was “larger and more compleat, perhaps more correct,” than the version
that was “put ... under
Types” (to James Warren, 20 April, cited above).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0250
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-04-17
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Watertown April 17 1776
If my dear friend Required only a very Long Letter to make it agreable I Could Easily
Gratify her but I know There must be many more Requisits to make it pleasing to her
taste. If you Measure by Lines I Can at once Comply, if by Sentiment I fear I shall
fall short. But as Curiosity seems to be awake with Regard to the Company I keep and
the Manner of spending my time I will Endeavour to Gratify you.
I Arrived at my Lodgings before Dinner the day I Left you: found an obliging Family,
Convenient Room and in the Main an agreable set of Lodgers. Next Morning I took a
Ride to Cambridge And waited on Mrs. Washington at 11 o'clock, where I was Receiv'd
with that politness and Respect shewn in a first interveiw among the well bred and
with the Ease and Cordiallity of Friendship of a much Earlier date. If you wish to
hear more of this Ladys Character I will tell you I think the Complacency of her Manners
speaks at once the Benevolence of her Heart, and her affability, Candor and Gentleness
Quallify her to soften the hours of private Life or to sweeten the Cares of the Hero
and smooth the Rugged scenes of War.
I did not dine with her though much urge'd, but Engaged to spend the Ensuing day at
head quarters. She desired me to Name an Early hour in the Morning when she would
send her Chariot And Accompany me to see the Deserted Lines of the Enemy And the Ruins
of Charlston: A Malencholy sight the Last which Evinces the Barbaraty of the Foe,
and Leaves a Deep impression of the sufferings of that unhappy town.
Mr. Custice is the only son of the Lady Above Discribe'd.1 A sensible Modest agreable young Man. His Lady2 a Daughter of Coll. Calvert of Mariland, appears to be of an Engaging Disposition
but of so Exstrem Delicate a Constitution that it Deprives her as well as her Friends
of part of the pleasure which I am perswaded would Result from her Conversation did
she Enjoy a Greater share of Health. She is prety, Genteel, Easey and Agreable, but
a kind of Langour about her prevents her being so sociable as some Ladies. Yet it
is Evident it is { 386 } not owing to that want of Vivacity which Renders youth agreable, but to a want of
health which a Little Clouds her spirits.
This Family which Consists of about 8 or 9 were prevented dining with us the Tuesday
Following3 by an alarm from N port But Call'd and took Leave of us the Next day, when I own
I felt that kind of pain which arises from Affection when the object of Esteem is
separated perhaps forever.
After this I kept house a week amusing myself with my Book, my work and sometimes
a Letter to an absent Friend.
My Next Visit was to Mrs. Morgan, but as you are acquainted with her I shall not be
perticuler with Regard to her person or Manner. The Dr. and she dine'd with us Last
saterday in Company with General Putnams Lady.4 She is what is Commonly Called a Very Good kind of woman And Commands Esteem without
the Graces of politness, the Briliancy of wit, or the Merits of peculier understanding
above the Rest of her sex Yet to be Valued for an Honest unornamented plain Friendliness,
Discoverd in her Deportment at the first Acquaintance.
All other Characters or occurances I shall Leave for another opportunity. Only shall
Mention A Lady Who has been A Lodger in our Family for a week past, and has been a
Great Addition to the Cherfulness and Good Humour of the Family. It is a Mrs. Orn
of Marblehead5 a well disposed pleasant agreable woman.
The More Regard you Express for a Friend of mine the Greater my Obligation. I have
sent Forward my Letters to Mr. Adams but suppose I shall have no answer unless stimulated
by you. Therfore when you write again you will not forget your affectionate
[signed] Marcia
PS I am very Glad to hear Coll. Quineseys Family are well to whom my Regards.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Abigail Adams Braintree Favourd pr Coll Palmer.”
1. John Parke Custis.
2. Eleanor (Calvert) Custis.
3. See Mrs. Washington's note to Mrs. Warren, 2 April 1776 (Warren-Adams Letters, 1:220).
4. Mrs. Israel Putnam, the former Deborah (Lothrop) Avery Gardiner.
5. Wife of Col. Azor Orne, a member of the Council.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0251
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-04-18
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] April 18 1776
I cannot omit so good an opportunity as offers by Mr. Church of telling you that we
are all well. I wrote you two Letters last week which { 387 } I sent to Watertown. In those I said every thing that occurd to my mind, nothing since
of any importance has taken place. The 19 of April (ever memorable for America as
the Ides of March to Rome and to Ceasar) is fixd upon for the examination of the Tories
by a committee from the General Court. I could have wished that some other persons,
in the Room of one or two might have been chosen. It is so dangerous mentioning Names
that I refer you to Mr. Church for the Names of the committe, and then you will easily
guess who I mean.
I wish I could tell you that Buisness in the Fortification way went on Briskly, but
a Western Member in the General Court who has great influence there, has got it into
his Head that Fort Hill and Noddles Island are sufficent and tho a Man possessd of
a very good Heart, is sometimes obstinately wrong.1
The Court of Sessions set yesterday and went on with Buisness very smoothly.
We hear that Congress has declared a free trade, and I give you joy of the Success
of Admiral Hopkins, not only in his Expedition, but in his Success upon his return.
Great Brittain I think is not quit[e] omnipotent at Sea, any more than upon the land.
You promised to come and see me in May or june. Shall I Expect you, or do you determine
to stay out the year? I very well remember when the Eastern circuts of the courts
which lasted a month were thought an age, and an absence of 3 months intolerable but
we are carried from Step to Step, and from one degree to an other to endure that which
at first we think insuportable.
But I assure you I am obliged to make use of Reason and phylosophy in addition to
custom to feel patient. Be assured I always Remember you as I ought, that is with
the tenderest affection, Yours.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esq. at Philadelphia
Favor'd by Mr Church”; on corner of cover in an unidentified hand: “Bracket”; endorsed:
“Ap. 18”; docketed in an unidentified hand: “Portia April '76.”
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0252
Recipient: Adams, Abigail (daughter of JA and AA)
Date: 1776-04-18
John Adams to Abigail Adams 2d
[dateline] April 18th, 1776
[salute] My dear Daughter
I cannot recollect the tenderness and dutiful affection you expressed for me, just
before my departure, without the most sensible emotion, { 388 } approbation, and gratitude. It was a proof of an amiable disposition, and a tender
feeling heart.
But my dear child, be of good cheer; although I am absent from you for a time, it
is in the way of my duty; and I hope to return, some time or other, and enjoy a greater
share of satisfaction in you and the rest of my family, for having been absent from
it for so long a time.
I learned in a letter from your mamma, that you was learning the accidence. This will
do you no hurt, my dear, though you must not tell many people of it, for it is scarcely
reputable for young ladies to understand Latin and Greek—French, my dear, French is
the language, next to English—this I hope your mamma will teach you. I long to come
home, but I believe it will be a great while first. I don't know when, perhaps not
before next Christmas. My love to your mamma and your brothers, and the whole family.
[salute] I am your affectionate father,
[signed] John Adams
MS not found. Printed from (Journal and Correspondence of Miss Adams,... Edited by Her Daughter, New York, 1841–1842, 2:4–5.)
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0253
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1776-04-18
John Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia April 18. 1776
[salute] My dear Son
I thank you for your agreable Letter of the Twenty fourth of March.1
I rejoice with you that our Friends are once more in Possession of the Town of Boston,
and am glad to hear that so little damage is done to our House.
I hope you and your Sister and Brothers will take proper Notice of these great Events,
and remember under whose wise and kind Providence they are all conducted. Not a Sparrow
falls, nor a Hair is lost, but by the Direction of infinite Wisdom. Much less are
Cities conquered and evacuated. I hope that you will all remember, how many Losses,
Dangers, and Inconveniences, have been borne by your Parents, and the Inhabitants
of Boston in general for the Sake of preserving Freedom for you, and yours—and I hope
you will all follow the virtuous Example if, in any future Time, your Countrys Liberties
should be in Danger, and suffer every human Evil, rather than Give them up.—My Love
to your Mamma, your Sister and Brothers, and all the Family.
[salute] I am your affectionate Father,
[signed] John Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mr. John Quincy Adams Braintree.”
1. Not found.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0254
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-04-21
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] April 21 1776
I have to acknowledg the Recept of a very few lines dated the 12 of April. You make no mention of the whole sheets I have wrote
to you, by which I judge you either never Received them, or that they were so lengthy
as to be troublesome; and in return you have set me an example of being very concise.
I believe I shall not take the Hint, but give as I love to Receive; Mr. Church talk'd
a week ago of setting of for Philadelphia. I wrote by him; but suppose it is not yet
gone; you have perhaps heard that the Bench is fill'd by Mr. Foster and Sullivan,1 so that a certain person2 is now excluded. I own I am not of so forgiveing a disposition as to wish to see
him holding a place which he refused merely from a spirit of envy.
I give up my Request for Chesterfields Letters submitting intirely to your judgment,
as I have ever found you ready to oblige me in this way whenever you thought it would
contribute either to my entertainment or improvement. I was led to the request from
reading the following character of him in my favorite Thomson and from some spiritted
and patriotick speaches of his in the Reign of Gorge 2.
O Thou, whose wisdom, solid yet refin'd
Whose patriot-virtues, and consumate skill
So struck the finer springs that move the world
joind to what'er the Graces can bestow,
And all Apollo's animating fire
Give the[e] with pleasing dignity to shine
At once the Guardian, ornament and joy
Of polish'd life, permit the Rural Muse
O Chesterfield, to grace thee with her Song!
e'er to the shades again she Humbly flies
Indulge her fond ambition in thy Train,
(For every Muse has in thy train a place)
To Mark thy various full accomplish'd mind
To mark that Spirit which, with British scorn
Rejects th Allurements of corrupted power;
That elegant politeness which excels,
Even in the judgment of presumptuous France
The boasted manners of her shining court
That wit, the vivid energy of Sense
The truth of Nature, which with Attic point
{ 390 }And kind well-temperd Satire, smoothly keen
Steals through the Soul and without pain corrects.
I think the Speculations you inclose prove that there is full Liberty of the press.
Cato shews he has a bad cause to defend whilst the Forester writes with a spirit peculiar
to himself and leads me to think that he has an intimate acquaintance with Common
Sense.
We have inteligance of the Arrival of some of the Tory Fleet at Halifax that they
are much distresst for want of Houses, obliged to give 6 Dollors per month for one
Room, provisions scarce and dear. Some of them with 6 or 8 children round them sitting
upon the Rocks crying, not knowing where to lay their heads. Just Heaven has given
them to taste of the same cup of Afliction which they one year ago administerd with
such Callous Hearts to thousands of their fellow citizen[s], but with this difference that they fly from their injured and enraged Country, whilst,
pity and commiseration received the Sufferers whom they inhumanely drove from their
Dwellings.
