close
Browsing: Adams Family Correspondence, Volume 3
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0105
Recipient: Tufts, Cotton
Date: 1778-12-03
John Adams to Cotton Tufts
[dateline] Passy Decr. 3 1778
[salute] Dear Sir
I have the Pleasure of yours of the 5th. of August, for which I am much obliged to
you. It is a great Satisfaction to me to be informed, { 131 } of the Particulars which are enumerated in your Letter, upon which the Happiness of
the People and their Exertions in the Cause so much depend.
I am not able to inform you of any News, except what the News Papers contain. Those
inclosed, contain some Things that perhaps are not in any other. I wish you would
lend them to the Printers as soon as possible.
Remember me to Mrs. T[ufts] and Mr. C[ranch] and all the Family. My son is very well, and I hope will not be the Worse for coming
to Europe. Yet I will not trust him here long. The Manners of Europe are enough to
debauch Angells.
[salute] I am, dear sir, with great Affection and Esteem.
LbC (Adams Papers). Enclosed newspapers not found or identified.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0106
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1778-12-09
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Decr. 9 1778
[salute] My dearest Friend
I cannot let this opportunity slip without sending you a Line, but the Gentleman waits
and it can be but a Line. I have ordered you some Wine as you desired and a Present
of some Tea and sugar—But cant tell you by what Vessell it will go.1
All Well. No Hopes of Peace, at least in my Mind. We must be taught to set an higher
Value upon our Liberties before We shall obtain them.
We are extreamly anxious to know the Fate and Destination of D'Estaing and Biron,
but have no News from Boston later than 5 Novr., or rather the 4, I believe. Of Clinton
and Washington We know nothing a long time.
RC (Adams Papers).
1.
“I am anxious to send a few Articles to my Family by the first Vessell that shall
go for Boston, and there is no Person at Nantes, to whom I have a better Excuse for
applying. It is to send a Cask of Bourdeaux Wine, half a Dozen Pounds of Tea and Fifty
Weight of Loaf Sugar Addressed to John Adams Esqr. Braintree near Boston, to the Care
of Isaac Smith Esq. Boston. The Claret I fancy should be such as is sent to the English
Markett.
“Captain McNeil, in the Privateer Gen. Mifflin was good enough to tell me he would
take these Things on Board his Ship, but if you can conveniently send it on Board
any other, it will be as well. If you will be so good as to take this Trouble, and
draw upon me, alone, for the Expence and your Commissions, I will very gladly discharge
your Bill upon sight.” (JA to John Daniel Schweighauser, 8 Dec. 1778, LbC, Adams Papers; see Schweighauser to JA, 12, 19 Dec., both in Adams Papers.)
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0107
Recipient: Warren, Mercy Otis
Date: 1778-12-10
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] Braintree December 10 [1778]1
Nothing but a very bad soar finger has withheld my Hand from writing to my Friend,
and telling her that I most sincerely sympathize with her in the late melancholy dispensation
of providence towards her, an Event tho not unexpected yet when we are calld to the
trial of resigning our dear Friends to the Grave Nature will recoil, and the Beleif
of a Glorious immortality can only support the anguish of a bleeding Heart, or bring
the mind quietly to submit to the allotments of Heaven.
From this and other sources you have reason for consolation. Your parent had lived
to a good old age with Honour and reputation, the recollection of his virtues will
embalm his memory to you.2
“The sweet remembrance of the just
Shall flourish when they sleep in Dust.”
Nor am I unmindfull of my Friend or less disposed to sympathize with her in an other
call which she will soon have to exert her fortitude;3 this life is well termd a checkerd state; tis wisely orderd so, since with all the
visisitudes we pass through we are still strongly attached to it. I rejoice with my
Friend that she has the best of Earthly comforts to support her, and console her,
through the painfull task to which she is call'd, there is such a cheering influence,
in the Bosom of a Friend, that those only who are deprived of it, can truly estimate
its worth.
The most Forlorn and Dismal of all states is that of widowhood. How often does my
Heart bleed at thinking how nearly my own Situation is allied to that, nor can I sometimes
refrain from wishing that the wisdom of the continent had made choise of some person
whose seperation from his partner would have been little or no pain, or mortification—many
such might have been found I dare say. Heaven can witness for me that I judge not
by my own feelings, but from the conduct of too many of my sex.
Two Letters I have had the pleasure of receiving since I saw you, the latest date
27 of August.
Never says the writer was the Spirit of a Nation higher than the French, never Nation
had more cause for Dejection than England, persons from England say that the General
opinion is that Independance will be agree'd to, but be not Deceived—it is time enough
to believe it when it is fact. He adds do not be anxious about Spain, nor { 133 } any thing else. Let us sing, O be joyfull! I fancy the writer has imbibed some of
the Spirit of the Nation from the climate, he appears to be in high Spirits.
This Letter was wrote more than ten days ago, but my finger was so bad that I could
not finish it. I now propose sending it by my Daughter who earnestly hopes to see
Plimouth tomorrow. I commit her to the care of a Friend who I hope will advise, admonish
and direct her, with the same freedom she would one of her own. Tho large in stature,
she is young in years.
My best regards to our worthy suffering Friend Mrs. Lothrope. I never see her but
she brings to my mind Shakespears
“Patience on a Monument smiling at Grief.”
Love attend Master Henery with his smileing countanance and Master George with his
Grave Senatorial face.4
You will be so good as to write often to me. I shall endeavour to fullfill my promise
whenever any thing offers worth communicating from your Sincere Friend,
[signed] Portia
2. James Otis Sr. (1702–1778) had died at Barnstable on 9 Nov.; identical obituary notices of him appeared in the
Boston Continental Journal, 12 Nov., and Boston Gazette, 16 Nov. 1778.
3. James Warren Jr. (see vol. 1:419) was about to sail as an officer of marines on board the Continental frigate Alliance, Capt. Pierre Landais; see Mrs. Warren to JA, 15 Dec. 1778 (Adams Papers; Warren-Adams Letters, 2:82).
4. Henry (1764–1828) and George (1766–1800), 4th and 5th sons of James and Mercy (Otis) Warren (Mrs. Washington A. Roebling,
Richard Warren of the Mayflower . . . , Boston, 1901, p. 28).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0108
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1778-12-10
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Decr. 10 1778
[salute] My dearest Friend
It is now my Turn to complain. Last night We had great Packetts from the Council,1 but no Line from you. If Vessells sail from Boston, within four Leagues of you, without
your Knowledge, is it to be wondered that Vessells 500 Miles from me should sail without
mine. What is more striking, altho our P[lymouth] Friend had just received a Letter from me, I have no Line from him. We are not yet
so happy, as to learn from Congress, what they have done upon foreign Affairs. { 134 } We expect Intelligence every Moment—I hope it will arrive, before the Fleet of Merchant
Vessells sails, which is going out, that I may be able to inform you, how I shall
be disposed of.
We are now inquisitive to know where Clinton is gone, and D'Estaing. It is given out
in England that Clinton is gone to Carolina. The British Fleet in Europe makes but
a poor Figure. Their Privateers have taken a great many Prizes, but the Kings ships
come off, second best.
You wish you had ventured with me—I wish you was here—no I dont, I wish I was there.
But I assure you I know not how you could have lived thro the Voyage. I often asked
myself, what should I do if a certain Lady was with me. You can have no Adequate Idea
of our Voyage.
Did I ever tell you that Governor Wentworth made me a Visit to clear up his Character.
He declared to me upon his Honour, that he never wrote the Letters that were published
in his Name, and that he never directly nor indirectly, had any Concern in Counterfeiting
Continental Bills or New Hampshire Bills, or any other Paper Money. He desired me
to let Mr. Apthorp know that he was well. I since hear, he has got a Pension of 500
a Year. A poor Pittance for a Governor to live on in London—especially with his Extravagant
Humour.2 You are studying French I hope. Oh that I had studyed it, you know when.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. One of the “great Packetts” from the Massachusetts Council was doubtless “One hundred
Copies of an Act intitled 'An Act to prevent the return to this State of certain Persons
named and described and others who have left the same and joined our inveterate and
Cruel Enemies'” (Deputy Secretary John Avery to Franklin, Lee, and JA, 23 Oct. 1778, PPAmP).
2. John Wentworth (1737–1820), JA's Harvard classmate and the last royal governor of New Hampshire, had fled to Nova
Scotia and then to England; in the preceding May JA had encountered him at the Comédie Francaise in Paris; see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:308; 4:85. At least one of “the Letters that were published in Wentworth's Name,” dated 17
Jan. 1777 at his winter quarters in Flatbush, Long Island, and directed to his sister,
has been published in full in the Provincial Papers: Documents and Records Relating to the Province of New Hampshire, Concord and Nashua, 1867–1944, 7:394–395. In publishing an extract of it in his
biographical sketch of Wentworth, Mr. Shipton has said: “Intercepted, this letter
was published throughout the United States, and did much to ruin Wentworth's reputation”
(Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 13:671). The counterfeiting charge stemmed from a published confession of a convicted
counterfeiter in the Continental Journal, 9 Oct. 1777, accusing Wentworth while in Newport, R.I., of being “the fount from
which counterfeit currency was flooding the insurgent colonies” (same).
“Mr. Apthorp” was James Apthorp (1731–1799), a Braintree loyalist who had married Sarah Wentworth, a sister of Wentworth's wife
(and cousin), Frances; see vol. 2:267, above; John Wentworth, The Wentworth Genealogy: English and American, Boston, 1878, 1:317–318, 519–520.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0109
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1778-12-13
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] December 13 [1778]1
By the alliance (a fine frigate Built in Newbury port commanded by Capt. Laundry a
Native of France2) I hope this will reach you and by her you will have a good opportunity of conveying
any thing you please to me. I have wrote so often and met with so little encouragement
by a return that if I really believed one half you wrote, reachd my Hands I should
through my pen aside as an impertinent intruder upon hours more agreably imployed.
Barns we have reason to think is either lost or taken, if Ayers has saild he may have
shared the same fate as neither of them have arrived. Two vessels lay ready to sail
from Boston by both of <whom> them I have wrote. One is called the 3 Friends Bound for Port Orient, the other goes
to Holland <I believe> where perhaps you will receive orders to go before this reaches you. I cannot say
I am gratified by the removal. The climate of France is more agreable I believe to
your Health, and I fear I shall hear from you if possible seldomer than at present,
but neither your own pleasure or satisfaction or my comfort or conveniency are to
be consulted. Those were long ago sacrificed to the publick to whom you are devoted
and wherever that service can best be p[romo]ted there it is your duty to repair, mine to acquiese—mine to attend you whenever
you think your own comfort, pleasure or satisfaction can be promoted by it, and that
I could come to you with any degree of safety. This is my wish tho I had much rather
have accompanied you than follow you.—I have enjoyed a tolerable good state of Health,
Depression of spirits I often experience from the state of anxiety in which I live.
Domestick cares some times oppress me, you have directed me to a method which will
in some measure relieve me from them. The miserable state of our currency adds to
other difficulties, a hundred Dollors will not purchase what ten formerly would, common
sugar is 200 dollors per hundred, flower 50, cider 12 pounds a Barrel, and other articles
in proportion. Taxes very high. Should I tell you that it cost me a hundred dollors
to new shingle one side of a Barn you would scarcly credit it, yet it is as true as
astonishing. Whilst I am studying frugality and oconomy, I look round me and see others
living in dissapation and greater extravagance than ever, sitting up Equipages [ . . . ]3 and dazling the world with their glare.
This year has not been a very glorious one to America. The unfortunate failure of
their Expedition against Rhoad Island shagrined, { 136 } mortified and dissapointed to such a degree that they cannot yet mention it with patience,
for they had every humane appearence of being crownd with Success and victory. Our
Arms have rather been imployed in the defensive way. Our Enemies however have nothing
to boast of since they have not gained one inch of territory more than they possessd
a year ago and are at least Philadelphia out of pocket. What the winter may produce
I know not. I wish it would give us peace but do not expect it.
In your last Letter you mention having sent some articles several times but do not
say by whom. I have not received any thing but by Capt. Tucker. There is no remittances
you can make me which will turn to a better account than Goods, more especially such
articles as I enclose a list of but I believe a ship of war is the safest conveyance
for them. Doctor Tufts son has lately sit up in Trade, whatever I receive more than
is necessary for family use I can put into his hands which will serve both him and
my-self.
I have wrote so lately and so perticuliarly that I have nothing further to add than
to request you to write by every opportunity and that with more leisure than you seem
to have done. A short Letter always give[s] one pain as well as pleasure since a few lines only from such a distance looks as
if the Friend we wrote to possessd but a small share of our attention and regard.
<All your Friends complain of you.> You should recollect that in the absence of a certain Friend all pleasures and amusements
are tasteless, all loose their relish, that I have not one left eaquel to that of
receiving from your own hand assurances [of yo]ur affection and regard—that tis the only consolation for an absence to which I know
no limits. I should be obliged to you if you would mention the dates of Letters you
receive from your affectionate
[signed] Portia
Dft (Adams Papers). Enclosed list of articles desired by AA not found.
1. The year has been supplied on the basis of internal evidence; see note 2. The missing RC was in all likelihood dated 15 Dec., for in his letter to AA of 13 Feb. 1779, below, JA acknowledged a letter from her of that date, brought to France by Lafayette, which,
from its allusions, clearly seems to have been a version of the present text.
2. The new 36-gun Continental frigate Alliance sailed from Boston before the middle of Jan. 1779 and arrived at Brest on 6 Feb.;
one of her passengers was Lafayette (Dict. Amer. Fighting Ships). Her commanding officer was Pierre Landais, concerning whose controversial naval
career and whose relations with the Adamses see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:366 and passim.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0110
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1778-12-15
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] December 15 1778
[salute] My dear Son
I have a very bad soar finger and it pains me to write, yet a few lines I must write
to my dear son to tell him that he is never forgotton by his Mamma, tho he does not
receive a Letter every time his pappa does.
Many Letters to and from you are lost I make no doubt or I should certainly hear oftner.
Barns by whom you say you wrote a very long Letter has not arrived and is supposed
to be lost or taken. The 27 of August is the Latest date I have received from your
pappa, and that was brought by Mr. Ingersol.
There is no present half so acceptable as Letters from my dear absent Friends. I long
for them with an impatience that I find difficult to restrain. You have been very
good in writing, but are not so perticular as I wish you was.
Your Sister and Brothers are well and have lately wrote to you,1 your Grandpapa and Grandmamma are well and desire to be rememberd to you. Let Stevens
know that his Friends are well, and that he has a son about 6 weeks old, suppose his
conscience will tell him who the Mother is.
Nothing New has taken place with us since the French Fleet saild, except a British
ship the Somerset, being wrecked upon the cape. The capt[ain] and most of the Men were saved and are prisoners. The Guns were saved and many other
valuable Effects.
It has been a very tempestous fall, many of the severest storms I ever knew, and a
very cold winter threatens us. The climate of France is more temperate than that of
America. Your sister longs to make a voyage there, if she was of the other sex I should
encourage her, and perhaps send her in the New frigate call'd the Alliance which will
bring this to you. Gen'll. Warrens son is Lieut. of Marines on Board, and I have heard
the Marquiss Fayet designs going home in her if he leaves America her Blessing will
follow him,2 for he is much Esteemed here, and may he reap in his own country the Lawrels he has
merritted here.
[salute] I am my dear Son with affection and regard your Mamma,
[signed] Abigail Adams
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0111
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1778-12-18
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Decr. 18 1778
This Moment I had, what shall I say? the Pleasure or the pain of your Letter of 25
of Octr. As a Letter from my dearest Freind it gave me a pleasure that it would be
in vain to attempt to describe: but the Complaints in it gave me more pain than I
can express—this is the third Letter I have recd. in this complaining style. the former
two I have not answer'd.—I had Endeavour'd to answer them.—I have wrote several answers,
but upon a review, they appear'd to be such I could not send. One was angry, another
was full of Greif, and the third with Melancholy, so that I burnt them all.1—if you write me in this style I shall leave of writing intirely, it kills me. Can
Professions of Esteem be Wanting from me to you? Can Protestation of affection be
necessary? can tokens of Remembrance be desir'd? The very Idea of this sickens me.
Am I not wretched Enough, in this Banishment, without this. What Course shall I take
to convince you that my Heart is warm? you doubt, it seems.—shall I declare it? shall
I swear to it?—Would you doubt it the less?—And is it possible you should doubt it?
I know it is not?—If I could once believe it possible, I cannot answer for the Consequences.—But
I beg you would never more write to me in such a strain for it really makes me unhappy.
Be assured that no time nor place, can change my heart: but that I think so often
& so much, of the Blessings from which I am seperated as to be too unmindful of those
who accompany me, & that I write to you so often as my Duty will permit.
I am extremely obliged to the Comte D'Estaing and his officers for their Politeness
to you, and am very Glad you have had an opportunity, of seing so much of the french
Nation. The accounts from all hands agree that there was an agreable intercourse,
& happy harmony upon the whole between the inhabitants and the Fleet, the more this
Nation is known, & the more their Language is understood, the more narrow Prejudices
will wear away. British Fleet and Armys, are very different from theirs. in Point
of Temperance and Politeness there is no Comparison.
This is not a correct Copy, but you will pardon it, because it is done by an Hand
as dear to you as to your
[signed] John Adams
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0112
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1778-12-26
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Decr. 26 1778
[salute] Hon'd Mamma
it is now with Great Pleasure that I now sit down to write to you & many a time since
I came here I have done the same though you say in several Letters that [i.e. to] My Pappa that you have not rec'd but two or three Letters from My Pappa or me but
Pappa rec'd a Letter from Uncle Smith Dated November the 3th1 in which he says that he had taken a Number of Letters for the family Yours have
been pretty lucky but I have not rec'd but 2 Letters from you however My Pappa has
rec'd several from you in which you complain'd a great deal of my Pappa's not writing
to you but be assured that it is not that for he has wrote a great number of Letters
to you & I have given you once a Long history of my Voyage2 which I will do another opportunity for at Present it would be too long & I am in
a hurry & so I must Leave you for this time. I am with every sentiment of Esteem &
respects your dutiful son
[signed] John Quincy Adams
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0113
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1778-12-27
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Sunday Evening December 27 1778
How lonely are my days? How solitary are my Nights? Secluded from all Society but
my two Little Boys, and my domesticks, by the Mountains of snow which surround me
I could almost fancy myself in Greenland. We have had four of the coldest Days I ever
knew, and they were followed by the severest snow storm I ever remember, the wind
blowing like a Hurricane for 15 or 20 hours renderd it imposible for Man or Beast
to live abroad, and has blocked up the roads so that they are impassible.
A week ago I parted with my Daughter at the request of our P[lymout]h Friends to spend a month with them, so that I am solitary indeed.
{ 140 } Can the best of Friends recollect that for 14 years past, I have not spent a whole
winter alone. Some part of the Dismal Season has heretofore been Mitigated and Softned
by the Social converse and participation of the Friend of my youth.
How insupportable the Idea that 3000 leigues, and the vast ocean now devide us—but
devide only our persons for the Heart of my Friend is in the Bosom of his partner.
More than half a score years has so rivetted it there, that the Fabrick which contains
it must crumble into Dust, e'er the particles can be seperated.
“For in one fate, our Hearts our fortunes
And our Beings blend.”
I cannot discribe to you How much I was affected the other day with a Scotch song
which was sung to me by a young Lady in order to divert a Melancholy hour, but it
had a quite different Effect, and the Native Simplicity of it, had all the power of
a well wrought Tradidy [tragedy]. When I could conquer my Sensibility I beg'd the song, and Master Charles has learnt
it and consoles his Mamma by singing it to her. I will enclose it to you. It has Beauties
in it to me, which an indifferent person would not feel perhaps—
How oft has my Heart danced to the sound of that Musick?
Gracious Heaven hear and answer my daily petition, “by banishing all my Grief.”
His very foot has Musick in't,
As he comes up the stairs.
And shall I see his face again?
And shall I hear him speak?
I am sometimes quite discouraged from writing. So many vessels are taken, that there
is Little chance of a Letters reaching your Hands. That I meet with so few returns
is a circumstance that lies heavy at my Heart. If this finds its way to you, it will
go by the Alliance. By her I have wrote before, she has not yet saild, and I love
to amuse myself with my pen, and pour out some of the tender sentiments of a Heart
over flowing with affection, not for the Eye of a cruel Enemy who no doubt would ridicule
every Humane and Social Sentiment long ago grown Callous to the finer sensibilities—but
for the sympathetick Heart that Beats in unison with
[signed] Portias
PS I beleive Mr. Blodget the Bearer of this1 will have a Bill upon you, in favour of yours.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Portia Decr. 27. 1778.”
1. Nathan Blodget, purser of the Alliance; see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:372–373. See, further, AA to JA, 2 Jan. 1779, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0114
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1778-12-27
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Decr. 271 1778
[salute] My dearest Friend
Mr. Greenleaf is about to set off, towards Nantes and from thence to Boston.
Last Night, I walked to Paris and saw the Illumination for the Birth of the Princess
Maria Theresa Charlotta,2 Fille du Roi—Splendid indeed. My little Friend who was with me will write you a Description
of it. The Military school, the Hospital of Invalids and the Palace of Bourbon, were
beautiful and sublime indeed, as much so as an Illumination can be. I could scarcely
have conceived that an Illumination could have such an Effect. I suppose the Expence
of this is a Million of Livres. As much as I respect this Country, particularly the
King and Royal Family I could not help reflecting how many Families, in another Country
would this Tallow make happy for Life, how many Privateers would this Tallow fit out,
for chasing away the Jerseymen and making Reprisals on Messrs. Les Anglois.—But Taste
will have its Way in this Country.
The Queen and her illustrious Infant are very well, and this Nation is very happy
to have discovered a Way, by which a Dauphin may come to them next Year, or the Year
after.
The K[ing] and Q[ueen] are greatly beloved here—every day shews fresh Proofs of it.
On the other side the Channel there is a King, who is in a fair Way to be the object
of opposite sentiments, to a Nation, if he is not at present.
If Keppell should be destroyed in Life or Reputation, I shall expect to hear that
all Restraints are taken off, and Passions allowed to sport themselves without Reserve.
Keppell told the King he would not fight against America—an unpardonable offence.
He will be ruined if possible.3 However I think that Keppell was wrong even to accept a Command against the French.
If B[ritain] is wrong in this War against America, she is wrong in that vs. the French, for France
and America have the same Object in View and no other. France is right if America
is right, because France only assisted the American Cause for which John Bull abused
and fought her. But John will come off wretchedly. He will be beat. He has been beat.
There have been more British Men { 142 } of War already taken and destroyed, than they lost in two former War[s], and more sailors Prisoners.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Corrected from “26” by overwriting.
2. Marie Thérèse Charlotte (1778–1851), “Madame Royale,” eldest child of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette; in 1799 she married
her Bourbon cousin the Duc d'Angoulême (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale).
3. Admiral Keppel was about to be court-martialed on charges by his subordinate officer
Sir Hugh Palliser. The trial had profound political implications because Keppel was
a whig and Palliser a supporter of the administration. The court completely exonerated
Keppel. See DNB under both names; also JQA to AA, 16 Feb. 1779, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0115
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1778-12-30
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Decr. 30 1778
[salute] My dearest Friend
We wait and wait and wait forever, without any News from America. We get nothing but
what comes from England and to other People here and they make it as they please.
We have had nothing from Congress an immense while. Every Merchant and every Merchants
Apprentice, has Letters and News when I have none.
In Truth I have been so long from Boston that every Body there almost has forgot me.—I
have expected every Moment for almost two Months my Recall.
Carlisle, Cornwallis and Eden are arrived in England, but bring no good News, for
the English, or we should have had it, in the Gazette.
The two Houses of Parliament, join Ministry and Commissioners in threatning Fire and
sword. They seem to think it necessary to threaten most when they can do least. They
however shew their Disposition which they will indulge and gratify if they can.
But be not dismayed. They can do no great Things. Patience, Perseverance and Firmness,
will overcome all our Difficulties.
Where the C. D'Estaing is, is a great Mystery. The greater the better. The English
fancy he is returning to Europe. But We believe he is gone where he will do something.
The English reproach the French with Gasconade. But they never gasconaded as the English
do now.
I suppose they will say as Burgoigne did, Speak Daggers but use none. But I believe
however that they and he would use them if they could. Of all the Wrong Heads, Johnstone
is the most consummate.1 The Tories at New York and Philadelphia have filled his Head with a Million Lyes.
He seems to have taken a N. York Newspaper for holy Writ.
{ 143 } Parliament is adjourned to the 14th. January.
Of this you may be assured that England can get no Allies.—The new Secretary at War
makes a vast Parade of the Number of Men in their service by Sea and Land. But it
is a mere Delusion.
They intend to bingyfy2 Keppell, to all Appearance. But killing him will not mend rotten ships nor make sailors.
I dined to day at the Dutchess D'Anvilles. When I saw the Companies of Militia on
their March to fight her Husband I did not expect this. Did you?3
RC (Adams Papers).
3. This allusion is explained in JA's Diary and Autobiography, 4:42. The Duchesse d'Anville was the widow of the Due d'Anville (or Enville) who had in
1746 “commanded a kind of Armada against Us” that had greatly frightened New Englanders.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0116
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1778-12-31
William Smith to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Boston 31st Decr. 1778
I have inclos'd two hundred & thirty six Dollars. The amount of the bills was £100.
16. The Cask of Wine gaug'd 30 Gallons. Deducting the £30 you desir'd leaves the sum
inclos'd. I shou'd have sent it before, but have not had any oppertunity till the
present. Mr. S. Bradford has sent you a Billet1 by Mr. Gannet. He sails next Sunday for France in the Alliance, if you have any letters
to send to Mr. Adams he will take the charge of them. If I had know[n] that you wou'd have dispos'd of the £100 bill for paper I shou'd have likt to have
had it.2
[salute] We have nothing new here. I remain your affectionate Couzin,
[signed] Wm. Smith
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0117
Recipient: Cranch, Elizabeth
Recipient: Norton, Elizabeth Cranch
Date: 1779-01-01
Abigail Adams 2d to Elizabeth Cranch
[dateline] Plymouth jan 1 17791
[salute] My Dear Friend
I take my pen to perform my promice of writing to you and to wish you a happy new
year may heaven pour down those blessings upon you that will make this life agreable
{ 144 } this is an unsertain World we know not what a day may bringh forth & when we think
we are in the utmost dainger we may be in the least
Mrs. Waren has lately had a severe trial of her fortitude A Son as it ware raisd from
the arms of death in that voielent Storm of last saturday her Son Charles2 was no more than a mile from the shore comeing from Boston in a little sloop expecting
every moment to go to the Bottom, but surpriseingly his Life was spaird and he arived
safe on his native shore on sunday Morning:
In the same storm the Brig General Annould belonging to Col. Sears and Company wrect
and seventy Men frose to death there never was so mallonclery an event took place
in this harbour before—we have heard of other damages.3
I belive this letter will give you the dumps if you are free from them when you receive
it—
I dont know whether this will find you at Braintree Germantown or Boston if you are
at Germantown I suppose you are very happy in the company of that Worthy family4 a letter from either place will [be] very accepttable to your Sincere Friend
[signed] Mercella5
PS in some future letter I shall give you some account of the white chaimber the sun
is now shineing into it & looks very pleasant
1.
“Your pretty Daughter is here on a Winter's Visit to Mrs. Warren. She is very well,
and wont own that she is not happy” (James Warren to JA, Plymouth, 1 Jan. 1779, Adams Papers).
2. Charles Warren (1762–1785), Harvard 1782, 3d son of James and Mercy (Otis) Warren (Mrs. Washington A. Roebling,
Richard Warren of the Mayflower, Boston, 1901, p. 28).
3.
“On Friday the 25th ult. at 6 A.M. the Wind to the Westward, sailed from this Port the Brig General Arnold, James Magee,
Commander; and about Meridian the Wind chop'd round to N.E. and looking likely for
a Gale, they thought best to put into plymouth, and came to Anchor in a Place called the Cow Yard. On Saturday the Gale encreasing,
she started from her Anchor, and stuck on the White Flatt; they then cut both Cables
and Masts away, in Hopes to drive over, but she immediately bilged; it being low Water,
left her Quarter-Deck dry, where all Hands got for Relief. A Schooner lying within
Hail, heard their Cries, but could not assist them. On Sunday the Inhabitants were
cutting Ice most of the Day before they got on board, when they saw 75 of the Men
had perished, and 34 very much froze, which they got on Shore; and on Monday they
got on Shore and buried the dead. Great Part of her Stores, &c. will be saved.—Some
evil-minded Persons have raised a Report that she was plundered by the Inhabitants,
which is entirely false, as they behaved with the greatest Humanity.” (Boston Gazette, 4 Jan. 1779, p. 3, col. 2.)
4. Presumably the Joseph Palmer family at Friendship Hall.
5. In adopting fanciful names for their girlish correspondence AA2 and her cousin Elizabeth Cranch (“Myrtilla”), later Mrs. Jacob Norton, followed the
{ 145 } practice of their elders twenty years or so earlier. Some of the persons mentioned
under poetical names in the extended series of letters between them during the following
decade (of which AA2's are now in the Cranch Papers but Miss Cranch's are lost) cannot now be identified.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0118
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-01-01
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Jany. 1. 1779
I wish you an happy new Year, and many happy Years—and all the Blessings of Life.
Who knows but this Year may be more prosperous for our Country than any We have seen.
For my own Part I have hopes that it will. Great Blessings are in store for it, and
they may come this Year as well as another. You and I however must prepare our Minds
to enjoy the Prosperity of others not our own. In Poverty and Symplicity, We shall
be happy, whenever our Country is so. Johnny sends Duty. Mr. Williams waits—I knew
of his going but this Moment.1—I think I shall see you this Year, in spight of British Men of War. If it should
be otherwise ordered, however, we must submit.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Jonathan Williams, Franklin's grandnephew, often called Jonathan Williams Jr., had
been at Passy planning a voyage to America, but at Nantes on 12 Jan. he informed Franklin
that the loss of a vessel had altered his plans (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:228; Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 2:6).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0119
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1779-01-02
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Janry. 2 1779
[salute] My Dearest Friend
You have directed me to draw Bills upon you for what Money I want, and add, that if
my Bills are scrupled, to get them indorsed. I thank you sir, but I have no occasion
for an indorser. My credit will last here; till it fails upon the other side of the
water, I should find no difficulty in selling many more Bills than you would chuse
to pay. I have had various applications to me for Bills, but not a single six pence
can I get of substantial coin. That is kept up as choise as the life Blood; if our
currency was two weeks together upon the same footing, I should not so much regard
receiving it for Bills. Merchants do not care to buy small Bills, and if I draw for
more than I have immediate use for, it sinks in my hands.
Remittances made in goods, provided it could be done with any safety, will fetch hard
Money, or may be parted with as occasion requires. Every article either of Merchandise
or provision has been rising for this Month. I had occasion for a Sum of Money to
discharge { 146 } my last years accounts and to provide some family stores, which has obliged me to
draw a Bill upon you in favour of Mr. Blodget who is in the Alliance, to the amount
of a 100 pounds which added to the Bill I drew in favour of Smith and Codman amounts
to 2 hundred pounds Lawfull Money.
I hope you will not think me extravagant, I could account for the expenditure of every
shilling to your satisfaction; I will give you one instance of prices here. Yesterday
I gave 12 pounds Lawfull Money for one pound of Bohea tea and 14 pounds of ordinary
brown sugar. Our crops were so cut of by the drought, and distroyed by the Storm,
that 23 Bushels of corn is the sum total of my last years crop. Not a single Barrel
of cider was made upon the Farm. I do not exaggerate when I say that 100 and hundreds
of families have not a mouth full of Bread to eat. Grain is not to be had at any rate
in this State and the Embargoes of other States, has hitherto prevented any supplies.
My determination was, that the Bills I had already drawn should answer all the purposes
of the last year; but last Night Mr. Williams the Bearer of this Letter,1 and your former pupil, applied to me for a Bill in his favour, but I declined, as
I had lately made so large a Draught, and had paper sufficent for all my present Demands.
He then offerd me ten guineas if I would draw a Bill for them. As I knew I should
be no loser by having hard money in my Hands I consented to draw for that, and have
accordingly given him a Bill. Both my unkle and Genll. W[arre]n had been trying a month for me, but not a shining morsal could they procure for
me, nor will they give near so much in paper as dollors sell for, which I think a
very great hardship. If on any occasion I should be offerd gold and silver for Bills
I shall venture to draw, but will not exceed 2 hundred Lawfull Money yearly if I can
posibly avoid it—and if I should receive the articles you say you have orderd for
me, I may not perhaps have occasion for near that Sum. I have given to Mr. Williams
a List of articles2 nearly the same which I have sent to you and if you give him leave, he will purchase
and convey them to me, he has also promised to take perticular care to convey any
Letters you may wish to send from time to time. The publick packet in which Capt.
Ayers went to France arrived at Cape Ann, and was in the most voilent Storm ever known
here, drove ashore, happily no one perish'd. Capt. Ober who I find now commands her,
has not got to Boston yet. I expect Letters by him—what shall I attribute it to if
I have not? My dissapointment will be great, yet should their be a paper addressed
to me, and enclosed should I find what may properly be termd a Letter, my agreable
dissapointment will be great { 147 } indeed. Surely I have been the most unfortunate person in the world, to loose every Letter you have wrote me since your absence, and to receive only a few lines at various
times wrote in the greatest haste, containing only the state of your Health, perhaps
making mention of your Son and Servant and then concluding abruptly yours.
I determine very soon to coppy and adopt the very concise method of my Friend—and as I wish to do every thing agreable to him, send him Billits
containing not more than a dozen lines at the utmost Especially as paper has grown
so dear, which will afford some coulour of an excuse to his most affectionate
[signed] Portia
PS Mr. Williams goes in the vessel calld the 3 Friends. I wrote Letters by her a month
ago and supposed she was gone. My Love to my Son he will find letters for him on board
the same vessel.3
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “Honble: John Adams Esqr. Commissioner of the
United States of America at Passi near Paris. Pr. favor of Mr. J. Williams”; endorsed:
“Portia Jan. 2. 1779 ansd. Feb. 19. 1779.”
1. Not, of course, the “Mr. Williams” mentioned in the preceding letter, but a young
Boston relative of his who bore the same name, Jonathan Williams, and who has been
identified at vol. 1:123, above. He was on his way to France, where he arrived in mid-February, partly to
improve his health (see Williams to JA, 16 Feb. 1779, Adams Papers), but he died in 1780; see Thaxter to JA, 7 Aug. 1780, below.
2. List not found.
3. These letters are not clearly identifiable and were presumably lost.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0120
Recipient: Lovell, James
Date: 1779-01-04
Abigail Adams to James Lovell
[dateline] Janry. 4 1779
[salute] Dear Sir
May I be permitted to call of your attention from the important and weighty concerns
of State to answer me a Question in which I feel myself interested. I find by some
late intelligence which I have collected that there is a New arrangement of the commissioners,
Doctor Franklin being appointed Minister plenipotentiary for France, Mr. Lee for Spain.
My query is where is my Friend to be placed?
I would fain hope not at a greater Distance than he is at present. The publick service
may require a removal, to that service he is devoted, and must attend it where ever
it can best be promoted, whilst I must endeavour to act the part allotted to my Sex—patience
and submission—a Lesson I ought to be well versed in since I have been so often call'd
to the Exercise of it.
I wish to know if any vessels have arrived at the Southard from France by which you
have received Letters from my Friend. This day { 148 } compleats 10 months since he left his own habitation,1 during the whole of this time I have heard from him only 5 times, his last date 27
of August near four months ago.2 This is a painfull situation and my patience is sometimes nearly exhausted; I should
complain more but that I am conscious I am writing to a Gentleman who lives in the
continual practise of mortification and self denial, having already been absent from
his family near two years, tho the frequent intercourse by Letters must greatly lessen
the pains of absence.
<If my Friend should be removed from France it is not likely that I should be able
to hear even so often as I have done. The climate is perticularly agreable to his
Health and the Manners of the people greatly changed for the better during the present
Reign, and their Sentiments both in Religion and politicks are much more liberal than
they formerly were).3>
Since Mr. T[haxte]r left Philadelphia I have scarcly seen a publick paper, or known any thing that has
past in the Capital of America, as it is termd but why I know not unless the residence of your high Mightinesses
there should make it so. Some of the Mighty ones of the Earth appear to be at varience
and tell sad stories of each other. The publick will not sit down easy from the present
disposition which appears among them unless an Eclarismong takes place with regard
to the charges exhibited by Mr. Dean. Surely he would not have advanced such articles
as he has unless he had the proofs in his Hand's.4
It is a very great misfortune that persons imployd in the most important Departments
should be at varience with each other, or should have seperate interests from the
publick whom they profess to serve. Ceasars wife ought not to be suspected.
Am I entitled to the journals of Congress, if you think so I should be much obliged
to you if you would convey them to me.
I want to be resolved in an other question, what shall we do with our currency? I
fear it will be a Hurculean labour to extricate it out of its present forlorn condition.
There is a universal uneasiness with regard to it and some are speculating one project,
some another.
If the Embargo should cease this month Mr. L[ovel]l will not be unmindfull of his assured Friend and Humble Servant,5
[signed] Portia
Dft (Adams Papers); at head of text in JQA's hand: “to James Lovell Philadelphia.” Composed several weeks earlier than the date
it bears; see notes 1 and 2.
1. Although JA left Braintree for France on 13 Feb., AA's phrase “10 months” is not so much a mistake as an indication that she actually
wrote this { 149 } draft on or about 13 Dec. 1778. She must have affixed to it the date of 4 Jan. when
she copied out and sent the (missing) RC to Lovell, but she failed to update this reference in the draft. Lovell's answer
of 19 Jan., below, shows that RC was dated 4 Jan. and that she corrected its text to read “near 11 months.”
4. Silas Deane's combined defense of his conduct in France and counterattack on Arthur
Lee, entitled “To the Free and Virtuous Citizens of America,” had been printed in
the Pennsylvania Packet on 5 Dec. and was reprinted in all the Boston papers early in January. This was the
first in a proposed series of articles, but it proved such a bombshell that no more
were published. JA was unwillingly but inevitably drawn into the bitter and protracted Deane-Lee feud
and was profoundly distressed by Deane's publication when it reached France, declaring
on 8 Feb. that there appeared to him “no Alternative left but the Ruin of Mr. Deane,
or the Ruin of his Country.” See JA to AA, 9 Feb., below, and JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:345–351.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0121
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-01-18
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Jany. 18. 1779
[salute] My dearest Friend
A Gentleman, Mr. Boardman of Newbury Port,1 is going, and by him I send you a few Lines.
In England nothing is talked of, but Admiral Keppell, whom they are daily trying by
a Court Martial. His Defence, I suppose is our security, viz. the shattered Condition
of their Navy.
They are almost ripe for cutting each others Throats to all Appearance, yet they are
about sending Reinforcements to America. But they cant send many.
Here, they are silently preparing for your Assistance. Patience and Perseverance,
will finally obtain what We wish.
I am quite unwell, with one of my violent Colds. But I walk ten miles a day to cure
it.
I never was so embarrassed, in writing to you in my Life. I never know what security
I have against appearing in the News Papers, and I assure you I dont wish to see any
more of my Love Letters there.2
I have been here in a State of total Suspence and Uncertainty, these three Months.
Not one Word can We get from Congress. No News here from the Comte3 since his Departure from Boston.
RC (Adams Papers).
2. An allusion to his letter to AA of 24 July 1775, intercepted and published by the British; see text and notes at vol. 1:255–258, above.
3. Admiral d'Estaing.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0122
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-01-19
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Jany. 19. 1779
[salute] My dearest
I can only tell you that I am not well. A bad Cold only. The others are all well.
Not a Word of News from any Part. None from America a long time, i.e. since Mr. Cheever
and Sears sailed. None from Congress this Age. Mr. Gridley, Cheever and Sears, brought
me only a Line from your Uncle and a Duplicate from Mr. Cushing. These I answered
before.1
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. Adams.”
1. The letter from AA's uncle, Isaac Smith Sr., 9 Nov. 1778, is printed above; no answer has been found. Thomas Cushing's letter, “a Duplicate”
dated 21–28 Oct. 1778, is in Adams Papers; JA replied in a letter of 8 Dec. 1778 (NhD).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0123
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-01-19
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Jan. 19. 1779
Yes, lovely Portia, you have written to one “who lives in the continual practice of
mortification and self denial,” who therefore can and does most “feelingly commiserate
your situation.”
I am pleased when You speak of my disinterested attachment to the public weal: for, I know you judge from Sensibilities to which the herd of worldlings are intire strangers. They would stare at your opinion, and gravely ask “what Fortune does he sacrifice.”
I fear not, from you, the tax of vanity when I hope my example may tend to strengthen your Patience. I will fortify my own by looking up to your
dearest Friend, whom even the worldling will own to be a striking pattern.
You say 'tis near 11 months since he left Braintree. I find myself relieved by that
period from a certain anxiety, which was founded on my tenderness towards your dear
Sex that Mr. A's rigid patriotism had overcome. He used, in that Spirit, to contemplate with pleasure, a circumstance
in you, the like of which in Mrs. L[ovell] aggravated my absence from home, exceedingly. In spight therefore of his past reproofs
to me, I will take pleasure in your Escape.
{ 151 } You may be assured, dear Lady, that not a line for you has arrived here, or any thing
material to the public under your Husband's hand, or I should have communicated both
the one, and the other so far as proper, to you speedily.
From the minutes now on my table, I can only mention the Receipt of short letters
from him of Apr. 28.1 Aug. 12. 14. 21. Before I seal, I shall be in the Secretary's office, and will add
other dates, if I find them. Personally, I have not had a single line of answer, tho
my almanac proves I have written 16 or 18 times to him. He is right in his short letters: The quarrels of others are as fiery Beacons to his prudence.
I am sorry you do not see all the papers from this quarter. The vanity of a late Envoy
will work its own destruction. His chief antagonist here, tho indiscreet at times,
is an overmatch for him in the scribling way.2 The Lees are men of Probity as well as Science; and the advantage of speaking of them behind their backs will
not turn out so great as was at first hoped by the Innuendo-Man; so R. H. Lee quaintly terms Mr. D[eane].
Arthur Lee has no Commission but what Mr. Adams helped to give him 18. Months ago.
There is no particular destination yet made of Mr. A——, but there will be, shortly.
I think Party can hurl no Dart against his Honor.
I will communicate to you from time to time any decision interesting to you.
As to our money; 'Till we get a foreign Loan, we can only patch and patch. There is
a prospect of our succeeding in Holland. Our Cause gains strength there daily.
I do not think I shall soon be able to help you to flour. But my wishes are on constant
watch.
You do not mention the Receipt of either a Scrawl from me of Novr. 14 or a Box sent
by one Lusher who is returned hither, though I have not seen him.
As to Mr. Thaxter, I begin to suspect whether I was ever civil to him for one moment.
He has never wrote me a single line or sent me a verbal message of Direction where
I am to find my Saddle-Bags which I lent him. “There is nothing new under the Sun.”
Why then should I be astonished on this Occasion?
“Past 12 o Clock, and a rainy Morning” says the watchman under my Window. Taking his
hint, and quitting, for the present, my Converse with Virtue, Sense and Beauty, shall I not find, on my pillow, a Repose sweet as that of a cradled Infant? or,
if Fancy will maintain { 152 } her domination jointly with Morpheus, shall I not realize the Slumbers of the Arcadians,
and, therein, know myself yr. affectionate Friend,
[signed] JL.
P.S. I find Aug. 27. Sepr. 11th.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Probably a mistake for 25 April 1778. If so, all of the letters from JA to Congress listed here and in Lovell's postscript have been located in some version
or other except that of 12 Aug. 1778.
2. Thomas Paine, who under his famous pen name “Common Sense” vigorously answered Deane
and Deane's defenders in a series of communications to the Pennsylvania Packet, 15, 29, 31 Dec. 1778, and 2, 5, 7, 9 Jan. 1779. These are reprinted in the Deane Papers, 3:86–100, 133–136, 209–239. As a result, through the direct intervention of Gérard,
the French minister in Philadelphia, Paine lost his post as secretary to the Committee
for Foreign Affairs; see same, p. 246–259.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0124
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-01-19
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Jan. 19 1779
I Intended writing my Friend Mrs. Adams when Mr. Thaxter Returned but dare say he
Gave you a satisfactory Reason why I did not, since which many matters have taken
up my time. The Bussy and the Gloomy scenes have Alternately played before me and
Commanded my Attention almost Ever since I left your house with a Heart full of anxiety.
I saw my Father no more as my Foreboding Heart presaged. He Breathed his Last sigh
And bid Adieu to mortality before I Reached His now Desolate Mansion.
Why was this such a painful Circumstance to me. How Inconsistent, how Irrational are
our Wishes. When the saint is on the Threshold of Eternity And His Lord has Commissioned
a Messenger to Release him from his Labour, and Bestow the Reward shall we wish a
Moments Detention, that we may be permited the painful, the Terefying satisfaction
of standing by His Couch, while the trembling Soul is taking Leave of Its shattered
tenement, and is looking abroad, amidst the Dark, profound, Etheriel oeconimy, for
a New and more permenent Habitation.
My Excellent parent had Long done his Work, and was patiently waiting this important
Change. He longed to Depart and to be with Christ, and to unite his song of praise
with the seperate spirit of one whose Life was such that her Children Could not be
forgiven if they did not Arise and Call her Blessed, so long as Memory is lent them.
Forgive the Fond overflowings of Fillial affection, and I will lead { 153 } you from a subject so unpolite to a more Fashionable theme, to the Disputes of polititions
and statsmen. There if any where is Developed the Dark Windings of the Human Heart.
How often when they have involved themselves in Guilt, do they send a Hue and Cry
for justice to overtake such as are about to Detect them. Perhaps we may soon see
the Methods taken to Exculpate the knave1 were the best Means of Bringing to Light the knavery: and had the Former been silent,
the odium of the Latter might have been fixed where it was not due, but by opening
a Door for a strict scrutiny I hope truth will be Discovered And punishment and Disgrace
will Rest where it ought.
If your Little Good Girl is unhappy she Conceals it from me, for she smiles as if
she Enjoyed herself and says plimouth is as pleasant as Either Boston or Braintree.
I shall Endeavour to keep her in that sentiment as Long as I Can.
If you hear anything from France we are not so immersed in our own Happiness but what
she and I Can Listen with pleasure. Nor would Inteligence from any other quarter be
unentertaining handed forward by your pen.
Make my Regards to Mr. Thaxter and to all other Braintree Friends. I will not write
what I think of this young Gentleman, but when I see you I will tell you.
It gives me pleasure in such a day as this when Vice is strengthened by Fashion, and
Crimes are softned by the appelation of Taste to see any Coming on the stage of action who have understanding and Virtue sufficient
to Dare to be Good. But this may be one of the Antiquated Whims of Your undisguized
Friend,
[signed] Marcia Warren
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0125
Recipient: Warren, Mercy Otis
Date: 1779-01-22
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] [Braintree, post 22 January 1779]1
Your favour by Col. Henly was deliverd me by the Hand of that gentleman. I had been
some time expecting to hear from you by your own worthy partner and not seeing him
this way gave me some anxiety least he was unwell. But as you did not mention it,
and by inquiry of Col. H——I could not find that any thing was the Mater so I set it
{ 154 } down to the miserly disposition of my Friend who having got intire possession of her
treasure was for securing it wholy to herself, unwilling to impart it to an ungratefull
world who tho they had formerly reapd advantages and benifits from the improvement
of it, had turnd their attention and Applause to the empty vain Bauble which glitters
for a while but is destitute of that intrinsick value which defies the tooth of time.
Forgive me if I sometimes am envious—envious I will not call it since I am sure I
do not wish the diminution of any ones happiness—only that I possessd an eaquel share
of domestick felicity. My Ideas do not coincide with those who recommend a seperation
as necessary to revive the Langour of the most intimate of unions. Those who feel
that langour may willingly apply the remedy and find a substitute, but no substitute
can fill up the vacancy in my happiness, or supply to me the absence of him who has
all my Heart.
I ask not excuse for such sentiments as I know you can join in, nor need my Friend
have apoligised for the overflowings of Filial affections to one who has experienced
the last sad farewell of one of the best of parents. How much more painfull would
the retrospect appear had crimes embitterd their remembrance. May their virtues desend
and adorn their children even unto the 3 and fourth generation.
My daughter I dare say is happy and content, was she otherways I should have no opinion
of her judgment or taste. When I sent her to you I supposed you would have been for
the most part alone and did not know but her company might in some measure elude2 the lonely hour. In return I knew she would reap advantages from residing with a
Lady she could not fail of loving and respecting, but as you are determined to keep
more valuable company, I suppose I may call for her in a few weeks.
The conduct of a certain gentleman has roused the attention of the publick. He has
stired up a nest which will sting him till he bleads. Tis unhappy that in the Infancy
of our republicks such unworthy characters should stain our Anals and Lessen us in
the Eyes of foreign powers. Yet this will ever be the case where self Interest is
more powerfull than publick virtue. When the path of rectitude is forsaken, the mind
is soon bewilderd in error and when men leave honesty wisdom forsakes them.
I hope the dark scene will be develloped and the indignation of an abused people fall
where it ought.
You call for News from France. With pleasure I would give you any intelligance I could
obtain, but alass there is a wide ocean betwen, { 155 } and my Heart sickens when I recollect what a long period has elapsed since I received
the least consolation from thence. May I ask the ready pen of my Friend to indulge
me with a few lines from Parnassus upon the Anniversary of a very Melancholy day to
me, which will always be more peculiarly devoted to my absent Friend, till the happy
one arrives which shall give him back to me again.
I sympathize with my Friend that she is again and so soon call'd to mourn a departed
relative cut of in the midst of her days, witherd in her Bloom at a time when the
young charge require the maternal watchfulness and precepts.3 This is a much more trying Dispensation than resigning those who according to the
course of Nature have done the work assignd them and like a shock of corn are gathered.
As those we love decay, we dye in part
String after string is sever'd from the Heart
Till loosen'd life, at last but breathing clay
Without one pang is glad to fall away,
Unhappy those, who latest feel the blow
Whose Eyes have wept o'er every Friend laid low,
Drag'd ling'ring on from partial Death to Death
Till, dying, all they can resign is Breath.
At a late hour I must bid a good Night to Marcia and close her affectionate
[signed] Portia
Dft (Adams Papers); at head of text in CFA's hand: “Mrs. Warren Jan 1779.” At the beginning of the third page of this four-page
MS, AA had begun, and later scratched out, an undated draft letter to an unnamed correspondent:
“Sir As you are determined to return to your native land again permit me Sir to address
you tho personally unknown to you [sentence unfinished].” One may guess that she was addressing a loyalist, but the editors cannot identify
him, and presumably she never finished or sent the letter.
1. The death of Elizabeth (Gray) Otis, spoken of in this letter, occurred on 22 Jan.
1779 (see note 3). AA is obviously answering Mrs. Warren's letter of 19 Jan., preceding, but her answer may have been written at any time between 22 Jan. and
13 Feb., “the Anniversary of a very Melancholy day,” also mentioned in this letter.
3. Elizabeth (Gray) Otis, 1st wife of Mrs. Warren's youngest brother, Samuel Allyne Otis
(see Adams Genealogy), died on 22 Jan. at the age of 33 (Boston Gazette, 25 Jan. 1779). She left five children, the eldest of whom was Harrison Gray Otis (1765–1848), later famous as a Federalist political leader (Morison, H. G. Otis, vol. 1, ch. 1–2).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0126
Recipient: Cranch, Elizabeth
Recipient: Norton, Elizabeth Cranch
Date: 1779-01-24
Abigail Adams 2d to Elizabeth Cranch
[dateline] Plymouth jan 24 1779
Last weak I had the pleasure to receive too letters1 from my friend Myrtilla, aney time when you have letters if you send them to Brackets2 and dirrect them to General Waren or his Laidie, they will come safe to hand; you
must cover them if you intend I shall read them first: I should have wrote you a longer
letter by this opportunity but am prevented by an accident, which has taken up my
thoughts for a weak past, but as I know you are not possest of so great a share of
curiosity as some others, and suppose you can stey the tide of that torrent which
is sometimes so fatal I shall not make you accqainted with it till my return which
I do not wish for only upon account of seeing my friends; however I do not talk of
it yet. Do not let this raise the little curiosity you are Mistress of to too great
a height for a little is dangerous sometimes.
I am very sory to hear Lysander3 is so unwell however I hope the distemper he now labours under will not prove fatal
to him or to you:—you say you have not had the symtoms of love yet: but I sincerely
belive you have too fataly experienced them. Should be glad you would enclose them4 in the next letter as I ever shall be glad to see aney thing Portius recommends:
and I think he did those: I enclose those para-gafts from Charles Wentworth and Grandison
which you [desired of?] me.5
I have had the pleasure to see the Miss Eastons.6 Mrs. Waren sais she thinks the oaldest Miss Betsey is an agreable prety Girl so I
must defer my opinion till a future day, they are great talkers. <I suppose Jack Thaxter has told you he was intimately accqainted with us: I let one
of them say this>7 But I think Modestty in a Laidie is one of the shineing virtues of their sex; no
dought you have heard.
[salute] I am with the sincereest affection your sincere & unalterable friend,
[signed] Mercella
PS jan 26 I beg you would not show this letter to aney person not even to your Mamma espechely
that paragraft which mentions the accident as something has turnd up since I wrot
the letter which makes me desire this of you.
1. Not found.
2. Brackett's tavern in Braintree, frequently mentioned in JA's Diary and Autobiography.
3. Lysander, like Portius below, has not been identified.
4. Probably excerpts from a sentimental novel.
5. MS mutilated. The History of Charles Wentworth was a 3-volume novel published anonymously by Edward Bancroft, London, 1770; see
above, vol. 1:138; also JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:72–73. Samuel Richardson's History of Sir Charles Grandison, London, 1754, was a novel well known in the Adams circle; see above, vol. 1:42.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0127
Recipient: Lovell, James
Recipient: Continental Congress
Date: 1779-01
Abigail Adams to a Massachusetts Member of the Continental Congress
[dateline] [Braintree, January? 1779]1
[salute] Dear Sir
It gives me real pain to see the various arts and machinations of our internal Enemies
practised with Effect upon the generality of Mankind. From the various reports which
have been too successfully circulated for this month past the people will be brought
to entertain suspicions with regard to congress which will tend to weaken their Authority
and be greatly detrimental to our cause.
Mr. D[ea]n by his indiscreet appeal to the publick has laid a foundation for more extensive
mischief than perhaps he first intended. He has insinuated that the Ears of congress
were shut against him when matters of the utmost importance to the United States required
an impartial tribunal, thereby reflecting upon their wisdom and justice.
This unhappy contest, not so prudently conducted by his antagonist as it ought to
have been, has led people to entertain suspicions and surmizes with regard to the
integrety of that Honorable Body and the Enimes of America have caught hold of this
very opportunity to propogate falshood, which will among the unreflecting part of
mankind keep such surmizes alive. I will name two Instances which have lately come
to my knowledg. I was told last week by a Gentleman who received it in Town from two
Southern Gentlemen that notwithstanding Mr. D—n character appeard in so unfavourable
a light, congress had appointed him minister plenipo to Holland.2
I ventured at random to assure the gentleman their could be no truth in it.
The second report is that some Members of congress in conjunction with G[e]n. A[rnol]d had been counterfeiting the continental currency. I hope their is as little truth
in this assertion. For individual Members I cannot answer—their was a judas amongst
the Apostles—tho I do not credit the report. In such a Body of Men it would be { 158 } strange indeed, considering the Depravity of Humane Nature if their were not some
less attached to the publick than to their private interest. Yet as a Body they have
given every proof in their power that they are seeking the good of their country and
disinterestedly act for the benifit of the publick weal and tho no Lover of their
country would wish to see a blind obeidence to any body of Men, yet at the same time
they must be sensible that it is for the good of the community that every member of
it should pay a proper respect and regard to those to whom they have delegated power
and Authority, that when once the confidence of the people is weakend by any real
or immaginary cause of distrust, their rulers become the object of their Suspicion
and jealousy, and their power of serving them decreses, their Authority is weakend,
and the cause they wish to support is greatly injured.3
This Sir will certainly be our case unless the real Friends and disinterested patriot[s] will excert themselves and counter work the dangerous designs of our Enemies by discovering
to the world their Arts and disigns.
I have taken the freedom Sir to address you upon this subject, as a warm and Zealous
Friend to America and to the rights of Mankind. At the same time I intreet your pardon
for touching upon a subject more properly belonging to your sex, but whilst I saw
a dangerous poison spreading not only in this but the Neighbouring Towns, and judged
it must be the case elsewhere, I thought it my duty to apply to those capable of applying
a spedy antidote.
The absence of a very near and dear Friend I must plead as a further Excuse for addressing
any other gentleman upon a subject which may be considerd as foreign to my sex, added
to the critical state of our country which requires the Eyes of Argos to watch for
its safety an[d] security, will I hope secure from the imputation of vanity one who begs leave to
submit to your Eye only the Sentiments of your Friend and Humble Servant.
Dft (Adams Papers); at head of text in JQA's hand: “to James Lovell,” to which CFA added: “1779.”
1. Neither the intended recipient nor the precise date of this draft letter is determinable.
The most likely addressee would seem to be James Lovell, as JQA supposed when he read this letter about 1830. Lovell was AA's regular correspondent in Congress, and one bit of evidence points directly to him.
AA's phrase in the fourth paragraph, avowing that Congress is mainly composed of men
who “disinterestedly act for the benifit of the publick weal,” is echoed more or less
unmistakably in Lovell's letter to her of 19 Jan., printed above: “I am pleased when You speak of my disinterested attachment to the public weal.” But Lovell's letter here quoted is unquestionably
an answer to AA's of 4 Jan., also above, of which, since only a rough draft has been found, we do not know the
language of the recipient's copy (and therefore the phrase he echoed { 159 } may have been added to it); and nothing else in his answer suggests that he had received from AA a second letter of nearly the same date—a novelty that he would surely have made
the most of if he had had an opportunity to do so. Less conclusive but not negligible
in the case against Lovell as addressee is the fact that the tone of AA's present draft is definitely more formal than that of her known letters to Lovell
of this period. The editors believe, therefore, that she was addressing someone she
had not often written to before, if at all—perhaps Samuel Adams or Elbridge Gerry.
There is no evidence that the draft was copied and sent; AA may well have decided not to send it.
As to the date, while it could not have been earlier than 3 or 4 Jan., when AA read Silas Deane's controversial address in a Boston newspaper, the rumor of Deane's
possible appointment to the Netherlands suggests late January or even early February;
see Samuel Adams' letter quoted in the following note.
2.
“Mr Deans Friends are in hopes he will be sent to Holland as a Reward for his good
Services. . . . Doubtless deep Commercial Connections may be formd there. They are willing Mr J A should go to Spain. The Design
of this is to get Mr A L removd from thence. Others are for sending Mr A to Holland
leaving Mr. L in Spain, to whose Influence in that Country our Armies are indebted
for Supplys of Blanketts Shoes and Stockins. I am sorry to be obligd to think, that
a Monopoly of Trade, and not the Liberty of their Country, is the sole Object of some
Mens Views. This is the Cake which they hope shortly to slice and share among themselves.”
(Samuel Adams to Samuel Cooper, 19 Jan. 1779, Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4:37.)
3. This paragraph is so carelessly written and ill punctuated that for the sake of clarity
it has been slightly repunctuated by the editors.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0128
Recipient: Cranch, Elizabeth
Recipient: Norton, Elizabeth Cranch
Date: 1779-02-04
Abigail Adams 2d to Elizabeth Cranch
[dateline] Plymouth Feb 4 1779
[salute] My Dear Myrtilla
If aney person had told me the night I left Braintree that I should have ben at Plymouth
almost seven weaks and have received only one letter from my Mamma and too from my
Myrtilla1 I should have thought they ware capable of telling a falshood but I find it too true.
I had almost taken up a resollution not to have wrote to aney of my Braintree friends
untill I had received letters from them, but you know that second thoughts are often
the best and I think I will put them in mind that thare is such a person gone out
of Braintree as one Nabby Adams. Perhaps they have forgot it; or thought her of so
littel consequence that they never troubled themselves to write to her or even to
think of her; I assure you she takes it not a little hard. You will suppose me prejudiced
in her favour; and would it be strainge if I ware; why rearly I dont think it would.
I have this afternoon seen the farce no dought you will have seen before this rearches
you. Some suppose it wrote by Mr. Gimey Huse.2 I should like to know your opinion of it. I think some caractters are taken of very
well. It is much more severe upon the tories than the whigs which is something strange
unless he is a turncoat.
[salute] I must now bid you adeiu with asureing you that neither time nor { 160 } distance shall ever obliterate that affection with wich I remain your sincere friend,
[signed] Mercella
[dateline] Sunday eve Feb 7
Yesterday I had the pleasure to receive your kind letter of jan 31; I should write
you a longer letter by this oportunity but I expect General Waren will go tomorow
Morning and I shall not have time as it is now late in the evening. You will suppose
I am quite contented here as I am when I tell you that I have ben hear seven weaks
and have not ben out but twice excepting to Mrs. Lothrops whare I visiat often. Once
I have ben to Mr. Watsons he has a very agreable Laidie and too Deaughters Miss Betsey
and Miss Ellen3 they are very agreable young Laidies, but I cannot give you aney further decription
of them as I have a very bad pen and so sleeppy that I dont know what I write and
must bid you adieu.
1. None of these letters has been found, nor has Elizabeth Cranch's of 31 Jan., mentioned
below.
2. Doubtless standing for “Jimmy Hughes,” who may have been the James Hughes (d. 1799) who graduated at Harvard in 1780. His “farce” has not been identified.
3. William Watson (1730–1815), Harvard 1751, a merchant and “indispensable town father,” was currently the Plymouth
postmaster, later naval officer and collector of customs for Plymouth, and eventually
chief justice of the Inferior Court. His daughter Elizabeth was to marry in 1789 Nathaniel
Niles, a Vermont congressman. His daughter Ellen in 1785 married Judge John Davis
of Plymouth and Boston. (Bradford Kingman, Epitaphs from Burial Hill, Plymouth, Massachusetts, Brookline, 1892, p. 125; Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 13:149–153.)
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0129
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-09
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Feb 9. 1779
[salute] My dearest Friend
It is now a Year within a Day or two of my Departure from home. It is in vain for
me to think of writing of what is passed.
The Character and Situation in which I am here, and the Situation of public Affairs
absolutely forbid my Writing, freely.
I must be excused.—So many Vessells are taken, and there are so many Persons indiscreet,
and so many others inquisitive, that I may not write. God knows how much I suffer
for Want of Writing to you. It used to be a cordial to my Spirits.
Thus much I can say with perfect sincerity, that I have found nothing to disgust me,
discontent me, or in any manner disturb me, in the French Nation. My Evils here arise
altogether from Americans.
{ 161 } If I would have inlisted myself under the Banners of Either Party, I might have filled
America I doubt not with Panegyricks of me, from one Party and Curses and Slanders
from another. I have endeavoured to be hitherto impartial, to search for nothing but
the Truth and to love nobody and nothing but the public Good, at least not more than
the public Good. I have hoped that Animosities might be softened, and the still small
Voice of Reason heard more, and the boisterous Roar of Passions and Prejudices less.—But
the Publication of a certain Address to the People, has destroyed all such Hopes.
Nothing remains now but the fearfull Looking for of the fiery Indignation of the Monster
Party, here.
My Consolation is, that the Partisans are no more than Bubbles on the Sea of Matter
born—they rise—they break and to that Sea return.
The People of America, I know stand like Mount Atlass, but these Altercations occasion
a great deal of Unhappiness for the present, and they prolong the War.
Those must answer for it who are guilty. I am not.1
RC and LbC (Adams Papers).
1. This letter should be read in the context of JA's diary entries of 8–12 Feb. 1779, including his draft letter to Vergennes of 10–11
Feb., which he reduced by about three-quarters before actually sending it (Diary and Autobiography, 2:345–353). JA first read Deane's publication as reprinted in English and French newspapers, and
it put his mind, he said, “in such a State . . . as it never was before. I confess
it appeared to me like a Dissolution of the Constitution” (i.e. the union of States
in Congress); it might lead, he thought, to “a civil War in America” (same, p. 353).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0130
Recipient: Adams, Abigail (daughter of JA and AA)
Date: 1779-02-11
Abigail Adams to Abigail Adams 2d
[dateline] Braintree, [ca. 11] February, 1779
[salute] My Dear Daughter
It is with inexpressible pleasure that I enclose to you a letter from your brother,
and that I can tell you, that I last night received four letters of various dates
from your papa, and one so late as the 6th of November.1 I would send forward the letters, but know not how to part with them. Your papa writes
that he has enjoyed uncommon health for him, since his arrival in France; that your
brother is well, and, what is still more grateful to a parent's ears, that he conducts
with a becoming prudence and discretion; that he assiduously applies himself to his
books. And your papa is pleased to say, “that the lessons of his mamma are a constant
law to him, and that they are so to his sister and brothers, is a never failing consolation
to him, at times when he feels more tenderness for them than words can express.” Let
{ 162 } this pathetic expression of your papa's, my dear, have a due influence upon your mind.
Upon politics, your papa writes thus: “Whatever syren songs of peace may be sung in
your ears, you may depend upon it, from me, (who unhappily have been seldom mistaken
in my guesses of the intention of the British government for fourteen years,) that
every malevolent passion, and every insidious art, will predominate in the British
cabinet against us. Their threats of Prussians2 and of great reinforcements, are false and impracticable, and they know them to be
so; but their threats of doing mischief with the forces they have, will be verified
as far as their power.”
This we see, in their descent upon Georgia, verified this very hour.
Almost all Europe, the Dutch especially, are at this day talking of Great Britain
in the style of American sons of liberty. He hopes the unfortunate event at Rhode
Island will not produce any heart-burnings between Americans and the Count D'Estaing,
who is allowed by all Europe to be a great and worthy officer, and by all that know
him to be a zealous friend of America.
After speaking of some embarrassments in his public business, from half anglified
Americans, he adds, “But from this court, this city and nation, I have experienced
nothing but uninterrupted politeness.”
I have a letter from a French lady, Madam la Grand, in French—a polite letter, and
wrote in consequence of your papa's saying that, in some cases, it was the duty of
a good citizen to sacrifice his all for the good of his country.3 She tells him that the sentiment is worthy of a Roman and a member of Congress, but
cannot believe he would sacrifice his wife and children. In reply, he tells her that
I possessed the same sentiment. She questions the truth of his assertion; and says
nature would operate more powerfully than the love of one's country, and whatever
other sacrifices he might make, it would be impossible for him to resign those very
dear connections, especially as he had so often given her the warmest assurances of
his attachment to them; and she will not be satisfied till she has related the conversation,
and appealed to me for my sentiments upon the subject. She is an elderly lady, and
wife to the banker, expresses great regard for
your brother, of whom she is very fond, says he inherits the spirit of his father,
and bids fair to be a Roman like him.
When I have fully translated the letter I will send it forward. I would have written
to Mrs. Warren, but have much writing to do, and you may communicate this letter to
her, if she can read it; but 'tis badly written, and I have not time to copy.
{ 163 } [salute] Let me hear from you soon, who am, at all times, your affectionate mamma,
[signed] A. A.
MS (not found). Printed from Journal and Correspondence of Miss Adams, . . . Edited by Her Daughter, New York, 1841–1842, 2:15–17. The enclosed “letter from your brother” was presumably
JQA to AA2, 27 Sept. 1778, printed above.
2. JA's letter (of 6 Nov. 1778) said “Russians.” The mistake may have been AA's or that of a copyist or printer when AA2's letters were published in 1842.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0131
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1779-02-12
Cotton Tufts to John Adams
[dateline] Feby. 12. 1779
[salute] Dear Sr.
In the latter End of July and beginning of Novr. last I wrote to You.1 Am uncertain by whom the first was conveyed, the Latter was committed to the Care
of Mr. Jenks (formerly my Apprentice) now a Surgeons Mate to the General Pickering
Privateer from Salem which saild soon after and was to touch at France in her Cruize.
In my first among other Things I gave You an Account of our Season, which from the
24th. of last June to the Beginning of this Month has been uncommon, more especially
for violent Storms. That of the 13th. of Augst. was attended with such Consequences
as renderd our Expedition against Rhode Island abortive; another violent Storm of
Nov. 2d. in which Byrons Fleet then cruising for De Estangs, sufferd greatly. The
Storm met them on Georges Bank where the Culloden of 64 Guns is supposed to have foundered
and has never been heard of since, in the same Storm the Somerset another 64, was
wreckd on the Back of the Cape with the Loss of 50 or 60 Men—from her we have been
favoured with 54 Cannon, 200 Blls. of merchantable Powder and many other valuable
Articles. The Guns and Powder were safe deliverd at Boston. Decr. 10. We had another
violent Storm of Wind and Rain, with the Darkness of the Night and violence of the
Storm some People perished on Land and considerable Damage was done to the Shipping.
Dec. 22d. the Cold became extreme and continued so to the 28th. On the 25th. PM. it began to Snow, the 26th. it continued, the Wind excessive high and cold severe.
The oldest amongst us dont remember a more distressing and violent Storm. This day
a Man { 164 } passing over Boston Neck toward Night with his Team was next day found dead, his Team
consisting of 4 Cattle and one Horse were froze to Death, the hind Oxen standing.
A most Melancholy Account we received from Plimouth 72 Men in the Brig Genl. Arnold
froze to Death in the Storm. She saild the 24. from Nantasket, met the Storm, put
back and on the 26. got as near Plimouth as the Ice would admit. The 24th. according
to Dr. Winthrop has been but once equalld for Coldness in his Day.2
It was on the 2d. Novr. that Byrams Fleet consisting then of 13 or 14 Sail of the
Line and 2 or 3 Frigates met with the Disaster already mentiond. On the 6th. of the
same Month Monsr. De Estang left this Harbour with a fine Wind; about the same Time
a Fleet of 108 Vessells saild from New York with 8000 some say 10000 Troops supposed
for the West Indies. We have had Accounts of the Arrival of both. After the Capture
of Dominica by the French, Admiral Barrington with a Fleet and Army attacked St. Lucia
and took it. Monsr. De Estang arrived with a Force sufficient to Block him in after
the Capture. In order to retake it the Count landed several Thousand Men, these were
repulsed with a great Slaughter and the Count was obliged to repair to Martineco.