I would fain hope that the time may not be far distant when those things you hint
at may be carried into Execution.3
Oh are ye not those patriots, in whose power
That best, that Godlike Luxery is plac'd
Of blessing thousands, thousands yet unborn
Thro' late posterity? Ye large of Soul
chear up dejected industery, and give
A double Harvest to the pining Swain
Teach thou the Labouring hand the Sweets of Toil
How by the finest Art, the Native robe
To weave; how white as hyperborean Snow
To form the lucid lawn; with venturous oar
How to dash wide the billow; nor look on
Shamefully passive, while Brittania's Fleets
Defraud us of the glittering finny Swarms
That heave our friths, and swarm upon our Shores
How all-enlivening trade to rouse, and wing
The prosperous Sail, from every growing port
uninjurd, round the sea incircled Globe.
Tis reported here that Admiral Hopkings is blocked up in Newport harbour by a Number
of Men of War. If so tis a very unlucky circumstance. As to fortification those who
preside in the assembly can give you a much better account than I.
{ 391 } I heard yesterday that a Number of Gentlemen who were together at Cambridge thought
it highly proper that a Committee of Ladies should be chosen to examine the Torys
Ladies, and proceeded to the choise of 3 Mrs. Winthrope, Mrs. Warren and your Humble
Servant.
I could go on and give you a long list of domestick affairs, but they would only serve
to embariss you, and noways relieve me. I hope it will not be long before things will
be brought into such a train as that you may be spaired to your family.
Your Brother has lost his youngest child with convulsion fits. Your Mother is well
and always desires to be rememberd to you. Nabby is sick with the mumps, a very disagreable
disorder.—You have not once told me how you do. I judge you are well as you seem to
be in Good Spirits.—I bid you good Night, all the Little flock Send Duty; and want
to see P——a.
[salute] Adieu. Shall I say remember me as you ought.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “ansd. My. 12.”
1. Jedidiah Foster and James Sullivan, commissioned 20 March (Quincy, Reports, p. 341).
2. Robert Treat Paine.
3. The following quotation, like that above, is from AA's “favorite,” James Thomson, whose The Seasons (first published complete in 1730) she seems to have read and reread until she knew
it, despite its prodigious length, almost by heart. But it was her habit, whether
quoting Thomson, Shakespeare, or any other poet, silently to adapt the texts to her
purpose. The present passage is a good example of this habit. It is taken from the
“Winter” section of The Seasons, specifically lines 910–926, and anyone interested in such matters may compare her
version (or paraphrase) with Thomson's original in his Complete Poetical Works, ed. J. Logie Robertson, London, 1908, p. 165. Thomson's first line (in the passage
here quoted) is: “Oh! is there not some patriot in whose power...,” which AA pluralizes to apply to the Continental Congress. The 11th–13th lines in the original
rouse Britons against Dutch encroachments on their fisheries: “nor look on, / Shamefully
passive, while Batavian fleets / Defraud us of the glittering finny swarm.” But AA converts this into perhaps the earliest assertion of American (as opposed to British)
rights in the Atlantic fisheries.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0255
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-04-23
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] April 23d. 1776
This is St. Georges Day, a Festival celebrated by the English, as Saint Patricks is
by the Irish, St. Davids by the Welch, and St. Andrews by the Scotch. The Natives
of old England in this City heretofore formed a Society, which they called Saint Georges
Clubb, or Saint Georges Society. Upon the Twenty third of April annually, they had
a great Feast. But The Times and Politicks have made a schism in the society so that
one Part of them are to meet and dine at { 392 } the City Tavern, and the other att the Bunch of Grapes, Israel Jacobs's, and a third
Party go out of Town.
One sett are staunch Americans, another staunch Britons I suppose, and a Third half
Way Men, Neutral Beings, moderate Men, prudent Folks—for such is the Division among
Men upon all Occasions and every Question. This is the Account, which I have from
my Barber, who is one of the Society and zealous on the side of America, and one of
the Philadelphia Associators.
This curious Character of a Barber, I have a great Inclination to draw for your Amusement.
He is a little dapper fellow, short and small, but active and lively, a Tongue as
fluent and voluble as you please, Wit at Will, and a Memory or an Invention which
never leaves him at a Loss for a story to tell you for your Entertainment. He has
seen great Company. He has dressed Hair, and shaved Faces at Bath and at Court. He
is acquainted with several of the Nobility and Gentry, particularly Sir William Meredith.
He married a Girl the Daughter of a Quaker in this Place, of whom he tells many droll
stories. He is a Serjeant in one of the Companies of some Battalion or other here.
He frequents, of Evenings, a Beer House kept by one Weaver, in the City, where he
has many curious Disputes and Adventures, and meets many odd Characters.
I believe you will think me very idle, to write you so trifling a Letter upon so uninteresting
a subject, at a Time, when my Country is fighting Pro Aris et Focis.
But I assure you I am glad to chatt with this Barber while he is shaving and combing
me, to divert my self from less agreable Thoughts. He is so sprightly, and good humoured,
that he contributes more than I could have imagined to my Comfort in this Life.
Burne1 has prepared a String of Toasts for the Clubb to drink to day at Israels.
The Thirteen united Colonies.
The free and independent States of America.
The Congress for the Time being.
The American Army and Navy.
The Governor and Council of South Carolina,2 &c. &c. &c.
An happy Election for the Whiggs on the first of May &c.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. In his accounts for 1777 JA gives the name of his “sprightly” Philadelphia barber as John Burn, or Byrne (Diary and Autobiography, 2:254, 255). The latter spelling is more plausible, and it is supported by Jefferson's accounts
in { 393 } 1776 (quoted in PMHB, 31 [1907]:31). JA reported to AA further examples of Burn's entertaining chatter and “droll stories” on his wife;
see especially his letters of 28 March and 23 April 1777, below.
2. South Carolina had recently adopted a new constitution and elected a governor. See
Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:438 and note; also JA to AA, 17 May, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0256
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-04-26
Cotton Tufts to John Adams
[dateline] Weymouth April 26. 1776
[salute] Dear Sr.
Soon after the Removal of our Enemies from Boston, I sat myself down to write You
the Proceedings of our Army from their Cannonading the Town to their taking Possession
of it. But meeting with some Philadelphia Papers (before an Opportunity of sending
it presented) I found that You had a History of the whole, since then I received Yours
of the 29th March and find that You had not then received Intelligence of the sailing
of the Ministerial Fleet. On the 25th. of March 48 of them saild and the Remainder
in Numbers 75—except one 50 Gun Ship and some Tenders left the Harbour on the 27th—to
the great Joy and Comfort of the Province. And well might it have been expected that
we should have then begun to fortify in such a Manner as to keep out any Fleet that
should have venturd to molest us. I know it was the general Expectation. But must
I tell You that not a single Stroke has been struck but within a fortnight past except
what was orderd by General Washington on Fort Hill, and not
untill the 12th Inst. was a Vote pass'd in General Assembly for the Purpose of securing
the Harbour and this extends no further than the Security of Boston—a small Fort on
Dorchester Point—Do. on Noddles Island, and Castle or Governors Island, Hulks to be
sunk in the lower middle Ground.—I have been amazed at the Stupidity and Negligence
of Goverment, and have not known to what Cause to attribute it. Perhaps there may
have been an Expectation from General W[ar]d that he would have undertaken these Things. Had the Worthy Gen. Washington continued
here, his Influence with the Court and his Assistance with the same Troops that are
now here Would have effected much. But a Want of Spirit, order and Method will ever
be attended with Inaction and Confusion—and to this much of our Conduct may be ascribed.
We must have Men acting in distinct Departments. Our Counsellors must not be Judges,
Generals, Colonels, Fortmakers and Omnium Gatherum Nor our Representatives sent
throughout the Province during their Session upon Matters belonging to other Departments.
We Want a Council of War, an able provincial General, a { 394 } Skilful Engineer &c.—With Powers from the Province similar to what is given by Congress
to their General &c.
The best Security to the whole Harbour Would be Hull, Pedicks Island and Georges,
these well fortified and supported, together with a few Row Galleys would under Providence
secure the Harbour with but a little expence further, and perhaps without blocking
up the Channell. But if need be the Narrows might be stopt up at a Quarter of the
Expence they must now be at in stopping up the lower middle Ground near Casttle Island
And if the Narrows are stopt up for ever it is no Matter as there is Plenty of Water
thro the Western Passage I mean by Long Island West End and the Moon at which Places
Forts might be erected to good Purpose and indeed one at the East End of Long Island
might be of Advantage. These Places well fortified would have renderd any further
Works above in some Measure unnecessary. Suppose a Fort on Point Alderton, one on
North Head of Hull calld Lorings Hill, one on Pedicks Island opposite to that on Lorings
Hill and the strongest and main Defence on Georges. Would
not these be a noble Security. The fort on Lorings Hill and Pedicks would command
Nantasket Gut as well as help command Ship Channell. Within this Gut on the South
Side of Hull is as fine a Retreat or Harbour for Privateers and other Vessells up
to 30 Guns as can any where be found. All Vessells passing thro this Gut must come
within Musket Shot of a Fort on Pedicks, as All Vessells of 20 Guns and upwards passing
by Georges up to Boston must be in the like Scituation. Row Galleys are absolutely
necessary, to take Care of Broad Sound and to prevent small Craft from harassing the
Islands, and would be a very excellent Support to our Islands and without them our
Harbour will never be secure.
I have a great deal more to say upon this Subject than You will have patience to read
or can be comprised in a single Letter. I will only add that this present Week Accidentally
I fell in with the Courts Committee and labourd this Matter with them and I found
the greater Part of them in Sentiment with me. I represented especially the Importance
of Hull that if possess'd by the Enemy and fortified not any Army we could raise would
dislodge them no not 40000 Men. I found out that all the Southern Members had been
warm for fortifying below, the Western Members with Majr. H[awle]y had opposed it. In short I am sometimes out of Patience when I think upon this Affair,
and can scarcely write or talk upon it—my Mind being possessd with this Idea—That
the present Time may be the only Time for this Purpose. But I { 395 } check myself and am consold that God Almighty reigns and that he has by the Interpositions
of his Providence during our Contest overruld our
Delays, Neglects and seeming Blunders so as to produce much good and prevent much
Evil.—Could a greater Blunder have been committed than that of Breeds Hill. Yet it
finally has operated to our Advantage and trust will continue to do so. Was not the
Delay of taking Possession of the Heights of Dorchester censur'd. Yet it was finally
possessed at the very best Time so far as we can judge. For the Wind and Weather fought
for us.—General Washington conducted this Seige with great Wisdom. Yet a Number of
Events took Place that could be ascribed only to a kind superintending Providence,
and that exceeded the most sanguine Expectations of any.