Byrons Fleet have since arrived and by the best Accounts the Count is block'd up by
Byron in Conjunction with Barringtons Fleet. I am really sorry for Monsr. De Estang.
If Success depended solely upon Worth and Integrity he would have certainly had a
larger Share. During his Stay here he shewd himself to be a very vigilant officer,
and a Man of Wisdom and great Prudence. The Temperance, good Oeconomy and Civility
of every order of Men in his Fleet was truly praise worthy. The Damage his Fleet sustained
in the Storm of Augt. 13th. renderd a great part of his Fleet unfit for an Engagement
more especially his own Ship which was dismasted. As soon as he arrived in Nantasket
Road, all possible Expedition was made use off to repair his Fleet, he took every
Precaution to prevent a Surprise from the Enemy, he erected Works on Point Alderton,
Georges Island, Pectic, Long Island &c. that he could at one Time bring 6 or 700 Guns
to bear on an Enemy. While he lay there Howe appeared with a Fleet of 15 or 16 Sail
of the Line within Sight of Hull, sent some Frigates within a League of Hull but found
the Harbour so well secured that they thought prudent after a few Days Cruise to return
to New York.—Accounts from New York and Newport agree that a great Part of the british
Troops have left the Continent, some gone to Europe, some to the West Indies, some
to Hallifax. Clinton is said to remain at New York with 3000, Pigot or Prescot at
Newport with 7000—and we have { 165 } been amused with Stories of their entirely leaving the Continent (to me these have
been idle Tales). Some suppose the Want of Transports, some the Want of Provisions
have prevented it. Some of the Troops that were supposed to have left the Continent
are now exercising their Rage and Cruelty in Georgia under the Command of Col. Campbell
(formerly a prisoner at Concord).3
In Decembr. last A Piece appeard in the Pensylvania Paper which gave no small Uneasiness
to the publick. The Author mortified at his recall from —— complaind to the publick
that Congress had not given him a full hearing, tho it had been requested; laid open
many Transactions and Affairs in ——, reflected upon a certain Family, some of whom
are nearly connected with You in a publick Character, pointed out the Absurdity of
their Appointments, having such close Connections with G[rea]t B[ritai]n and one of them employed in services at first Blush inconsistent, with many other
interesting Matters of which You will hear more hereafter. This Piece was answered
by Common Sense. A Paper War ensued. Many Things were said by both Sides which were
painful, imprudent and to the last Degree impolitic. Though this may sooner or later
give Our Ministers at Versailles some Trouble, Yet much Good in the End may result
from it.
I am My Dear Friend sometimes in Doubt whether Civilization (as it is commonly understood
it is but a softer Name for Dissimulation) and the Knowledge of the Arts and Sciences
have really mended the World. The Art of looking one Way and moving another is brought
to greater Perfection in the present than in any former Age. The next Century will
probably refine upon this untill it shall be verefied what an old Saint in ancient
Days said of the then World, All Men are deceivers (to say Lyars would be uncivil and I should be loth to make the World worse than it is).
I am now got to the 5th. of March having had no conveyance for the aforegoing.—The Month of February hath made amends
for the Roughness of the latter End of December and the greater part of January—the
Weather was mild and open, Farmers turning up their Lands, mending Fences and busied
in the Affairs of Husbandry as if Spring had opened.
By the last Advices from the West Indies Count De Estang was at Martineco, not blockd
up as mentiond before, but lately reinforced with a Number of Capital Ships.—Manly
in the private Ship Cumberland was lately capturd by the Juno of 38 Guns and sent
into Barbadoes. Eight or Ten Prizes have arrived within 6 Weeks past—one a { 166 } Privateer of 16 Guns from Liverpool taken by the Dean, another of 16 Guns capturd
by the Franklin.
[dateline] April 12th.
The Month of March has been as rough as February was mild. The Snow lay 15 Inches
on a Level the 25th. of March. The 22, 24th. violent Storms of Snow. Since April came
in we have had fine Weather.
Our latest Advices from Georgia are that the Enemy, who for some time past had reignd
triumphant there, have met with some severe Repulses and are making hasty Steps to
Savannah. We are a strange Set of Mortals. A Little Chastisement does not move us,
but when the Blow comes heavy the Spirit rises, it was some Time before Our Brethren
at the Southward realized the Matter. They are now roused and are pressing on with
Vigor and I trust with the Smiles of Providence they will clear that State of inbred
Enemies and foreign Murderers.—Our Insidious Enemies had for Three Years past employ'd
Agents in that State to enlist Regiments into their Service and after enlisting men
swore them to Secrecy. This they have done (I make no doubt) in all our States. When
I reflect upon the numerous Acts and Stratagems, the open Attempts and secret Designs
together with the powerful Fleets and Armies employd against us and the peculiar Scituations
and Circumstances of the Continent I am almost astonished to find that We are still
an unconquerd People. Had not Heaven appeared for us We must long before this Time
have been subject to the Will of our Enemies. Thanks to Heaven the Teeth of the Lion
are broken. Great Britain is falling and She will no more rise among the Nations of
the Earth, Glorious and powerful as heretofore, but will meet with that Hatred and
Disgrace which is due to her Injustice and Cruelty and with that Scorn and Contempt
which her unbounded Pride and Insolence hath merited.
Mr. Jenks has returned from the Cruize without touching at France, that I doubt whether
You will receive my Letter sent by him. May this meet with a better Fate and reach
you in the Enjoyment of Health and every desireable Good.
Our Friends here are well, Mastr. Charles [Adams] and Billy Cranch dind with us to Day having kept Sabbath at their Grand Pa's, by
whom I find that Yours are all well.—I will compound with You for a Letter half so
long as this, but one as long as again4 would be esteemd a valuable Present.—Adieu.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Dr. Tufts Feb. 1779.”
2. Professor John Winthrop of Harvard had kept weather records, which are still extant,
since 1742. See JA, Earliest Diary, p. 34 and note 93 there.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0132
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1779-02-13
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Febry. 13. 1779
[salute] My Dearest Friend
This is the Anniversary of a very melancholy Day to me, it rose upon me this morning
with the recollection of Scenes too tender to Name.—Your own Sensibility will supply
your Memory and dictate to your pen a kind remembrance of those dear connections to
whom you waved an adeiu, whilst the full Heart and weeping Eye followed your foot
steps till intervening objects obstructed the Sight.
This Anniversary shall ever be more particularly Devoted to my Friend till the happy
Day arrives that shall give him back to me again. Heaven grant that it may not be
far distant, and that the blessings which he has so unweariedly and constantly sought
after may crown his Labours and bless his country.
It is with double pleasure that I hold my pen this day to acquaint my Friend that
I have had a rich feast indeed, by the Miflin privateer, which arrived here the 8th1 of this month and brought his Letters of 9 of Sepbr., 23 of october, 2d of November,
2d of December all together making more than I have received since your absence at
one time.2 The Hankerchiefs in which the3 were tied felt to me like the return of an absent Friend—tis Natural to feel an affection
for every thing which belongs to those we love, and most so when the object is far—far
distant from us.
You chide me for my complaints, when in reality I had so little occasion for them.
I must intreat you to attribute it to the real cause—an over anxious Solicitude to
hear of your welfare, and an ill grounded fear least multiplicity of publick cares,
and avocations might render you less attentive to your pen than I could wish. But
bury my dear Sir, in oblivion every expression of complaint—erase them from the Letters
which contain them, as I have from my mind every Idea so contrary to that regard and
affection you have ever manifested towards me.—Have you a coppy of your Letter December
the 2d. Some dissagreable circumstances had agitated your mind News from Rhoad Island—or
what? Why was I not by to sooth my Friend to placidness—but I unhappily had contributed
to it. With this consideration I read { 168 } those passages, which would have been omited had the Letter been coppied.
And does my Friend think that there are no hopes of peace? Must we still endure the
Desolations of war with all the direfull consequences attending it.—I fear we must
and that America is less and less worthy of the blessings of peace.
Luxery that bainfull poison has unstrung and enfeabled her sons. The soft penetrating
plague has insinuated itself into the freeborn mind, blasting that noble ardor, that
impatient Scorn of base subjection which formerly distinguished your Native Land,
and the Benevolent wish of general good is swallowed up by a Narrow selfish Spirit,
by a spirit of oppression and extortion.
Nourished and supported by the flood of paper which has nearly overwhelmed us, and
which depreciates in proportion to the exertions to save it, and tho so necessary
to us is of less value than any commodity whatever, yet the demand for it is beyond
conception, and those to whom great sums of it have fallen, or been acquired, vest
it in Luxurys, dissapate it in Extravagance, realize it at any rate. But I hope the
time is not far distant when we shall in some measure be extricated from our present
difficulties and a more virtuous spirit succeed the unfealing dissapation which at
present prevails, And America shine with virtuous citizens as much as she now deplores
her degenerate sons.
[salute] Enclosed you will find a Letter wrote at your request,4 and if rewarded by your approbation it will abundantly gratify your
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “Honble. John Adams Esqr. Passy near Paris”;
endorsed: “Portia Feb 13. 1779.” Enclosed “Letter wrote at your request” not found,
but see note 4.
1. The Boston Gazette of 15 Feb. reported the arrival of the General Mifflin on Tuesday the 9th.
2. In her happy excitement AA seems here to have managed to record three wrong dates out of four, i.e. all except
the last. From evidence and reasoning that would be tedious to set forth in full,
the editors believe that she actually received by the General Mifflin letters from JA dated 23 Sept., 2 Oct., 6 Nov., and 2 Dec. 1778, all of which are printed above. She had in all probability received JA's letter of 9 Sept. 1778, also above, earlier. No letters from JA to AA dated 23 Oct. or 2 Nov. 1778 have been found, and there is no evidence apart from
AA's present careless listing that he wrote her on those dates. Concerning her constitutional
difficulty in recording dates, see Introduction to vol. 1:xlvii.
4. Undoubtedly this was AA's answer (now lost) to the letter (also lost) that Mme. Ferdinand Grand had addressed
to her and that JA had transmitted in his to AA of 23 Sept. 1778, q.v. above; see also AA to AA2, ca. 11 Feb., above; Thaxter to AA, 16–27 Feb. 1780, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0133
Recipient: Cranch, Elizabeth
Recipient: Norton, Elizabeth Cranch
Date: 1779-02-13
Abigail Adams 2d to Elizabeth Cranch
[dateline] Plymouth Feb. 13 1779
[salute] My Dear Myrtilla
It is now past ten however I will write you a few lines as I flatter myself they will
be axcepttable, for you know we ar too apt to judge others by our own feelings.
I will ask you one question whetheir if you have an opportunity to write me you dont
imbrace it if you dont happen to be in dept [debt]? If we ware too or three hundred miles distant I could expect to hear as often from
you as I do now espeshely if there was not a wide ocean between us.
I spend my time very agreeably hear, how could I do otherwise in the company of Mrs.
Waren and her agreeable Sons; Miss Polly Otis is to spend the Spring hear.1 I have a secret hope that Mamma does not intend to send for me yet tho I dearst not
say so beceaus I know she must be very lonesome. When ever she command me to leive
Plymouth I shall obey.
[salute] I must now bid you adeiu for it is quite time my Eyes ware closed to sleep. Do write me soon and belive me to be what I rearly [really] am, your Sincere friend,
[signed] Mercella
1. Mary Otis (1769–1806), Mrs. Warren's niece and youngest daughter of James and Ruth (Cunningham) Otis; she
later married Benjamin Lincoln Jr., son of the Revolutionary general (Boston Record Commissioners, 24th Report, p. 320; NEHGR, 2 [1848]:296).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0134
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-13
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Feb. 13 1779
[salute] My dearest Friend
Yours of 15 Decr.1 was sent me Yesterday by the Marquiss whose Praises are celebrated in all the Letters
from America. You must be content to receive a short Letter, because I have not Time
now to write a long one.—I have lost many of your Letters, which are invaluable to
me, and you have lost a vast Number of mine. Barns, Niles, and many other Vessells
are lost.
I have received Intelligence2 much more agreable, than that of a removal to Holland, I mean that of being reduced
to a private Citizen which gives me more Pleasure, than you can imagine. I shall therefore
soon present before you, your own good Man.3 Happy—happy indeed shall I be, once more to see our Fireside.
{ 170 } I have written before to Mrs. Warren and shall write again now.4
Dr. J. is transcribing your scotch song,5 which is a charming one. Oh my leaping Heart.
I must not write a Word to you about Politicks, because you are a Woman.
What an offence have I committed?—a Woman!
I shall soon make it up. I think Women better than Men in General, and I know that
you can keep a Secret as well as any Man whatever. But the World dont know this. Therefore
if I were to write any Secrets to you and the letter should be caught, and hitched
into a Newspaper, the World would say, I was not to be trusted with a Secret.
I never had so much Trouble in my Life, as here, yet I grow fat. The Climate and soil
agree with me—so do the Cookery and even the Manners of the People, of those of them
at least that I converse with, Churlish Republican, as some of you, on your side the
Water call me. The English have got at me in their News Papers. They make fine Work
of me—fanatic—Bigot—perfect Cypher—not one Word of the Language—aukward Figure—uncouth
dress—no Address—No Character—cunning hard headed Attorney. But the falsest of it
all is, that I am disgusted with the Parisians—Whereas I declare I admire the Parisians
prodigiously. They are the happiest People in the World, I believe, and have the best
Disposition to make others so.
If I had your Ladyship and our little folks here, and no Politicks to plague me and
an hundred Thousand Livres a Year Rent, I should be the happiest Being on Earth—nay
I believe I could make it do with twenty Thousand.
One word of Politicks—The English reproach the French with Gasconade, but I dont believe
their whole History could produce so much of it as the English have practised this
War.
The Commissioners Proclamation, with its sanction from the Ministry and Ratification
by both Houses,6 I suppose is hereafter to be interpreted like Burgoines—Speaking Daggers, but using
none. They cannot send any considerable Reinforcement, nor get an Ally in Europe—this
I think you may depend upon. Their Artifice in throwing out such extravagant Threats,
was so gross, that I presume it has not imposed on any. Yet a Nation that regarded
its Character never could have threatned in that manner.
[salute] Adieu.
RC (Adams Papers).
2. This “Intelligence” had reached JA on 12 Feb.; see entry of that date in his { 171 } Diary and Autobiography, 2:353–354, and see also JA to AA, 27 Nov. 1778, above, and note 4 there.
4. JA to Mercy Warren, 18 Dec. 1778 (MHi: Warren-Adams Coll.; LbC, Adams Papers, printed in JA, Works, 9:474–476, under the wrong date of 15 Dec.) It does not appear that JA kept his pledge to write Mrs. Warren again in February.
5. See above, AA to JA, 27 Dec. 17781779. JA clearly wrote “Dr. J.” in MS, but this must have been a slip for “Dr. F.,” i.e. Franklin, whose fondness for the
“simple traditional airs of Scotland” is well known and has been pleasantly described
and documented in Claude-Anne Lopez, MonCher Papa: Franklin and the Ladies of Paris, New Haven, 1966, p. 22, 34–35, 68, 290.
6. On 3 Oct. 1778 the Carlisle conciliatory commission issued at New York a Manifesto and Proclamation addressed to Congress, the state assemblies, and Americans at large, threatening
sanguinary consequences if they continued in revolt against Great Britain and in alliance
with France. For the text of the Manifesto (Evans 15832) and the debates in Parliament over its substance, considered by the whig opposition
as exceeding the commission's instructions, see Parliamentary Hist., 19:1388–1402; 20:1–46.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0135
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-16
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy February 16 1779
[salute] Hond. Mamma
I have now the pleasure to acquaint you some news which will be agreable to you. Yesterday
morning an extroadinary express from England has brought this news that on Friday
12 i[n]st. the Populace of London put fire to the hotels of North, Sandwich, Germaine, and
Paliseer which was consumed and that at the Moment of the depart of the Letter it
went so well that they did not know where it would end, and all for joye of the justification
of Keppel &c. &c.1
[salute] Yours &c.,
[signed] J. Q. Adams
NB Excuse my writing. I being in a hurry just let you know this news.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. John Adams at Mr. Adams's Braintree near Boston in America.”
1. For the demonstrations in London, 11–12 Feb., against the ministry and against Sir
Hugh Palliser and the Admiralty when news of Admiral Keppel's acquittal was received
from Portsmouth, see Ann. Register for 1779, p. 198–199, where it is pointed out that “Some of the mob seemed not to be of the
lower class.” See also JA to AA, 27 Dec. 1778, above.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0136
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-16
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philada Feby. 16: 1779
Though I have this day for the first time received a Letter from your husband, yet
I feel chagrined at not having had one inclosed for you. { 172 } I had promised myself the pleasure of being instrumental to your happiness in that
way, frequently. He dates from Passy Decr. 6th.1 and acknowledges the Receipt of an official Letter from Me of Octr. 122 but says not a syllable of having touched a single one of all my private Addresses
to him. He is not lengthy. Some parts are confidential and not interesting to you
as his Wife. Other Parts, tho confidential also, are not indifferent in a domestic
view. On the footing therefore of a past promise I copy them. “Mr. D. and others have
written in a manner which makes it expected that one will be left alone here. But
what is to be done with the other two is left to conjecture. If I am recalled, I shall
have nothing to do but get home if I can. If I am appointed to another Court I shall
be in some perplexity; because I see no probability of being received at present.
However, I can digest nothing till I have the premises.”—“The King's Speech I have
already sent to Congress by several Opportunities. You will see he dreads the great
armament of other powers, in the plural. He must mean Holland and Spain. You will
see also that the Opposition is more strong than it ever was before, in both Houses.
I will omit no opportunity of sending the other papers with the debates as they come,
and I pray they may go safe. But immense Numbers of our Dispatches are sunk in the
Sea. I beg of you to write as often as possible to John Adams.”
None of the Papers he mentions have come to hand. The Perplexity he apprehends will
I know for certain lessen every hour. You will hear much talk of great Secrets which
Congress keep to themselves. It is true that some Circumstances respecting Alliances are and ought to be concealed but the News papers will give
you the main Parts of what we know in Regard to Friendships for us and Disappointments
for Gr. Britain.
But, I quit these Topics, and return to Mr. A——. His Namesake here wrote some time
ago on the subject of a new destination for him3 and several of my Letters are on their passage tending in their contents to make
him rest satisfied till he receives our final Adjustments of who and where.
[salute] With a terrible Head Ach but a sound and affectionate Heart I bid you Good Night.
[signed] JL
RC (Adams Papers).
1. LbC, Adams Papers. Lovell's quotation below of about half of JA's letter is sufficiently accurate.
2. Lovell, for the Committee for Foreign Affairs, to the American Commissioners (PPAmP: Franklin Papers; printed in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 2:781).
3.
“It is not yet determind how you will be disposed of; but as Congress entertain great
Expectations from your Services, you may depend upon Employ• { 173 } ment being allotted for you somehow. The critical Situation of the Powers of Europe
in general, makes it somewhat difficult for us to determine, to which of them to make
our Addresses at present. . . . Holland, whose Policy is always to be at Peace, may
be open for a Negociation; and in my Opinion, we ought to take the earliest Opportunity
to tempt her” (Samuel Adams to JA, 25 Oct. 1778, Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0137
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-19
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Feb 19. 1779
[salute] My dearest Friend
I have written three Answers to yours of January 4. This is the fourth. The Three
first I have burned. In one I was melancholly, in another angry, and in the third
merry—but either would have given you more Pain than Pleasure. I have gone through
with several others of your Letters in the same manner. They are Admirably written,
but there is such a Strain of Unhappiness and Complaint in them, as has made me very
uneasy.—This last goes farther than any other, and contains an Expression which allarms
me indeed, and convinces me, either that some infernal has whispered in your Ear Insinuations,
or that you have forgotten the unalterable Tenderness of my Heart.1
This Letter is an Additional Motive with me to come home. It is Time.—I have written
as often as I could. I want to write you every day but I cannot—I have too much to
say: but have good Reasons for saying nothing. Is it necessary that I should make
Protestations that I am, with an Heart as pure as Gold or Aether,2 forever yours.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. At the close of her letter of 2 Jan., above, AA twitted JA on the infrequency and brevity of his letters to her and threatened to follow his
example; at the same time she expressed the hope that Captain Ober, momentarily expected
in “the publick packet” from France, would bring letters that would assuage her disappointment.
This, however, did not happen, and on 4 Jan. she addressed JA “in a Strain of Unhappiness and Complaint” stronger than anything she had said earlier
on his seeming neglect of her. Her letter has not survived, although it is acknowledged
here, again in JA's first letter of 20 Feb., following, and is mentioned in JQA's letter to his mother of 20 Feb., below.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0138
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-20
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Feb. 20. 1779
| March 25 | |
| June 10 | |
| June 18 | |
| May 18 | |
| Octr. | 10 |
| 21 | |
| 25 | |
| Decr. | 2 |
| 15. | |
| Jany. | 2 1779 |
| 4. | |
In the Margin are the Dates of all the Letters I have received from you. I have written
you, several Times { 174 } that Number—they are allmost all lost, I suppose by yours.1
But you should consider, it is a different Thing to have five hundred Correspondents
and but one. It is a different Thing to be under an Absolute Restraint and under none.
It would be an easy Thing for me to ruin you and your Children by an indiscreet Letter—and
what is more it would be easy, to throw our Country into Convulsions.—For Gods sake
never reproach me again with not writing or with Writing Scrips. Your Wounds are too
deep.
You know not—you feel not—the dangers that surround me, nor those that may be brought
upon our Country.
Millions would not tempt me to write to you as I used. I have no security that every
Letter I write you will not be broken open and copied and transmitted to Congress
and to English News Papers. They would find no Treason nor Deceipt in them it is true,
but they would find Weakness and Indiscretion, which they would make as ill an Use
of.
There are Spies upon every Word I utter, and every Syllable I write—Spies planted
by the English—Spies planted by Stockjobbers—Spies planted by selfish Merchants—and
Spies planted by envious and malicious Politicians.
I have been all along aware of this, more or less, but more so now than ever.
My Life has been often in danger, but I never considered my Reputation and Character
so much in danger as now.
I can pass for a Fool, but I will not pass for a dishonest or a mercenary Man.
Be upon your Guard therefore—I must be upon mine—And I will.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. JA reports in the margin of his letter the receipt of eleven letters from AA during his year's absence. Four of these have not survived in any version known to
the editors: 25 March, 10 Oct., 2 Dec. 1778, and 4 Jan. 1779. Three others have been
found only as drafts: 21, 25 Oct., and 15 Dec. 1778 (all printed above, but the last under the date of its presumed draft, 13 Dec.). The other four survive as recipients' copies: 18 May, 10, 18 June 1778, and 2 Jan. 1779 (all printed above). JA failed, however, to list AA's letter of 29 Sept. 1778, which he had acknowledged in his to her of 2 Dec. and which is printed above from an undated draft under the date he furnished in his
acknowledgment. Apparently he had not yet received hers of 27 Dec. 1778, above—a circumstance that is a little puzzling because it seems to have been sent
by the same conveyance, the Alliance frigate, which had brought him AA's letter of 13 (or 15) Dec. 1778. Besides the letters here enumerated, AA had sent to JA during this period four other letters, at the very least, which he { 175 } had not received but which are printed above (the earliest of them in vol. 2) from
her drafts, in some cases with supplied or approximate dates, as follows: 8 March, 30 June, ca. 15 July, and 12–23 Nov. 1778. (A letter printed in JA-AA, Familiar Letters, p. 340–341, under the incorrect date of 23 Aug. 1778, is printed below under its
correct date of 23 Aug. 1780.)
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0139
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-20
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Feb. 20. 1779
A new Commission has arrived by which the Dr. is sole Minister. Mr. Lee continues
Commissioner for Spain, but I am reduced to the Condition of a private Citizen. The
Congress has not taken the least Notice of me. On the 11. of September they resolved
to have one Minister only in France, on the 14 they chose the Dr., in October they
made out his Commission, the Alliance sailed in 14 Jany. and in all that Interval,
they never so much as bid me come home, bid me stay, or told me I had done well or
done ill.1
Considering the Accusation against Mr. L[ee], how unexpected it was, and how groundless it is, I should not be at all surprized
if I should see an Accusation against me for something or other. I know not what—but
I see that all Things are possible.
Of all the Scenes I ever passed through, this is the most extraordinary. The Delirium
among Americans here, is the most extravagant.—All the infernal Arts of Stockjobbers,
all the voracious avarice of Merchants, have mingled themselves with American Politicks
here, disturbed their operations, distracted our Councils, and turned our Heads.
The Congress I presume expect that I should come home, and I shall come accordingly.
As they have no Business for me in Europe I must contrive to get some for myself at
home.—Prepare yourself for removing to Boston into the old House—for there you shall
go, and there, I will draw Writs and Deeds, and harrangue Jurys and be happy.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. See entry of 12 Feb. 1779 in JA's Diary and Autobiography, 2:353–354; also JA to AA, 27 Nov. 1778, above, and note 4 there.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0140
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-20
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Feby. 20th. 1779
[salute] Hond. Mamma
I last night had the honour of reading a letter from you to my Pappa dated Jany. 4th.1 in which you complain much of my Pappa's not { 176 } writing. He cannot write but very little because he has so many other things to think
of, but he can not let slip one opportunity without writing a few lines and when you
receive them you complain as bad or worse than if he had not wrote at all and2 it really hurts him to receive such letters. But I will write upon another subject.
A Charming prospect opens [before]3 me. I now begin to see a probability of returning to America. Pappa is now at liberty
to return home and proposes to do it by the first safe opportunity unless he should
receive counter orders which I heard him say he did not expect; it is a feast to my
thoughts to go home, to run about to my Grandpappa's and grandmamma's, my uncles &c.
The joy of meeting my Mamma, sister and brothers will be greater than all the pain
I suffer'd when I took my leave of them severe as that was and the pleasure of telling
the tale of my travels and adventures will be some compensation for the toils and
dangers I have gone through in the course of them but possibly this pleasing dream
may be all disapointed by a battle at sea, by captivity or by shipwreck. All that
I can say is gods will be done. I am my ever honoured and ever revered Mamma your
dutiful son,
[signed] John Q. Adams4
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. Adams Braintree near Boston in America.” LbC (Adams Papers); at foot of text: “to my Mamma.”
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0141
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-21
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy Feb. 21. 1779
[salute] My dear
Yours by Mr. Williams have received.1 The little Bill must be paid, but I confess it allarms me a little. The Expence of
my Son here is greater than I ever imagined. Altho his Company is almost all the Pleasure
I have, in Life, yet I should not have brought him, if I had known the Expence. His
Expences, together with what you have drawn for, and a little Collection of Books
I have bought, will amount to more than will ever be allowed me.2 My Accounts must not be drawn into Intricacy nor Obscurity. I must not be involved
in Suspicions of medling in Trade, nor any Thing else but my proper Business.
{ 177 } You complain that I dont write often enough, and that when I do, my Letters are too
short. If I were to tell you all the Tenderness of my Heart, I should do nothing but
write to you. I beg of you not to be uneasy. I write you as often and as much as I
ought.
If I had an Heart at Ease and Leisure enough, I could write you, several sheets a
day, of the Curiosities of this Country. But it is as much impossible for me to think
of such subjects as to work Miracles.
Let me entreat you to consider, if some of your Letters had by any Accident been taken,
what a figure would they have made in a Newspaper to be read by the whole World. Some
of them it is true would have done Honour to the most virtuous and most accomplished
Roman Matron: but others of them, would have made you and me, very ridiculous.
In one of yours you hint that I am to go to Holland. But I think you must be misinformed.
By all that I can learn, some Gentlemen intend to vote for me to H[olland] vs. Mr. D[eane], others to Spain vs. Mr. Lee. Neither I think will succeed, and therefore I think
I have but one Course to steer, and that is homewards. But I can determine nothing
absolutely. I must govern myself, according to the Intelligence, which may hereafter
arise, the orders of Congress, and the best Judgment I can form of my own Duty and
the Public Good.
I am advised to take a ride to Geneva, or to Amsterdam: and I have been so confined
from Exercise, having never been farther from Paris than Versailles since my arrival
here, that some such Excursion seems necessary for my Health, yet I cannot well bear
the Thought of putting the public to an Expence merely for the Sake of my Pleasure,
Health or Convenience.
Yet my situation here is painfull. I never was in such a situation before as I am
now, and my present Feelings are new to me. If I should return, and in my Absence,
any orders should arrive here for me to execute, in that Case nobody would be here
to execute them, and they might possibly fail of success for Want of Somebody with
Power to perform them. At least this may be suspected and said and believed.—However,
upon the whole, as Congress have said nothing to me good or bad, I have no right to
presume that they mean to say any Thing and therefore, on the whole it is my duty
to return, by the first good Opportunity, unless I should receive counter orders,
before that occurs.
If ever the Time should occur, when I could have a little Leisure and a quiet Mind,
I could entertain you with Accounts of Things, which would amuse you and your Children.
There are an Infinity of { 178 } Curiosities here, but so far from having Leisure to describe them I have found none
even to see them, except a very few.
The Clymate here is charming. The Weather is every day, pleasant as the Month of May—soft
mild Air,—some foggy days, and about 10 or twelve days in January, were cold and icy.
But we have had scarce 3 Inches of snow the whole Winter. The Climate is more favourable
to my Constitution than ours. The Cookery, and manner of living here, which you know,
Americans were taught by their former absurd Masters to dislike is more agreable to
me, than you can imagine. The Manners of the People have an Affection in them that
is very amiable. Their is such a Choice of elegant Entertainments in the theatric
Way, of good Company and excellent Books, that nothing would be wanting to me in this
Country, but my family and Peace to my Country, to make me, one of the happyest of
Men.—John Bull would growl and bellow at this Description—let him bellow if he will,
for he is but a Brute.
RC (Adams Papers).
2. For some of JA's expenditures on books see the payments to the Paris bookseller Hochereau recorded
in JA's Accounts for 1778–1779, Diary and Autobiography, 2:325–343, and especially note 10 there. See also JQA to CA and TBA, 3 Oct. 1778, above; and the note on JA's accounts in Europe, under Lovell to AA, 9 Aug. 1779, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0142
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-26
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Feb. 26.1779
I have this day taken a long Ramble, with my son. The Weather is as delightfull as
you can imagine. There is not in the Month of May, a softer Air, a warmer sun, or
a more delicious Appearance of Things about Boston.
We walked all over the Gardens of the Royal Castle of Muet, at Passy.1 The Gardens are very spacious, on one Quarter looking to Mount Calvare,2 on another to the famous Castle of Madrid, built by Francis the 1st, whose History
you will see in Robertson, C[harles] 5.,3 on another looking over the Plain de sablon, or sandy Plain to the Gate of Maillot.—The
Rowes of Trees, and gravel Walks are very pretty, and the orangerie are very grand.
But the whole is much neglected—the Trees are all mossy, and have a distempered Look.
We then walked in the Bois du Boulogne, rambling about in by Paths, a long Time, till
we came to a Gate which We presumed to open and found ourselves in a noble Garden,
the salads green and { 179 } flourishing ready for the Table, long Rows of Wall Fruits, Trees of every species,
Apples, Peaches, Appricots, Plumbs &c. and next to the Garden a fine extensive Farm,
the Fields and Pastures already shining with Verdure. Upon Enquiry of the Gardiners
I was told it belonged to Madame Le Comtess de Boufleure.4 We passed by the Castle, after having viewed all the Farm and Gardens, into the street
of Auteuil, the Village where Boileau was born, lived and died5—it is the next Village to Passy. We then walked through the fields along the Castle
and Seignoury of Passy which belongs to the Comte De Boulainvilliers6 and returned home, much pleased with our Walk and better for the Air and Exercise.
Now Madam dont you think I have spent my Time very wisely in writing all this important
History to your Ladyship. Would it not have been as well spent in conjugating two
or three french Verbs, which I could have done through all the Moods, Tenses and Persons,
of the Active and passive Voice in this Time.
We expect the Honour of Mr. Turgot,7 the famous Financier, as well as learned and virtuous Man, to dine with Us. And if
there should be some Ladies, at the feast, it will not be at my Invitation and therefore
you need not be uneasy.
Suppose I should undertake to write the Description of every Castle and Garden I see
as Richardson did in his Tour through Great Britain,8 would not you blush at such a Waste of my time.
Suppose I should describe the Persons and Manners of all the Company I see, and the
fashions, the Plays, the Games, the sports, the spectacles, the Churches and religious
Ceremonies—and all that—should not you think me turned fool in my old Age—have I not
other Things to do of more importance?
Let me alone, and have my own Way. You know that I shall not injure you and you ought
to believe that I have good Reasons, for what I do, and not treat me so roughly, as
you have done.
[salute] Adieu.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. La Muette, a chateau or hunting lodge at the entrance of the Bois de Boulogne from
Passy (Dezallier, Environs de Paris, 1779, p. 18–20).
2. Mont Calvaire or Mont Valérien, across the Seine from the Bois de Boulogne. See a
view of Mont Calvaire from the Bois in 1766 reproduced in Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, vol. 12, facing p. 482, with descriptive notes at p. xxxv–xxxvi.
3. On the chateau called Madrid in the Bois de Boulogne, see Dezallier, Environs de Paris, 1779, p. 21–22. For the “History” of Francis I, JA refers AA to William Robertson's History of the Reign of the Emperor Charles V, of which JA's copy, 4 vols., London, 1777, is among his books in the Boston Public Library.
4. Marie Charlotte Hippolyte de Camps de Saujon, Comtesse de Boufflers-Rouverel, whose
gardens at Auteuil, “begotten on her by an English gardener,” according to Horace
Walpole, were celebrated. See Walpole's description of them in 1775 (Walpole, Corr., ed. W. S. Lewis, 28:222–223) and frequent mentions of the Comtesse and her country seat at Auteuil
in his correspondence with Mme. du Deffand, same, vols. 3–8.
5. And also where JA and his family were to live a few years later; see his Diary and Autobiography, 3:120, 143–146. In the latter passage JA describes the topography and some of the sites of this part of (present) Paris more
fully than he does in this letter, including the home of the French poet and critic
Boileau.
6. The Marquis de Boulainvilliers, “who is a kind of Lord of the Manor of Passi,” was
a close neighbor and friend of the American Commissioners (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:303 and passim).
8. JA doubtless meant Daniel Defoe's well-known Tour through Great Britain, first published 1724–1726 and frequently revised and reprinted throughout the century.
Samuel Richardson contributed to the edition published in 1769; and surviving among
JA's books in the Boston Public Library is a copy of the Defoe-Richardson compilation
called the 8th edition, 4 vols., London, 1778 (Catalogue of JA's Library, p. 71).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0143
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-27
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Feb. 27. 1779
The Weather continuing fine, I went to Saint Denis a little Village about Eight Miles
from this Place, where are the Tombs of all the Kings and Queens. The statues of all
lie in state in Marble.
The Church which is called the Royal Church of Saint Denis is magnificent, and there
is an Appartment in a Chamber where the Crowns and many other Curiosities are preserved.