The General's Sagacity and Prudence was shewn in a very striking Light, in one Affair;
which was reported here from good Authority and which I suppose to be true. For some
Days before Bunker Hill was deserted, scarce any Soldiers were seen in the Fort. No
Smokes from their Barracks and only here and there a Centinel. This led our Soldiers
to imagine the Enemy had deserted it. Applications were dayly made and Petitions presented
to the General that a Party might go and take Possession of it. To these He would
by no Means consent. On the Day and Day before they left Boston 900 Men were seen
to march out of it. This Fort is an almost impregnable one—a Security against 10,000
Veterans.
Well My Friend, I perceive You have given us Liberty to trade where we list; I wish
we may not be lost in the Abyss. Might it not have been of general Utility to have
established some Duties and Regulations for the whole Continent and publishd them
with the Licence. I fear Provincial Regulations of Trade will not be salutary for
the whole, nor Obedience equally paid to them as the Continental Merchants have no
Object but their own particular Interest and they must be Contrould or they will ruin
any State under Heaven. The Statesman must for ever keep a Watchful Eye on that order
of Men. But perhaps I am too severe. As the Licence for Trade is almost unlimited,
Will not almost every Man turn his Attention that Way. Will not this quench the Martial
Spirit. Will not an Army be raisd under greater Disadvantages—The Difficulty of raising
Men and supporting them be greater.
The particular State of our Colony at present has led me to think whether the securing
and fortifying of Capital Places on the Sea Coast should not be a Continental Charge
as particular Provinces may so { 396 } far neglect this as to involve the Continent in amazing Expences and unless there
were something obligatory on the Side of the several Colonies to do it, Would they
not be apt to neglect it.
By your late Resolves, You speak in a bolder Strain and may We not conjecture that
You will not offend squeamish Minds with the Name Indepency yet that You will enter
into a formal Confederacy. In Edes Paper of last Monday a Number of Articles for this
Purpose are exhibited to publick View.1 In general they seem to be well calculated to take in all the Colonies. Perhaps less
Power is committed to the Grand Congress than would be for the Peace and Good of the
Whole. But more hereafter.
Last Week a Number of Marshfield Refugee Tories arrived at Marshfield (as is said)
from Hallifax—Dr. Stockbridge, Deac. Tilden and Sons, Elisha Ford, 26 in all, Twelve
at present. They are safe housd in Plimouth Goal.
[salute] Our Families and Yours are well. I am with Affection Yrs.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “The Dr. ansd. June 23d.” This endorsement was later amplified in another
(but contemporary) hand, which the editors believe to be that of Rev. William Gordon
(see descriptive note on Isaac Smith to JA, 24 June 1775, above), in the following manner: after “The Dr.” appears the name “Cooper,”
meaning Rev. Dr. Samuel Cooper, which is, however, an incorrect attribution because
the letter itself, though unsigned, is in the unmistakable hand of Dr. Cotton Tufts
and JA's reply to it, dated 23 June, will be found below; and preceding JA's notation of the date of his reply appears the date of Tufts' letter, “Apl. 26.
1776.” This is a good example of the meddlesomeness and unreliability of whoever reviewed
and annotated portions of JA's correspondence for June 1775–Oct. 1776.
1. See “Proposals for a Confederation of the United Colonies,” an unsigned leading article
in the Boston Gazette, 22 April. These were designed to be equally applicable to a state of independence
or a restored colonial status.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0257
Recipient: Warren, Mercy Otis
Date: 1776-04-27
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] Braintree April 27 1776
I set myself down to comply with my Friends request, who I think seem's rather low
spiritted.
I did write last week, but not meeting with an early conveyance I thought the Letter
of But little importance and tos'd it away. I acknowledg my Thanks due to my Friend
for the entertainment she so kindly afforded me in the Characters drawn in her Last
Letter, and if coveting my Neighbours Goods was not prohibited by the Sacred Law,
I should be most certainly tempted to envy her the happy talant she { 397 } possesses above the rest of her Sex, by adorning with her pen even trivial occurances,
as well as dignifying the most important. Cannot you communicate some of those Graces
to your Friend and suffer her to pass them upon the World for her own that she may
feel a little more upon an Eaquality with you?—Tis true I often receive large packages
from P[hiladelphi]a. They contain as I said before more News papers than Letters, tho they are not forgotton.
It would be hard indeed if absence had not some alleviations.
I dare say he writes to no one unless to Portia oftner than to your Friend, because
I know there is no one besides in whom he has an eaquel confidence. His Letters to
me have been generally short, but he pleads in Excuse the critical state of affairs
and the Multiplicity of avocations and says further that he has been very Busy, and
writ near ten Sheets of paper, about some affairs which he does not chuse to Mention
for fear of accident.
He is very sausy to me in return for a List of Female Grievances which I transmitted
to him. I think I will get you to join me in a petition to Congress. I thought it
was very probable our wise Statesmen would erect a New Goverment and form a new code
of Laws. I ventured to speak a word in behalf of our Sex, who are rather hardly dealt
with by the Laws of England which gives such unlimitted power to the Husband to use
his wife Ill.
I requested that our Legislators would consider our case and as all Men of Delicacy
and Sentiment are averse to Excercising the power they possess, yet as there is a
natural propensity in Humane Nature to domination, I thought the most generous plan
was to put it out of the power of the Arbitary and tyranick to injure us with impunity
by Establishing some Laws in our favour upon just and Liberal principals.
I believe I even threatned fomenting a Rebellion in case we were not considerd, and
assured him we would not hold ourselves bound by any Laws in which we had neither
a voice, nor representation.
In return he tells me he cannot but Laugh at My Extrodonary Code of Laws. That he
had heard their Struggle had loosned the bands of Goverment, that children and apprentices
were dissabedient, that Schools and Colledges were grown turbulant, that Indians slighted
their Guardians, and Negroes grew insolent to their Masters. But my Letter was the
first intimation that another Tribe more numerous and powerfull than all the rest
were grown discontented. This is rather too coarse a complement, he adds, but that
I am so sausy he wont blot it out.
So I have help'd the Sex abundantly, but I will tell him I have only { 398 } been making trial of the Disintresstedness of his Virtue, and when weigh'd in the
balance have found it wanting.
It would be bad policy to grant us greater power say they since under all the disadvantages
we Labour we have the assendancy over their Hearts
And charm by accepting, by submitting sway.
I wonder Apollo and the Muses could not have indulged me with a poetical Genious.
I have always been a votary to her charms but never could assend Parnassus myself.
I am very sorry to hear of the indisposition of your Friend. I am affraid it will
hasten his return, and I do not think he can be spaired.
“Though certain pains attend the cares of State
A Good Man owes his Country to be great
Should act abroad the high distinguishd part
or shew at least the purpose of his heart.”
Good Night my Friend. You will be so good as to remember me to our worthy Friend Mrs.
W——e1 when you see her and write soon to your
[signed] Portia
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0258
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-04-28
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] April 28. 1776
Yesterday, I received two Letters from you from the 7th. to the 14. of April.1 I believe I have received all your Letters, and I am not certain I wrote one from
Framingham. The one I mean contains an Account of my dining with the Indians at Mr.
Mifflins.2
It gives me Concern to think of the many Cares you must have upon your Mind. Am glad
you have taken [Belcher]3 into Pay, and that Isaac is well before now I hope.
Your Reputation, as a Farmer, or any Thing else you undertake I { 399 } dare answer for....4 Your Partners Character as a Statesman is much more problematical.
As to my Return, I have not a Thought of it. Journeys of such a Length are tedious,
and expensive both of Time and Money neither of which are my own. I hope to spend
the next Christmas, where I did the last, and after that I hope to be relieved for
by that Time I shall have taken a pretty good Trick att Helm whether the Vessell has
been well steer'd or not. But if My Countrymen should insist upon my serving them
another Year, they must let me bring my whole Family with me. Indeed I could keep
House here, with my Partner, four children and two servants, as cheap as I maintain
my self here with two Horses and a servant at Lodgings.
Instead of domestic Felicity, I am destined to public Contentions. Instead of rural
Felicity, I must reconcile myself to the Smoke and Noise of a city. In the Place of
private Peace, I must be distracted with the Vexation of developing the deep Intrigues
of Politicians and must assist in conducting the arduous Operations of War. And think
myself, well rewarded, if my private Pleasure and Interest are sacrificed as they
ever have been and will be, to the Happiness of others.
You tell me, our Jurors refuse to serve, because the Writs are issued in the Kings
Name. I am very glad to hear, that they discover so much Sense and Spirit. I learn
from another Letter that the General Court have left out of their Bills the Year of
his Reign, and that they are making a Law, that the same Name shall be left out of
all Writs, Commissions, and all Law Proscesses. This is good News too. The same will
be the Case in all the Colonies, very soon.
You ask me how I have done the Winter past. I have not enjoyed so good Health as last
Fall. But I have done complaining of any Thing. Of ill Health I have no Right to complain
because it is given me by Heaven. Of Meanness, of Envy, of Littleness, of—of—of—of—I
have Reason and Right to complain, but I have too much Contempt, to use that Right.
There is such a Mixture of Folly, Littleness, and Knavery in this World that, I am
weary of it, and altho I behold it with unutterable Contempt and Indignation, yet
the public Good requires that I should take no Notice of it, by Word or by Letter.
And to this public Good I will conform.
You will see an Account of the Fleet in some of the Papers I have sent you. Give you
Joy of the Admirals Success. I have Vanity enough to take to myself, a share in the
Merit of the American Navy. It was always a Measure that my Heart was much engaged
in, and I pursued { 400 } it, for a long Time, against the Wind and Tide. But at last obtained it.
Is there no Way for two friendly Souls, to converse together, altho the Bodies are
400 Miles off?—Yes by Letter.—But I want a better Communication. I want to hear you
think, or to see your Thoughts.
The Conclusion of your Letter makes my Heart throb, more than a Cannonade would. You
bid me burn your Letters. But I must forget you first.
In yours of April 14. you say you miss our Friend in the Conveyance of your Letters.
Dont hesitate to write by the Post. Seal well. Dont miss a single Post.
You take it for granted that I have particular Intelligence of every Thing from others.
But I have not. If any one wants a Vote for a Commission, he vouchsafes me a Letter,
but tells me very little News. I have more particulars from you than any one else.
Pray keep me constantly informed, what ships are in the Harbour and what Fortifications
are going on.
I am quite impatient to hear of more vigorous Measures for fortifying Boston Harbour.
Not a Moment should be neglected. Every Man ought to go down as they did after the
Battle of Lexington and work untill it is done. I would willingly pay half a Dozen
Hands my self, and subsist them, rather than it should not be done immediately. It
is of more importance than to raise Corn.
You say inclosed is a Prologue and a Parody, but neither was inclosed. If you did
not forget it, the letter has been opened and the Inclosures taken out.
If the Small Pox spreads, run me in debt. I received a Post or two past a Letter from
your Unkle at Salem,5 containing a most friendly and obliging Invitation to you and yours to go, and have
the Distemper at his House if it should spread. He has one or two in family to have
it.
The Writer of Common Sense, and the Forrester, is the same Person. His Name is Payne,
a Gentleman, about two Years ago from England, a Man who G[eneral] Lee says has Genius in his Eyes. The Writer of Cassandra is said to be Mr. James
Cannon a Tutor, in the Philadelphia Colledge. Cato is reported here to be Dr. Smith—a
Match for Brattle. The oration was an insolent Performance.... A Motion was made to
Thank the orator and ask a Copy—But opposed with great Spirit, and Vivacity from every
Part of the Room, and at last withdrawn, lest it should be rejected as it certainly
would have been with Indignation. The orator then printed it himself, after leaving
out or altering some offensive Passages.
{ 401 } This is one of the many irregular, and extravagant Characters of the Age. I never
heard one single person speak well of any Thing about him but his Abilities, which
are generally allowed to be good. The Appointment of him to make the oration, was
a great oversight, and Mistake.
The late Act of Parliament, has made so deep an Impression upon Peoples Minds throughout
the Colonies, it is looked upon as the last Stretch of Oppression, that We are hastening
rapidly to great Events.6 Governments will be up every where before Midsummer, and an End to Royal style, Titles
and Authority. Such mighty Revolutions make a deep Impression on the Minds of Men
and sett many violent Passions at Work. Hope, Fear, Joy, Sorrow, Love, Hatred, Malice,
Envy, Revenge, Jealousy, Ambition, Avarice, Resentment, Gratitude, and every other
Passion, Feeling, Sentiment, Principle and Imagination, were never in more lively
Exercise than they are now, from Florida to Canada inclusively. May God in his Providence
overrule the whole, for the good of Mankind. It requires more Serenity of Temper,
a deeper Understanding and more Courage than fell to the Lott of Marlborough, to ride
in this Whirlwind.
RC (Adams Papers).
6. The American Prohibitory Act (16 George III, ch. 5), passed 22 Dec. 1775, declared
all American ships and goods subject to seizure and in effect outlawed the colonists
(Merrill Jensen, ed., English Historical Documents: American Colonial Documents to 1776, N.Y., 1955, p. 853). “I know not whether you have seen the Act of Parliament call'd
the restraining Act, or prohibitory Act, or piratical Act, or plundering Act, or Act
of Independency, for by all these Titles is it call'd. I think the most apposite is
the Act of Independency, for King, Lords and Commons have united in Sundering this
Country and that I think forever. It is a compleat Dismemberment of the British Empire.
It throws thirteen Colonies out of the Royal Protection, levels all Distinctions and
makes us independent in spight of all our supplications and Entreaties” (JA to Horatio Gates, 23 March 1776, NHi; printed in
MHS, Procs., 67 [1941–1944]:138–139).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0259
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-05-07
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] B[raintre]e May 7 1776
How many are the solitary hours I spend, ruminating upon the past, and anticipating
the future, whilst you overwhelmd with the cares of State, have but few moments you
can devote to any individual. { 402 } All domestick pleasures and injoyments are absorbed in the great and important duty
you owe your Country “for our Country is as it were a secondary God, and the First
and greatest parent. It is to be preferred to Parents, Wives, Children, Friends and
all things the Gods only excepted. For if our Country perishes it is as imposible
to save an Individual, as to preserve one of the fingers of a Mortified Hand.” Thus
do I supress every wish, and silence every Murmer, acquiesceing in a painfull Seperation
from the companion of my youth, and the Friend of my Heart.
I believe tis near ten days since I wrote you a line. I have not felt in a humour
to entertain you. If I had taken up my pen perhaps some unbecomeing invective might
have fallen from it; the Eyes of our Rulers have been closed and a Lethargy has seazd
almost every Member. I fear a fatal Security has taken possession of them. Whilst
the Building is on flame they tremble at the expence of water to quench it, in short
two months has elapsed since the evacuation of Boston, and very little has been done
in that time to secure it, or the Harbour from future invasion till the people are
all in a flame; and no one among us that I have heard of even mentions expence, they
think universally that there has been an amaizing neglect some where. Many have turnd
out as volunteers to work upon Nodles Island, and many more would go upon Nantaskit
if it was once set on foot. “Tis a Maxim of state That power and Liberty are like
Heat and moisture; where they are well mixt every thing prospers,
where they are single, they are destructive.”
A Goverment of more Stability is much wanted in this colony, and they are ready to
receive it from the Hands of the Congress, and since I have begun with Maxims of State
I will add an other viz. that a people may let a king fall, yet still remain a people,
but if a king let his people slip from him, he is no longer a king. And as this is
most certainly our case, why not proclaim to the World in decisive terms your own
importance?
Shall we not be dispiced by foreign powers for hesitateing so long at a word?
I can not say that I think you very generous to the Ladies, for whilst you are proclaiming
peace and good will to Men, Emancipating all Nations, you insist upon retaining an
absolute power over Wives. But you must remember that Arbitary power is like most
other things which are very hard, very liable to be broken—and notwithstanding all
your wise Laws and Maxims we have it in our power not only to free ourselves but to
subdue our Masters, and without voilence throw both your natural and legal authority
at our feet—
{ 403 } “Charm by accepting, by submitting sway
Yet have our Humour most when we obey.”
I thank you for several Letters which I have received since I wrote Last. They alleviate
a tedious absence, and I long earnestly for a Saturday Evening, and experience a similar
pleasure to that which I used to find in the return of my Friend upon that day after
a weeks absence. The Idea of a year dissolves all my Phylosophy.
Our Little ones whom you so often recommend to my care and instruction shall not be
deficient in virtue or probity if the precepts of a Mother have their desired Effect,
but they would be doubly in-forced could they be indulged with the example of a Father
constantly before them; I often point them to their Sire
“engaged in a corrupted State
Wrestling with vice and faction.”
[dateline] May 9
I designd to have finished the sheet, but an opportunity offering I close only just
inform you that May the 7 our privateers took two prises in the Bay in fair sight
of the Man of war, one a Brig from Irland the other from fyall [Fayal] loaded with wine Brandy and the other Beaf &c.1 The wind was East and a flood tide, so that the tenders could not get out tho they
tried several times, the Light house fired Signal guns, but all would not do, they
took them in triumph and carried them into Lyn.
Johnny and Charls have the Mumps, a bad disorder, but they are not very bad. Pray
be kind enough to remember me at all times and write as often as you possibly can
to your
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in an unidentified hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esqr. In Philadelphia
To the care of Col: Warren”; docketed in an unidentified hand.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0260
Recipient: Warren, Mercy Otis
Date: 1776-05-08
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] [Braintree, ca. 8 May 1776]
[salute] Dear Marcia
Mr. Morton has given me great pleasure this morning by acquainting me with the appointment
of our Worthy Friend to the Bench.1 Have I any influence with him? If I have I beg he would accept. I know very well
what he will say, but he has long been accustomed to { 404 } Courts and the office he held led him to some acquaintance with Law, and his own abilities
will easily qualify him to fill the place with Dignity.
If he refuses it will bring a contempt upon the place; to have those offices banded
about from hand to hand may give the World just occasion to say that they are not
considerd of any importance.
I know the Service of his Country is his chief aim, and he who is upon principal desirous
of it cannot faill of the important end. I need not add how much pleasure it will
give to my perticuliar Friend and to your
[signed] Portia
1. William Read having declined his appointment to the Superior Court, James Warren was
commissioned, but Warren considered himself not qualified, and, despite appeals from
his friends, after some hesitation declined to serve. See Warren to JA, 30 April–1 May and 8 May 1776 (Warren-Adams Letters, 1:238, 240); AA to JA, 9 May and 17 June, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0261
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-05-09
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] May 9 1776
I this day Received yours of the 20 of April1 accompanied with a Letter upon Goverment. Upon reading it I some how or other felt
an uncommon affection for it; I could not help thinking it was a near relation of
a very intimate Friend of mine. If I am mistaken in its descent, I know it has a near
affinity to the Sentiments of that person, and tho I cannot pretend to be an adept
in the art of Goverment; yet it looks rational that a Goverment of Good Laws well
administerd should carry with them the fairest prospect of happiness to a community,
as well as to individuals. But as this is a perogative to which your Sex lay almost
an exclusive claim I shall quit the subject after having quoted a passage in favour
of a Republic from an anonymous author intittled Essays on the Genius and Writings
of Pope.2 “The fine arts, in short are naturally attendant upon power and luxury, but the Sciences
require unlimited freedom to
raise them to their full Vigour and Growth. In a Monarchy there may be poets, painters
and Musicians, but orators, Historians and phylosophers can exist in a Republic alone.
The Roman Nation by their unjust attempt upon the Liberty of the World, justly lost
their own, and with their Liberty they lost not only their force of Eloquence, but
even their Stile and Language itself.”
{ 405 } This province is not in the most agreable situation at present, it wants a poize,
a stability which it does not possess. The Counsel have recommended it to the Superior
Court to sit at Ipswich the next Term. Judge Cushing call[ed] upon me yesterday with his Lady and made me a very Friendly visit. Said he wish'd
earnestly for the presence of the Chief Justice, he had many things he wished to say
to him. I requested him to write, and he has promised to.3
The Spirit of fortification has just awaked, and we are now persuing with vigour what
ought before this time to have been compleated. Fort Hill, the Castle, Dorchester
point, Nodles Island are allmost compleated, a committe are sent down to Nantasket,
and orders are given to fortify the Moon, Gorges Island &c. I believe Nodles Island
has been done by Subscription. 6 hundred meet every morning, inhabitants of the Town
of Boston, in the Town house from whence they March with fife and drum with Mr. Gorden,
Mr. Skilman and Mr. Lothtrope4 at their head to the long Wharf where they embark for the Island, and it comes to
the Subscribers turn to work 2 days in a week.