It is curious to see such a Collection of Gold, Ivory and precious stones, as there
is every Species I suppose that is mentioned in the Revelations. The Diamonds and
Rubies glitter.—But I confess I have so much of the savage sachem in me, that these
Things make no great Impression upon me.
There are several little Crucifixes here, which the Ecclesiastic, who showed them
told Us, were made of Bits of the true Cross.—This may be for any Thing that I know.
In my Return, I took a Circuit round by Mont Martre and dined at Home, with the Dr.
who has a fit of the Gout but is getting better.
The situation in which my Masters have left me, puzzles me very much. They have said
nothing to me, but one sett of Gentlemen write that I am to go to Spain, another to
Holland, a third to Vienna. But upon the whole I believe they dont intend to send
me to either, but leave me, to stay here in a ridiculous situation or return home,
if I can get there.
{ 181 } I shall return, unless I should receive before the Time arrives for the Vessell to
sail, orders which I can execute with Honour, and a Prospect of rendering some service
to the public. But of these two last Points I will judge for myself.1
RC (Adams Papers).
1. In a letter of this date addressed to John Jay, president of Congress, JA expressed his feelings about his situation and intentions in language that was officially
correct but not without barbs below the surface:
“By the new Arrangement, which was brought by the Marquis de la Fayette, I find myself
restored to the Character of a private Citizen.
“The Appointment of a single Minister, at the Court of Versailles, was not unexpected
to me, because I had not been two Months in Europe, before I was convinced of the
Policy, and indeed of the Necessity of such a Measure. But I ever entertained Hopes
that when the News of such an Alteration should arrive, the Path of my own Duty, would
have been made plain to me by the Directions of Congress either to return home or
go elsewhere. But as no Information we have received from Congress has expressed their
Intentions concerning me, I am obliged to collect them by Implication, according to
the best of my Understanding: and as the Election of the new Minister Plenipotentiary,
was on the fourteenth of September, and the Alliance sailed from Boston the fourteenth
of January, and in this Space of four Months no Notice appears to have been taken
of me, I think the only Inference that can be made is, that Congress have no farther
Service for me on this Side the Water, and that all my Duties are on the other. I
have accordingly given Notice to his Excellency M. De Sartine, and to his Excellency
the Minister Plenipotentiary here, of my Intentions to return, which I shall do by
the first Frigate which sails for any Port of the united States, unless I should receive
Counter orders in the mean time. In a Matter of so much Uncertainty, I hope I shall
not incur the Disapprobation of Congress, even if I should not judge aright of their
Intentions, which it is my Desire as well as my Duty to observe, as far as I can know
them.” (PCC, No. 84, I; LbC, Adams Papers.)
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0144
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-28
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Feb. 28. 1779
I suppose I must write every day, in order to keep or rather to restore good Humour,
whether I have any thing to say or not.1
The Scaffold is cutt away, and I am left kicking and sprawling in the Mire, I think.
It is hardly a state of Disgrace that I am in but rather of total Neglect and Contempt.
The humane People about me, feel for my situation they say: But I feel for my Countrys
situation. If I had deserved such Treatment, I should have deserved to be told so
at least, and then I should have known my Duty.
After sending orders to me at five hundred Miles distance which I neither solicited,
nor expected nor desired, to go to Europe through the Gulf Stream, through Thunder
and Lightning, through three successive storms, and three successive Squadrons of
British Men of War, { 182 } if I had committed any Crime which deserved to hang me up in a Gibet in the Face of
all Europe, I think I ought to have been told what it was—or if I had proved myself
totally insignificant, I think I ought to have been called away at least from a Place,
where I might remain a Monument of the Want of Discernment in sending me here.
I have given Notice here and written to Congress, of my Intentions to return, by the
first good Opportunity, unless I should receive other orders before my Embarkation,
orders that I can execute with Honour and some Prospect of Advantage to the Public.—You
know probably before now what orders if any are sent me. If none or such as I cannot
observe you may expect to see me in June or July. If otherwise I know not when.
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0145
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02-28
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Feb. 28. 1779
This Day, the Chevalier D'Arcy, his Lady, and Niece, Mr. Le Roy and his Lady, dined
here. These Gentlemen are two Members of the Academy of Sciences.1
Now are you the wiser for all this? Shall I enter into a Description of their Dress—of
the Compliments—of the Turns of Conversation—and all that.
For mercy Sake dont exact of me that I should be a Boy, till I am Seventy Years of
Age. This Kind of Correspondance will do for young Gentlemen and Ladies under 20,
and might possibly be pardonable till 25—provided all was Peace and Prosperity. But
old Men, born down with Years and Cares, can no more amuse themselves with such Things
than with Toys, Marbles and Whirligigs.
If I ever had any Wit it is all evaporated—if I ever had any Imagination it is all
quenched.
Pray consider your Age, and the Gravity of your Character, the Mother of Six Children—one
of them grown up, who ought never to be out of your sight, nor ever to have an Example
of Indiscretion set before her.
I believe I am grown more austere, severe, rigid, and miserable than ever I was.—I
have seen more Occasion perhaps.2
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Patrick d'Arcy (1725–1779), Irishborn military engineer who served in the French army; and Jean Baptiste Leroy (d. 1800), French physicist, author, and intimate friend of Franklin. They were currently engaged
in electrical experiments that interested Franklin. See Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale, under the names of both men, and see also Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 2:54.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0146
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-02
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] [Passy, February? 1779]1
You are uneasy that I dont write enough. I understand you. You want me to unravel
to you all the Mysteries of the Poli[ti]cks of Europe, and all the Intrigues of Courts. This would make Madam a Lady of Consequence
no doubt and enable her to shine in a Circle of Politicians of Either sex.—But in
the first Place I dont understand them—in the next if I did I would give the English
Leave to laugh or swear as much as they pleased if they should catch me in such a
folly as that of Writing it, to your Ladyship.
There has been too much of that heretofore. No more—dont you know that there are eagle
Eyes, and eager Ears about you, to catch any Thing improper from me, or from you.
Read the Journal de Paris and be easy.
RC? (Adams Papers). The MS has the appearance of being a recipient's copy, and though undated was bound up in
the family papers between JA's letters to AA of 26 and 27 Feb., above. But it could have been sent as a postscript to any one of several of
JA's letters written during this month; or perhaps, having been written in an even crosser
mood than the others in this sequence, it may not have been sent at all. Since no
acknowledgments have been found and the letters themselves bear neither endorsements
nor docketings, there is, in fact, nothing to prove that any of JA's scolding letters in February were sent or received.
1. If this is in fact JA's last letter to AA in February, it is his last to her until he wrote three on the same day from Lorient,
14 May, q.v. below. On 3 March he took leave of the French ministry at Versailles; on the
8th he and JQA left Passy for Nantes, where they arrived on the 12th, expecting to sail to America
on the Alliance, Capt. Pierre Landais. But the ship was in disrepair at Brest, whither JA went to arrange for an exchange of British prisoners that were aboard. The negotiation
became protracted, and the Adamses could not board Alliance until 22 April, at St. Nazaire. There, and at Nantes and Lorient again, JA had a lengthy and “triste sejour” after learning that the ship was to be detained
by request of the French government and that he and his son were to sail in a French
frigate, La Sensible, in company with the new French minister to the United States, La Luzerne, whose
preparations were tedious. La Sensible finally sailed from Lorient on 17 June. See JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:354–381.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0147
Recipient: Lovell, James
DateRange: 1779-02 - 1779-03
Abigail Adams to James Lovell
[dateline] [Braintree, February–March 1779]
Your favour of Jan'ry 19 never reachd me till the 26 of this Month. The only reason
why I did not mention the recept of your Letter November 271 and acknowledge with thanks Mr. L[ovel]l['s] kind care and attention to the Box which arrived safe was oweing to my not receiving
the least intimation of it, till after my Letter was sent to the post office.
In reply to a certain congratulation, can only say that the Idea of suffering for
those who are dear to us beyond the power of words to express, raise sensibilities
in the Heart which are blendid with a delicate pleasing Melancholy, and serve to mitigate
the curse entailed upon us.
Since I wrote last I have been releived from a great degree of anxiety by the arrival
of the Miflin in which came a large packet of Letters of various dates, and one so
late as December 2d. In reply to some pathetick complants, my Friend assures me that
he has wrote 3 Letters where he has received one, and that he has full as much reason
to complain of his Friends as they have of him. From Mr. A[dam]s he writes he has received only one short card, from Mr. G[err]y not a Syllable, from Mr. L[ovel]l only 2 or 3 very short, tho he candidly allows for them supposing that they must
have wrote oftner but attributes to the score of misfortune that so few have reachd
him. I mention this that you may be assured he has not been unmindfull of his Friends.
The occasion of my inquiry in a former Letter2 was oweing to my receiving inteligance that alterations had taken place and that
my Friend was removed. He had received some such inteligance when he wrote in December.
Why may I not wish that the removal might be to America. I reclined my Head upon my
Hand, my pen in the other whilst I revolvd that wish in my mind.—Lie still thou flutterer.
How pleasing were the Ideas that rushd upon my Soul whilst I was wholy absorbed in
Self. But a superiour claim silenced the voice of pleading nature and I revoked the
ardent wish—whilst I will endeavour to keep in view those patriotick sons of freedom
and imitate their virtuous examples who whilst they long for private life and pant
for Domestick felicity with painfull patience, incessant care and mixt anxiety are
sacrificeing the vigor of their days to secure Independance and peace to the rising
age.
But my Heart recoils with Indignation when I see their generous { 185 } plans of Freedom sapped and undermined by guilefull Arts and Machinations of Self
Love, Ambition and Avarice. Whether the late indiscreet appeal to the publick may
be considerd in this light time will determine, but an open and Avowed Enemy to America
could not have fixed upon a more successfull method of rasing Jealousys among the
people or of sowing the seeds of discord in their minds, and such have been the Effects
of it here that it produced a very extrodinary motion in a late assembly of which
I dare say you have heard.3
Virtue! without thee,
There is no ruling Eye, no Nerve in States;
War has no vigour and no safety peace;
Even justice warps to party, laws oppress.
For, lost this social cement of Mankind,
The greatest empires, by scarce felt degrees,
Will moulder soft away—till tottering loose
They prone at last to total ruin rush.4
Since I first took up my pen a fortnight has slid a way without any thing material
taking place unless the News paper altercation upon the important Subject of Balls
and assemblies may come under the head of Material.5— More than 2 years I think has elapsed since you was even a visitor in your Native
Town. If you absent yourself much longer you will be under the same necessity which
it is said Timon was in Athens of lighting a candle to find a Man. Monkies, Maccoronies and pate Ma'ters6 have multiplied like Egypt Locusts. Luxery, Luxery with her enticeing charms has
unbraced their Nerves and extinguished that Noble Ardor, that Zeal for Liberty, “that
Manly Soul7 of Toil,” that impatient Scorn of base Subjection which once distinguished the inhabitants
of your Native Town and led them first and foremost in the present glorious strugle.
Alass how changed! but I will quit a subject that I know must give you pain and ask
if you are at Liberty to tell me the important News which is said to have arrived
from Spain, which is good, very good and so good that nobody must know it. Various
are the conjectures concerning it.
Mr. Thaxter acknowledges your reproof just and kissis the rod, makes his excuses I
suppose in the enclosed Letter.
I will seek one in the benevolent Friendship of Mr. L[ovel]l for the Freedom I take in Scribling to him. I love every one who Manifests a regard
or Shew[s] an Attachment to my Absent Friend, and will indulgently allow for the overflowings
of a Heart softned by absence, { 186 } pained by a seperation from what it holds most dear upon Earth. A similarity of circumstances
will always lead to Sympathy and is a further inducement to subscribe myself your
Friend & Servant,
[signed] Portia
Dft (Adams Papers); at head of text in JQA's hand: “to James Lovell,” to which CFA added: “Feby. 1779.” Enclosed letter from John Thaxter to Lovell not found.
1. AA apparently means that she had answered Lovell's letter (of 14 Nov. 1778, printed above) in a letter dated 27 Nov. (which has not been found).
3. If there was a motion in the Massachusetts legislature on Deane's address of Dec.
1778, no record of it has been found.
5. On 12 Jan. 1779 a bill for “suppressing theatrical Entertainments, Horse-Racing, Gaming,
and such other Diversions as are productive of Idleness, Dissipation, and a general
Depravity of Manners,” was introduced into the Massachusetts House of Representatives;
on 10 and 11 Feb. it was read and debated; and on the 12th the House voted 78 to 53
to insert “a Clause in the Bill to prevent what is generally understood by public
Assemblies for Dancing” (Mass., House Jour., 1778–1779, 3d sess., p. 94, 136, 138, 140). A newspaper debate on this momentous
issue followed, begun by “A Country Representative” who accused “a certain Reverend Doctor, not far from Jamaica Plains,” which is to say Rev. William Gordon, of having meddlesomely inspired this measure
and taken up the time of the House with so “frivilous a subject as that of fiddling and dancing” (Continental Journal, 25 Feb.). Gordon replied by declaring his accuser “half-witted,” denying that he
had had anything directly to do with the bill, but asserting at the same time that
he “hath long meddled, and, while health and strength admit, is determined to meddle in matters regarding the public weal, as oft as he apprehendeth, that, by so doing,
he can assist in securing the liberties, the virtue, the innocence of the community”
(same, 4 March). The controversy went on but need not be pursued here. The bill did
not pass.
6. That is, petits-maîtres— fops or coxcombs.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0148
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-03-09
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Mar. 9. 1779
It is hardly necessary that I should tell the amiable Portia of my having within 4
days received a letter from her worthy Husband, as the date is no later than Sepr.
26, and Capt. Bradford mentions having received others, doubtless later and inclosing
some for you. We have this Morning also received one from him (Mr. A.) dated Sepr.
7th. At the Time I received the first mentioned Congress had from him one of Decr.
6th or 7th so that he was then well.1
He has seen an intercepted Letter of Simeon Deane to Silas which contained some indecent
hints respecting the Adamses but he com• { 187 } ments upon it with his usual Superiority and properly despises the Writing and the
Writer. He pays us, great Folks, off, as he used to do when here, for not seeing that Taxation is the
only Remedy against Depreciation, in our Circumstances.2
I would close here by telling you how affectionately I esteem you, if I was not sure
that it would rather mortify than please you while your mind is anxious to know how
this indecisive Assembly intend to dispose of your best Friend. There is a strange
Delay and something of Mystery in the Propositions that have been lately made here
respecting our foreign Affairs. But, be assured, I have not yet perceived any Thing
which probably will affect Mr. A—— in a disagreable Manner. I am not entitled to write
so confidentially to you about the mighty Congress as Mr. A. used to. For though I
think I may venture, yet I do not know how far. We are talking here about War or Peace. Would to God we were vigorously acting for one or the other. Look round you and guess which of the two we ought to talk least about. I hope that we shall not gape so eagerly after a desirable Object as
to break our Necks in the Pursuit. We had better keep our Eye upon the Ditch and the Cheveaux de Frize though our Fancy will be roving.
But, I had better quit this Topic, or I shall destroy all the Credit of your Sagacity,
and bring you down to a par with the Wiseacre who was called upon to tell whether
his Wife had brought him a Girl or a Boy, and who guessed right at the second Tryal. I will give your Wit and Judgment fairer Play, that I may have if possible
some new Cause to admire you.
[signed] JL
What signifies putting above those Initials the particular Truth which I hope is graven
among the Articles of your Belief.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The letters referred to by Lovell are as follows: (1) JA to Lovell, 26 Sept. 1778 (LbC, Adams Papers), summarized by Lovell in the following paragraph and printed, in part, in Edward
E. Hale and Edward E. Hale Jr., Franklin in France, Boston, 1887–1888, 1:232–233. (2) JA to President Laurens, 7 Sept. 1778 (PCC, No. 84, I; printed in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 2:703–704); it was received and read in Congress on the day Lovell wrote the present
letter (JCC, 13:296). (3) Presumably JA to Laurens, 6 Dec. 1778 (PCC, No. 84, I; printed in Wharton, vol. 2:851); it had been read in Congress on 25 Feb. 1779 (JCC, 13:251). (4) A letter from John Bradford at Boston to Congress, 13 Feb., which was
read and referred to the Committee on Commerce on 5 March (JCC, 13:275) but has not been found.
2. JA's comments on both the intercepted letter and American tax policy are in his letter
to Lovell of 26 Sept. 1778 (see preceding note). Silas Deane's brother Simeon had returned from France early
in 1778 bringing the Franco-American treaties for ratification, and had then set vigorously
about extending the Deanes' commercial enterprises in America, for which they had
great expectations because of their close official and mercantile ties in France.
{ 188 } Simeon's letter to Silas here discussed was captured by the British and printed, without
date or place (though quite evidently the writer was in Virginia), in Lloyd's Morning Post (London), 26 Aug. 1778. For the most part it reported on the ships and cargoes in
which the Deanes had an interest and on Simeon's own plans and prospects as a trader
in goods from France. But before finishing, Simeon added a revealing passage in which
he first spoke indignantly of the rising complaints in Congress over Silas Deane's
rumored commercial activities and then ingenuously substantiated the rumors:
“The two Adams's from N[ew] E[ngland] are both strongly against [John Hancock] and
yourself. God knows what lengths they intend by their factions; yet depend they are
indefatigable. I can with great truth assure you, that, notwithstanding their treatment
of you, . . . they have not yet dared to attack your character, further than to say
you were in trade, &c. This has been amply blazed by the imprudence of Mr. Bromfield,
who has told it everywhere, in Virginia and the Carolinas, that you and M. M——owned
a quarter or half of the ship commanded by Capt. Roche. The effects of that cargo,
I believe, are here (or a part of them), in his possession at James River, and in
case they have been laid out into tobacco, last June, at 30 to 36, may turn amazingly
advantageous—but whether this has been fully done or not, I am not informed.” (Deane Papers, 2:467–468.)
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0149
Recipient: Cranch, Elizabeth
Recipient: Norton, Elizabeth Cranch
Date: 1779-03-15
Abigail Adams 2d to Elizabeth Cranch
[dateline] Plymouth March 15 1779
As a convenient opportunity offoring by General Warren I cannot let it excape without
a line for my Myrtilla. I now take up my pen to inform you that I do not feel in the
writing humour and am determind to indulge myself and give way to thease Lazy freeks.
I shall take my pen in the eve again and will give you an account how I shall have
spent the afternoon for I am now already trigd1 to vissiat Miss Watson and can you wonder that I cannot write.
Monday eve [15 March]. We have paid the vissiat and had a very agreable afternoon more so than I expected
I assure you. Miss Sally Watson is I think a very prety agreable young Laidie but
rather reserved. She has a sister as prety as herself, Miss Betsey. They treated us
very Genteelly indeed, and I asure you I am much with the family altho they are of
differend sentaments.2
I dond think myself capable of medling with politicks and therefor can have friends
upon either party. Miss Watson is soon to be married. I suppose no dought she thinks
she shall be happyer than at present but some people think her mistaken. Some people
who ware once low in the World now Live in aff [l]uence and Luxury but I dont think it will last always.
I dont belive the person Who rides in his Chariot is half so happy as the farmer whose
nesecetyes oblige him to walk a foot. A polite person and a great fortune will make
up for every other diffishencey let them be ever so great.
{ 189 } I must now bid you adeiu for my fingers are so cold I cannot hold my pen aney longer
than to subscribe myself your friend,
[signed] Mercella
PS I suppose before this Mrs. Welch is the fond parrent and has either a Son or Deaughter
to take up her attention.3 I wish the latter.
2. This was the family of George and Elizabeth (Oliver) Watson of Plymouth. Sarah (1759–1832) was to marry Martin Brimmer of Boston on the 28th of this month. Her sister Elizabeth (1767–1806) married (1st) Thomas Russell of Boston and (2d) Sir Grenville Temple. The Watsons'
“differend sentaments,” not surprisingly, were loyalist; Mrs. Watson was a daughter
of former Chief Justice Peter Oliver, and the oldest sister in the family, Mary, was
the wife of Elisha, son of former Governor Thomas Hutchinson. See Plymouth Church Records, 1620–1859, N.Y., 1920–1923, 1:449, 452, 456; 2:500; Bradford Kingman, Epitaphs from Burial Hill, Plymouth, Massachusetts, Brookline, Mass., p. 40, 87; Barbara N. Parker and Anne B. Wheeler, John Singleton Copley, Boston, 1938, p. 204–206; Andrew Oliver, Faces of a Family, privately printed, 1960, p. 9–10.
3. Mrs. Thomas Welsh (Abigail Kent), AA's first cousin, gave birth to a son, Thomas Welsh Jr., on 8 Jan. 1779. He graduated from Harvard in 1798 and during 1798–1799 served as
JQA's secretary in Berlin. He later practiced law in Boston, ventured into politics and
business, suffered heavy losses, and died in 1831. Information from Harvard Univ.
Archives; see also vol. 1:220, above; CFA, Diary, vol. 2, passim; JQA, Diary, 12 July 1831; Adams Genealogy.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0150
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-03-15
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Plimouth March 15 1779
If anything would awake the sleeping Muses or Call Back the Wandering Deities the
Imagery of this Delightful Morn (when the hand of Nature has Decorated Every twig
with spangles of peculiar Brilioncy) joined with the Repeated Request of my friend
would not fail to do it. The subject you point out1 Requires Heroics. But Alas, Clio is Deaf, perhaps irrecoverably stunned till the
Noise of War shall Cease. The Harmony of Calliope suffers by the jaring of patriots,
and Melpomene is starved amidst the General Cry for Bread.
In short, I believe the sacred Nine sickened by the unpromissing aspect of this Decayed
Village (once the Asylum of piety) And Grown weary of their old friend, sensible they
had heretofore made a Lodgment in an unthrifty soil, have bid an Everlasting Adieu.
And as their Ladyships have taken Wing (probably in pursuit of some more happy Clime,)
I hope they will not Rest till they light on the Head of some Votive Genius whose
productions will do honour to the Admired Train, as well as to the Cold Regions of
the North.
{ 190 } But if they should ever Condescend again to make a Temporary Visit to one almost secluded
from society (Which Brightens the Ideas and Gives a polish to Expression) you may
depend upon it your abscent partner will not be forgot. But at present you must be
Content to Let me tell you in plain prose that I think him Honest, that if by Living among the Refinements of politions and Courtiers his Integrity
should be undermined, or his taste perverted, my Motto to Every Character in Future
shall be, That Man is all a Lye.
I Return you a Letter with thanks for the perusal. Wish if proper you would forward
some others when you send for your Daughter who I Really Love, and Love her the more
the Longer she Resides with me.2
In future I shall Call her my Naby and Back my Claim with the promiss of her papah
to whom I shall appeal if you Monopolize too much.
You do not tell me why you was so Confident I had a Letter from France. Depend upon
it you shall see it when I have. I think I might Expect two or three in a Year if
it was only a Complementary Return for the Many Visits made A Lady, by a Gentleman
with Regard to whom were it in my power, I should Discover perhaps too much of the
spirit of the times, by Engrosing his hours wholly to myself, and to a Number of amiable
youth, but he is impeled by a Coincidence of Circumstance to a style of Life not agreable
to his taste. Call me Miserly if you please, Yet I am sensible you Can you May3 feelingly join with me and the Bonny Scotch Lass, and Warble the Mournful Chorus
from Morn to Eve.
Theres Little pleasure in the Rooms
When my Good Mans awaw.
I shall Return a Number of Letters with a Manuscript Volum by Miss N[abb]y.4 It has been an agreable Entertainment to me, and when you Come to Plimouth which
I hope Will be within a few weeks I shall Endeavour to make all the Retaliation in
my power.
You ask what I think of the Late Dispute among the higher powers of America. I know
Little of it Except what is in the public papers, where I think may be Discovered
the precipitation and timidity of Guilt in a Certain Indiscreet writer.5 Yet I Like not the Expression of Englifyed Americans which I saw droped from a pen I View in a very different Light.6
I shall only Gentley Remind you that your promiss is not yet Com• { 191 } pleated of writing much and frequently through the Course of the Winter to her who
subscribe your affectionate Friend,
[signed] M Warren
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. Adams Braintre.” Tr (MHi:Mercy Warren Letterbook;) in an unidentified hand and doubtless copied from Mrs.
Warren's (missing) draft. RC and Tr frequently differ in phrasing, but only two conspicuous differences in actual substance
have been recorded here; see notes 2 and 5. Enclosed letter may have been JA to AA, 6 Nov. 1778, printed above; see note 6 below.
4. None of these items is identifiable.
“But it is not unusual in the infancy of states, for some of the most unworthy characters
to justle themselves by fortunate accidents into the most capital departments of office:—and
when by their atrocious conduct, they have thrown every thing into confusion, they
make efforts to escape punishment and often impeach the most worthy, and cast an odium
on the best concerted plans. I think time must unravel some misteries which authority at present thinks best should be hushed in silence.
“To your second question I answer, there is no calculating on the termination of military
rencountres, yet, I do not fear much from the sword of Britain. I believe her to be
more haughty than powerful, and more malevolent than politic, and that she will endeavour
to do much by intrigue.
“Heaven will restrain the arms and defeat the councels of a corrupt Court, but not
for our sakes. The Lord of the universe will disappoint the projects of our foe, to
carry on the system of his own government: and while he protects, will chastise us
if necessary, and will punish an ungrateful people, in ways more analegous to the
usual doings of providence, than to suffer a new formed nation to be trodden down
e'er it arrives to maturity.
“America is a theatre just erected—the drama is here but begun, while the actors of
the old world have run through every species of pride, luxury, venality, and vice—their
characters will become less interesting, and the western wilds which for ages have
been little known, may exhibit those striking traits of wisdom, and grandeur and magnificence,
which the Divine oeconomist may have reserved to crown the closing scene. Yet, [here a long ellipsis is indicated by the copyist]
[salute] “Adieu,
[signed] M Warren”
6. This “Expression” echoes one in JA's letter to AA of 6 Nov. 1778, above, characterizing Dr. James Smith. Thus it seems likely that the letter Mrs.
Warren enclosed here was that letter.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0151
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1779-03-20
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] March 20 [1779]
[salute] My Dearest Friend
Your favour of December 9 came to hand this Evening from Philadelphia, by the same
post received a Letter from Mr. L[ovel]l transcribing some passages from one of the same date to him,1 and the only one he says which he has received since your absence, and his pocket2 proves that he has written 18teen different times, yet possibly { 192 } you may have received as few from him; the watery world alone can boast of large packets
received, a Discourageing thought when I take my pen. Yet I will not be discouraged,
I will persist in writing tho but one in ten should reach you. I have been impatient
for an opportunity, none having offerd since Janry. when the Alliance saild,3 who my presaging mind assures me will arrive safe in France, and I hope will return
as safely.
Accept my thanks for the care you take of me in so kindly providing for me. The articles
you mention should they arrive safe, will be a great assistance to me. The safest
way you tell me of supplying my wants is by Draughts, but I cannot get hard Money
for Bills. You had as good tell me to procure Diamonds for them, and when Bills will
fetch but five for one, hard Money will exchange ten—which I think is very provoking
and I must give at the rate of ten and sometime 20 for one for every article I purchase.
I blush whilst I give you a price current, all Butchers meat from a Dollor to 8 shillings
per pound, corn 25 Dollars, Rye 30 per Bushel, flower 50 pounds per hundred, potatoes
ten dollors per Bushel, Butter 12 shillings per pound, cheese 8, Sugar 12 shillings
per pound, Molasses 12 Dollors per Gallon, Labour 6 and 8 Dollors a Day, a common
Cow from 60 to 70 pound, and all English goods in proportion.
This is our present situation. It is a risk to send me any thing across the water
I know, yet if one in 3 arrives I should be a gainer. I have and do study every method
of oeconomy in my power, otherways a mint of money would not support a family.—I could
not board our two sons under 40 dollors per week a peice at a school. I therefore
thought it most prudent to request Mr. T[haxte]r to look after them, giving him his board and the use of the office—which he readily
accepted and having passd the winter with me, will continue through the summer, as
I see no probability of the times speedily growing better.
We have had much talk of peace through the mediation of Spain, and great News from
Spain, and a thousand reports as various as the persons who tell them, yet I believe
slowly, and rely more upon the information of my Friend, than all the whole Legend
[legion] of stories which rise with the sun, and set as soon. Respecting Gorgia other Friends
have wrote you, shall add nothing of my own but that I believe it will finally be
a fortunate Event to us.
Our Vessels have been fortunate in making prizes, tho many were taken in the fall
of the year, we have been greatly distressd for Grain.4 I scarcly know the looks or taste of Bisquit or flower for this four months, yet
thousands have been much worse of, having no grain of any sort.
{ 193 } The great commotion raisd here by Mr. D[ea]n[e] has sunk into contempt for his character, and it would be better for him to leave
a country which is now supposed to have been injured by him. His Friends are silent,
not knowing how to extricate him. It would be happy for him if he had the art himself—he
most certainly had art enough in the begining to blow up a flame and to set the whole
continent in agitation.
[dateline] April 23
More than a Month has past away since writing the above and no opportunity has yet
offerd of conveying you a line. Next to the pain of not receiving is that of not being
able to send a token of remembrance and affection. (You must excuse my [not]5 coppying as paper is ten dollors per quire.) Last week a packet arrived from Brest
with dispatches for Congress but no private Letters. I was dissapointed, but did not
complain. You would have wrote I know had you supposed she was comeing to Boston.
By her we heard of the safe arrival of the Alliance in France which gave me much pleasure,
may she have as safe a return to us again. Last week arrived here the Frigate Warren
after a successfull cruize. She had been out about 6 weeks in company with the Queen
of France and the Ranger, Capt. Jones.6 They fell in with and captured a Fleet bound from New York to Georgia consisting
of Ship Jason 20 Guns 150 Men, Ship Maria 16 Guns 84 Men, having on board 1800 Barrels
of flower, privateer schooner Hibernian 8 Guns and 45 Men, Brigs Patriot, Prince Fredirick,
Batchelor John and Schooner Chance, all of which are safe arrived to the universal
joy and satisfaction of every well wisher of their country. The officers who were
captured acknowledge that this loss will be most severely felt by the Enemy, and it
is hoped will give General Lincoln important advantages against the enemy in Georgia.
Respecting Domestick affairs I shall do tolerably whilst my credit is well supported
abroad and my demands there shall be as small as possible considering the state of
things here, but I cannot purchase a Bushel of grain under 3 hard Dollors, tho the
scarcity of that article makes it dearer than other things.
Our Friends here all desire to be rememberd to you. I remind your daughter of writing
and she promises to, but she does not Love it. Charlly is very busy a gardening, sends
his Duty and hopes to write soon.—My pen is very bad, but you are so used to the hand
you can pick it out, and if it goes into the sea it will be no matter.
I should be very glad of some wollens by the Alliance for winter Gowns. Nothing will
be amiss, unless it is Mens white silk stockings { 194 } | view which I have no occasion for, and suppose the pair sent among the Letters which came
in the Miflin an accident.
[salute] My pen is really so bad that I cannot add any further than that I am wholy yours.7
RC (Adams Papers); addressed in John Thaxter's hand: “Honble. John Adams Esqr. Passy near Paris”;
endorsed: “Portia. March 20. 1779.”
5. Editorially supplied for sense.
7. Bound with this letter in the papers as arranged by the family in the 19th century
was a notation in AA's hand of tax assessments which may possibly have been enclosed to JA, although since she does not mention it in her letter, this seems unlikely. There
is no proof that the assessments even belong to this year. The notation reads as follows:
| State Tax real Estate | 60 | 6 | 4 |
| personal | 25 | 17 | 0 |
| half farm | 100 | 3 | 5 |
| 186 | 6 | 9 | |
| Second Tax | 106 | 9 | 5 |
| half Farm | 137 | 10 | 7 |
| Parish tax | 089 | 5 | 2 |
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0152
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-04-08
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] April 8th. 1779
So I must Give up my Little Companion, my Young Friend. Your Claim is prior, your
Title Cannot be Contested, but Remember she is not all your own: how apt are we to think we hold all our Blessings by a tenure of right, and Grow
fretful when they are Resumed by the first proprietor.
But I took not up my pen to Moralize. Nor will I hold it Long: and were I to Judge
by the very sparing Returns dos my Friend wish it. Therefore will hasten to thank
you for the Instance of self Denial in thus long sparing your Daughter. I Love her,
and as her amiable Disposition Delights her Friends, May an assemblage of Virtues
Ripen, and Flourish, to Gladden the Fond Mother, and to fill the paternal Bosom with
unspeakable satisfaction, when he Returns to his Natal soil, and must Look painfully
abroad on the Degeneracy of Man, the Depravity of Manners, the Decline of Morals,
the Depreceation of Money and the sinking of patriotism.
But I forbear. I will throw asside my pen, Ink and paper for this time at Least not
because I am not in a Writing humour, I have a thousand things to say, but merely
in Resentment, that Your Attention { 195 } is so much taken up with Your southern and other Correspondents that You have no time
for your assured Friend,
[signed] M Warren
PS Must postpone sending your Dishes As Miss Naby Cannot Convenently Cary them.
[dateline] April 9th.
I Send Mr. Adams's Letter knowing it will Give you pleasure. You will Give it Mr.
Warren.
I hope Miss Naby will not be the Less solicitous to Come to Plimouth in Future for
rather runing over her time. If she is I shall be sorry she did not Go sooner that
her Wishes might accellerate her return.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. Adams Braintree.” Enclosed letter from JA to James Warren or Mrs. Warren not certainly identifiable.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0153
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-05-14
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] L'orient May 14. 17791
[salute] My dearest Friend
I left Paris on the Eighth of March, expecting to find the Alliance, at Nantes and
embark immediately for home, but when I arrived there I found the Alliance was still
at Brest. I went to Brest 200 Miles from Nantes, and after some Stay there the Alliance
was ordered to Nantes. I returned to Nantes, and when every Thing was ready to sail
for America, an order came from Court for the Alliance to go to L'orient, and for
me to go home in one of the Kings ships, with his new Ambassador to the united States,
Le Chevalier de la Luzerne.
It would fill a Volume to give you an History of my Adventures.2 My Son has accompanied me wherever I have been and is treated with more Attention
than his father, tho that is as much as he wishes.
Dont think hard of me for not writing. I have wrote as often as I could. But there
are Letters of mine still in the Ports of this Kingdom, which were written I believe
9 Months ago—many many others are in the Sea.
When you come to know how few Letters I have received from America, you will be surprized.
There seems to be no Communication of Intelligence between the two Countries or worse
than none.
What the Sentiments or Intentions of Congress are concerning me, I know not. Shall
find out in Time, I presume. But it seems to most People a little misterious that
I should be sent here, and so soon forgotten, so entirely as neither to be ordered
to stay, go or come. However, there3 are Reasons probably that We know not here.
{ 196 } You may form an Idea of the Tenderness with which I expect to see you and ours, in
the Course of five or six Weeks.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. This is JA's first letter to AA since his series to her at the end of February. See notes on his undated (and perhaps
fragmentary) letter to her printed under the assigned date of Feb. 1779. On 14 May JA addressed ||including his second and third letters of that to date|| to AA, doubtless intending to send them by different vessels. The order in which they are
printed here is simply the editors' guess as to the order of their composition.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0154
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-05-14
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] L'orient May 14. 1779
[salute] My dearest Friend
When I left Paris, the 8 March, I expected to have been at Home before this Day and
have done my Utmost to get to sea, but the Embarrassements and Disappointments I have
met with, have been many, very many. I have however in the Course of them had a fine
Opportunity of seeing Nantes, L'orient and Brest, as well as the intermediate Country.