You have no doubt heard of the appointment of your Friend as judge. He seems loth
to accept, and his Lady I think loth that he should; surely it does not look well
to have those offices banded about from hand to hand. If they could not obtain one
from the bar, that Gentleman will fill the place with honour to himself and his Breatheren.
But Mr. L[owel]l ought to have come in, instead of some others, but there are some in C[ounci]l who require more than Heaven, that demands only repentance and amendmant.5
[salute] Let me hear from you often. Yours unfeignedly.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esq. at Philadelphia”;
endorsed: “answd. May 27. 1776”; to this JA added “Portia” in the handwriting of his very old age; docketed in an unidentified
hand.
1. Not found.
2. [Joseph Warton,] An Essay on the Genius and Writings of Pope, published in its earliest form in 1756.
3. Judge William Cushing wrote JA on 20 May, congratulating him on his appointment to the chief justiceship and expressing cordial
wishes for his return to take his place on the bench (Adams Papers). JA's reply, written from Philadelphia, 9 June, reflects his uncertainty about undertaking the service, especially in view of Cushing's
superior qualifications (RC in MHi: William Cushing Papers; printed in JA, Works, 9:390, from LbC, Adams Papers).
4. Rev. William Gordon of Roxbury; Rev. Isaac Skillman, College of New Jersey 1766, of
the 2d Baptist Church in Boston; and Rev. John Lathrop, College of New Jersey 1763,
of the 2d Congregational Church in Boston (Weis, Colonial Clergy of N.E.).
5. John Lowell (1743–1802), Harvard 1760, a lawyer of Newburyport and afterward a leading Federalist politician,
had in May 1774 signed a friendly farewell address to Governor Hutchinson { 406 } from the loyalist lawyers of the Province. His public recantation some months later
did not appease all the patriot leaders, though from this point on he was firmly on
the American side of the question. See DAB; Stark, Loyalists of Mass., p. 125–126.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0262
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-05-12
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] May 12. 1776
Yours of April 21. came to Hand yesterday. I send you regularly every Newspaper, and
write as often as I can—but I feel more skittish about writing than I did, because
since the Removal of Head Quarters to New York, We have no Expresses, and very few
Individual Travellers, and the Post I am not quite confident in. However I shall write
as I can.
What shall I do with my Office1—I want to resign it for a Thousand Reasons. Would you advise me?
There has been a gallant Battle, in Delaware River between the Gallies and two Men
of War, the Roebuck and Liverpool, in which the Men of War came off second best—which
has diminished, in the Minds of the People, on both sides the River, the Terror of
a Man of War.
I long to hear a little of my private Affairs, yet I dread it too, because I know
you must be perplexed and distress'd. I wish it was in my Power to relieve you.
It gives me great Pleasure to learn that our Rulers are at last doing something, towards
the Fortification of Boston. But I am inexpressibly chagrin'd to find that the Enemy
is fortifying on Georges Island. I never shall be easy untill they are compleatly
driven out of that Harbour and effectually prevented from ever getting in again. As
you are a Politician, and now elected into an important Office, that of Judgess of
the Tory Ladies, which will give you naturally an Influence with your sex, I hope
you will be instant, in season and out of season, in exhorting them to use their Influence
with the Gentlemen, to fortify upon Georges Island, Lovells, Petticks [Peddocks], Long, or wherever else it is proper. Send down Fire ships and Rafts and burn to
Ashes those Pirates.
I am out of all Patience with the languid, lethargic Councils of the Province, at
such a critical, important Moment, puzzling their Heads about Two penny fees and Confession
Bills and what not, when the Harbour of Boston was defenceless. If I was there I should
storm and thunder, like Demonsthenes, or scold like a Tooth drawer.
Do ask Mr. Wybirt and Mr. Welld, and Mr. Taft to preach about { 407 } it. I am ashamed, vex'd, angry to the last degree! Our People by their Torpitude have
invited the Enemy to come to Boston again—and I fear they will have the Civility and
Politeness to accept the Invitation.
Your Uncle has never answered my Letter.2 Thank the Doctor. He has written me a most charming Letter, full of Intelligence,
and very sensible and usefull Remarks.3 I will pay the Debt as far as my Circumstances will admit, and as soon. But I hope
my friends will not wait for regular Returns from me. I have not yet left off “pitying
the fifty or sixty Men”4 and if My Friends knew all that I do, they would pity too.
Betcy Smith, Lazy Huzzy, has not written me a Line, a great While. I wish she was
married—then she would have some Excuse. Duty to Pa. Love to all. How is the Family
over against the Church?5
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The chief justiceship.
5. The Richard Cranch family, who were living in a house near Christ Church on what is
now School Street, Quincy.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0263
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-05-14
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] May 14 1776
I set down to write you a Letter wholy Domestick without one word of politicks or
any thing of the Kind, and tho you may have matters of infinately more importance
before you, yet let it come as a relaxation to you. Know then that we have had a very
cold backward Spring, till about ten days past when every thing looks finely. We have
had fine Spring rains which makes the Husbandary promise fair—but the great difficulty
has been to procure Labourers. There is such a demand of Men from the publick and
such a price given that the farmer who Hires must be greatly out of pocket. A man
will not talk with you who is worth hireing under 24 pounds per year. Col. Quincy
and Thayer give that price, and some give more. Isaac insisted upon my giving him
20 pounds or he would leave me. He is no mower and I found very unfit to take the
lead upon the Farm, having no forethought or any contrivance to plan his Buisness,
tho in the Execution faithfull. I found I wanted somebody of Spirit who was
wiser than myself, to conduct my Buisness. I went about and my Friends inquired but
every Labourer who was active was gone and going into the Service. I asked advice
of my Friends and Neighbours [and] they all adviced me to { 408 } let Isaac go, rather than give that price. I setled with him and we parted. Mr. Belcher
is now with me and has undertaken to conduct the Buisness, which he has hitherto done
with Spirit and activity. I know his virtues I know his faults. Hithertoo I give him
2 Shillings per day, and Daniel Nightingale works with him at the same lay. I would
have hired him for the season but he was engaged to look after a place or two for
people who are gone into the Army. I am still in quest of a Man by the year, but whether
I shall effect it, I know not. I have done the best I could. We are just now ready
to plant, the barly look[s] charmingly, I shall be quite a Farmeriss an other year.
You made no perticulir agreement with Isaac so he insisted upon my paying him 13.
6 8. I paid him 12 pounds 18 & 8 pence, and thought it sufficient.1
When Bass returnd he brought me some Money from you. After the deduction of his account
and the horse hire there remaind 15 pounds. I have Received 12 from Mr. Thaxter which
with one note of 20 pounds which I exchanged and some small matters of interest which
I received and a little Hay &c. I have discharged the following debts—To my Father
for his Horse twice 12 pounds (he would not have any thing for the last time). To
Bracket, £13. 6s. 8d. To Isaac 12. 18. 8. To Mr. Hunt for the House 26. 15. 4.2 and the Rates of two years 1774, £4 14s. 8d. and for 1775: £7. 11s. 11d. Besides
this have supported the family which is no small one you know and paid all little
charges which have occurd in the farming way. I hardly know how I have got thro these
thing's, but it gives me great pleasure to say they are done because I know it will
be an Ease to your mind which amid all other cares which surround you will some times
advert to your own Little
Farm and to your Family. There remains due to Mr. Hunt about 42 pounds. I determine
if it lays in my power to discharge the bond, and I have some prospect of it.
Our Little Flock send duty. I call[ed] them seperately and told them Pappa wanted to send them something and requested of
them what they would have. A Book was the answer of them all only Tom wanted a picture
Book and Charlss the History of king and Queen. It was natural for them to think of
a Book as that is the only present Pappa has been used to make them.
[salute] Adieu—Yours,
[signed] Hermitta
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “To The Honble: John Adams Esqr. at Philadelphia”;
docketed in an unidentified hand.
1. A slip receipt in the Adams Papers (text in AA's hand, signature in Copeland's) reads: “April 30 1776. Received of Abigail Adams
twelve pounds { 409 } Nineteen Shillings Lawfull Money for my years Wages. Isaac Copeland.”
2. This was a payment to Shrimpton Hunt for the Adamses' house in Queen (Court) Street,
Boston; see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:63–64; 3:296–297.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0264
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-05-14
Isaac Smith Sr. to John Adams
[dateline] Salem May 14th. 1776
[salute] Mr. Adams
I received last post a letter from Mr. Morris with referance to the fish I wrote to
you about, sometime Ago—since which, and not hearing from you sooner I have concluded
to ship itt on my Own Account.1
Upon Over hauling some of itt, by itts lying so long has hurt itt very much, some
part of which is Only fit for the West India Market. I know of some which has been
sold lately for the European Market not better, but I should not choose to ship itt
Altogether As itt is, and therefore could not with propriety ship itt As fish of the
first quality On any body's else Account.
I am sensible your time is taken up in more important Affairs than Mercantile Ones,
and should not have troubled you [now?]2 had not Mr. Morris desired to know through you.
We have nothing New from Europe. A schooner from the West Indies with about 1,000
wt.3 powder on the publick Account—& are Sr. Your Most hume. servt.,
[signed] Isaac Smith
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To The Honble. John Adams Esq. Philadelphia”; postmarked: “BOSTON 16
MA,” with “Free” added by hand; endorsed: “Mr. Smith”; docketed in the hand of William
Gordon(?): “May 14. 1776.”
2. Word torn away by seal.
3. This is something of a guess for a symbol written above the line.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0265
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-05-15
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] May 15. 1776
Mr. Church setts off, tomorrow Morning. I have sent this Morning by Mr. William Winthrop,
about half a dozen Letters containing Papers &c. Have nothing new to write.
We have been very busily engaged for 4 or 5 days in procuring Assistance for Boston.1 Congress has at last voted three Additional Battallions for Boston and that the five
old ones be filled up, and We shall send you a Major General and a Brigadier General—Gates
and Mifflin I hope but cant promise.2
{ 410 } With much Pleasure I learn that, the People of Town and Country as well as the Troops
are at length aroused and active to fortify Boston Harbour. I hope they will learn
to make and use Fire ships and Fire Rafts.
RC (Adams Papers).
2. The choice was to rest with Washington. On 16 May Congress elected Gates a major general
and Mifflin a brigadier general in the Continental service (JCC, 4:359); and on the same day the five Massachusetts delegates signed a letter (of
which the text is in JA's hand) informing Washington of this fact and saying “that no Officers in the Service
would be more agreable to Us” than those two (PHi: Gratz Coll.).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0266
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-05-17
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] May 17.1 1776
I have this Morning heard Mr. Duffil upon the Signs of the Times. He run a Parrallell
between the Case of Israel and that of America, and between the Conduct of Pharaoh
and that of George.