By the gracious Invitation of the King, I am now to take Passage in his Frigate the
Sensible, with his new Ambassador to America the Chevalier De la Luzerne.
I hope to see you in six or seven Weeks. Never was any Man in such a state of Uncertainty
and suspense as I have been from last October, entirely uninformed of the Intentions
of Congress concerning me.
This would not have been very painfull to me if I could have got home, for Your Conversation
is a Compensation to me, for all other Things.
My Son has had a great Opportunity to see this Country: but this has unavoidably retarded
his Education in some other Things.
He has enjoyed perfect Health from first to last and is respected wherever he goes
for his Vigour and Vivacity both of Mind and Body, for his constant good Humour and
for his rapid Progress in French, as well as his general Knowledge which for his Age
is uncommon.—I long to see his Sister and Brothers—I need not Add—1
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0155
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-05-14
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] L'orient May 14. 1779
[salute] My dearest Friend
I am taking an Opportunity by every Vessell that is going to inform you, that I am
coming home as soon as possible. In Six or Seven Weeks I hope to have the Pleasure
to see you, and my other Friends.
The new French Ambassador, who goes out to relieve Mr. Gerard, will go in the same
Frigate.
We can get no News from America of any Consequence, and not a syllable of any Kind
from Congress. There is but one Piece of News in Europe of any Importance, and that
is from Holland and may be depended on, that the States General on the 26 of April,
took the Resolution to convoy their Trade, notwithstanding Sir Joseph Yorks Memorial,
and to fit out directly Thirty two Ships of War, for that Purpose—an important Event,
which must have great Consequences.1—My Duty, Love and Respect, wherever due.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. This “Piece of News” and the comment thereon are taken almost verbatim from a letter
JA had just received from Franklin dated at Passy, 10 May 1779 (Adams Papers). Sir Joseph Yorke (1724–1792), the veteran and domineering British minister at The Hague, was to cross JA's path directly in 1780. His Memorial of 9 April 1779, protesting Dutch ships' continuing
to carry naval stores to France, is printed in Ann. Register for 1779, “State Papers,” p. 425–427.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0156
James Lovell to Abigail Adams, with enclosure James Lovell to Abigail Adams, 5 June 1779
DocGroupNo:
PartCode: I
AFC03eg1pt1
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0156-0001
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-06-05
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] June 5th. 1779
If at any Time heretofore I have seemed to infringe upon your Prerogatives, I ask
your Pardon. It was rash in me to censure you for what Sovereigns do in all Parts of the World. Charging me with being a Flatterer you only exercised
the Power of misinterpreting some of my most sincere Sentiments: And I, forsooth,
ran into the antiquated Notion of a Distinction between Right and Power.
I smile, however, with myself in a Sort of revengeful Humour, while I consider how
You also, like some others born to hold Dominion have been hurried into an Exertion which only tends to discover the Impotence of
Might when operating against Integrity. Have you by the Artillery of Misnomer made
me resign my affectionate Regard? Have you even deterred me from using Terms suited
to my Opinions? No, for I will this Instant stile you “Very amiable Portia.” And having
done that Act of Justice to my own Feelings, and furnished You with a { 198 } Hint for a moralizing Meditation upon the nature of Empire, I proceed to the Business
for which I catched up my Pen at first, haunted with the Thought that the booted Bearer
would return to me in five Minutes after leaving my Window.
The Box, which Mr. Adams left 20 months ago to the Care of Mr. Sprout's [Sproat's] Family, on the Morning of Sept. 19th., the Era of our Flight to York Town, came Yesterday
to my Hand. I found it almost empty, but I imagine just as he parted with it tho contrary
to my Expectation. Perhaps he left with you some Memorandum.1
I had determined to keep the Box here, and send the Things by Parts, at easy Opportunities,
even if they had been more in Number. I have sealed up all the Papers into neat Packets,
and forward a Part by the Bearer of this who goes with a Guard. Mr. S. Adams will
be on his Way home next Week and a Waggon in Company. You will find the Papers regularly put together which for the most part was easy to be performed, as they were, for
the most part, endorsed. The others I so far looked into as would enable me to finish the Arrangement. I might innocently have gone further, with two Packages, I mean those endorsed P.2 which accompany my Letter. But it happened that I had no Curiosity to satisfy there; and with the others, tho Curiosity at times prompted me, I could
not without Guilt indulge it.—Am I right in my Notions of Letter-Peeping? In those Cases where Improprieties
of Stile or Sentiment or Secrets intended only for the Eyes of the Correspondent are
supposed to be penned, it is cri[mi]nal to venture. But where there is undoubted Right to expect only the Product of a Pen
directed by the Fingers of a virtuous elegant discrete Writer, I hold it lawful, comparatively, to peep; if a man is quite at Leisure, and in danger moreover of
running into notorious mischief unless he so employs himself, Curiosity also having
at the same Time its stimulating Goads at work upon him.—These six last Lines narrow
my System plaguily; I am sure they were not in my Imagination when I was putting together
the Letters of Portia, who had more than thrice kindly shown me how she could write, and another Friend shows me weekly what a virtuous Wife will naturally write to her absent Husband. Thus was I without Curiosity in Regard to the two Packages which grounded my Descant
upon Letter-Peeping.
If I do not get Opportunity to write somewhat at large to you on the Politics of Europe
and the Great House in Chesnut-Street Philadelphia,3 yet you will not have Reason to regret my Occupations; as Mr. S.A. will in a more
pleasing Manner communicate to you more than would be proper for the Pen.
{ 199 } I shall convey under Seal and other Security Mr. Adams's Letter Book and Accounts.—If
he did not settle with the State before he went you had better see how Mr. Dana gave
in his Demand, and not descend to Minutenesses such as I remember to have heard my
absent Friend say it was unbecoming to be subjected to, and such as you will find
by Mr. Avery have not been practiced. Though I am prepared for such a Thing I will
not chuse to submit to it.
I will now close my Letter and take a list of the Contents of the Box4 tho I will not miss sending the one if the other is not ready before the Gentleman
calls on me.
[salute] Your affectionate humble Servant,
[signed] James Lovell
RC (Adams Papers). For a (presumed) enclosure see note 4.
1. See JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:262–264; Lovell to AA, 9 July and 14 Nov. 1778, both above; and AA to Lovell, 18–26 June, below.
2. For “Portia.”
3. The Pennsylvania State House (now Independence Hall), where Congress held its sessions.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0156-0001
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-06-05
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] June 5th. 1779
If at any Time heretofore I have seemed to infringe upon your Prerogatives, I ask
your Pardon. It was rash in me to censure you for what Sovereigns do in all Parts of the World. Charging me with being a Flatterer you only exercised
the Power of misinterpreting some of my most sincere Sentiments: And I, forsooth,
ran into the antiquated Notion of a Distinction between Right and Power.
I smile, however, with myself in a Sort of revengeful Humour, while I consider how
You also, like some others born to hold Dominion have been hurried into an Exertion which only tends to discover the Impotence of
Might when operating against Integrity. Have you by the Artillery of Misnomer made
me resign my affectionate Regard? Have you even deterred me from using Terms suited
to my Opinions? No, for I will this Instant stile you “Very amiable Portia.” And having
done that Act of Justice to my own Feelings, and furnished You with a { 198 } Hint for a moralizing Meditation upon the nature of Empire, I proceed to the Business
for which I catched up my Pen at first, haunted with the Thought that the booted Bearer
would return to me in five Minutes after leaving my Window.
The Box, which Mr. Adams left 20 months ago to the Care of Mr. Sprout's [Sproat's] Family, on the Morning of Sept. 19th., the Era of our Flight to York Town, came Yesterday
to my Hand. I found it almost empty, but I imagine just as he parted with it tho contrary
to my Expectation. Perhaps he left with you some Memorandum.1
I had determined to keep the Box here, and send the Things by Parts, at easy Opportunities,
even if they had been more in Number. I have sealed up all the Papers into neat Packets,
and forward a Part by the Bearer of this who goes with a Guard. Mr. S. Adams will
be on his Way home next Week and a Waggon in Company. You will find the Papers regularly put together which for the most part was easy to be performed, as they were, for
the most part, endorsed. The others I so far looked into as would enable me to finish the Arrangement. I might innocently have gone further, with two Packages, I mean those endorsed P.2 which accompany my Letter. But it happened that I had no Curiosity to satisfy there; and with the others, tho Curiosity at times prompted me, I could
not without Guilt indulge it.—Am I right in my Notions of Letter-Peeping? In those Cases where Improprieties
of Stile or Sentiment or Secrets intended only for the Eyes of the Correspondent are
supposed to be penned, it is cri[mi]nal to venture. But where there is undoubted Right to expect only the Product of a Pen
directed by the Fingers of a virtuous elegant discrete Writer, I hold it lawful, comparatively, to peep; if a man is quite at Leisure, and in danger moreover of
running into notorious mischief unless he so employs himself, Curiosity also having
at the same Time its stimulating Goads at work upon him.—These six last Lines narrow
my System plaguily; I am sure they were not in my Imagination when I was putting together
the Letters of Portia, who had more than thrice kindly shown me how she could write, and another Friend shows me weekly what a virtuous Wife will naturally write to her absent Husband. Thus was I without Curiosity in Regard to the two Packages which grounded my Descant
upon Letter-Peeping.
If I do not get Opportunity to write somewhat at large to you on the Politics of Europe
and the Great House in Chesnut-Street Philadelphia,3 yet you will not have Reason to regret my Occupations; as Mr. S.A. will in a more
pleasing Manner communicate to you more than would be proper for the Pen.
{ 199 } I shall convey under Seal and other Security Mr. Adams's Letter Book and Accounts.—If
he did not settle with the State before he went you had better see how Mr. Dana gave
in his Demand, and not descend to Minutenesses such as I remember to have heard my
absent Friend say it was unbecoming to be subjected to, and such as you will find
by Mr. Avery have not been practiced. Though I am prepared for such a Thing I will
not chuse to submit to it.
I will now close my Letter and take a list of the Contents of the Box4 tho I will not miss sending the one if the other is not ready before the Gentleman
calls on me.
[salute] Your affectionate humble Servant,
[signed] James Lovell
RC (Adams Papers). For a (presumed) enclosure see note 4.
1. See JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:262–264; Lovell to AA, 9 July and 14 Nov. 1778, both above; and AA to Lovell, 18–26 June, below.
2. For “Portia.”
3. The Pennsylvania State House (now Independence Hall), where Congress held its sessions.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0157
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1779-06-08
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] June 8th 79
[salute] My Dearest Friend
Six Months have already elapsed since I heard a syllable from you or my dear Son,
and five since I have had one single opportunity of conveying a line to you. Letters
of various dates have lain months at the Navy Board, and a packet and Frigate both
ready to sail at an hours warning have been months waiting the orders of Congress.
They no doubt have their reasons, or ought to have for detaining them. I must patiently
wait their Motions however painfull it is—and that it is so your own feelings will
testify. Yet I know not but you are less a sufferer than you would be to hear from
us, to know our distresses and yet be unable to relieve them. The universal cry for
Bread to a Humane Heart is painfull beyond Discription, and the great price demanded
and given for it, verifies that pathetick passage of sacred writ, all that a Man hath
will he give for his life. Yet he who Miraculously fed a Multitude with 2 loaves and
5 fishes has graciously interposed in our favour and deliverd many of the Enimies
supplies into our hands so that our distresses have been Mitigated. I have been able
as yet to supply my own family spairingly but at a price that would astonish you.
Corn is sold at 4 dollors hard money per Bushel which is eaquel to 80 at the rate
of exchange.
Labour is at 8 dollors per Day and in 3 weeks at 12 tis probable, or { 200 } it will be more stable than any thing else. Goods of all kinds are at such a price
that I hardly dare mention it—Linnins at 20 dollors per yard the most ordinary sort
calicow at 30 and 40,1 Broad cloths sold at 40 pounds per yard—West India goods full as high, Molasses at
20 dollors per Gallon, sugar 4 dollors per pound, Bohea Tea at 40 dollors and our
own produce in proportion, Butchers meat at 6 and 7 and 8 shillings per pound, Board
at 50 and 60 dollors per week. Rates2 high, that I suppose you will rejoice at, so would I, did it remedy the Evil. I pay
5 hundred Dollors, and a New continental rate has just appeard, my proportion of which
will be 2 hundred more. I have come to this determination to sell no more Bills unless
I can procure hard money for them altho I shall be obliged to allow a discount. If
I sell for paper I through away more than half, so rapid is the depreciation, nor
do I know that it will be received long. I sold a Bill to Blodget at 5 for one which
was lookd upon [as] high at that time. The week after I received it, two Emissions were taken out of
circulation and the greater part of what I had proved to be of that sort, so that
those to whom I was indebted are obliged to wait and before it becomes due or is exchanged,
it will be good for—as much as it will fetch, which will be nothing if it goes on
as it has done for this 3 Months past, but I will not tire your patience any longer.
I have not drawn any further upon you, I mean to wait the return of the Alliance which
with longing Eyes I wait for. God grant it may bring me comfortable tidings from my
dear dear Friend whose welfare is so essential to my happiness that it is entwined
round my Heart, and cannot be impared or seperated from it without rending it assunder.
In contemplation of my situation I am sometimes thrown into an agony of distress.
Distance, dangers—and O! I cannot name all the fears which sometimes oppress me and
harrow up my soul. Yet must the common Lot of Man one day take place whether we dwell
in our own Native Land, or are far distant from it. That we rest under the shadow
of the Almighty is the consolation to which I resort, and find that comfort which
the World cannot give. If he sees best to give me back my Friend, or to preserve my
life to him, it will be so.
Our worthy Friend Dr. Winthrope is numberd with the great congregation to the inexpressible
loss of Harvard College.3
Let no weak drop
be shed for him. The Virgin in her bloom
cut off, the joyous youth, and darling child
These are the Tombs, that claim the tender Tear
{ 201 }And Elegiac Song. But Winthrope calls
For other Notes of Gratulation high
That now he wanders through those endless worlds
He here so well discried, and wandering talks,
And Hymns their Author with his glad compeers.
The Testimony he gave with his dyeing Breath in favour of revealed Religion, does
honour to his memory and will endear it to every Lover of Virtue.4
I know not who will be found worthy to succeed him.
Our Brother Cranch is immersd in publick Buisness—and so cumbered with it that he
fears He shall not be able to write you a line.5
C[ongre]ss have not yet made any appointment of you to any other court. There appears a dilatoryness,
an indisicion in their proceedings. I have in Mr. L[ovel]l an attentive Friend who kindly informs me of every thing which passes relative to
you and your situation, gives me extracts of your Letters both to himself and others.
I know you will be unhappy whenever it is not in your power to serve your country—and
wish yourself at home where at least you might serve your family.—I cannot say that
I think our affairs go very well here. Our currency seems to be the source of all
our Evils. We cannot fill up our continental Army by means of it, no bounty will prevail
with them. What can be done with it, it will sink in less than a year. The advantages
the Enemy daily gain over us is oweing to this. Most truly did you prophesy when you
said that they would do all the mischief in their power with the forces they had here.
Many Letters lay in Boston for you which have been wrote Months. My good unkle S[mit]h yesterday let me know that a Letter of Mark bound for Nants would sail in a day
or two. I eagerly seaze the opportunity and beg you to give my blessing to my son
to whom I have not time now to write. I dare not trust myself with the Idea nor can
express how ardently I long to see both the parent and son. Our whole family have
enjoyed great Health since your absence. Daughter and sons who dayly delight themselves
with talking of Pappa and Brother present their Duty and Love. Your Worthy Mamma who
is now here request[s] me to add her tenderest affection to you, who next to the writer is anxious to hear
from you. Your Brother request[s] me to desire you to procure for him 2 peices of Linnin to the amount of 24 dollors
which he will pay to me, and to send them whenever you have an opportunity of sending
to me. I shall not write for any thing till
the Alliance returns and I find what success she has had.
{ 202 } [salute] My tenderest regards ever attend you in all places and situations know me to be ever ever yours.6
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by JA: “Portia June 8. 1779,” to which is added in John Thaxter's hand: “Answerd 16th.
March 1780”; see note 6.
2. Taxes.
3. Professor John Winthrop had died on 3 May. Although his death drew forth a number
of printed poetical tributes, the lines that follow in AA's letter have not been found among them. We may guess that AA here adapted to Winthrop a tribute to an astronomer that she remembered from one
of her favorite English poems in blank verse.
4. For this “Testimony” see the obituary in the Boston Independent Chronicle, 13 May 1779, p. 2, cols. 2–3.
5. However, see the following letter. Recently reelected a Braintree representative to the Massachusetts House, Cranch
was particularly active at this time as a member of a committee conducting the sale
of confiscated loyalist estates in Suffolk County. See the Confiscation Acts of 30
April and 1 May as published in the Boston Gazette, 10 May, p. 2, cols. 2–3, and 17 May, p. 1, cols. 1–3; the proceedings of the committee,
signed by Cranch and others, same, 24 May, p. 1, col. 1; and, generally, Richard D.
Brown, “The Confiscation and Disposition of Loyalists' Estates in Suffolk County,
Massachusetts,”WMQ, 3d ser., 21:534–550 (Oct. 1964).
This letter of course did not reach JA before he sailed for home on 17 June. It was evidently held for him in France, for
on 16 March 1780 he answered it in very affectionate terms from Paris some weeks after his return
there; see his letter of that date, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0158
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1779-06-11
Richard Cranch to John Adams
[dateline] Boston June 11th. 1779
[salute] My dear Friend and Bror:
I have just now deliver'd to your Friend Genl. Warren of the Navy-Board, a Pacquet
from Sister Adams directed to you. The Genl. informs me that a Vessell will sail for
Nants next Sunday, by which he will send it. Tho' I cannot learn that any of my former
Letters have reach'd you,1 yet I gladly take hold of the same Oportunity to try again to convey a Letter to
so dear a Friend. I have had the happiness of receiving one Letter (and but one) from
you since you left us, the Date of which I cannot recollect, as I have it not here
with me, in which you encourage me to make some Communications to the Philosophic
Society to which you have been admitted.2 A Compliance with such an Intimation would be extremely agreeable to me was I at
Leasure and my Country in Peace; but Bellona and the Muses suit ill together. I hope,
however, that in some future Time I may have the Honour and Pleasure of such a Correspondence.
You will perceive by the inclosed Paper that I am again return'd a Member by your
native Town to represent them in the General Court. The present Time requires much
better Abillities than mine to be exerted.—I will, how• { 203 } ever, do the best I can. Your Friend Warren, you will perceive, declin'd taking a
Seat at the Board, and I am glad of it, as we want such Men in the House. Government
has been greatly perplex'd for some Time past; and our greatest Embarrasments have
originated, as I apprehend, in the great Scarcity of Grain occasion'd by a severe
Drought that cut off a great Part of our Harvest the last Year. Hence the necessity
of the Consumer became so urgent that he must give whatever Price the Seller would
please to ask for his Grain, and a higher Price was every Day demanded; this encourag'd
many base Minds to withold from selling in hopes of getting a still more en[orm]ous3 Price in future. This increased the Evil by adding an artificial [ . . . ] Scarcity, 'till at last the Price of Corn has amounted to forty d[ollars] per Bushel. The Consequence of which has been that Labour has risen in nearly the
same Proportion, and other Produce has been estimated by the Price of Bread; this
has led the Merchant and Trader to raise their Goods in a like Proportion, in order
to Ballance with the Farmer. This I take to have been the chief Source of the present
sudden rise of things, and that the Evil is not to be charg'd wholly or chiefly (as
many People will have it) to the Depreciation of the Currency. From this State of
Things Government has been oblig'd, in Justice, to allow its Servants six or seven
times as much nominally for their Services, as would have sufficed had things remained
at the usual Price. Hence the Taxes laid on the People prov'd insufficient for the
Purposes of Government—The Treasury is exhausted—temporary expedients of giving Notes,
borrowing, &c. are try'd to little purpose—Servants of Government in the main time
kept out of their Due—Credit of Government lower'd, and general uneasiness introduced.
To remeddy the Evil in part, and to prevent a further Depreciation of the Currency,
Congress has call'd upon the United States to pay into the Continenal Treasury by
the 1st. of Jany. next forty five Millions of Dollars, six Million of which is apportioned
on this State. For the Removal of the former Evil of Scarcity, we must look to him
who ruleth the Seasons, and “giveth Bread to the eater.” At present we have more Grain growing, I suppose, than we ever had at one Time before,
and a Prospect of a fine Harvest.
By Express received yesterday from Genl. Gates (who commands on the R: Island Station)
it appears that the Enemy are again in the North River with a Design, as he supposes,
to attack Genl. Washington, and make Depredations on the Eastern States; I cannot
learn what Number of the Enemy are at North River. We have ordered two Thousand Men
to be raised immediately to fill up our Part of the Continental Batallions, and eight
Hundred Men for the Defence of R: { 204 } Island State. The Tory Band of Loyal Refugees, as they stile themselves, headed by
George Leonard the Miller, are employ'd in coasting between N. York and Nantucket
on the notable Business of Sheep-stealing, robing Hen-roosts &c. We have taken several
of their small Arm'd Vessells; and this Morning arrived here the Blaze-Castle of eighteen
Carriage and six Swivel Guns, taken by three of our Letter of Marque Vessells. She
had 90 Men, and was sent from Hallifax on purpose to Cruise on this Coast. The Vessells
that took her had just sail'd from Piscataqua, bound to the W: Indies. It seems the
Commander of the Blaze-Castle had received intelligence of several Merchant-Men being
about to sail from Portsmouth, and was watching for them, but caught a Tartar.4 I have enclos'd an Address from Congress which was read in Court this Day, and order'd
to be reprinted.5 I think it will give you Pleasure; also one [of]6 Mr. Tudor's Orations presented to you by Mr. Gill the Printer,7 a[nd some?] NewsPapers.
I hope you will excuse the Length of th[is lette]r, and believe me to be with the highest Esteem, your oblig'd Friend and Brother,
[signed] Richard Cranch
Mrs. Adams and your Children were well Yesterday. Mrs. Cranch and our Children, and
all Friends at Braintree and Weymouth were well when I left home, whose best Wishes
attend you. Give my Love to Cousin Johnny and desire him to write to his Cousins by
every Oportunity. They did not know of my Writing at present, or else they would have
wrote to him.
P.S. Our House has voted a Tax of £1800,000 (being the six Million Dollars for the
Continent) and One Million Pounds for the use of this State, to go out directly.8
RC (Adams Papers). Enclosures not found; for those that are identifiable, see notes 5 and 7.
4. For the details see the Boston Gazette, 14 June 1779, p. 3, col. 1.
5. To the Inhabitants of the United States of America, a hortatory address on the financial difficulties of the country, drafted by John
Dickinson, agreed to in Congress on 26 May, ordered to be printed, and signed by President
Jay (JCC, 14:649–657; 15:1456; Evans 16636). On 11 June the General Court ordered that it be reprinted “in Hand-Bills
and sent to the several Ministers of the Gospel in the Towns and Parishes [for reading
after divine service] . . . , also to the respective Town-clerks,” &c. (Ford, Mass. Broadsides, 2191; Evans 16637). There are two copies of the Massachusetts reprint in MHi: Broadside Coll.
8. Cranch was mistaken. The sum to be raised by taxes, voted on 9 June, was £2,800,000
(Mass., House Jour., May–June 1779, p. 35).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0159
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-06-14
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] L'Orient June 14. 1779
[salute] My dearest Friend
I have been often disappointed, and therefore cannot be perfectly sure now: but my
Baggage is all on Board a Frigate of the Kings, and I am to take Passage in her, with
the Chevalier de la Luzerne the new Ambassador to the united States, and Monsieur
Marbois, the Secretary to the Commission, two Gentlemen of the most amiable Characters.
Their will be Eighteen or twenty Persons in their Train. We expect to go to Boston,
but may possibly go to Philadelphia.1
I ought not to give you an History of my Adventures for Four Months past, untill I
see you. This goes by another Vessell: but I hope you will see me before it.
The French Fleet is out from Brest, and the French look up now with a good Countenance.—England
is torn with Distractions, and Spain is expected soon to declare. Holland and the
Northern Powers have made Declarations which sufficiently indicate their Determination,
which is favourable to Us. Britannia, in short must soon hearken to Reason.
My dear Fellow Traveller is very well, and is the Comfort of my Life. He is much caressed,
wherever he goes.—Remember me to the rest. What can I say more? No Words, no Actions
can express the Ardour of Affection with which I am theirs & yours.
[signed] John Adams
Not one Line from America since yours by the Alliance, nor any from Congress since
October or the Beg[inning] of Novr.—a Pause that has consumed a great deal of my Patience, but I have Bags and
Boxes of it yet left, in Abundance.
RC (Adams Papers.)
1. At one point during his tiresome wait JA expressed the view that the French government was treating him with “Insolence, and
Contempt” (Diary and Autobiography, 2:369). But the great civility of both La Luzerne and his articulate and sophisticated
secretary of legation, Marbois, toward JA and JQA at once overcame all such resentful feelings (same, p. 380).
Concerning Anne César, Chevalier de La Luzerne (1741–1791), François Barbé-Marbois (later Marquis de Barbé-Marbois) (1745–1837), and their subsequent relations with JA, see under both their names in the index to JA's Diary and Autobiography.
The passengers boarded the frigate La Sensible, Capt. Bidé de Chavagnes, early in the morning of 17 June and { 206 } sailed in mid-afternoon. They arrived in Boston Harbor on 2 (or possibly 3) Aug.;
see below, Samuel Adams to AA, 31 July, note 2. JA's account of the voyage is one of the most engaging among his many records of travel;
see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:381–400.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0160
Recipient: Lovell, James
DateRange: 1779-06-18 - 1779-06-26
Abigail Adams to James Lovell
[dateline] [Braintree 18–26 June 1779]1
Do you love the Natural sentiments of the Heart[?] Take them then as they flow from the pen of Portia. Having been to take a ride this
afternoon upon my return stopt at my Brother Cranchs when one of the family came to
the chaise and told me a Gentleman from Boston had left a large packet for me in the
House. My Heart bounded for joy—I besought him to deliver them Instantly to me. The
Bulk of the packet insured them a pressure to my Bosom. My spirits danced. It was
dark, I could not see the hand writing but was in no doubt from whence they came.
The Space between my Brothers and my own house was a dozen mile and it seemd like an age to get to it. I sprang from the chaise, calld for a light
before I got into the house, but when I came to the light it was Mr. L[ovel]l['s] hand writing. O the Letters had arrived at Philadelphia, and he ever attentive to
the calls of Friendship had coverd them to me. I broke the Seal and the dear delusion
vanished like the “baseless fabrick of a vision.” An involuntary tear (it could not
be helpd) found its way and for the first time I did not feel that pleasure which
always before accompanied a Letter from Mr. Lovell. Six Months and not one line. Expectations
so raised and so damped must plead my excuse for so unpolite a reception to my much
valued correspondent, to whom for the future I shall give leave to make use of what ever expressions he pleases in order to prove that my Benevolence
is eaquel to my power, having from a further acquaintance with him discoverd that the talent for which
I formerly censured him is natural to him and that far from being a slothfull servant
he has improved it tenfold. Nor would I rob him of the pleasure he takes in thus indulgeing
the too pleasing art, since it must be acknowledged that he is an accomplished proficient in it.
I will not disclaim the Epethet of amiable since it is a character which if I do not
already possess [it] I would wish to obtain even to the value of her whose price was far above rubies.
Your dissertation upon Letter peaping diverted me. I am glad however that you had
no curiosity to gratify, or held yourself otherways restrained from inspecting the
Letters of P[ortia]. For having flatterd me with a <first> place in your Esteem I should have been loth to have { 207 } forfeited it, since I have no right to expect nor a wish to obtain from any other
than the person to whom they were addressd that which an Antient Sage has told us
covereth a multitude of faults. The Manuscript you mention did not come by the hand
which brought the Letters. I am happy sir if any of the contents of the Trunk were
serviceable to you and you will oblige both my absent Friend for whom I know I can
answer as well as the present writer in retaining both the Jacket and Stockings and
in never mentioning them again.2
I stand indebted to you sir for a Letter dated March 9th. as well as June 5th in the
former of which you say there is a strange delay and some thing of Mystery in the
propositions which have been lately made here respecting our foreign affairs, but
be assured that I have not yet perceived any thing which will probably affect Mr.
A in a dissagreable Manner.
I wish you had explaind yourself more fully or was it out of tenderness to me that
you would not tell me that I might have reason to daily expect his return, knowing
the anxiety I must suffer in the interval.
If he has not been recalld I know not how to account for a passage in a Letter which
has come to hand since I took my pen to you. It is from Dr. Winship belonging to the
Alliance, to his wife and dated Brest harbour 7 of April. “It is now determined that
we return to Boston as soon as may be, and what convinces me that we shall make all possible speed is that Mr. Adams is to return in the ship.”3 97 prisoners had been sent from England [with] which the ship would be well man'd. I have since heard some resolves of congress4 which I think makes it probable that he would return either with or without leave, since if he was not in a situation to serve his country, he would be unhappy
absent from his family. God grant him a safe return, and that in future he may retire
from publick life.
There has been 3 several appointments here of gentlemen for members of congress, all
of whom have declined. This state will find it something difficult to supply the places
of the present indefatagable Labourers there.5 It begins to be considerd as rather burdensome and no loaves and fishes to be caught.—But
if virtue says my absent Friend on a similar occasion, was to be rewarded with wealth
it would not be virtue, if virtue was to be rewarded with fame it would not be virtue
of the sublimist kind. Who would not rather be Fabricus than Ceasar, who would not
rather be Aristedes than even W[illiam] the 3d. Who? Nobody would be of this mind but Aristedes and Fabricius.
I fancy I had better close this Letter without any further addition least you should
discover that I am not in a very good humour, pos• { 208 } sibly from wrong information. I will therefore endeavour to suppress every dissagreable
Idea of publick Slight and indignity till assertained of the Truth or falcity by Mr.
S. A[dams] whose daily arrival is expected, and in the mean time I shall anxiously wait for
the return of the Alliance, perplexd with a thousand fears and apprehension which I do not owe the publick and for which—but hush, did I not say I would close but not till I have assured you
that I am with sentiments of Esteem your Friend & humble Servant,
[signed] Portia
Dft (Adams Papers); at head of text in JQA's hand: “To James Lovell Philadelphia 1779,” to which CFA added: “June <1778>.”
3. Amos Windship (1745–1813), a Boston physician and apothecary, was at this time serving as surgeon aboard the
Alliance and thus knew something of JA's movements and plans from encounters with him at Brest and Lorient; see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:337, 353, 360, 368, 376. In an earlier note on Windship in this series, the editors did not know how to account
for AA's reference to him as “the famous Dr. W[ind]ship” (vol. 2:187–188). That this was sarcasm becomes clear from a long and curious biographical sketch
of Windship by Ephraim Eliot, a contemporary and fellow apothecary, contributed by
S. E. Morison to Col. Soc. Mass., Pubns., 25 (1922–1924): 141–171, hitherto overlooked by the Adams editors. Eliot's sketch
is entitled “Biography of a Rascal,” and from the details it furnishes Windship clearly
was one. During his single year in Harvard College he entered on a career of casual
but engaging knavery that continued with only occasional deviations into respectability
until his death.
4. This reference is too vague to permit identification.
5. This observation is borne out by the proceedings of the General Court. In Oct. 1778,
seven delegates had been elected (or reelected) to serve for the year 1779 in the
Continental Congress: Samuel Adams, Francis Dana, Timothy Edwards, Elbridge Gerry,
John Hancock, Samuel Holten, and James Lovell. But three of these did not attend at
all in 1779, namely Dana, Edwards, and Hancock, leaving four delegates to represent
the state in Philadelphia through the first half of the year. On 2 June, Edwards resigned
from a delegation in which he had never served, and in mid-June Samuel Adams took
leave for a visit home.
Much of June was therefore spent by the General Court in trying to strengthen its
delegation during a period when its interests were very much at stake. On the 4th,
Artemas Ward was elected in the place of Edwards, resigned; but ten days later Ward
declined to serve. Meanwhile, on the 10th, the House passed a resolve “directing one
of the gentlemen who are members of Congress for this State, and now within the same,
to repair to Congress without delay; and empowering two delegates to represent the
State therein.” On the 16th it elected James Warren in Ward's place, but he declined
next day, whereupon George Partridge was chosen. After much hesitation and reconsideration,
Partridge finally accepted on 29 June. All this did relatively little to strengthen
the Massachusetts delegation. See Mass., House Jour., May–Oct. 1779, p. 21, 23, 28, 37–38, 48, 50, 56, 72–73; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4:liii–liv.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0161
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-07-06
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] July 6 1779
I take up my pen this Morning to let my Friend know I have not yet seen Mr. S. Adams,
but understand by Mr. Warren, That Thier is No Expectation in Congress that Your Mr.
Adams will Return yet. There is a large Majority of that Body who highly Esteem Him
and wish his Continuance in Europe, have an Eye upon him if proposals of accomodation
should be made as best qualifyed to Negotiate a peace or that he will be in Employ
at some Court in a short time as it is Expected some New appointment will be Necessary
before Long. Should have wrote you sooner but was in hopes to have seen Mr. Adams
myself from whom I might have Collected more perticulers as Mr. Warren saw him only
in Company, having unsuccessfully Called several times.
I will write again if anything offers worth Communicating. Yesterday was Celebrated
the anniversary of Independence with Noise and Dissipation, a Concert this Evening,
Though These kind of Entertainments May not Enhaunce the happiness of the people or
fix our Liberties on a More solid Base.1
But your Friend Must hasten affectionatly to subscribe her Name though by the quiver
the scrall might be known to be that of
[signed] M Warren
RC (Adams Papers).
1.
“Yesterday commenced the Anniversary of the 4th Year of the Independence of the United
States of America. The same, we hear, is to be observed by a Feu de-Joy of the Militia,
of this Town, in State-Street, at Noon, this Day, a Discharge from the Shipping in
the Harbour, and a Display of Fire-Works in the Common, at Evening” (Boston Gazette, 5 July 1779, p. 3, col. 2).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0162
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-07-14
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Boston Wensday [14] July [1779]1
My Friends anxity I Wonder not at. Wish I could say anything that would Give that
Relief her agitated mind requires. Yet have no doubt her best Friend will soon be
in a more Eligiable situation. Mr. Lovel writes Mr. Warren that the Motions of Congress
tend towards an appointment to him Honorable, and thinks it will soon take place.2 No body seems to have an Expectation of his Return at present.
The movements of our Enemies I will say Nothing about yet pity Greatly pity the Distresses
of our Friends And the Weary Lids are kept { 210 } Waking with the apprehension of Dangers approaching nearer our own Borders.
I expect to see you in a few days, perhaps Next Teusday. Yet it may not be till Wensday
or Thursday. But whenever it is You will be assured of seeing one Friend when Called
upon by your Humble Servant,
[signed] M Warren
RC (Adams Papers).
1. In a letter dated from Plymouth, 29 July 1779, Mrs. Warren told JA that “On my way from Boston I lodged a week since at the foot of Pens Hill” (Warren-Adams Letters, 2:114). The present letter, written (as its final paragraph states) a week before
that visit and dated at Boston on“Wensday,” must therefore have written on Wednesday,
14 July 1779.
2.
“Our worthy Friend John Adams must think I neglect him in his very odd Situation.
We are ripening towards Measures which must induce an immediate and definite consequential
Disposition of him, and I have no doubt of an honorable one” (Lovell to Warren, 15
June, Warren-Adams Letters, 2:108).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0163
Recipient: Lovell, James
Date: 1779-07-15
Abigail Adams to James Lovell
[dateline] [Braintree, ca. 15 July 1779]1
I wrote to Mr. S A—— the same day I received your Letter,2 but not a syllable of information have I yet collected from him. No Alliance yet
arrived—it will afford me some releif to be scribling to somebody who will hear me,
who will attend to me and answer my Queries, and tho Mr. L[ovel]l has heretofore wrote rather problematically with regard to the situation of my absent
Friend I beg of him to be explicit in answering my Questions and the first is whether
the conduct of Mr. A. has been impeached either directly or Indirectly? Whether he
was included in the publick censure of congress upon the dissensions amongst their
commisioners, a censure which if I may presume to say it was as indiscreet as it was
unjust.3 Why when Mr. Lee and Mr. Izard received new commissons Mr. Adams was not recalled?
Was he ever requested to tarry in France or any notice of any kind taken of him after
his commision was vacated? The Motions of congress tend towards an appointment of
Mr. A——, and I make no doubt of an honorable one, says Mr. L[ovel]l in a Letter to General W[arre]n4—but where you do not mention. You observe that you are not surprised at the report
of his return, nor am I if he has had the reason which I think he has for it. Whenever
you favour me with a reply, I request a full and free indulgance of your pen upon
the subject. If I have sufferd heretofore in some sacrifice of personal happiness
believe me Sir I feel not less keenly the reward of it. But I say this only to you
or a { 211 } perticuliar Friend. To every other inquirer my Lips shall keep silence. The safe return
of the Alliance may possibly dispell the cloud which at present hangs heavy [on]5 the Heart and mind of
[signed] Portia
Dft (Adams Papers); at head of text in CFA's hand:“1779.” Just possibly the MS is a fragment, beginning as it does at the top of a page without salutation or paragraph
indention and the text seeming to begin in medias res.
3. Congress' much-debated resolve of 20 April on the Deane-Lee dispute: “That suspicions
and animosities have arisen among the late and present commissioners, . . . highly
prejudicial to the honor and interest of these United States” (JCC, 13:487). JA's name was not among those finally included in the resolve. See below, JA to AA, 13 Nov., note 3.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0164
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-07-16
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[epigraph]
March 6 1779. “Our friend my late Colleague means to embark soon and from him you
will learn the State of our Affairs here. Mr. Izard and myself would have accompanyed
him had not our Commissions prevented us.”
[dateline] [Philadelphia]July 16th. [1779]
[salute] My dear Madam
[epigraph]
March 6 1779. “Our friend my late Colleague means to embark soon and from him you
will learn the State of our Affairs here. Mr. Izard and myself would have accompanyed
him had not our Commissions prevented us.”
The above is an Extract from a Letter of Ar. Lee to Mr. S. Adams1 and tho Mr. Lee writes afterwards on April 6th. yet it was a very short Letter of
Information concerning the Enemys Plan against Connecticutt just as they have lately
proceeded.2 He says not a Syllable therein about Mr. Adams; but it is currently reported here
that he was at a Port of Embarkation before the Vessel now here left France. I suspect
he is on board the Alliance Frigate; perhaps while I am writing he is embracing you. If not, you may find by
a confidential Moment or two with his worthy Namesake in Boston the probable Cause
of his not waiting for some special Direction from hence. Staying or Returning, I
am sure he has done right; he has acted like a Man of Judgement, Probity and Spirit:
Therefore it is that I express no Surprize at the written Intelligence or the Report.
I refer you to Mr. S. A——for the Communications which should make your Bosom easy
if it is capable of suspecting my Mr. Adams of { 212 } Rashness. I will not without absolute Necessity risque to the Accidents of Carriage
on the Road, at this Time, all that I could say about the probable Causes of this
unexpected Return: The Knowledge of your being in any Pain about it, after having
seen the Gentleman to whom I have referred you, will constitute such Necessity. For,
be assured, the Sacrifices you have made to the public Good and the Manner in which
you have made them have given you a despotic Command over my Affections. And, here,
by way of Attonement for the Voice I have once given against your private and personal
Felicity, I do soberly promise that, unless there is a great Change for the better
in the Manners of America, I will not speedily exert myself in any way for the self same Purpose, but leave Portia in the full Enjoyment
of Days twenty-five hours long.
[salute] Very platonically to be sure but, very, very affectionately your humb. Servt.,
[signed] JL
3 Ship Captains say Genl. Lincoln gained a Battle on the 20th. of June in a fair Field, each side
quitting their Lines. The devilish Lies before were told by a Mate. The odds of Title is not all. Capt. Sergeant of Cape Ann who left Carolina the 23d.
told the Story in the Teeth of the Delegates of his own State in their Parlour.
Perhaps I may get some particulars from Col. Laurens late President who, I hear, has
examined the Gentlemen.
[signed] JL
I broke the Seal to warn you against the News. Col. Laurens told me a very fine Story
which he believed from“the very ingenious Manner in which it was detailed to him.” An Express varies it by Letter so far as that our Men attacked the Enemy's Lines and were obliged to retreat which
they did by order and in the best Manner. Things are not in bad Train however. The
Writer tells that both Cannon and Musquetry were heard at the Time of his Writing
so that the latter Part of the Story may turn out something like Truth, the Power
of our Gallies being equal to the Work they meant to do at Stono Bridge.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The original has not been found. It was forwarded by Lovell to Samuel Adams, doubtless
in Lovell's letter to Adams of 16 July (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4:319–320). See also Adams to AA, 31 July, below.
2. Arthur Lee to the Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs (PCC, No. 83, II; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:110–111), read in Congress on 15 July (JCC, 14:836).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0165
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-07-19
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia July 19th. 1779
Your Favor of June 18/26 is this Hour come to hand.
“Do I love the natural Sentiments of the Heart”? Yes, Amiable Correspondent, I truly love them; and your little Story was far, very far from non-natural. You was betrayed, it seems, by a Combination of Circumstances such as a
tender Sensibility and the Dusk of the Evening, to make a Pressure to your lovely
palpitating Bosom which soon after cost you a crying Spell.
If I do not forestall you by making a Remark here myself, I shall expect that in your
next Letter you will turn my false Wit upon me, and by making natural mean only common, you will tell me that your misfortune had very natural Consequences, since the Celadon
or Lothario who was the Means of your Sorrow only smiled at the Tears which he had
caused. But—to be sober, I hope you have by this Time realized more substantial Pleasures
than the Receipt of a Packet from my esteemed Friend. I have written to you lately
by Express my Opinion of his Return. Winship's Letter three days later than Arthur
Lee's is a strong Confirmation that you are to be soon happy.
Every Thing that wears the Appearance of Injury to him may be resolved into the Dilatoriness
which springs from the Nature and Constitution of a certain Assembly here.
Promise me that you will be upon your Guard against Tremors at the Sight of Superscriptions
upon large Packets not in the Handwriting you wish most to see, and I will put up a Set of Journals
for your Mr. A. that you may read all the Weaknesses of some who are called great Men.1
I find by Letters from my dear Polly2 that a Mr. McClane is coming Express, by whose Return I shall be able to perform
the Promise just made, and to renew the affectionate Assurances of my being Your obliged
Friend and humble Servant,
[signed] James Lovell
RC (Adams Papers).
1. On 31 March, Congress had ordered that its Journals from 1 Jan. 1779 (except for secret
proceedings) “be printed immediately; and that, for the future, the journal . . .
be printed weekly” (JCC, 13:395). Accordingly, the Journal was issued in three monthly parts for Jan.–March,
and thereafter weekly through the rest of the year (“Bibliographical Notes” in same,
15:1459–1462).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0166
Recipient: Lovell, James
Date: 1779-07-28
Abigail Adams to James Lovell
[dateline] July 28 [1779]
[salute] Dear sir
Your favour of july 16 this moment received the contents of which have awakend in
my Bosom the anxiety which had before almost subsided. By a Letter dated some time
in june1 which you must before this time have received you have found that I had similar inteligance
to what you have communicated. But I was strangely puzled, I knew not what to think.
I had never received a hint of the kind from you. Upon Mr. A[dams'] return I desired my very worthy and attentive Friend General Warren to inquire into
the Matter, which he did and was assured by him that my Friend was not recalld and
that congress had no expectation of his return. Mr. A expressd some little surprize
that I should even be anxious about his situation abroad, but believe me sir I knew
the temper and disposition of my Friend too well to suppose that he would wish to
be detained abroad an unemployed spectator—a useless figure. Nor is he sufficently
the man of pleasure to be happy from his family unless he was rendering his country
essensial service. But if that country had no further Demand upon him, methinks they
might with honour have restored him to his family, and not have left him neglected
and unnoticed. Far far be it from me to accuse him with Rashness. What ever I may
suffer from fears, apprehensions and anxieties I must approve his conduct even tho in consequence of it he should become a prisoner to the Mad
Tyrant of Britton.
You refer me to Mr. S A for further inteligance. My agitated mind would be glad to
find present releaf from any quarter otherways I would wait for those probable causes hinted at by Mr. L[ovel]l from whence I am sure to gather more satisfaction than I shall from any other quarter.
I need not add that Mr. S A is too much the politician to attend to purtubations and
too much the phylosopher to realize the thousand nameless anxieties that distress
the tender Heart of our frail Sex. I think I have a right to say this since he has
not even wrote me a line since his return tho he could be no stranger to my perplexity
having received a Message or two from me and being requested by Genll. W[arre]n to come and see me.
Since I last had the Honour of writing to you a vessel from Nantz brought me 3 Letters—one
of December, one of Janry. and one of Febry.2 All that he say[s] with regard to his return in those Letters is in that dated December. I think I shall
see you this year in spight of B[ritish] Men of war. I have expected every moment for more than { 215 } two Months my recall—and from this circumstance I supposed he held himself bound by
his commision to Tarry till congress pleased to permit his return. But having waited
month after month and no intelligance of the kind having arrived, I presume he received
the inattention as a proof that they had no further service for him. What other motives
he may have I know not.
He excuses himself from writing freely on account of the danger, but says thus much—I
can say with perfect sincerity that I have found nothing to disgust me, discontent
me, or in any manner disturb me in the French Nation. My Evils here arise altogether from Americans.
The vessel which brought these Letters brings a story also that the Alliance in company
with a 40 gun frigate was gone upon some secret expedition. Sure Mr. A would not embark
for any other purpose but a speedy return to America. I pray Heaven that her arrival
may soon releave me from this defered hope which maketh the Heart sick.
The Carolina Bubble has made us hard of Belief—even General Wayne['s] success3 was not credited till Authentacated proofs of it arrived. Desolated Farefeild and
Norwalk were too British exploits to be hesitated at. Too painfull are the retrospect
of those scenes, and the Tragidy has so often been acted over that words are not left
to discribe the Horrours of it.
Before I close suffer me with the most gratefull sensations to acknowledg your kind
attention to me during the absence of my dearest Friend, by every method in your power
alleviating my anxiety [and]4 rendering me all the information which you could obtain.
Dft (Adams Papers); mistakenly docketed by JQA at head of text: “to John Thaxter.” After AA's incomplete date JQA added “1779” and“Mr. Adams arrived from France five days after the date of this Letter.”
The draft is a notably careless one, even for AA, and its punctuation has been slightly corrected for the sake of clarity.
1. 18–26 June, above.
3. In taking the British post at Stony Point on the Hudson River, 16 July.
4. Editorially supplied.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0167
Recipient: Adams, Samuel
Date: 1779-07-30
Abigail Adams to Samuel Adams
[dateline] [Braintree, ca. 30 July 1779]
[salute] Dear sir
As your good Lady had promised me the favour of a visit before your return to your
Native Town, give me leave sir to request a compliance with the promise and that you
would do me the Honour of accompanying her here. I wish sir to be informed by you
with regard { 216 } to the situation of my absent Friend and what congress propose to do with him. The
publication of a report of a committe of Congress with regard to their commisoners
has given me some dissagreable sensations. I know not whether the report was accepted,
but it was such a general censure as must wound the Innocent with the guilty and will
be Esteemed by one of them at least as no very delicate recall.1
The latest advices which I have from France are dated Febry. 9. By that I find that
the address of Mr. Dean had arrived in France, and rekindled a Flame there which before
was almost extinct, that parties ran high to the injury of our publick affairs, and
the consequence would be the prolonging of the war. That he had found nothing to disgust,
disturb or any ways discontent him from the French Nation, but all the Evils he experienced
arose all together from Americans.
But tis probable you have Letters by the same vessel and may be more fully acquainted
with his affairs than I am. He daily expects his recall, but will be not a little
mortified to find it couch'd in terms which I am sure he has not deserved. In what
other light can he view it, whilst Mr. Lee as I have been informed is appointed to
Spain, and he many months without an explicit recall or any prospect of any other
Destination. I cannot help giving some attention to the report of his returning in
the Alliance since I know if he is not in a situation to serve his Country he will
be very unhappy from his family.
You sir can set me right if I have been misinformed or if I have misconstrued the
determinations of your respected assembly either of which will give me more pleasure
than to be assured that I had not erred in judgement tho by so competant a judge.
Be pleased to present my most affectionate regards to your Lady and to hope for the
pleasure of a visit as soon as you can render it convenient. Possibly it might be
more so to you to come up of a Saturday and spend the Sabbeth with your Humble servant,
[signed] A Adams
Dft (Adams Papers); at head of text in CFA's hand: “1779.” Recipient identified and approximate date assigned from internal
evidence in conjunction with the substance of the following letter from Samuel Adams
to AA, which is presumed to be a reply to the present letter.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0168
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-07-31
Samuel Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Boston 31 July 79
Mr. Saml. Adams and Mrs. Adams present their most friendly Regards to Mrs. Adams of
Braintree. In Answer to her Message to Mr. A, he informs her, that in a Letter he
receivd a few days ago from Arthur Lee dated the 6th of March, Mr. Lee acquaints him
in these Words,“Our Friend my late Colleague means to embark soon, and from him you
will learn the State of our Affairs here.” The Letter was dated at Nantez. Mr. Lee
does not explain or hint at the Motive. Other Letters I am informd, are come to hand
at Philadelphia dated as late as the 6th of April.1 Mr. and Mrs. A. intend to do themselves the Pleasure of visiting Mrs. A at Braintree
soon.2
2. It is not known whether this visit took place, for on this day the Sensible “Found Bottom . . . on St. Georges Banc” 100 miles east of Cape Cod, and two or (possibly)
three days later JA reached home.
The evidence furnished by JA himself respecting the exact time and place of his disembarkation with JQA is contradictory and confusing. But in all probability on Monday, 2 Aug., they left
the vessel in Nantasket Roads and were rowed with their baggage to the Braintree shore,
whence they had departed in mid-February 1778. It is certain that La Luzerne and his
party proceeded into the inner harbor and landed with due ceremony on Tuesday the
3d. (See JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:342, 344, 400.) It is also certain that on the 3dJA sat down at home and addressed a letter to John Jay, president of Congress, reporting
and explaining his movements since learning in February that he had been relieved
of his duties as a commissioner in Europe (RC in PCC, No. 84, I, printed in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:276–278; LbC, Adams Papers, printed in JA, Works, 7:97–99, with CFA's silent correction of JA's probable error in giving the 3d rather than the 2d as the date of his actual arrival
home). On the 4th, JA wrote (or at least began) a much longer letter to Jay submitting for the consideration
of Congress his “Reflections . . . on the general State of Affairs in Europe, so far
as they relate to the Interests of the united States” (RC in PCC, No. 84, I, printed in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:278–286; LbC, Adams Papers, printed in JA, Works, 7:99–110). This, which JA then viewed as his final dispatch and testament, was a major effort and was recognized
as such; it was read in Congress on 20 Aug. (JCC, 14:981), and the numerous contemporary copies of it recorded in the Adams Papers Editorial Files show that it circulated widely.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0169
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-08-06
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Eleriver August 6 1779
[salute] My Dear Friend
“And are you sure the News is true,
And are you sure He's Come.”
Beneath the shady Forrest of Ele River, while my Best Friend has walked towards the
Fertile plains to survey the Reapers, or perhaps asscends the Rugged Hills to View
the sportive Flocks, I take up my pen to Congratulate you, most sincerely to Congratulate
you on the safe Return of yours, from the Busy and wearisom scenes of politics, pleasure,
and politeness, to the still Delights of Domestic Felicity, where the Gladned mother
Can scarcly suppress the tear of Rapture, to [listen?] and smile Alternately at the Narrations of her young traveler, and the simple tale,
with which the two younger Masters (Emulous for Papahs Attention) strive to Entertain
Him, while the observing Daughter silently Watches Every accent, and treasures up
Every article of Inteligence for her Future improvement. The Father Thanks His Neglegent
Countrymen for suffering Him so soon to Indulge in the Highest Joys of Life. But the
patriot must secretly Chide the want of Decission, that Inattention to the Interests
of the states, that has permited him thus Early to Leave Europe, when by a Longer
stay He might have Rendered them such Essential service.
When I participate the Family Happiness, and take a part in the Felicity of my Friends,
I Flatter myself it is an Emenation of Benevolence.
But There is not a spark of patriotism in the Cordial Gratulation in the Larger scale
which is the Measure of patriotic Merit. What are the Little streams of social affection,
the Heart felt pleasure of the Wife, the parent and the Friend, who would not sacrifice
without a sigh these smaller Considerations when pro bono publico Requires, always assured of the Gratitude and applause of the unchanging Multitude.
But to be serious both you and I wish well to our Country, and will hope that some
Good may result Even from the Mistakes of Her Rulers.
It is strongly impressed on my mind that the Return of a Gentleman Rather unexpectedly
to his American Friends, May Give a New turn to the state of parties, and Eventually
be productive of Happy Consequences. But my design is to say Little of public affairs.
The full Heart Enwrapt (after the Anxieties and impatience of a Long abscence) in
the tender scenes of Mutual affection has no Room, at pre[sent for]1 Forreign Cares. Yet hope your own Happiness will not prevent the Recollection, nor
His Avocations the Completion of a promiss you made when we parted to Come to Plimouth
soon after Mr. Adams Came home. You Little Thought then I should have a Demand upon
you so soon. However I shall not Relinquish it. I will not admit Even the Indolence
of Felicity as an Excuse. And though it has been observed by some that Indolence is
Characteristic of Genius, I think { 219 } Generosity Indicates a Greatness of soul that will supply the Defects of Genius, but
when we see them united in their Exertions to Bestow Happiness, we then see the perfection
of Human Nature. And with my Friendly and Respectful Complements to Mr. Adams you
will tell him this Visit shall be placed on the List of Charities. But if he is a Believer in the Doctrine of superrerogation, He will have more to do, for more will Certainly be Required. Mean time I shall
hear from you both if you wish to Gratify your assured & affectionate Freind,
[signed] Marcia Warren
My Regards to Monseur [Jeany?] and to the sister of the young Frenchman.2
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0170
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-08-09
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Aug. 9th. [1779]
Indeed, my lovely anxious Friend, you lead me to doubt whether Mr. A. is really on
the Water: The Report of the Alliance being in Concert with a 40 Gun Ship on a secret
Expedition tallies with Something of which I am certain. A Man of War of that Size
has been given up to the “Direction” of John Paul Jones, and the Name has been changed
to“Poor Richard” that it may not appear to belong to the french Marine. Our Commissioners have moreover certified under their Hands to Jones that
he is still in the American Navy tho' he had quitted it some time ago for that of France, but did not give up
his Commission. I formed my Conjectures upon first receiving that Intelligence, and
your Anecdote confirms me therein so far as that I expect soon to hear of blazing Retaliation.
And has not that very philosophic Politician1 been yet to see you? I shall grow highly disgusted at my public Employment if its
certain or even natural Tendency is to make me insensible of “the thousand nameless
Anxieties that distress the tender hearts of your Sex” or inattentive to a proper
Call to exert myself in relieving them.
My Letter in answer to a former one of yours is before this in your Hand and will
convince you that the dreaded Callosity has not yet fixed upon my Heart. I have therein
attempted, nor ought it to be in vain on such grounds, to give your Bosom Ease by
directing you to repose it on that Assemblage of Merit which originates and finishes
{ 220 } your Husband's Conduct uniformly. Good as he was, when I first had the pleasure of
knowing him, I do not recollect that he was quite such a Man as he now appears. Indeed, it was before his Marriage. He did full credit
to the Books he had studied. He now shows that it is more efficacious to read Virtue in a living
Character.
Whether he is on his Way home or not, it may be a satisfaction to you to have the
following copy.
In Congress Aug. 6. 1779
Resolved That an Allowance of eleven thousand four hundred & twenty eight Livres Tournois
per Annum be made to the several Commissioners of the United States in Europe for
their Services, besides their reasonable Expences respectively.
That the Salary as well as the Expences be computed from the Time of their leaving
their places of abode to enter on their offices, and be continued three months after
Notice of their Recall, to enable them to return to their families respectively.
That the several Commissioners, Commercial Agents and others in Europe entrusted with
public Money be directed to transmit without delay their Accounts and Vouchers, and
also triplicate Copies of the same to the Board of Treasury of these United States
in order for Settlement.
Resolved That a suitable Person be appointed by Congress to examine the said Accounts
in Europe and certify his Opinion thereon previous to their being transmitted.2
Extracted from the Minutes by JL
There is an authentic account that France has absolutely refused the Mediation of
Spain; and that the latter would declare herself speedily after the 20th. of June.
That the Count D'Orvilliers had sail'd towards Corunna with 30 Ships of the Line where he was to be joined by 20
spanish.
25,000 Troops are ready on the Coast of France for a Descent on Ireland.
[salute] With respectful Tenderness your humb. Servt.,
[signed] JL
RC (Adams Papers).
2. These resolutions were adopted in consequence of a report by the Board of Treasury.
The text in JCC, 14:928–929, varies slightly but not significantly.
On 2 Sept. Robert Troup, secretary of the Treasury Board, transmitted copies of these
resolutions to JA, together with an order of Congress of 26 Aug. requesting JA “to inclose his Accounts and Vouchers to the Board of Treasury that they may take
Order thereon” (letter and enclosures in Adams Papers). JA { 221 } had been prepared for this by Lovell's letter of 9 Aug. and was apparently quite ready to submit his accounts when Troup's notification reached
him in mid-September while he was deeply engaged in drafting the Massachusetts Constitution.
On 19 Sept. he addressed a long and illuminating letter to the Board of Treasury covering his
accounts for his recently completed diplomatic mission, in four separate schedules,
A through D, together with all the vouchers for expenditures that he could supply
and an explanation of how the joint commissioners and he personally had recorded receipts
and expenditures (LbC, Adams Papers, printed in JA, Works, 7:111–114, without the schedules and vouchers, of which JA did not retain copies; see further on in this note). From the beginning of Oct. 1778
he had himself kept the Commission's books, finding the Franklins' method too desultory,
and of course he was unable to supply vouchers that were still in their hands.
Among his own expenses, he pointed out, were some for books, which he explained as
follows:
“I found myself in France, ill versed in the Language, the Literature, the Science,
the Laws, Customs and Manners of that Country, and had the Mortification to find my
Colleagues, very little better informed than myself, vain as this may seem. I found
also that Dr. Franklin, Mr. Deane and Mr. Lee, had expended considerable sums for
Books, and this appeared to me, one of the most necessary, and usefull Ways in which
Money had ever been spent in that Country. I therefore did not hesitate to spend the
sums mentioned in this Account in this Way, in the Purchase of such a Collection of
Books, as were calculated to qualify me for Conversation and for Business, especially
the science of Negotiation. Accordingly the Books are a Collection, of Books concerning
the french Language and Criticism, concerning french History, Laws, Customs and Manners,
but above all a large Collection of Books on the public Right of Europe and the Letters
and Memoirs of those Ambassadors and public Ministers who had acquired the fairest
Fame and done the greatest services to their Countries in this Way.
“The Honourable Board will judge whether this is a 'reasonable expence,' and whether
it ought, or ought not to be deducted from the Allowance I shall submit to their Judgment
with entire Satisfaction.”
JA was also diffident about the items for his son's keep and schooling and supposed
they would “be deducted from the Allowance. Yet I ought to observe,” he added,“that
Mr. Izard and Mr. William Lee, have supported their Families, Dr. Franklin has two
Grandsons and Mr. A. Lee a Nephew, Mr. Deane two Brothers, and afterwards a son. All
that I desire is that I may be treated like the others.” Some other interesting but
restrained observations on the Commissioners' expenses for servants, clerical assistance,
rent, furniture, horses, &c., follow.
All of these papers were sent in two“large Packetts” to John Lowell in Boston, who
was intending an immediate trip to Philadelphia (JA to Lowell, 21 Sept., DLC: Morgan Coll. of Signers). At the same time JA wrote to Elbridge Gerry in Congress asking him to see that the vouchers were returned
“by a safe Hand” when the Treasury had no more need of them (20 Sept., LbC, Adams Papers).
JA's original letter to Congress, his accounts as submitted, and the supporting vouchers
have all disappeared. Gerry wrote JA after receiving the packets from Lowell that he doubted whether the Treasury Board
would “be able to comply with the proposition of returning [the vouchers], which is contrary to their usual Practice” (12 Oct., Adams Papers). The Board evidently did not comply, but intensive searches have failed to locate
the originals in the Papers of the Continental Congress or in other likely sources.
What survives is a bare three-page summary in JA's hand, filed in the Adams Papers under date of Aug. 1779, showing that for twenty months' service with a salary of
11,428 livres per month there was due to JA, on the basis of his own reckoning of receipts and expenditures, the sum of 4,594
livres 12s. 9d. Concerning this he remarked: “If the Honourable Board do not approve
of this state, they will make what altera• { 222 } tions they judge right. It is very probable there may be Errors in Casting and otherwise.
The Business of keeping Accounts is a very dull Occupation to me, and that of transmitting
them and casting anew, still more so. I confess I have not Patience for it. The Board
will correct it as they think just. If they adjudge me in Debt the Ballance shall
be paid to their order on demand.”
There survives also a detailed record of JA's receipts and expenditures for the period 12 Feb. 1778 – 2 Aug. 1779, entered in one of his bound diary volumes. The final balance was never reckoned
there and would be difficult if not impossible to cast up now because of cancellations
and notations not easy to interpret, but the entries supply some of the details, often
of considerable interest, that the lost vouchers would have supplied more fully. These
accounts have been printed and annotated in JA's Diary and Autobiography, 2:325–344.
An incomplete or interim report on JA's accounts was made by the Treasury Board accountants on 25 Oct. 1779 and read in
Congress on the 27th (JCC, 15:1212; text not printed, but a copy was enclosed in James Lovell's letter to AA of 14 May 1780, printed below). It was referred on the same day to a committee of three members,
who reported on 15 Dec. and admitted all of JA's expenses except those for JQA (JCC, 15:1383; original in William Churchill Houston's hand, PCC, No. 19, I). For reasons unknown, Congress did not act on the committee's recommendation
until 15 April 1780, when it voted to adopt it without change. The text as entered
in the Secret Journal reads:
“That they [the committee] do not find any vote or proceeding of Congress, nor are
they informed of any general or received custom, on which the charge of moneys for
the education of the accomptant's son can be admitted; and though the same [i.e. sum?]
is inconsiderable, they are of opinion it ought to be rejected, that a precedent be
not established. That they are of opinion that the charge for books ought to be admitted,
on the ground of a practice which has obtained in different nations respecting their
publick ministers, and which is mentioned by Mr. Adams in the explanations attending
his vouchers. That they find the several charges in the said accounts conformable
to the strictest principles of economy; and that as far as Mr. Adams has been entrusted
with publick money, the same has been carefully and frugally expended” (JCC, 16:368–369).
See, further, Lovell to JA, 4 May 1780 (Adams Papers); also Lovell to AA, 14 May 1780; AA to Lovell, 11 June 1780; AA to JA, 5 July 1780; all below.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0171
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-08-11
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] 11. Augst. 1779
[salute] My amiable Friend
This Evening I have satisfactory Intelligence of the real Embarkation of your very
dear Treasure at <Nantes> l'Orient the 17th. of June and that he was left well 12 days after, off the western
Islands. The Secretary of Arthur Lee arrived at Metompkin, Virginia, Augst. 1st. in
a very swift sailing Vessel.1 Mr. Adams told him at parting that he had good News for Congress and sent his Respects.
The Secretary is not here but a Connecticutt Captain a Passenger in the same Vessel
is my Author. There is a very lazy Vessel in Company with the Baggage of the french
Minister who is with Mr. Adams; so that you need not be uneasy meerly on Account of
Time. But I must honestly say that there { 223 } is a risque both from Arbuthnot and Collier. God grant he may escape both, and speedily
embrace his dear Family.
[signed] James Lovell
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0172
Recipient: Cranch, Elizabeth
Recipient: Norton, Elizabeth Cranch
Date: 1779-10-20
Abigail Adams 2d to Elizabeth Cranch
[dateline] October 20 1779
I have began too or three letters to you but have burnt them, all for reasons that
you need not be inquisitive to know. If they had been fit [for] your perusal you should have seen them: I have just returned from Germantown, my
favourite Miss Mayhew is there, in as good spirits as usual.
Our friend Amanda1 talks of leaveing Ger[manto]wn her mamma has sent for her, I had not time to ask her why. She left us so soon,
I shall lament the loss of her company. She has a disposition that pleases me much,
I love her sincerely and wish that she may be happyly situated in this vain and transitory
state until she receives the reward of the good and just in another world.
You have had the pleasure of seeing Monsieur Groisbriand and Miss Broom. If he had
given his hand to Miss Broom instead of Miss Scot I should have retained the same
opinion of him I had before, I think he did not show a delicate taset2 to prefer the latter to the former, when in her heart she ridiculed him because he
was a frenchman.3
I have endeavoured several times to come and see you but all in vain so you must take
the will for the deed.
There has an agreable person come into town upon a vissiat. It is my delight to puzzel
people. I shant mention his name. He is not handsome but very agreable, writes excessive
prety letters &c. &c. &c. &c. &c. &c. &c.
My Love to all friends. That health and happyness may ever be your attendants is the
wish of your
[signed] Mercella
1. Unidentified.
3. The Chevalier de Goësbriand (as he himself wrote his name) was ensign and second in
command of the French frigate La Sensible; he later applied to JA for an American naval command (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:395, 397; { 224 } Goësbriand to JA, 27 Feb. 1780, Adams Papers; JQA, Diary, 24 Nov. 1779). The young ladies mentioned in this paragraph have not been further identified.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0173
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-11-13
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Boston Novr. 13. 1779
[salute] My dearest Friend
I have just sent Mr. Thaxter, Johnny and Stephens with the Things on Board. I shall
go with Charles at four O Clock. It is now three. Have seen the Captain, and the Navy
Board &c.
It is proposed to sail tomorrow. Perhaps however, it may not be till next day. Mr.
Dana will come on board at Nine tomorrow.
Mr. Hancock has sent me a Card, to invite me to go on board with him in the Castle
Barge.—Dont make many Words of this.1
Your Aunt2 has given me a Barrell of Cramberries. I shall make a good Use of them, I hope.
Let me intreat you, to keep up your Spirits and throw off Cares as much as possible.
Love to Nabby and Thommy. We shall yet be happy, I hope and pray, and I dont doubt
it. I shall have Vexations enough, as usual. You will have Anxiety and Tenderness
enough as usual. Pray strive, not to have too much. I will write, by every Opportunity
I can get.
[salute] Yours, ever, ever yours,
[signed] John Adams3
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Hancock's “Card” has not been found. The “Castle Barge,” based at Castle Island in
Boston Harbor, was used for ceremonial purposes; see JA to AA, 14 Nov., below. The fullest account of the embarkation of the Adams party is in the first entries in JQA's diary, which begins its colossal seventy-year record with this voyage:
“1779 November.
Friday 12th.
“This Morning at about 11 o clock I took leave of my Mamma, my Sister, and Brother
Tommy, and went to Boston with Mr. Thaxter, in order to go on board the Frigate the
Sensible of 28 twelve Pounders. We arrived at Boston at about 1 o clock; dined at
my uncle Smith's, we expected to go on board in the afternoon but We could not conveniently
till to morrow.
“Saturday 13th.
“To day at about 1 o clock Pappa, and my Brother Charles came to town, and at about
5 o clock we all came on board and took our lodgings. My Brother Charles is to lodge
with My Pappa and I with Mr. Thaxter” (D/JQA/1).
3. For the four-month period from mid-August through mid-November 1779, virtually nothing
survives in the way of family correspondence. So far as we know, AA wrote no letters. JA broke off his diary upon arriving off the American coast, and in writing his Autobiography
many years later he skipped his sojourn at home except for copying in at the { 225 } beginning of the third and last section, called “Peace,” a number of letters and documents
relative to his second mission to Europe; see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:400; 4:173–191. For the Adamses' occupations during the late summer and fall of this year we are
therefore dependent on JA's comparatively scanty correspondence with persons outside the family and on scattered
printed and MS sources outside the Adams Papers.
We do know of JA's presence at one semi-public event that had momentous consequences. This was a visitation
by La Luzerne and his suite to Harvard College, followed by a dinner there, and although
the following account of the event from the Boston Independent Chronicle for 2 Sept. (p. 1, col. 1–2) mentions neither JA's presence nor the consequences, it is essential to understanding JA's hopes for his country:
“On Tuesday se'nnight [24 Aug.], the Chevalier de la Luzerne, accompanied with M.
de Valnais, Consul of France, M. de Marbois, Councellor of Parliament, M. de Chavagnes,
Captain in the royal navy of France, and a number of other gentlemen of distinction,
both French and Americans, made a visit to Harvard-College, at the invitation of the
President and Corporation. The Chevalier and company having alighted from their carriages,
passed through the College yard between two lines of Students in their academical
habits, their heads uncovered, to the door of Harvard-Hall, where they were received
by the President, Corporation, Professors, and Tutors, and conducted to the Library.—Soon
after they were seated, the President rose, and in the name of the Corporation, and
the whole University, addressed the Chevalier in the latin language, congratulating
his safe arrival, making the most respectful mention of our illustrious Ally, His
Most Christian Majesty; expressing the warmest wishes for the perpetuation of the
alliance, and the completion of its important and happy design, and for the prosperity
of religion and learning throughout the world.
“The Chevalier replied in the most polite manner, and in the same language; assuring
his audience that his wishes had been most fortunately crowned by seeing a country,
once indeed the region of ignorance and barbarity, but now the seat of freedom, commerce,
virtue, and the liberal arts; and expressing at the same time, the uncommon joy he
should derive from finding the turbulent scenes of war, and the public negociation
in which he was engaged, preparing the way for a closer alliance between the arts
and sciences in distant nations, to their mutual improvement, and the common benefit
of mankind.