Jealousy that the Israelites would throw off the Government of Egypt made him issue
his Edict that the Midwives should cast the Children into the River, and the other
Edict that the Men should make a large Revenue of Brick without Straw. He concluded
that the Course of Events, indicated strongly the Design of Providence that We should
be seperated from G. Britain, &c.
Is it not a Saying of Moses, who am I, that I should go in and out before this great
People? When I consider the great Events which are passed, and those greater which
are rapidly advancing, and that I may have been instrumental of touching some Springs,
and turning some small Wheels, which have had and will have such Effects, I feel an
Awe upon my Mind, which is not easily described.
G[reat] B[ritain] has at last driven America, to the last Step, a compleat Seperation from her, a total
absolute Independence, not only of her Parliament but of her Crown, for such is the
Amount of the Resolve of the 15th.2
Confederation among ourselves, or Alliances with foreign Nations are not necessary,
to a perfect Seperation from Britain. That is effected by extinguishing all Authority,
under the Crown, Parliament and Nation as the Resolution for instituting Governments,
has done, to all Intents and Purposes. Confederation will be necessary for our internal
Concord, and Alliances may be so for our external Defence.
{ 411 } I have Reasons to believe that no Colony, which shall assume a Government under the
People, will give it up. There is something very unnatural and odious in a Government
1000 Leagues off. An whole Government of our own Choice, managed by Persons whom We
love, revere, and can confide in, has charms in it for which Men will fight. Two young
Gentlemen from South Carolina, now in this City, who were in Charlestown when their
new Constitution was promulgated, and when their new Governor and Council and Assembly
walked out in Procession, attended by the Guards, Company of Cadetts, Light Horse
&c., told me, that they were beheld by the People with Transports and Tears of Joy.
The People gazed at them, with a Kind of Rapture. They both told me, that the Reflection
that these were Gentlemen whom they all loved, esteemed and revered, Gentlemen of
their own Choice, whom they could trust, and whom they could displace if any of them
should behave amiss, affected them so that they
could not help crying.
They say their People will never give up this Government.
One of these Gentlemen is a Relation of yours, a Mr. Smith, son of Mr. Thomas Smith.3 I shall give him this Letter or another to you.
A Privateer fitted out here by Coll. Reberdeau [Roberdeau] and Major Bayard, since our Resolves for Privateering, I am this Moment informed,
has taken a valuable Prize. This is Encouragement, at the Beginning.
In one or two of your Letters you remind me to think of you as I ought. Be assured
there is not an Hour in the Day, in which I do not think of you as I ought, that is
with every Sentiment of Tenderness, Esteem, and Admiration.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Corrected by overwriting from “16.” Congress did not sit on the 17th, “This being,”
as Joseph Hewes put it, “a day of humiliation, fasting and prayer (or in vulgar language
Congress Sunday)” (letter to James Iredell, 17 May, Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:455).
2. Or, rather, of the preamble, adopted on 15 May, to a resolve voted after long debate
on 10 May. The resolve of the 10th recommended to the assemblies and conventions that
they “adopt such government as shall, in the opinion of the representatives of the
people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular,
and America in general” (JCC, 4:342). JA, Edward Rutledge, and Richard Henry Lee were named a committee to draft a preamble
suitable to prefix to this momentous resolve when published. The preamble, written
by JA, reported on the 13th, adopted on the 15th, used markedly stronger language than
the paper it accompanied, calling for the total suppression “of every kind of authority”
emanating from Great Britain. Conservatives in Congress found it too strong for their
acceptance, James Duane pronouncing it “a Machine to fabricate independence”; and
their failure to defeat it opened the way
directly to what JA here calls “a compleat Seperation.” The resolve and preamble were published in { 412 } the Pennsylvania Gazette, 22 May. See JCC, 4:351, 357–358; JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:238–241; 3:335, 382–386; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:443 ff.
3. Benjamin Smith (1757–1826), a distant cousin of AA; he had studied at the Middle Temple and in 1810 became governor of North Carolina
(AA and JA to I. Smith Jr., 4 Jan. 1770, above; E. Alfred Jones, Amer. Members of the Inns of Court, London, 1924, p. 200–201).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0267
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-05-22
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] May 22d. 1776
When a Man is seated, in the Midst of forty People some of whom are talking, and others
whispering, it is not easy to think, what is proper to write. I shall send you the
News-Papers, which will inform you, of public Affairs, and the particular Flickerings
of Parties in this Colony.
I am happy to learn from your Letter, that a Flame is at last raised among the People,
for the Fortification of the Harbour. Whether Nantaskett, or Point Alderton would
be proper Posts to be taken I cant say. But I would fortify every Place, which is
proper, and which Cannon could be obtained for.
Generals Gates and Mifflin are now here. Gen. Washington will be here tomorrow—when
We shall consult and deliberate, concerning the Operations of the ensuing Campain.1
We have dismal Accounts from Europe, of the Preparations against Us. This Summer will
be very important to Us. We shall have a severe Tryal of our Patience, Fortitude and
Perseverance. But I hope we shall do valiantly and tread down our Enemies.
I have some Thoughts of petitioning the General Court for Leave to bring my Family,
here. I am a lonely, forlorn, Creature here. It used to be some Comfort to me, that
I had a servant, and some Horses—they composed a Sort of Family for me. But now, there
is not one Creature here, that I seem to have any Kind of Relation to.
It is a cruel Reflection, which very often comes across me, that I should be seperated
so far, from those Babes, whose Education And Welfare lies so near my Heart. But greater
Misfortunes than these, must not divert Us from Superiour Duties.
Your Sentiments of the Duties We owe to our Country, are such as become the best of
Women, and the best of Men. Among all the Disappointments, and Perplexities, which
have fallen to my share in Life, nothing has contributed so much to support my Mind,
as the choice Blessing of a Wife, whose Capacity enabled her to comprehend, and whose
pure Virtue obliged her to approve the Views of her Husband. { 413 } This has been the cheering Consolation of my Heart, in my most solitary, gloomy and
disconsolate Hours. In this remote Situation, I am deprived in a great Measure of
this Comfort. Yet I read, and read again your charming Letters, and they serve me,
in some faint degree as a substitute for the Company and Conversation of the Writer.
I want to take a Walk with you in the Garden—to go over to the Common—the Plain—the
Meadow. I want to take Charles in one Hand and Tom in the other, and Walk with you,
Nabby on your Right Hand and John upon my left, to view the Corn Fields, the orchards,
&c.
Alass poor Imagination! how faintly and imperfectly do you supply the Want of original
and Reality!
But instead of these pleasing Scaenes of domestic Life, I hope you will not be disturbed
with the Alarms of War. I hope yet I fear.
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0268
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-05-22
Isaac Smith Sr. to John Adams
[dateline] Salem May 22d. 1776
[salute] Mr. Adams
Your esteemed favors of the 29th. Ulto. and 6th Inst.1 now before and in Answer say I shall att all times be willing to communicate my sentiments
or give any intelligence, that may tend to the public good.—As to Boston I think when
the works are compleated the enemy will never attempt coming that way, but as soon
As that is compleated hope there will be some way found to keep the ships from rendevousing
att Nantasket, but should that succeed there may be a dificulty as great iff they
should make C[ape] Ann a harbour as they would then stop all Coasters coming which now do get a long,
but iff C. Ann was well fortifyed which by Nature Is best Able with proper batteries
to defend itt self of any I know. Indeed M[arble] H[ea]d and Salem are well cituated, and iff properly fortifyed would keep Out almost any
thing but C. Ann would be the safest harbour for them.
I dont know how many ships there are in Nantasket but almost every day they are Out.
There are two ships and a brigantine most Constantly cruzeing between Cape Codd and
Casco bay. One is the Milford of 28 Guns which goes exceeding fast. Yesterday a Coasting
skipper came thro here that had been taken and after taken a sloop with Sparrs &c.
from the Eastward, takeing likewise he was put on board to go to Boston but managed
itt so as to get in to Casco—itts said { 414 } belongd to N York. Several Masters &c. are come from Halifax. 12 days from thence
three belonging here. There not being barracks enough the rigements take turn to go
a shore.—There was nothing lately from England. The reason they give of Leaveing Boston
was on Account of Provisions. On Approach of some part of the fleet they say they
knockt of the Truneons of off 60 or 70 Canon and spikd the guns up.—With regard to
trade I think there is One very unjust Account2 with regard to the Owners of Vessell[s] which is That An Owner of a Vessell in these parts of the World is lyable by any
Misconduct of the Master or people by bringing a trifle unbeknown to the Owner to
have his Vessell forfeited and I dare say not One Vessell in fifty but is lyable.
In England they are some Articles intirely prohibited but in general they are Allowed
port entries and iff proper entries are not made by the Master Yet the Owner is not
lyable for the forfeiture of his Vessell. Only the goods—which I think, is right.
But we have even been debar'd that p[rivile]dge which is certainly unjust. And As to Hospital money's which sailors pay, and are
not entiteled to any benifit by itt is Unreasonable for no sailor belonging to this
part of the World can be Admited, but when any English sailor falls sick here we take
care of them upon the public expence, and the governours of which are Not Allowed
2. or 3.000 a Year
to come Out of the poor sailors pockets.
You desire to know whether itt would be likely Our Vessells would be stopt in foreign
ports. As to France and Spain there Appears no dificulty but in Lisbon and Holland
&c. am Apprehensive there will be a dificulty As the English Consells have such a
power there and those Nations seem to [be Aided?]3 by the Ministry that I am of Opinion no Vessell would be safe going to those places.
I have lately received a letter from Lisbon On that subject, which says you must be
very cautious as to any Vessell coming here as all the Consells att the differant
ports, are scrupeliously exact in regard to all Vessells that enter—for which reason
I have hauld up a Vessell I was going to send there. Possibly some more things may
Occur or turn up as to trade but expecting the post to pass thro every moment have
not to Add saveing to say am sorry to here of the disagreeable News from Quebeck and
are Y &c.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0269
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1776-05-27
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] [Braintree, 27 May 1776?]
What can be the reason I have not heard from you since the 20 of April, and now tis
the 27 of May. My anxious foreboding Heart fears every Evil, and my Nightly Slumbers
are tortured; I have sent, and sent again to the post office, which is now kept in
Boston at the office of the formour Solisiter General, not one line for me, tho your
hand writing is to be seen to several others. Not a scrip have I had since the General
Assembly rose, and our Worthy Friend W[arre]n left Watertown. I fear you are sick. The very Idea casts such a Gloom upon my Spirits
that I cannot recover them for Hours, nor reason my self out of my fears. Surely if
Letters are deliverd to any other hand than those to whose care they are directed
tis cruel to detain them. I believe for the future you had better direct them to be
left in the post office from whence I shall be sure of obtaining them.