“After amusing themselves among the rich variety of books reposited in the Library,
the company were conducted into a large and elegant Philosophy room, where a very
decent entertainment was provided:—After dinner they viewed the curiosities of the
musaeum, and the Philosophical apparatus, fabricated by some of the best artists in
Europe.
“Every countenance indicated pleasure, and every circumstance of the day testified
the joy that was diffused through the whole university, upon this agreeable occasion.”
As one of the “other gentlemen of distinction” present, JA was to remember years later that at the dinner in the “Philosophy room” (i.e. the
late Professor John Winthrop's science laboratory in Harvard Hall) he had happened
to sit next to the Rev. Dr. Samuel Cooper and “engaged him in Conversation, for the
whole time on the subject of a natural History of the Country and the means of promoting
it.” Being fresh from France, where he had visited public and private collections
of “Specimens of the Works of Nature” and had observed the activity of learned societies
in promoting science, “I suggested to him,” JA went on, “the Plan of an American Academy of Arts and Sciences, to be established
by the Legislature, as a Corporation with Capacity to receive donations in Land and
Money” (JA to Benjamin Waterhouse, 7 Aug. 1805, MHi: Adams-Waterhouse Coll., printed in Ford, ed., Statesman and Friend, p. 22–29; see a similar account in JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, Letter 29 [31 July 1809], esp. p. 163). The suggestion was so well received (despite
initial fears that the proposed Academy would { 226 } “injure the College”) that in May of the following year Cooper and numerous other
amateurs of science were incorporated by the General Court as the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences, realizing JA's wish that Boston might have a counterpart to Philadelphia's American Philosophical
Society, for which he had heard frequent praise in Europe.
The dinner was also the immediate inspiration for a novel and elevated passage in
the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780, which JA himself was soon afterward to write in its earliest form. This was Ch. V, §2, entitled
“The Encouragement of Literature, &c.,” which declared it “the duty of legislators
and magistrates, in all future periods of this Commonwealth, to cherish the interests
of literature and the sciences, and all seminaries of them; . . . to encourage private
societies and public institutions, rewards and immunities, for the promotion of agriculture,
arts, sciences, commerce, trades, manufactures, and a natural history of the country,”
not to mention “sincerity, good humour, and all social affections, and generous sentiments
among the people” (A Constitution or Frame of Government, Agreed upon by the Delegates of the People
of the State of Massachusetts-Bay . . . , Boston, 1780, p. 43–44).
“As the Words flowed from my Pen,” JA afterward remembered, “from the heart in reallity rather than the head, in composing
this paragraph, I could not help laughing, to myself alone in my Closet, at the Oddity
of it. I expected it would be attack'd, in the Convention from all quarters, on the
Score of Affectation, Pedantry, Hypocrisy, and above all Oeconomy. Many Ideas in it
implied expence: and I knew then as well as I have known since that too large a portion
of the People and their Representatives, had rather starve their Souls than draw upon
their purses to pay for nourishment of them: and therefore no mercy was to be expected
for a Paragraph, that I would not now exchange for a Sceptre, and wish may be engraved
on my Tomb Stone.
“But to my great Surprize, instead of Objections, it was received with Applause and
adopted I believe with Unanimity, and without any Amendment. Even the Natural History
of the Country received no Opposition.” (Letter to Waterhouse, cited above in this
note; Ford, ed., Statesman and Friend, p. 25–26.)
The concept that government and learning are natural partners, written into the Massachusetts
Constitution of 1780 in these terms, was to be standard Adams doctrine for two generations
but was not to be accepted on the national level until at least a century later.
It was, of course, the drafting of a frame of government for his native state that
chiefly occupied JA during the few months he spent at home in 1779. On 9 Aug., hardly a week after he
had arrived home, he was elected by his fellow townsmen sole delegate from Braintree
to the Convention to be held at Cambridge beginning 1 Sept. (Braintree Town Records, p. 503). Much as he would have liked to return to private life and to resume his
legal business, no assignment could have been more challenging to JA. This was a role for which, as his early diaries and letters show, he had more or
less consciously prepared himself from the time he plied his lawbooks in Samuel Putnam's
office in Worcester and in his chamber in his father's house at Braintree. (See especially
his Earliest Diary, p. 37–40, and references there.) From the summer of 1774, when he began his more than three
years of service in the Continental Congress, he had been gravely concerned over the
break in governmental continuity in Massachusetts, even though he had approved that
break as recommended by Congress in June 1775 and had indeed been one of its chief
advocates (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 3:351–359). That the province (or state) was still functioning under the old royal charter
he knew was a pretense; executive power had lapsed except for a Council which had
no basis in direct or indirect representation and was therefore also a pretense; and,
with the courts of justice closed, signs of lawlessness and anarchy began to appear
that were to a man of JA's temperament abhorrent (same, p. 326–327). It was as a member of the Revolutionary Council that JA prepared, in mid-January { 227 } 1776 while on a brief leave from Congress, one of his most important state papers,
a Proclamation by the newly reconstituted General Court which was designed to be read from every
pulpit, at every town meeting, and at the (hoped-for) opening of every court in Massachusetts.
This remarkable document linked the ideas of government by consent, the obligation
to resist tyranny, the propriety of Massachusetts' organizing its own government,
and the necessity to preserve and promote “the Means of Education, . . . Piety and
Virtue,” and exemplary social order—ideas that were all to reappear in JA's draft and the adopted version of the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780. (JA's MS of the Proclamation is in M–Ar, vol. 138:281–284; it is printed in his Works, 1:193–196, and also, though without mention of its authorship, in Oscar and Mary
F. Handlin, eds., The Popular Sources of Political Authority: Documents on the Massachusetts Constitution
of 1780, Cambridge, 1966, p. 65–69. A copy of the handbill printing, without imprint but
dated 23 Jan. 1776 from the concurring vote of the House on that day, is in MHi: Broadsides Coll.; Evans 14839; Ford, Mass. Broadsides, No. 1973, with reduced fascimile. See also JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:226.)
In March and April 1776, reacting to what he thought was the naiveté of Paine's Common Sense, JA had outlined his constitutional principles in Thoughts on Government for the benefit of friends in other states who were engaged in constitution-making.
See JA, Diary and Autobiography, 3:331–333; Adams Family Corr., 1:384–385. The printed version, addressed to George Wythe, concludes with a sentiment that
both echoes and develops similar ones in JA's earliest records as a student of law:
“You and I, my dear Friend, have been sent into life, at a time when the greatest
law-givers of antiquity would have wished to have lived.—How few of the human race
have ever enjoyed an opportunity of making an election of government more than of
air, soil, or climate, for themselves or their children. When! Before the present
epocha, had three millions of people full power and a fair opportunity to form and
establish the wisest and happiest government that human wisdom can contrive?” (Thoughts on Government, Boston, reprinted 1776, p. 16.)
Throughout this year and the next, although engrossed in his duties as one of the
most industrious members and committee chairmen in the Continental Congress, JA remained attentive to every rumor from Massachusetts about maneuvers looking toward
a new frame of government. “I suppose you will have a Constitution formed this Year,”
he wrote AA, 2 June 1777. “Who will be the Moses, the Lycurgus, the Solon?” (above, vol. 2:253). Clearly he
yearned to be that Moses, Lycurgus, and Solon but feared he would be precluded from
such a role. In June 1777 the House of Representatives converted itself into a constitutional
convention and appointed a large committee that labored at intervals during the following
months and presented a draft constitution for consideration. At this point (Feb. 1778)
JA departed on his first mission to Europe. The work he wished to do was, however, providentially
saved for him because the “Convention” botched its work and the towns rejected the
proposed Constitution of 1778, partly on the ground that the body that framed it was
not properly constituted. (See Cushing, History of the Transition, p. 207–226; O. and M. Handlin, Popular Sources of Political Authority, p. 20–22; the text of the rejected Constitution is printed in Mass. Constitutional Convention, 1779–1780, Journal, p. 255–264, and by the Handlins, p. 190–201, followed by the towns' returns and
objections, p. 202–365.)
In Feb. 1779 the General Court resolved to take “the sense of the People” on whether
they wished another attempt to be made to frame a constitution, and, if so, whether
delegates should be elected for that “sole purpose.” In June the General Court declared
that two-thirds of the towns had agreed to both propositions, ordered elections to
be held during the summer, and recommended that the frame of government the prospective
convention agreed upon should be printed and laid before the people for approval “by
at least two { 228 } thirds of [the male inhabitants] who are free and twenty one years of age”—a feature
of the constitutional movement in Massachusetts which is among its remarkable distinctions.
See Mass. Constitutional Convention, 1779–1780, Journal, p. 5–6, 189–190; Cushing, History of the Transition, p. 227–231; O. and M. Handlin, Popular Sources of Political Authority, p. 23, 383–403.
The Convention held four plenary sessions between Sept. 1779 and June 1780, only the
first two of which JA attended, from 1 through 7 Sept. and from 28 Oct. through 11 Nov., both held in the
First Church at Cambridge, then located in the southwest corner of the Harvard Yard
(on the site of the present Lehman Hall). The first session was devoted to electing
officers, framing “rules and orders,” and holding “free conversations” on general
principles (Mass. Constitutional Convention, 1779–1780, Journal, p. 7–49). On 4 Sept. it chose a drafting committee of 30 members, of whom JA was one (same, p. 26–31). Payroll records indicate that JA was compensated for 25 days of committee work between plenary sessions (M-Ar, vol. 170:413; vol. 171: 20), for he became, as he wrote not long afterward, “a Sub
Sub Committee” of one, “so that I had the honour to be principal Engineer” (to Edmund
Jenings, 7 June 1780, Adams Papers). That is to say, he was the sole draftsman of the Constitution as it was laid before
the committee, to be amended by the committee in minor details and laid before the
Convention at the beginning of its second session, amended further in that and the
third session (Jan.–March 1780), printed for consideration by the towns, declared
adopted by the Convention at its fourth session (June 1780) without further change,
and, with numerous later amendments, still in force as the fundamental law of the
Commonwealth. (The Committee's Report of a Constitution or Form of Government for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, i.e. JA's draft as slightly amended, was printed for the members of the Convention in a 50-page
pamphlet that is now exceedingly rare; Evans 16352; an annotated copy is in MHi. The text was reprinted, from the sole copy then known, as an appendix in the Massachusetts Constitutional Convention, 1779–1780, Journal, p. 191–215. In JA's Works, 4:213–267, CFA presented a text with invaluable notes enabling the reader to follow the evolution
of the Constitution from its draft form through the version adopted, together with
all amendments through 1850. The Handlins do not include in their documentary work
on the Constitution JA's draft of 1779 in its “committee print” form, although it is basic to understanding
how the text of the Constitution evolved. For the amendments and debates in convention,
the submittal to the towns, and the formal adoption of the Constitution, see the Convention's
Journal as first printed in 1832, p. 35–187; Cushing, History of the Transition, p. 227–279; and S. E. Morison's brilliant study of “The Struggle over the Adoption
of the Constitution of Massachusetts, 1780,” MHS, Procs., 50 [1916–1917]:353–411. The Handlins omit all the proceedings of the Convention
until those of March 1780 submitting the proposed constitution to the people, but
they include the towns' copious responses and votes; Popular Sources of Political Authority, p. 475–930.)
It was the “committee print” or Report of a Constitution . . . Agreed upon by the Committee in Oct. 1779 of which JA took a supply of copies when he sailed for Europe the second time. With justifiable
pride he presented copies to friends and officials in Spain and France and to clandestine
correspondents in England, so that this, rather than the Constitution as ratified
in 1780, was the form in which the Massachusetts Constitution was first read, translated,
published, and “exceedingly applauded” abroad. See JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:413–414; JA to Edmé Jacques Genet, 26, 29 Feb. 1780 (LbCs in Adams Papers); Genet to JA, 28 Feb. 1780 (Adams Papers); JA to William Gordon, 26 May 1780 (LbC, Adams Papers); JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 157–158 (Letter 29); [John Almon,] The Remembrancer, ... for the Year 1780, p. 377–381, and same, part 2, p. 17–30.
Back of JA's election by Congress in { 229 } Sept. 1779 to the dignity of minister plenipotentiary to negotiate treaties of peace
and commerce with Great Britain lies one of the most complex chapters of diplomatic
and political maneuvering in the history of the United States. A summary of it is
necessary here in order not only to explain JA's acceptance of a second mission abroad so soon after the discouraging conclusion
of his first but also to suggest the difficulties under which he was again to labor
in Europe.
One root of the difficulties lay in the continuing and widening feud between the partisans
of Silas Deane and those of Arthur Lee. Into this “first serious division in national
politics since independence occurred,” as Professor Morgan has characterized it, JA had been reluctantly but unavoidably drawn almost from the moment when he first arrived
in France (Edmund S. Morgan, “The Puritan Ethic and the American Revolution,” WMQ, 3d ser., 24:25 [Jan. 1967]; and see above, AA to Lovell, 4 Jan. 1779, and JA to AA, 9 Feb. 1779, with notes and references under both). Intertwined with this issue in Congress was
the devious international policy of France and Spain. During 1778 and 1779 the Bourbon
monarchies were engaged in an elaborate diplomatic game of trying to deceive each
other while joining hands to deceive Great Britain and the United States. Their maneuvers
forced the first of many “agonizing reappraisals” of foreign policy in American history.
Congress' uncertainty as to its course was in turn the reason why JA had been stranded in France without an assignment and in fact without word of any
kind from his former colleagues in Philadelphia—as helpless as Ariel, he later wrote,
“wedged by the Waiste in the middle of a rifted Oak” (to William Whipple, 11 Sept. 1779, LbC, Adams Papers). Nor was its course to be determined until after debates that lasted through the
greater part of 1779.
Since Spain, however hollowly, had offered to mediate peace between Great Britain
and France, it became necessary to empower and instruct a minister to represent the
interests of the United States in the proposed negotiation. Vergennes wished that
Franklin, now sole minister to France, could be given the needed additional powers,
or even that he would act without them sub spe rati. But the vigilant French minister in Philadelphia, to whom he communicated this idea,
cautioned Vergennes repeatedly that Franklin's standing in Congress was far from what
it was at Versailles and that he would not emerge spotless from the Deane-Lee disputes.
“Un nouvel Orage,” he reported in a dispatch of 4–6 March, “s'est élevé contre le
Docteur franklin. Je crains que la facilité qu'il a eiie de se laisser entrainer dans
les animosités de ses Collegues, ne conduise le Congrès, malgré lui, à en faire le
sacrifice au parti de l'opposition” (Gérard, Despatches and Instructions, p. 561).
A storm had indeed arisen, and it enveloped all current and former members of the
foreign service. On 24 March a special committee on foreign affairs, consisting of
one member from each of the thirteen states, brought in a report that recited the
accumulated charges and complaints against them all, together with the evidence. On
15 April Congress debated the proposed vote of censure in the following words: “That
suspicions and animosities have arisen among the said commissioners which may be highly
prejudicial to the honor and interests of these United States.” On the 20th, in a
further debate on the motion for censure, the names of all the commissioners were
called over and individually voted on for inclusion or exclusion. Included were Franklin,
Deane, Arthur Lee, Izard, and William Lee. JA was excluded by a vote of three states for censure, four against, and three divided
or not voting. Remarkably, the Massachusetts delegation was among those that divided.
Samuel Adams and James Lovell voted for, and Gerry and Holten against the inclusion
of JA's name. (See JCC, 13:363–368, 456, 479–487, 484–485.) Since the Journal was being printed serially
and successive numbers were sent to Braintree, these proceedings aroused strong feelings
there. Lovell in particular, who had been caught in a parliamentary trap baited by
the Deaneite or pro-French faction, had a great deal of explaining to do. (See AA to Lovell, ca. 15 July, { 230 } and to Samuel Adams, ca. 30 July 1779, both above. Lovell's explanation is in his letter to JA of 13 June 1779, “Confidential” [original and variant duplicate in Adams Papers], printed in JA, Works, 9:480–483, with valuable editorial clarification by CFA; also printed and annotated in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4:261–263.)
There was of course not only the question of who could best represent the United States
abroad; there was that of how such representatives should be instructed. If peace
negotiations were to take place, what were the minimum–maximum American peace objectives?
Under Gérard's eye and frequently with his interference, Congress warmly debated these
from time to time until after JA, to everybody's surprise except his own, arrived home early in August. Only after
the news brought by La Luzerne that England had declined Spain's mediation and that
Spain had become a cobelligerent with France did the badly divided Congress agree,
on 14 Aug., on instructions to the emissary—still to be named—who was to negotiate,
when possible, treaties of peace and commerce with Great Britain. (Texts, amendments,
and votes thereon are in JCC, 14:956–962.) On the day they were adopted Gérard sent a summary of them to Vergennes,
modestly adding that “Elles m'ont été communiquées avant d'être portées au Congrès,”
which was apparently true, and that the prospective American emissary had been instructed
to reveal his full instructions to the French government, which according to JA's understanding was not true (Gérard, Despatches and Instructions, p. 847–848). Thus was laid the groundwork for the misunderstanding and coolness
between the American envoy and the French foreign minister before JA's peace mission even began.
Six weeks of electioneering followed among the adherents of the two factions in Congress,
climaxed by a Friday-through-Monday struggle, 24–27 Sept., over the choice of a minister
to be stationed in Paris to negotiate peace and another to go to Madrid to urge recognition
of American independence, an alliance, and the right of navigating the Mississippi
and also to obtain a substantial loan. As reported in the Journal and in the letters
of members and of Gérard, the involutions of this contest defy lucid exposition. Elbridge
Gerry, who was in the thick of it, could well say that “the Embarrassments, Difficulties
and Delays attending this Business, in consequence of the Disputes between the late
Commissioners, have exceeded every thing of the Kind” that he had ever met with (to
JA, 29 Sept. 1779, Adams Papers; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4:454).
Before the actual balloting began, an attempt was made at a compromise between the
factions that seems to have been reported only by Gérard, namely to commission Franklin
and JA jointly as ministers for peace, but this failed (Gérard, Despatches and Instructions, p. 895). So, too, on the 25th, did a warmly debated motion, aimed at John Jay, currently
president of Congress and one of Gérard's confidants, to exclude from nomination any
present member of Congress (JCC, 15:1105–1107). Thereupon JA was nominated by Henry Laurens, and John Jay was nominated by Meriwether Smith, for
the peace mission. Three successive ballots taken on Sunday the 26th resulted in deadlocks
(same, p. 1107, 1109). Then occurred what Laurens called a “Manouvre” and Lovell called an “Accommodation . . . proposed in Whispers” among the pro-French
faction. The election of a peace minister was deferred, and nominations for a minister
to Spain were called for (same, p. 1109–1110; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4:437, 447). Laurens himself, a die-hard anti-Deane man, then nominated Arthur Lee,
who still held a separate commission to Spain although he had been dispossessed, with
JA, of duties in Paris. William Paca, a Deane man, nominated JA (“Divide and conq[uer],” commented Laurens), and James Mercer, a new member from
Virginia, nominated John Jay (JCC, 15:1110).
The hope of vindicating Arthur Lee's character and conduct proved forlorn. In the
ballot taken on the 27th he received the vote of only one state, New Hampshire, represented
by a single delegate (Burnett, ed., Letters of Mem• { 231 } bers, 4:438). Laurens, Lovell, and a few others thought he had been “cruelly injured”
both by the French government and at home, but it may be pointed out that by this
time even JA thought that Lee could no longer be useful abroad. He had done what he could to defend
Lee against aspersions, but in a letter to Lovell that could not have reached Philadelphia
before the balloting, JA wrote of Lee:
“I respect his past services, I know his Attachment to America, and I believe his
Integrity. But I know his Prejudices, and his Passions. His Countenance is disgusting,
his Air is not pleasing, his Manners are not engaging, his Temper is harsh, sour and
fierce, and his Judgment of Men and Things is often wrong.—Virtue itself is said to
be not always amiable” (21 Sept. 1779, LbC, Adams Papers; without name of addressee but clearly in answer to Lovell's letters of 20, 24 Aug., Adams Papers).
Eight states voted for Jay, three were divided or did not vote, and none voted for
JA—a clear indication of how well understood an “Accommodation” this was. For some it
may have been most gratifying as a means of punishing Arthur Lee. It was evidently
satisfactory to John Jay because, according to Laurens' Notes of Proceedings, “Mr.
Jay's own vote was necessary” to deliver New York's vote in his favor. And the friends
of JA were pleased because it cleared a pathway for his election to the peace mission.
(JCC, 15:1113; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4:438, 443, 447; Gérard, Despatches and Instructions, p. 896.)
For this post JA alone was nominated and promptly elected by eleven states—a vote considered unanimous
because the twelfth state, Delaware (represented by “your old Friend Mr. D[ickinso]n,” Gerry explained to JA), voted for Franklin, who was not in nomination (JCC, 15:1113; Laurens, Notes of Proceedings, in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4:438; Lovell to JA, 27, 28 Sept. 1779, both in Adams Papers; Gerry to JA, 29 Sept. 1779, Adams Papers).
The tireless man who had had as much to do with these results as anyone, Conrad Alexandre
Gérard, now about to leave America, professed himself satisfied. In his last dispatch,
written on the day the elections were completed, he suavely reported to Vergennes:
“Enfin, Monseigneur, le Congrès a nommé ses plénipotentiaires. M. Jay est destiné
pour l'Espagne et les pleins pouvoirs pour la paix sont confiés à M. John Adams. M
Arthur Lée n'a eu en sa faveur qu'une seule voix isolée. On doit demain élire un [nouveau]
Président à la place de M Jay.—Le choix de ce Ministre ne laisse rien à desirer. A
beaucoup de Lumières et aux meilleures intentions, il joint un caractère et un esprit
liant et conciliant.—Quant à M. Adams je ne le connois point et il n'est connu que
d'un petit nombre des membres actuels du Congrès. Il a la reputation d'être honête
homme et le presomption qu'il vous est agréable a [beaucoup] influé sur les opinions.”
(27 Sept. 1779, Despatches and Instructions, p. 896–897.)
Then, probably more candidly and certainly very significantly, Gérard added: “M. le
Chevalier de La Luzerne a eu occasion pendant sa traversée de démeler son caractère
et ses sentimens; Il me semble, Monseigneur, que le resultat de ses observations,
est qu'il eut été à désirer que les deux commissions eussent été differemment distribuées.”
La Luzerne had arrived in Philadelphia from Boston on 21 Sept. and had had ample time
to exchange news and views with the minister he was now replacing. His knowledge of
JA was indeed intimate, for during the voyage from France in June and July JA, not then having the slightest notion that he would return to Europe soon or ever,
had freely aired his views on men and measures with both La Luzerne and his canny
secretary, Marbois; see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:380–399. Expressing something like horror at the very thought of French meddling in American
affairs, they drew him out on matters that would serve the interests of France in
America and Europe. Later on, JA was to learn how to discount such professions by any subordinate of Vergennes, but
he did not learn soon enough. It is the judgment of a profound student of American
diplomatic history that La Luzerne was to exercise “a { 232 } more complete ascendancy over the Government of the United States than any foreign
envoy since his time” (Bemis, Diplomacy of the Amer. Revolution, p. 102–103). Under Vergennes' orders he was to work diligently and in the end successfully
to have JA's powers as peace minister limited and countermanded. Eventually he succeeded in
having them withdrawn. See William E. O'Donnell, The Chevalier de La Luzerne, Bruges and Louvain, 1938, p. 43, 123–125, 141, and passim.
Fortunately, JA's occupations at home in the late summer and early fall of 1779 did not leave him
a great deal of time to brood over “maneuvers” and “accommodations” in Philadelphia.
Having, however, been reading the serially printed issues of the Journal of Congress,
he did address to President Jay a formal request on 10 Sept. to supply him with copies of all the “Complaints and Evidences” against his conduct
as a commissioner, so that he could “take such Measures as may be in my Power to justify
myself to Congress” (PCC, No. 84, 1, printed in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:313–314). His letter was read in Congress on 29 Sept. (JCC, 15:1122), and Gerry “moved the House to comply with your Request.” But Congress
declined to do so, Gerry reported, on the ground that it had “by your late Appointment
rejected the Charge, and had in the first Instance cleared You of the animosities
subsisting amongst the other Commissioners.” Besides, to have the subject brought
up again would taint Congress' judgment in making the new appointment. In this long
letter reporting JA's election and illuminating much that had gone on behind closed doors over the past
several years, Gerry went on to say:
“Upon the Whole, I am of Opinion, that in the Esteem of Congress, your Character is
as high as any Gentleman's in America. That as much is obtained in the Arrangement and Determinations of our foreign Affairs
as could be expected. That if Matters had been driven further, We should have been more deeply involved in Animosities
and Dissentions, and have put a total Stop to our foreign Negotiations. That in Consequence thereof, We must, on the Return of Monsr. Gerard, have sunk in the
Esteem of our Ally, of the Court of Spain, and of all Europe. . . . That however some late Measures may not be equal to our Wishes, It becomes our indispensible
Duty to support them with Vigour, and to listen no more to Insinuations without Evidence
to support them. That an able, upright, firm Friend to America, is greatly Injured in Doctor [Arthur] Lee. . . . But that his Usefulness being destroyed, had it been practicable to continue him in office,
he could not have served with Satisfaction to himself, or Advantage to the public.”
(29 Sept. 1779, Adams Papers; printed in full in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4:454–458.)
These sentiments were so gratifying to JA and so in accord with his own that they must have powerfully affected his thoughts
about a return to Europe. The news he received soon afterward that his good friend
and fellow lawyer Francis Dana had been named by Congress secretary to the peace mission
could only have added to his satisfaction (JCC, 15:1128; Lovell to JA, 1 Oct. 1779, printed in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4:465–466). His decision must also have been influenced by a remarkable letter written
by Henry Laurens a few days after the elections were completed. In terms that JA himself might have used in his most self-pitying moments, Laurens first offered sympathy
for JA's recent plight in Europe, where, although he had deserved so well of his country,
he had found himself “in the most awkward situation that an honest susceptible mind
can be reduced to—Sent, without his own desire, and probably inconsistent with his
Interest and inclination, on an embassy beyond the Atlantic—kept unemployed, and in
the course of a few Months virtually dismissed, without censure or applause, and without
the least intimation when or in what manner he was to return and report his proceedings.”
But all that is over, Laurens continued, “and now My Dear Sir, I not only congratulate
you on a safe return but I have another opportunity of rejoicing with my Country Men
on the judicious choice which Congress { 233 } have made in their late election of a Minister Plenipotentiary to treat . . . with
his Britanic Majesty on Peace and Commerce. The determination of Congress in this
instance, will be grateful to the People of these States and may expiate the queernesses
of some of the queerest fellows that ever were invested with rays of sovereignty.
Let me intreat you Sir, for my Country's sake, to accept the appointment without hesitation
or retrospection. . . . Wisdom and Patriotism forbid exceptions on account of past
circumstances. I speak in pure truth and sincerity and will not risque offence by
uttering a word respecting your fitness or peculiar or exclusive fitness for the important
Office, but I will venture to add, it is necessary you should accept and stand ready
to execute it, your determination to do so will make the true friends of American
Independence happy, and will abate their apprehensions from incompetency or negligence
in other quarters” (4 Oct. 1779, Adams Papers, printed in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4:467–469).
Since a major issue at the peace table was bound to be the North Atlantic fisheries,
other friends did not fail to point out, knowing they would strike home, that “the
Interest of America requires . . . that a New England Man should negotiate a Peace”
(John Lowell to JA, 12 Oct. 1779, Adams Papers).
All these considerations had been borne in upon JA's consciousness well before he received official word of his election, sent by Samuel
Huntington (who had succeeded Jay as president of Congress), together with his commissions
and instructions, in a letter of 20 Oct. (Adams Papers, printed in JA, Works, 7:119–120). Each had due weight; combined, they were irresistible to one schooled
to believe that the highest duty entailed the greatest labor and privation while offering
few chances of success against many of failure. Such, for better or worse, was the
nature of the Puritan ethic, as Professor Morgan has recently reminded us in his illuminating
article cited earlier in this note. While no formula will sum up a man, particularly
a man as full of surprises as JA, the struggles, frustrations, bruising quarrels, justified and unjustified boasts,
self-dedication, and occasional triumphs of his diplomatic career furnish a paradigm
of the Puritan ethic in action.
“And what, my dear sir, shall I say,” he began a letter to James Lovell on 17 Oct. 1779, “to your Favours of the 27. and 28 of September, which came by the last Post?—The
Unanimity of my Election surprizes me, as much as the Delicacy, Importance, and Danger,
of the Trust distresses me” (LbC, Adams Papers, printed in Works, 9:499–501). But the question was rhetorical: he evidently made up his mind almost
instantaneously. On this very day he replied to La Luzerne, who had written from Philadelphia
to offer him a return passage to France in the Sensible, still lying in Boston harbor, that “the Frigate shall not be unnecessarily detained,
on my Account” (LbC, Adams Papers, printed in JA's Diary and Autobiography, 4:175–176). Service to his country was even more delicate, important, and dangerous than completing
a frame of government for his native state, and the claims of his business, his family,
and his own peace of mind and physical comfort weighed little in comparison.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0174
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1779-11-14
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] November 14 1779
[salute] Dearest of Friends
My habitation, how disconsolate it looks! My table I set down to it but cannot swallow
my food. O Why was I born with so much Sensibility and why possessing it have I so
often been call'd to struggle with it? I wish to see you again, was I sure you would
not be gone, I could not { 234 } withstand the temptation of comeing to town, tho my Heart would suffer over again
the cruel torture of Seperation.
What a cordial to my dejected Spirits were the few lines last night received. And
does your Heart forebode that we shall again be happy. My hopes and fears rise alternately.
I cannot resign more than I do, unless life itself was called for.—My dear sons I
can not think of them without a tear, little do they know the feelings of a Mothers
Heart! May they be good and usefull as their Father then will they in some measure
reward the anxiety of a Mother. My tenderest Love to them. Remember me also to Mr.
Thaxter whose civilities and kindness I shall miss.
God almighty bless and protect my dearest Friend and in his own time restore him to
the affectionate Bosom of
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To The Honble. John Adams Esqr. on Board the Frigate Sensible.” Cover
bears a fine impression in red wax (now halved) of the Boylston family arms. JA is said to have inherited this seal from his mother, born Susanna Boylston (HA2, in Boston Athenaeum, Catalogue of JQA's Books, p. 136; see illustration facing p. 135; and see passim for other uses of the Boylston arms by members of the Adams family).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0175
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-11-14
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] On Board the Sensible Novr. 14. 1779
[salute] My dearest
We got all on Board last night, and began to make our Arrangements. Mr. Thaxter and
Johnny, slept in a large Cott in the Council Chamber. Charles and I, in my old Apartment.
We all rested well. Charles is much pleased, with the Novelty of the Scaene.
I stole on Board last night as silently as possible but as the Boat passed the Courier
de L'Europe,1 all Hands came upon Deck and huzza'd in English, that is cryed Vive le Roi. And as
We approached the Frigate, I saw all Hands mounting the shrowds and manning the ship,
[and]2 at our stepping out of the Boat, We were saluted, with another Vive le Roi.
Mr. Dana comes on Board, with Mr. Hancock in the Castle Barge at Nine or ten.
I had a Letter last night from M. Lovell, who complains that Portia dont write him,
and another, kind Letter from R. H. Lee.3
Mr. Laurens and I were nominated for Holland. I suspect Laurens will be chosen and
Lovel, go his Secretary.4
[signed] J. Adams
RC (Adams Papers). Tr in CFA's hand (Adams Papers); prepared as printer's copy for CFA's edition of JA-AA, Familiar Letters, since it is designated “No. 253” at head of text and has an identifying note on
Dana; but in the end it was not included.
1. The Courrier de l'Europe, a chasse marée which was, according to Marbois, “one of the best sailers in existence on any of
the seas,” had accompanied the Sensible on the outward voyage, but was dismasted and lost in a storm on the return voyage
(JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:381, 404; 4:191–192; Eugene P. Chase, ed., Our Revolutionary Forefathers: The Letters of François, Marquis de Barbé-Marbois . . . 1779–1785, N.Y., 1929, p. 42).
3. James Lovell to JA, 1–2 Nov., accompanied by five pages of extracts from the Journals of Congress recording motions
and resolves on the Atlantic fisheries and navigation of the Mississippi, Feb.–June
1779, and on financial arrangements for American ministers in Europe, including the
nominations of JA and Henry Laurens to negotiate a loan in the Netherlands, 15–18 Oct. 1779 (Adams Papers). Richard Henry Lee to JA, dated at Chantilly, Va., 8 Oct. (Adams Papers, printed in R. H. Lee, Letters, ed. Ballagh, 2:155–156).
4. The first prediction was correct, the second mistaken.
5. The Sensible did not sail until the next day. “Bror. Adams sail'd by the Light-House about ten
o Clock Monday Morning [15 Nov.]; with a fair Wind. Genl. [James] Warren spent the Evening with him on Sunday, and left him in good Spirits. Mr. Dana
was rather dull on the Occation” (Richard Cranch to Mrs. Cranch, Boston, 17 Nov. 1779,
MHi:Cranch Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0176
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-11-15
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Sensible off Cape Ann, Novr. 15th. 1779, two O Clock
[salute] My dearest Portia
We have a fine Wind, and in the Course of this Afternoon and Night expect to be clear
of Georges Bank, and out of Danger of meeting the Romulus, and the other Rascal.
John, and Charles, as well as S. C. Johonnot,1 are all a little Seasick, but this will soon be over.
Mr. Dana, Mr. Thaxter and myself are yet pretty well, but expect our Turn soon.
We have strong hopes of escaping the Enemy upon this Coast. We follow the Advice of
Knox the Pilot, who is a very good Hand.
My Love to my dear Nabby and Thommy. J. and C. send Duty and Love.
God grant me and my little Family a happy Passage, and you and your little Household,
Health, and Comfort in our Absence. I hope this will be the last Seperation, We shall
suffer from each other, for any Length of Time.—If I should find an Opportunity at
Sea, which is not likely, I will write, but certainly by the first Opportunity and
by all occassions from France.
[salute] Adieu, Adieu, Adieu.
[signed] John Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. John Adams Braintree.” Tr in CFA's hand (Adams Papers); prepared for CFA's edition of JA-AA, Familiar Letters but in the end excluded.
1. Samuel Cooper Johonnot (1768–1806), son of the Boston merchant Gabriel Johonnot and grandson of JA's Boston pastor, Rev. Samuel Cooper, was being sent under JA's care to France for schooling. For a fuller note on Johonnot see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:418.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0177
Recipient: Lovell, James
Date: 1779-11-18
Abigail Adams to James Lovell
[dateline] Braintree November 18 17791
[salute] Sir
In a Letter from my Dear absent Friend the day before he saild dated on Board the
Frigate he informd me that the Evening before he received a Letter from his much Esteemed
Friend Mr. L[ovel]l in which he complained that “Portia did not write to him.”2 Could Portia have given a greater proof of the high value she placed upon his Friendship and correspondence
she would not have withheld her hand. But can Mr. L——l so soon forget that he had
prohibited her from writing by prescribing conditions to her that he knew she could not practise.