I am desired by Sister A——s1 to ask you if you will take 28 acres of wood land which she mentiond to you. It must
be sold, has a very fine Growth of Walnut wood upon it, as well as other wood, tis
prized at forty shillings per acre which by looking into his deed of it, I find to
be the same he gave for it. The distance which it lies from us is the chief objection
in my mind. You will be so good as to send me word as soon as you Receive this. They
are about setling the Estate as soon as posible. What can be done with, or about the
Lighter I know not. I was told that she was taken for a fire ship, but was Misinformed.
There is no regular account of any thing but the ropes, cable and sails, nor any thing
which appears to shew the cost of her. I think it can only be left to those who Built
about that time to say what they believe she cost. They have prized one half of her
very Low 33. 8. 4. I have asked my unkle Q[uinc]y to assist in
your stead. The watch she says you desired to have. I know nothing about it; not having
heard you mention it. She sits it at 6 pounds.
I wrote you two Letters about a fortnight ago which were both coverd together, hope
you have received them. We have no News here but what you will be informd of long
before this reaches you unless it is the politicks of the Town. At our May Meeting
Mr. W[ibir]d was desired to preach a Sermon previous to the choise which he did to great acceptation.
The debates were not who; but how many should { 416 } be sent. They agreed upon 3—Mr. B[a]ss for the upper precicnt, Col. T[haye]r for the middle and an unkel of ours for this, but he beg'd to be excused, as his
State of Health was so infirm and so subject to a nervious headack that he was sure
he could not stand it to sit in so numerous an assembly. The next vote was for your
Brother and a tye took place between him and Col. P[alme]r but the Latter declairing that he would tarry in the house if chosen there, the
vote fell upon him.2
The dissagreable News we have from Quebeck is a great damper to our Spirits, but shall
we receive good and not Evil? Upon this occasion you will recollect the Sentiments
of your favorite Sully. Without attempting to judge of the future, which depends upon
too many accidents, much less to subject it to our precipitation in bold and difficult
enterprizes, we should endeavour to subdue one obstacle at a time, nor suffer ourselves
to be deprest by their Greatness and their Number. We ought never to despair of what has been once accomplished. How many things have the Idea of imposible been annexed to, that have become easy
to those who knew how to take advantage of Time, opportunity, lucky Moments, the Faults
of others, different dispositions and an infinite Number of other circumstances.
These are Sentiments worthy the Man who could Execute what he pland. I sincerely wish
we had the Spirit of Sully animateing our counsels.3
[dateline] May 27
My Heart is as light as a feather and my Spirits are dancing. I received this afternoon
a fine parcel of Letters and papers by Coll. Thayer, it was a feast to me. I shall
rest in quiet I hope this Night; the papers I have not read but sit down to write
you for Mr. Bass has just been here to let me know that Harry will call upon him to-morrow
and take this Letter for me. I would not have you anxious about me. I make out better
than I did. I have hired a Negro fellow for 6 months, am to give him ten pounds which
is much lower than I had any prospect of getting help, and Belcher is exceeding assiduous
and I believe faithfull in what he undertakes. If he should purloin a little I must
bear that; he is very diligent, and being chief engineer is ambitious. If you could
find a few moments leisure just to write him a few lines and let him know that I had
wrote you that he had the care of the place, and that you should be glad of his best
Services upon it, of his constant care and
attention I believe it would go a good way towards insureing it.—You will find by
one of the Letters which I mention as { 417 } having sent an account of some of your affairs. My best endeavours will not be wanting
in every department. I wish my abilities were eaquel to my wishes.
My Father and your Mother desire to be rememberd to you in very perticuliar terms.
The family you mention are well. So is your Brothers, your own are tolerably comfortable.
Charls has the Mumps and has been very sick but is now better. Can you tell how I
feel when they come to me as the two youngest often do, with a Mar, when will par come home?
Charllys Grandmama tells this Story of Him. She was carrying him to meeting the Sabbeth
the Regulars left Boston when a person stop'd her upon the road to tell her the news.
Gone from Boston says he with his Eyes just ready to run over. What gone away themselves.
Yes replied his Grandmamma. Then I say they are Cowards, for they have stood it but
one year and we would have stood it 3.
I took a ride last week and ventured just as far as the Stump of Liberty Tree.4 Roxbury looks more injured than Boston, that is the Houses look more torn to peices.
I was astonished at the extensiveness of our lines and their strength. We have taken
a most noble prize the inventory of which you have in the paper. The poor Captain
has since lost his life in a desperate ingagement with 13 Boats from the Men of War
which attacked him and attempted to Board him, but by a most brave resistance they
sunk four of the Boats and fought so warmly with their spears and small Arms as to
oblige them to quit him, tho he had but 27 men and they 5 times his number. He unhappily
fell and was the only one who did.5 Many dead bodies have since been taken up among whom is an officer.—We have now in
fair sight of my unkells the commodore, a 36 Gun frigate, an other large vessel and
6 small craft. I hope after Election we shall have
ways and means devised to drive of these Torments. Providence seems to have deliverd
into our Hands the very articles most needed, and at a time when we were weak and
not so well provided for as we could wish. We have two Row Gallies Building, and Men
of Spirit to use them I dare say will be found. One engagement only whets their appetite
for an other. I heard last Night that we had 3 Regiments comeing back to us with General
Gates to head them, at which I most sincerely rejoiced. I think he is the Man we want.
Believe you may venture Letters safely by the Post. Mine go that way, and for the
future I will send to the post office for yours.
You ask my advice with regard to your office. If I was to consult only my own private
Satisfaction and pleasure I should request you to { 418 } resign it, but as that is of small moment when compaird to the whole, and I think
you qualified and know you disposed to serve your Country I must advice you to hold
it, at least for the present year.6
And in saying this I make a Sacrifice which those only can judge of whose Hearts are
one.
I was much affected the other day with a Letter which I saw from the Lady of the late
worthy General Montgomery. Speaking of him, she says, suffer me to repeat his last
words to me; you shall never Blush for your Montgomery. Nobly has he kept his Word.
As a wife I must ever mourn the Husband, Friend and Lover of a thousand virtues, of
all domestick Bliss, the Idol of my warmest affections and in one word my every dream
of happiness. Methinks I am like the poor widow in the Gosple, having given my Mite,
I sit down disconsolate.
These are only detached parts of the Letter to which I fear I have not done justice,
as I have only my memory to serve me, but it was a very fine Letter.
Our Worthy Friends are in great trouble, their eldest Son is disorderd in his mind.7 I have not had a line since he was carried home, and I know not the cause. I want
to hear from them, but know not how to write to them.
I bid you good night. O that I could annihilate Space. Yours.
You have been misinformd. The Regulars have not made any fortifications any where.
It was so reported but was not true.
The Season promises very fair for Grass, and a fine Bloom upon the Trees. Warm weather
we want which will make every thing look finely. I wish you could be here to injoy
it.8
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “ansd. June 16.”
1. This must be the widow of Elihu Adams, since the settlement of an estate is mentioned
below.
2. The laconic entry in the Braintree Town Records merely says of this election, which took place on 20 May: “Representatives. Voted,
To send three Representatives to the Generall Court, (viz) one from each Precinct.
Then Joseph Palmer, Ebenr. Thayer & Jona. Bass were chosen” (p. 467). AA's uncle who declined election was Norton Quincy; JA's brother who lost to Palmer was Peter Boylston Adams. By saying he “would tarry
in the house,” Palmer meant he would decline reelection to the Council. See, further,
JA to Peter Boylston Adams, 15 June, below.
3. The Catalogue of JA's Library lists two sets of the celebrated Mémoires of the Duc de Sully owned by JA, one in French, 8 vols., London, 1767; and one in English, called the 4th edn., 6
vols., London, 1763; each volume of the latter contains JA's autograph followed by the date 1772. JA made prompt and effective use of AA's quotation from Sully, in a letter he addressed to Gen. Nathanael Greene, 22 June 1776 (LbC, Adams Papers; JA, Works, 9:404).
5. For the capture by the Franklin privateer, Capt. James Mugford, of the Hope, with a valuable cargo of munitions, 17 May, and Mugford's death in in an engagement
in Boston Harbor two days later, see William Bell Clark, George Washington's Navy, Baton Rouge, 1960, ch. 16.
7. James Warren Jr. (1757–1821), subsequently an officer on the Alliance: wounded in the fight with the Serapis; in later years postmaster at Plymouth (Mrs. Washington A. Roebling, Richard Warren of the Mayflower..., Boston, 1901, p. 27; Mass. Soldiers and Sailors).
8. A comparison of this letter (now printed in full for the first time) with the text
as printed in JA–AA, Familiar Letters, p. 178–181, provides a striking example of CFA's methods (and short-comings) in editing the correspondence of his grandparents.
Though it is an extreme case, the kinds of material silently excised by CFA are perfectly representative of his taste and practice throughout.
In the 1st paragraph CFA omitted the words “our Worthy Friend W[arre]n left Watertown. I fear you are sick.” This was certainly an unintentional omission,
perhaps by CFA's copyist or printer, and not characteristic of his usually careful copy reading.
It of course distorts the meaning of the following sentence.
In the 6th paragraph (“My Heart is as light as a feather ...”), CFA omitted everything concerning affairs on the Braintree farm beginning with the sentence
“I have hired a Negro fellow.” He also struck out the two following paragraphs containing
anecdotes of the children.
In the 9th paragraph (“I took a ride...”) CFA made an “overcorrection” of the kind that often occurs when editors in normalizing
manuscript texts misunderstand the writer's actual meaning. CFA's rendering of a sentence about halfway through that paragraph begins: “We have now
in fair sight of my uncle's the Commodore, a thirty-six gun frigate,” &c. AA's “commodore” does indeed refer to a vessel, but, as frequently in the 18th century,
by the name of its chief officer rather than by the name of the vessel itself. The
commodore was actually Capt. Francis Banks, R.N., and his ship was the Renown; see AA to JA, 14 April, above, and note 7 there.
CFA omitted the 10th paragraph entire (“Believe you may venture Letters...”), perhaps
because he thought it inconsequential.
Except for a single sentence, “Oh that I could annihilate space,” CFA entirely omitted the last four paragraphs of the manuscript, ending with AA's remarks on Mrs. Montgomery's letter and suppressing, for various reasons, the news
of young James Warren's being “disorderd in his mind,” her correction of JA's report of fortifications by the “Regulars,” and her comments on the weather in
Braintree.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0270
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-05-27
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] May 27. 1776
I have three of your Favours, before me—one of May 7., another of May 9. and a third
of May 14th. The last has given me Relief from many Anxieties. It relates wholly to
private Affairs, and contains such an Account of wise and prudent Management, as makes
me very happy. I begin to be jealous, that our Neighbours will think Affairs more
discreetly conducted in my Absence than at any other Time.
{ 420 } Whether your Suspicions concerning a Letter under a marble Cover, are just or not,
it is best to say little about it.1 It is an hasty hurried Thing and of no great Consequence, calculated for a Meridian
at a great Distance from N. England. If it has done no good, it will do no harm. It
has contributed to sett People a thinking upon the subject, and in this respect has
answered its End. The Manufactory of Governments having, since the Publication of
that Letter, been as much talk'd of, as that of salt Petre was before.
I rejoice at your Account of the Spirit of Fortification, and the good Effects of
it. I hope by this Time you are in a tolerable Posture of defence. The Inhabitants
of Boston have done themselves great Honour, by their laudable Zeal, the worthy Clergymen
especially.
I think you shine as a Stateswoman, of late as well as a Farmeress. Pray where do
you get your Maxims of State, they are very apropos.
I am much obliged to Judge Gushing, and his Lady for their polite Visit to you: should
be very happy to see him, and converse with him about many Things but cannot hope
for that Pleasure, very soon. The Affairs of America, are in so critical a State,
such great Events are struggling for Birth, that I must not quit this station at this
Time. Yet I dread the melting Heats of a Philadelphia Summer, and know not how my
frail Constitution will endure it. Such constant Care, such incessant Application
of Mind, drinking up and exhausting the finer Spirits upon which Life and Health so
essentially depend, will wear away a stronger Man than I am.—Yet I will not shrink
from this Danger or this Toil. While my Health shall be such that I can discharge
in any tolerable manner, the Duties of this important Post, I will not desert it.
Am pleased to hear that the superiour Court is to sit, at Ipswich in June.2 This will contribute to give Stability to the Government, I hope, in all its Branches....3 But I presume other Steps will be taken for this Purpose. A Governor and Lt. Governor,
I hope will be chosen, and the Constitution a little more fixed. I hope too that the
Councill will this year be more full and augmented by the Addition of good Men.4
I hope Mr. Bowdoin will be Governor, if his Health will permit, and Dr. Winthrop Lt.
Governor. These are wise, learned, and prudent Men. The first has a great Fortune,
and wealthy Connections, the other has the Advantage of a Name and Family which is
much reverenced, besides his Personal Abilities and Virtues, which are very great.
Our Friend,5 I sincerely hope, will not refuse his Appointment, for { 421 } although I have ever thought that Bench should be fill'd from the Bar, and once laboured
successfully to effect it, yet as the Gentlemen have seen fit to decline, I know of
no Gentleman, who would do more Honour to the Station than my Friend. None would be
so agreable to me, whether I am to sit by him, or before him. I suppose it must be
disagreable to him and his Lady, because he loves to be upon his Farm, and they both
love to be together. But you must tell them of a Couple of their Friends who are as
fond of living together, who are obliged to sacrifice their rural Amusements and domestic
Happiness to the Requisitions of the public.
The Generals Washington, Gates, and Mifflin are all here, and We shall derive Spirit,
Unanimity, and Vigour from their Presence and Advice. I hope you will have some General
Officers at Boston soon.—I am, with constant Wishes and Prayers for your Health, and
Prosperity, forever yours.
RC (Adams Papers).
2. In an editorial note in Quincy's Reports, Samuel Miller Quincy gives the following summary account of the reopening of the
Superior Court (p. 341):
“In May, 1776, was passed the act changing the style of commissions, writs, processes,
and proceedings in law, from the name and style of the King of Great Britain, France,
and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., to the name and style of the Government and
People of the Massachusetts Bay in New England. Anc. Chart. 798. The first Court held
under the new organization appears to have been in Ipswich, for the County of Essex,
on the 3rd Tuesday in June, 1776. The records of this term are entitled 'Colony of
Massachusetts Bay,' and the Court was held by 'Wm. Cushing, Jedediah Foster, and James
Sullivan, Esqrs., Justices,' 'They having first produced Commissions under the Government
Seal, severally appointing them Justices of the said Court.' Rec. 1776, Fol. 2.”
4. As a result of rising murmurs over plural officeholding, JA had recently resigned his seat in the Council (JA to James Otis Sr., 29 April, printed in JA's Works, 9:374, from a MS not now to be found). On the first day the new House sat, 29 May, a mass resignation
of councilors took place, and the new Council contained twelve new members (among
twenty-eight elected), and none who were serving as delegates to the Continental Congress
(Mass., House Jour., 1776–1777, p. 6–7). See also JA's Diary and Autobiography, 3:360–363.
5. James Warren.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0271
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1776-05-27
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Plimouth 27 May [1776]
My dear Mrs. Adams will undoubtedly Wonder that she has not heard from me since I
Left Braintree, but want of Health, a Variety of Avocations, with some Axiety of Another
Nature must be my Excuse. I have scarcely taken up a pen since my Return to Plimouth.
Indeed I feel as if I was about to quit the use of it. So Great is the force { 422 } of Habit that not accustoming myself to that Employment in which I have taken so much
Delight, I find would soon Make it a task Rather than a pleasure.
As to your kind Interrogations with Regard to the health of your Plimouth Friends,1 for myself I Can Give no very Good account though am much Better than when I Left
Watertown, but I hope the Countenance of the Bearer of this will Convince you that
the salutary air of Plimouth has been very Advantagous to him, and I dare say he will
Join me in Recommending a Journey this way as a Restorative to the Health of Portia
before the Exstreem heat Comes on. I would propose that Next week should Give me this
pleasure. If that is not Convenient, do Let me know when it is probable you may Execute
this plan. I shall order a person to Call on you on Fryday for Letters, and as it
will be a Good oppertunity should be Glad of some other Volumes of Rollins History.
The young Gentleman for whose use I ask them would have Returnd the first by this
Conveyance but I have Detained it A Little Longer.
I am Exceedingly Concernd at the accounts we hear from Canada. If you have any Late
Inteligence do Let me know.
A severe Nervous head ach has afflicted me for two days, and is now so painful that
it Renders me unfit Even to Attemp to Entertain my Friends in the Epistolary way,
nor should I have made an Effort of the kind but that I might justly put in my Claim
to what you know [would give great?]2 pleasure to your affecti[onate][ . . . ]
RC (Adams Papers); at head of text in CFA's hand: “27 May 1777”—a mistake which caused this letter to be filed and microfilmed
a year late in the Adams Papers.
Docno: ADMS-04-01-02-0272
Recipient: Warren, Mercy Otis
Date: 1776-01
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] [Braintree, January? 1776]1
[salute] My Dear Marcia
Our Country is as it were a Secondary God, and the first and greatest parent. It is
to be perferred to parents, to wives, children, Friends and all things the Gods only
excepted.
These are the considerations which prevail with me to consent to a most painfull Seperation.
{ 423 } I have not known how to take my pen to write to you. I have been happy and unhappy.
I have had many contending passions dividing my Heart, and no sooner did I find it
at my own option whether my Friend should go or tarry and resign; than I found his
honour and reputation much dearer to me, than my own present pleasure and happiness,
and I could by no means consent to his resigning at present, as I was fully convinced
he must suffer if he quitted. The Eyes of every one are more perticuliarly upon that
assembly, and every motion of every member is inspected, so that he can neither be
droped nor resign without creating a thousand Jealousies in the minds of the people,
nor even obtain leave for a few weeks absence to visit his family, without a thousand
malicious Suggestions and Suspicions—first I suppose broached by the tories and from
them catchd by the Gaping multitude. All those who act in publick life have very unthankful
offices and
“will often sigh to find the unwilling Gratitude
of base Mankind.”
I believe you will think me petulant, but believe me I could fill this paper with
Stories of Expulsion from Congress, loss of influence, affronts from D[ickinso]n, deserting the cause, affraid of being hung &c. &c.
All of which are not worth regarding only as they serve to shew Humane Nature, popular
favour and the Gratitude of ones Country, whilst a person is giving up to distruction
all their own private concerns, depriving themselves of all the pleasures and comforts
of domestick life, and exerting all the powers both of Body and Mind, and spending
their lives in the Service of their Country. Thus does it reward them whilst it will
hug a canting hypocrate who has been drawing out its vitals.2 The post of honour is a private Station. Tis certainly the most comfortable Station.
Yet in these days of peril whilst the vessel is in a storm, it would be guilt in an
able passenger not to lend his assistance.
Thus having run a rig and given a losse [loose] to my pen I would ask my Friend how she does? and why she does not let me hear oftner
from her.
Since I wrote you last all my Little ones have had a setled fever. Johnnys was a plurisy,
and he was very dangerous. I have been confined myself for more than a week; but have
Recruited again. I hope you and yours are well.
You make a request, I dare not comply with.3 I am so apprehen• { 424 } sive least my Letters should miscarry that unless I knew the hand by which I sent
them I am affraid to write any thing which ought not to come to the publick Eye. I
have many reason[s] to be careful of what I write as the fates if I may so express myself seem to delight
in bringing into publick view private correspondencyes, and making a malicious use
of very trifling circumstances. I have reason for saying this which I may one day
or other explain to you.
We have not any thing new at present, tis conjectured that a Storm will e'er long
succeed to the present calm. I pray heaven it may be an Efectual one. Let me hear
from you soon which will much oblige your Friend,
[signed] Portia
Dft (Adams Papers); undated; at head of text in JQA's hand: “December 1777,” to which CFA added: “Copy. Mrs. Warren.” This letter is printed out of chronological order because
the date assigned by JQA and apparently accepted by CFA was not corrected until after the present volume was in page proof; see note 1.
1. AA undoubtedly wrote and sent this letter, of which only her undated draft has been
found, between the date of JA's departure from Braintree for Congress, 24 Jan. 1776 (see his letter of that day to AA from Watertown, above) and Mrs. Warren's letter to AA of 7 Feb. 1776 (also above), which is clearly a reply. The present letter should therefore
have been printed between those two letters, at p.343, above.
3. See Mrs. Warren to AA, 11 Dec. 1775, above, requesting, apparently, to see some of JA's diary volumes.
Cite web page as: Founding Families: Digital Editions of the Papers of the Winthrops and the Adamses, ed.C. James Taylor. Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 2015.
http://www.masshist.org/apde2/
http://www.masshist.org/apde2/