He must have divested himself of that sensibility which vibrates with every sentiment
of his mind and every motion of his Heart to suppose that she could
“Give sorrow vent. The Grief that cannot speak
Whispers the o'er fraught heart and bids it Break.”
Cannot you believe me sir when I tell you that there is but one more conflict in life
harder to be endured than that which I have pass't through. Why was I born with so
much sensibility, why possessing it have I so often been call'd to struggle with it?
A few more such trials would distroy a tabernacle already impaired by them. Could
I find pleasure and happiness in a thousand sources from whence many others would
derive them, I should feel less keenly the wound, but to me the world and all its
enjoyments are hazarded at once.
Fame, wealth and honour, what are ye to Love?
Do not expose me sir, the world think differently I know. You should not call for
my pen unless determined to pardon my weakness. Two sons have accompanied their Father,
the Eldest but 12 years of age. Mr. Thaxter too, who has lived in the Family near
6 years and was like a Brother in kindness and Friendship, makes one of the absent
{ 237 } Family, whilst one daughter and Little son, are my solitary companions.
Your former kindness and attention leads me to rely upon your future Friendship which
notwithstanding former prohibitions I hope is not forfeited by the present sentiments
of
[signed] Portia
LbC (Adams Papers); at foot of text: “To the Honble. James Lovell Philadelphia.” This is the first
entry in the sole letterbook, evidently furnished to her by JA before he sailed, that AA ever tried to maintain. She did not succeed well. This handsome, well-preserved,
vellum-bound folio volume (Lb/JA/9, Microfilms, Reel No. 97) contains thirteen letter copies in her hand written over a period of
thirteen months—only a fraction of her known letters and a smaller fraction of the
total letters she probably wrote between Nov. 1779 and Dec. 1780. Most of the volume
remains blank.
2. “I see my Correspondence with Portia is all over. She cannot write because I should
see the mark of the Tear on the Paper” (Lovell to JA, 1–2 Nov. 1779, Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0178
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-11-20
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] At sea, not far from the grand Bank of N.F.L. Novr. 29 [i.e. 20]. 17791
[salute] My dearest Friend
A brave fellow from Boston Captn. Carr, gives me an Opportunity of writing one Line,
to let you know that We are all very well thus far.2 Charles behaves quite as well as John, and lies in my Bosom a nights. Mr. Dana has
been very sea sick but is now pretty well. We are now out of all Danger of the Romulus
and Virginia, and I hope have little to fear, from the Ennemy. We have had one storm
which made Us all sea sick, but brought Us on well in our Course. I wish I could write
to you these two Hours, but Time fails. Ships cannot wait for each other at sea. My
Love to Nabby and Thommy. Tell them, to mind their studies.
Tell Nabby, tho she has lost her french Master for some time, I hope she will persevere,
and perhaps a french Mistress in her Mamma may do better. Duty to your father, my
Mother, Brothers, sisters &c. &c. &c. Dont fail to let me know how [the] Constitution goes on.
[salute] God bless you.
[signed] John Adams
I write on my Knees, and the ship rolls so that I write worse than common.
Captaine Chavagne has made me open my Letter, to assure Madam Adams of his best Respects,
and Mmselle and Monsr Thomas. I find the same Civility and Kindness from this worthy
officer and his subalterns as heretofore, and the Passengers are also agreable.3
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. John Adams Braintree near Boston favd. by Captn. Carr.”
1. JA distinctly wrote “29,” and CFA printed this letter under that date in JA-AA, Familiar Letters, p. 368–369. But JA was mistaken, for it was on the 20th, off the Grand Bank of Newfoundland (“N.F.L.”),
that the Sensible encountered the American privateer that brought back letters to Boston—the only such
“Opportunity” that offered during the voyage. See the following note; also Francis
Dana's Journal as quoted in note 3.
2. This and the following letter from JQA were sent back by the Salem privateer General Lincoln, Capt. John Carnes; see JQA, Diary, under the present date; Dana's Journal as quoted in the following note; MHS, Colls., 77:147. In his Diary and Autobiography, 2:402, JA mistakenly gave the captain's name as “Barnes.”
3. Since Francis Dana's Journal of 1779–1780 (MHi) gives the most succinct and connected account of the voyage, the relevant passage
is quoted here in full:
“We had a very good wind till the 18th. when it changed to the N.E. and blowed very
hard for about 24 hours. About this time our vessel began to leak considerably, so
that we were obliged to keep one pump at work.—Novr. 20th. We spoke with the Genl.
Lincoln privateer of Salem commanded by Capt. Carnes then bound for that place, whose
Lieut. came on board us, by whom I wrote to Mrs. D.; an event which gave us much satisfaction
not only because it was unexpected, but because it afforded an opportunity of notifying
our friends of our escaping two British Frigates which had been cruising in the Bay
for us, and were seen near Cape Ann the Wednesday before our departure. We were at
this time near the Grand Bank where we sounded on the 23d. Novr.—Novr. 25th. The wind
began to blow from the N.W. very heavy, and the Sea to run high.—Novr. 26th. During
the last 24 hours we run under our Foresail only, 76 leagues; the wind and sea still
raging; in the afternoon the Chasse Maree . . . carried away her Foremast. The tempest prevented our affording them any relief
as we were driven before it at the same rapid rate I have just mentioned. There were
about thirty souls on board the Chasse Maree, one a woman. Heaven protect them from
further harm.—Sunday Novr. 28th. The Storm abated, and our leak having encreased,
we set two pumps to work. This brought the Capt., Officers and Passengers to them
in their turns—we were now not far east of the longitude of the Azores, and nearly
50 Leagues north of their latitude, the wind about south, so that it was impossible
to make them. The encrease of our leak, rendering it impracticable to fight our ship
well if we shou'd meet with an enemy and our state otherwise dangerous, the Capt.
at this time changed our original destination which was Brest, for Ferrol the nearest
port. Nothing material occurred, the weather continuing moderate and the winds not
adverse, till Tuesday the 7th. Decr. when at about half past 10. o'clock A.M. we made
Cape Finisterre, our first land, for which we had shaped our course. The wind was
near SW and the weather clear for the most part of the day, so that we distinctly
made our [i.e. out?] head Lands, but night coming on, we lay too, to avoid passing our port. The next
morning, Decr. 8th. we run before the wind, it being a fine day, directly for Ferrol,
and cast anchor in the harbour about noon.”
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0179
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-11-20
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] At Sea Novr. 20th 1779
[salute] Hon'd Mamma
This moment gives me an Opportunity of writing to you but I have very little to write.
We are now about 200 leagues from Boston and { 239 } have been [very?]1 lucky till now; we had a little storm but it did us but little damage.
My young freind Sammy Cooper is a very agreable young Gentleman who makes me more
happy on the voyage than I should have been without him; as to his Language I have
not heard him say any thing amiss till now. But I must conclude in being your dutiful
son,
[signed] J Q Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. John Adams Braintree near Boston To be sunk in Case of Danger.”
1. Word largely obscured by seal.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0180
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-11-23
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Novr. 23. 1779
[salute] Dear Ma'am
Instead of sending the inclosed to the Navy Board I shall from Time to Time direct
them as now, that after you have had the Amusement (such as it is) of reading them
you may forward them to the Friend for whom they are designed, through the Care of
the Navy Board at Boston.1 If you are quite indifferent as to this method, I will lodge them in future where
those for Mr. Dana are lodged by my Direction. Yrs. affectionately,
[signed] J L
Col. Langdon2 Yesterday carried some Papers from me directed to Mr. A or in his Absence to the
Navy Board. They were only of the Kind now sent, but former Numbers.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. Adams Braintree.” For the (missing) enclosures see note 1.
2. Woodbury Langdon (1739–1805), a New Hampshire member of the Continental Congress who was returning home on leave
(Biog. Dir. Cong.; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4:lv).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0181
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-11-27
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] 27th. of Novr. [1779]
[salute] My dear Lady
I cannot recollect whether I sent No. 311 before. I promised your Husband to continue to forward the Journals: But my Wish
is not to break the Numbers so as to spoil a Set for any body else. If therefore I
at any Time repeat a Number you will be so good as to return it; and if I omit one
you will demand it. I suppose Mr. A did not leave the 1st. { 240 } 2d. or 3d. Vol.2 in his Library. If he did I will send you a Set of 1779 to keep at home; and forward
myself directly to the Navy Board what I design for him. But you must not keep any
of the Pages of 1778, because I shall have but one Course of them.
[salute] Yours, with affectionate Respect,
[signed] James Lovell
RC (Adams Papers); addressed and franked: “Mrs. A. Adams Braintree Philada. Jas. Lovell.”
2. Of the Journals of Congress issued in volume form, for 1774–1775, 1776, and 1777, respectively. The volume for
1778 had not yet been published. For copies surviving among JA's books, see Catalogue of JA's Library, p. 60–61.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0182
Recipient: Lowell, John
Date: 1779-11-29
Abigail Adams to John Lowell
[dateline] Braintree November 29 1779
[salute] Sir
Before Mr. Adams left me he mentiond 2 or 3 gentlemen to me to whom he would have
me apply for advice and assistance during his absence. You Sir was one of those Friends
upon whom he directed me to rely who would consider my Situation and render me any
little services I stood in need of.1
My present request is to be informd of the rate of exchange of hard Money into paper.
There are so many persons disposed to take advantage of me, in this respect that unless
I can find a Friend or two upon whom I can rely, I shall be imposed upon as I have
heretofore been, and I have need enough I am sure of making the best exchange in my
power.
The fluctuating state of our currency and the exorbitant demand for every necessary
of life, together with the high taxes renders it more peculiarly difficult to be deprived
of a partner at this day.
It has been my Lot in Life to be called repeatedly to the painfull task of seperating
from the dearest connexion in Life. Honour and Fame of which the world talk, weigh
but lightly against the Domestick happiness I resign, and the pain and anxiety I suffer.—One
only consideration preponderates the scale, The hope of rendering Essential service
to a distressd and Bleeding Country.
Be pleased sir to present my Respectfull complements to Mrs. Lowell tho I have not
the pleasure of an acquaintance with her.2 A few lines left for me at Mr. I. Smiths Boston will be safely conveyed to me and
will greatly oblige your Humble Servant,
[signed] A. Adams
LbC (Adams Papers); at foot of text: “To John Lowell Esqr. Boston,” to { 241 } which is added, “answerd December 15 exchange from 30 to 35 for one.” (See Lowell's
letter to AA of 15 Dec. below.)
1. John Lowell, identified and mentioned with some frequency in earlier volumes, was
a Boston lawyer and a member of the Massachusetts Constitutional Convention.
2. As his 3d wife John Lowell had in 1778 married the former Rebecca Russell, widow of
James Tyng (Ferris Greenslet, The Lowells and Their Seven Worlds, Boston, 1946, p. 63).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0183
Recipient: Wendell, Oliver
Date: 1779-11-29
Abigail Adams to Oliver Wendell
[dateline] Braintree [ante 29] November 1779
[salute] Dear Sir
My dear Mr. Adams when he left me recommended Mr. Wendle to me as one of those Friends
he had Requested to assist me in his absence.1
My present Application is to request that you would be so good as to inform me at
what rate exchange is at present, and whether you would take the trouble of exchangeing
30 or 40 dollors for me within this fortnight or 3 weeks if I should send them to
you.
If hard Money has rose in proportion to other articles it ought to be Double what
it was a Month ago.
I think Mr. Adams told me that you advised not to exchange more at a time, than present
necessity required. I have no objection to this, otherways than being too often troublesome
to my Friend.
A few lines left for me at Mr. Smiths will be safely conveyed to me.
Your Benevolent Mind will consider my situation, deprived of the care and assistance
of my Nearest Friend, which must plead my excuse for giving you this trouble.
[salute] Be pleased Sir to present my Respectfull Regards to Mrs. Wendle2 from your Humble Servant,
[signed] A Adams
1. Oliver Wendell (1733–1818), Harvard 1753, Boston merchant, land magnate, selectman, justice of the peace, member
of the Constitutional Convention of 1779–1780, and, later, judge of common pleas,
member of the Massachusetts House and Senate, and Fellow of Harvard College (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 13:367–374).
2. In 1762 Wendell had married Mary Jackson, whose mother was a Quincy; the Wendells'
daughter Sarah was to marry Rev. Abiel Holmes and become the mother of Dr. Oliver
Wendell Holmes (same, p. 367, 373).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0184
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-11-29
Oliver Wendell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Boston Novr. 29th. 1779
[salute] Dear Madm.
Mr. Adams gave me real Pleasure when he told me it was in my Power to render any Service
to himself or his Family, therefore any Apology from you was needless.
The fluctuating or rather the Ebbing State of our paper Medium is such that to exchange
More Silver than you may want for a fortnights Use, may be prejudicial—and oftentimes
a better bargain may be made with the Silver than any other way. At present Thirty
paper are given for one Mill'd Dollr. You'l therefore freely send Directions what
Money you'd exchange and the best Advance I can obtain shall be sent you.
[salute] I am with Esteem Your very Hume. Servt.,
[signed] O. Wendell
Mrs. Wendell presents her Regards.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Abigal Adams Braintree.” Dft (Hugh Upham Clark, Arlington, Va., owner of the Austin H. Clark Collection, prints
of which have been deposited in MBCo); text varies insignificantly in phrasing from that of RC.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0185
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1779-12-10
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] December 10. 1779
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I will not omit any opportunity of writing tho ever so great an uncertainty whether
it will ever reach your Hand. My Unkle Smith has a vessel bound to Calis,1 he advises me to write, and I most willingly comply tho my Faith in the conveyance
is but poor—indeed I have lost my Faith with my Spirits.
My Friends assure me from their observations that you must have had a good passage.
God grant it I say, but my fears and anxieties are many—very many. I had a Faith and
reliance before that supported me, but now my Heart so misgives me that I cannot find
that confidence which I wish for. Your Letter from Cape Ann arrived and cheered my
drooping Spirits. Could I hear of your safe arrival, I would try to compose my agitated
mind which has horrours both day and night. My dear sons, Little do they know how
many veins of their Mothers Heart bled when she parted from them. My delicate Charles,
how has he endured the fatigues of his voyage? John is a hardy Sailor, seasoned before,
I do not feel so much for him. Your fellow Travellers too I do not forget to think
of them. I will not wish myself with you because you say a Lady cannot help being
an odious creature at sea, { 243 } and I will not wish myself in any situation that should make me so to you.
Nothing new in the political way but the raising the Seige of Savannah, and being
unfortunate.
You will have perticulars no doubt.
Our Friends are all well.
Enclosed are some papers and journals. Mr. Lawrance [Laurens] is appointed to Holland—has not yet given his answer.
[salute] Adieu—ever ever yours,
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To The Honble. John Adams Esqr. Paris”; endorsed: “Portia Decr. 10.
1779 ans. 16. March.” For earlier acknowledgments, and for the (missing) enclosures,
see note 1.
1. Thus in MS, probably for “Cadiz.” In his first letter to AA after arriving in Paris, JA reported finding the present letter, “which came by your Unkles ship to Cadiz,” awaiting
him in Paris (12 Feb. 1780, below). A few days later he wrote her to say that the postage on the accompanying
packet of Journals, &c., had cost him 44 livres, and advised against sending large
packets (16 Feb. 1780, below). A month later he touched again on the main topic of her letter—her “tender
Anxiety” for him (16 March 1780, below).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0186
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-12-11
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Ferrol December 11th. 1779
[salute] My dearest Friend
We have had an Escape again: but are arrived safely in Spain. As the Frigate will
probably not get from this place these two Months, I must go by Land to Paris, which
I suppose is a Journey of between three and four hundred Leagues. That part of it,
which is in Spain is very mountainous. No Post—bad Roads—bad Taverns and very dear.
We must ride Mules, Horses not being to be had. I must get some kind of Carriage for
the Children, if possible. They are very well. Charles has sustained the Voyage and
behaves as well as ever his Brother did. He is much pleased with what he sees. Sammy
Cooper too is very well. These young Gentry will give me a vast deal of Trouble, in
this unexpected Journey. I have bought a Dictionary and Grammar1 and they are learning the Spanish Language as fast as possible. What could We do,
if You and all the family had been with me?
Ferrol is a magnificent Port and Harbour. It is fortified by Nature, by Rows of lofty
rocky Mountains on each Side the narrow Entrance of it, and the public Works, the
Fortifications, Barracks, Arsenals &c. which are of Stone very like Braintree Stone,
exceed any thing I have seen.
I dined the day before Yesterday with Don Joseph Saint Vincent, { 244 } the Lieutenant General of the Marine, who is the Commandant in this Port, with four
and twenty French and Spanish Officers. The Difference between Gravity and Gaiety
was an amusing Speculation.
Yesterday I dined on Board the Triumphant, an Eighty Gun French Ship commanded by
the Chef D'Escadre Mr. Sade, and have engagements for every day for a much longer
Time than I shall stay.
The French Consul and Vice Consul have been particularly polite and obliging to me.
In short I never was better pleased with a Reception at any place.2
There is no News. Nothing has been done in Europe. England is as insolent in Language
as ever, but this is only ridiculous as it is apparently impotent. My Love to Nabby
and Tommy. Adieu.
[signed] John Adams
RC in John Thaxter's hand, signed by JA (Adams Papers); addressed by Thaxter: “Mrs. John Adams Braintree near Boston”; docketed in an unidentified
hand. LbC (Adams Papers).
1.
The works by Francisco Sobrino survive at least in part among JA's books in the Boston Public Library; see Catalogue of JA's Library, which lists still other Spanish grammars and dictionaries acquired at this or other
times.
“[El Ferrol, 14 Dec. 1779.] I went to a Bookseller and purchased Sobrino's Dictionary in three Volumes in Quarto,
and the Grammatica Castellana which is an excellent Spanish Grammar, in their own
Tongue, and also a Latin grammar in Spanish, after which Monsr. de Grasse made me
a Present of a very handsome Grammar of the Spanish Tongue in French by Sobrino” (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:407–408).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0187
Recipient: Lovell, Mary Middleton
Date: 1779-12-12
Abigail Adams to Mary Middleton Lovell
[dateline] Braintree December 12 1779
[salute] My Dear Madam
The enclosed Letter I send to your care. The triffel which accompanies it I ask your
acceptance of. I only wish that my ability was equal to the desire I have of serving
you. But merrit like yours and that with which you are connected must look for its
reward beyond this transitory scene where more permanant Blessings await it, than
the gratitude of mortals can bestow.
I sympathize with you in all your sacrifices—I know what you resign, and the anxiety you must endure. Yet if you are called to a still more painfull
task,1 as it is more hazardous you will submit to it with a fortitude which has always greatly
distinguished you in the mind of your Friend and Humble Servant,
[signed] A Adams
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0188
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-12-12
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Ferrol Decr. 12. 1779
The french Consul had agreed to carry me, Mr. Dana, Mr. Allen,1 and my three Children and our three Servants,2 this Day to Corunna, which is about five Leagues from this Place by Water, in a barge
of fourteen Oars, but the Weather proved so boisterous, that it was impossible to
go.
To give you some Idea of the Place where We are, Cape Finisterre, and Cape Ortugal
are two long Arms of Land stretched out into the Sea, which embrace a large Bay of
Water. Within this Bay are two other Points of Land, within one of which is Ferrol,
where we now are, and within the other is Corunna where We intended to have gone this
day, if the Weather had permitted, but We hope to go tomorrow. We can get neither
Horses nor Mules nor Carriages in this Place for our Selves nor our Baggage, which
I am much surprized at, as it is so grand a Port.
Living, and conveniences for Conveyance are very dear, in this Place, which will run
my Expences very high. There is nothing remarkable here, but the natural strength
of the Place, and the artificial Fortifications, together with the Arsenals, dry Docks,
Barracks, and military Matters by Sea and Land. The City is small, not very well built
nor accommodated. Very little Commerce, or Manufactures, Industry or Diversions.
There are two or three elegant Churches, and there is an Italian Opera. There is the
Appearance of much Devotion and there are many Ecclesiasticks.
It is dull enough to be in a Country so wholly ignorant of the Language and Usages,
but We have furnished ourselves with a Dictionary and grammar, and are learning every
Hour. Charles is much pleased with what he sees and hears, and behaves very discreetly.
John is writing to you and his sister and Brother.
I excused myself from dining to day on board the Souvereign and on board the Jason,
two french Men of War. Yesterday I dined on board the Triomphant, and the Children
on Board the Jason.
The French Officers appear to day, with Cockades, in Honour of { 246 } the Triple alliance—a large white Ribbon for the french, a smaller red one for the
Spaniards, and a black one for the Americans, which makes a pretty Appearance.3
Upon looking a little into the Spanish Language, I find it so very nearly like the
Latin that I am persuaded we shall learn more of it in a Month than We did of french
in half a Year.
The Manners of the Spaniards and french are as opposite as grave and gay. The Dress
of the Spanish Officers is much like the french, that of the People, a little different.
Men and Women, Gentlemen and Ladies are very fond of long Hair, which often reaches
braided in a Queue, or bound round with a black ribbon, almost down to their Hams.
The Ladies wear Cloaks black or white which come over their Heads and shoulders and
reach down to their Waists. They have fine black Eyes and consequently dark, but yet
lively complexions.
When! Oh When! shall I see you again and live in Peace?
The Russian Embassador, lately appointed to relieve the one lately in London passed
through France and was a fortnight or three Weeks at Paris from whence, the shrewd
Politicians have conjectured that Peace was about to be mediated by that Power. But
it is said that England is as reluctant to acknowledge the Independance of America,
as to cede Gibraltar, the last of which is insisted on as well as the first. But this
is only Bruit. Adieu.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Jeremiah Allen, described in JA's application for passports to cross Spain as “a private Gentleman of Boston in the
Massachusetts, accidentally in Company, he is a Merchant travelling with a View of
establishing a private Commerce in Spain as well as France” (JA to the Governor of La Coruña, 18 Dec. 1779, LbC, Adams Papers). Allen had come as a passenger on the Sensible and was to accompany the Adams party all the way to Paris.
“Joseph Stevens a Servant of Mr. Adams.
“John William Christian Fricke a Servant of Mr. Dana.
“Andrew Desmia [elsewhere Dismié or Desmié] a Servant of Mr. Allen.”
3.
“The officers here French and Spanish have a cockade red and white for the alliance
between France and Spain. Capt. Chavagnes desir'd all his officers to add the Black
to it and put one in himself. He says that he has not wore a Cockade before since
he was a Midshipman. . . . The Spanish and French officers wonder'd at it and enquir'd
of the Frigates officers what they had the black for. They told them that France being
allied to the thirteen United States of America they put it in. For that reason. The
Captain said that it was only what was due for the Politeness he had been used with
in Boston. There's an Example of French Compliments” (JQA, Diary, 14 Dec. 1779).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0189
Recipient: Adams, Abigail (daughter of JA and AA)
Date: 1779-12-12
John Adams to Abigail Adams 2d
[dateline] Ferrol Decr. 12. 1779
[salute] My dear Daughter
If I could send you some of the Lemons, Oranges, or Water Melons of this Place, it
would give me more Pleasure than you. But there are very seldom merchant Vessells
at this Place from America.
We are here in the Latitude of 43, which is better than half a degree farther north
than Boston, yet there has not yet been the slightest frost. The Verdure on the Fields
and in the Gardens is as fresh as ever. We see large Quantities of Indian Corn, hanging
up in Bunches of Ears, about the higher Parts of the Houses, which shews Us that that
Species of Grain grows and is cultivated here, altho the Ears and the Kernel is much
smaller than with Us.
I have much Curiosity to see Madrid and a strong Inclination to go that Way: but it
is a great Way farther and I have some doubts for several other Reasons whether I
ought to go there. But I shall go through Bilboa from whence I shall again write to
you if I can.
I have met with few Things more remarkable than the Chocolate which is the finest
I ever saw. I will enquire whether it is the Superiour Quality of the Cocoa Nut, or
any other Ingredient which they intermix with it, or a better Art of making it, which
renders it so much superiour to any other.
I see very little, which would be entertaining to a young Lady of your Turn of thinking,
in this Place, which seems to be wholly devoted to military Affairs. There is what
they call, an Italien Opera: but neither the Theaters, nor the Actors, nor the Pieces,
nor the Musick are very pleasing. I have been once there, but not understanding the
Italien Language, and seeing very little Company, and scarcely any Ladies who are
always to me the most pleasing ornaments of such Spectacles, I don't think it worth
while for me to go again: but the Gentlemen, and your Brothers with them are about
going this Evening. They may possibly learn a little of the Spanish Language, as the
Piece tonight is to be in that Tongue.
In the Course of my Journeys, I shall embrace any Moments of Leisure, to inform you
of any Thing that I observe which may contribute to your Improvement or Entertainment:
But you must remember that my Voyages and Journeys are not for my private Information,
Instruction, Improvement, Entertainment or Pleasure; but laborious and hazardous Enterprizes
of Business. I shall never be much polished, by Travel, whatever your Brothers may
be. I hope they will be im• { 248 } proved. I hope they will increase in Knowledge as they go: but I am not anxious about
their being very much polished.
Gold is very little more prescious for being burnished. Silver and Steel are as usefull
without polishing as with it.
I dont mean by this however to suggest, that Arts and Accomplishments which are merely
ornamental, should be wholly avoided or neglected especially by your Sex: but that
they ought to be slighted when in Comparison or Competition, with those which are
useful and essential.
I hope your Attention will be fixed chiefly upon those Virtues and Accomplishments,
which contribute the most to qualify Women to act their Parts well in the various
Relations of Life, those of Daughter, Sister, Wife, Mother, Friend.—Yours Affectionately,
[signed] John Adams
RC (Le Musée de Blérancourt, Blérancourt, Aisne, France).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0190
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1779-12-12
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] Ferrol in Spain Sunday Decr. 12th 1779
[salute] My Dear Brother
As I have wrote to Mamma and Sister1 I have but very little to write to you but I cannot let an opportunity slip without
writing to you. I have wrote an account of my Voyage And of this city to Mamma and
also all the news I have heard since I have been here excepting a report that the
ardent an English 64 Gun brig was taken by the French, and that two Spanish frigates
have been taken by the English.
You must ask Mamma to write to me for you and send it. I am your affectionate Brother,
[signed] J Q Adams
PS Give my Duty to Mamma and love to sister and Cousins.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0191
Recipient: Lovell, James
Date: 1779-12-13
Abigail Adams to James Lovell
[dateline] [Braintree, 13 December 1779]1
Enclosed I return according to your direction a duplicate Number of the journals.
Number 29 is missing. I do not fully understand you when you say that I must not keep
any of the pages 78.2 Do you mean that I must return them to you or forward them to Mr. Adams. I have { 249 } no journals left but part of 75 and 76. All that Mr. Adams could find or procure of
a later date he took with him; I read the journals and the news papers which you are
so kind as to forward, but I still find myself a looser. I have not the pleasure of
the intelligance which used to be communicated to my Friend with the perusal of which
he always indulged me. I dare venture to say this only to you, since a hint of this
kind would restrain many Gentlemens pens possessd of less liberal sentiments.
I have ever made it a rule in life never to seek for a Secret which concernd the honour
of a person to withhold, and have been too proud to divulge one when once confided
in, and on this account probably I have met with more indulgence. I am not seeking
Sir for communications improper to be made to a Lady—only wish to know from time to
time any important and interesting matters which may take place. I find that congress
are Drawing Bill[s] at 25 for one upon Mr. Lawrens and Jay to the amount of 100,000 Sterling. Have they
any prospect that their draughts will be answerd, or do they depend upon the exertions
of those Gentlemen to procure it after their arrival. Why may I ask do they demand
only 25 when 30 has been currently given here, and if I have not been misinformd 40
at Philadelphia.
You may always give me the go by, when I ask an improper Question and I shall take
no umbrage but it will not be one I suppose to inquire after Mr. Adamse's accounts
and vouchers and to ask what has ever been done with them? as he never heard a syllable
about them since they were sent to the board of treasury and left in charge that I
should inquire after them.
I have the pleasure to inform you that I received a Letter from my friend 5 days after
he sailed dated 200 leigues distant by way of a privateer which they brought too,
and which soon after arrived here. They had met with one Storm which did them but
little damage. They had not seen any Enemy and were all well except Mr. Dana who was
very Sea Sick. Have nothing new this way but what the papers will inform you of. A
Great hugh and cry raised by John Paul Jones the former valient commander of the Ranger.
I have a curiosity to know more of this mans history, he first drew my attention by
his Knight Errant expedition to St. Marys Ile and his Letter to Lady Selkirk which
I [have] no doubt you have seen.3 Unhappy for us that we had not such a commander at the Penobscot expedition. We should
not have been groaning under disgrace, dissapointment and the heavyest debt incurred
by this State since the commencement of the war.4
Have wrote you several times lately, but have not yet received a line { 250 } in reply. Possibly you may have removed as I have heard it was in contemplation. Be
so good as to let Mr. Nurse know that I received the Letter for Mr. Thaxter5 which shall be safely conveyed to him by an opportunity which will offer within a
few days, when I shall send forward the papers and journals entrusted to my care.
Dft (Adams Papers); without date or recipient's name; at head of text in CFA's hand: “March 1780”; see note 1. The (missing) enclosure is identified in the first sentence of the text.
1. Date supplied from Lovell's answer of 6 Jan. 1780, below, to the now missing recipient's copy.
3. Jones' celebrated and flamboyant letter to the Countess of Selkirk, written from Brest,
8 May 1778, explaining why he had taken her household silver (and declaring his intention
to return it) in his raid the month before on St. Mary's Isle. A text derived from
the original at St. Mary's Isle, with facsimile pages, is in John Paul Jones: Commemoration at Annapolis, April 24, 1906, Washington, 1906; reprinted 1966, p. 123–125. A full text is also given in Samuel
Eliot Morison, John Paul Jones: A Sailor's Biography, Boston, 1959 (p. 148–150), in a chapter which contains the best account of the raid,
its background, and its sequels, with illustrations.
4. For a brief account of Massachusetts' unsuccessful amphibious operation against the
British in Penobscot Bay during the summer of 1779, see Commonwealth Hist. of Mass., 3:36–38.
5. Letter not found. Joseph Nourse (1754–1841) had been named assistant auditor of the Continental Treasury Board on 9 Nov.; in
1789 he was appointed register of the Treasury and was to serve for forty years in
that post (JCC, 15:1251; Appleton's Cyclo. Amer. Biog., 4:541).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0192
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-12-15
John Lowell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Boston Decr. 15th. 1779
[salute] Dear Madam
I received by the Return of the last Post from Philadelphia a Letter from my Friend
Mr. Adams1 which he had very kindly directed to me there, and had taken my Pen to a[cknow]ledge2 the Receipt of it to you when I [was] favoured with your's. I have every Motive to wish to be serviceable to Mr. Adams
and his Connections, to Mrs. Adams in a peculiar Manner, and I hope you will without
the least Hesitation give me every Opportunity of so doing as the Pleasure and Obligation
will be entirely mine.—I have made Enquiry as to the Rate of Exchange of hard Money
into Paper, and find it is fluctuating from thirty to thirty five for one. Let me
add that if you find Occassion for Paper Money and a Chap3 does not readily offer for the Exchange or wishes to take Advantage of your Occassions,
it will seldom happen but that I can furnish you without the least Inconvenience to
myself and shall esteem it a favour if you will make Use of me in that Way so that
you may have Time to take every Advantage which I am sure you ought { 251 } of your hard Money.—Mrs. Lowell joins me in respectfull Compliments to you. If her
tender State of Health did not prevent I should take the Liberty of introducing her
to your Acquaintance at Braintree. We should both be happy in having an Opportunity
of doing it at Boston.
[salute] I am with Esteem your most humble Servt.,
[signed] J Lowell
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Abigail Adams Braintree.”
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0193
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-12-15
John Thaxter to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Coronna, in Spain 15th. Decr. 1779
[salute] Madam
The Reason of our being in Spain, you will, perhaps, be no stranger to, when this
reaches You. I am not sorry We arrived at Ferrol, as a prosecution of our Voyage might
have been attended with hazard. A leaky Ship in a Storm or violent Gale, is not a
Situation for very comfortable Sensations. We had Leaks, Storms and Winds in the passage.
The former were more formidable than the latter, and induced the Captain to determine
to make Ferrol, if possible: where We happily arrived the eighth of this Month. From
Ferrol We journeyed to this place to day upon Mules. It is about one and twenty Miles. We made a Quixotik Appearance. It would have been excellent Diversion for our Friends to have seen Us: For We had
Don Quixots, Sancha Pancas and Squires in Abundance.
The Country is very mountainous; but every Inch of it cultivated. There was a most
agreeable Verdure in every Stage of our Journey, beautifully diversified prospects,
Richness of Soil and Luxuriance to be seen every where. The Eye was not satisfied
with seeing.
Believe Me, when I assure You, that it gave me the highest pleasure, to see Mr. [Adams]1 treated with every Mark of Attention and Respect at Ferrol by all Ranks and the two
Children also on his and their own Account; and did they know the good Sense, Merits
and Accomplishments of their Mamma, they would experience additional Tokens of both.
This Letter will be sent by a Vessel bound to Newbury Port—whether She will arrive
or not is very uncertain.2 I will not therefore be more particular, but close with praying You to present My
Duty, Respects, Love and Compliments where due.
{ 252 } [salute] I have the Honor to be with great Respect and Esteem, your most humble Servant,
[signed] J.T.
RC (Adams Papers).
2.
Trash (or, as the name was later spelled, Trask) arrived at New-buryport on 23 Feb.,
bringing news of the Adams party's safe arrival in Spain (Boston Continental Journal, 2 March 1780, p. 3, col. 2).
“[La Coruña, 16 Dec. 1779.] After dinner Mr. Trash and his Mate, of a Schooner belonging to the Traceys of Newbury
Port, who have been obliged by bad Weather and contrary Winds to put in here from
Bilboa, came to visit me. I gave them Letters to Congress and to my family” (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:410).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0194
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-12-16
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Corunna December 16. 1779
[salute] My dearest Friend
Last night We all arrived in this Place from Ferrol. The Distance is about twenty
miles by Land over high Mountains and bad Roads. You would have been diverted to have
seen Us all mounted upon our Mules and marching in Train. From the Mountains We had
all along the Prospect of a rich fertile Country, cultivated up to the Tops of the
highest Hills and down to the very edge of Water all along the shore.
I made my Visits last night to the Governor of the Province, who resides here and
to the Governor of the Town, and was politely received by both.1 I have a long Journey before me of a thousand miles I suppose at least to Paris.
Through this Kingdom We shall have bad roads and worse Accommodations, I dont expect
to be able to get to Paris in less than thirty days. I shall have an Opportunity of
seeing Spain, but it will be at a great Expence. I am advised by every Body to go
by Land. The Frigate the Sensible is in so bad Condition as to make it probable she
will not be fit to put to Sea in less than three or four Weeks perhaps five or six,
and then We should have the storms and Enemies of the Bay of Biscay, to escape, or
encounter.
After this wandering Way of Life is passed I hope to return, to my best friend and
pass the Remainder of our Days in Quiet.
I cannot learn that G[reat] B[ritain] is yet in Temper to listen to Propositions of Peace, and I dont expect before another
Winter to have much to do in my present Capacity.
My tenderest affection to our dear Children, and believe me, ever yours,
[signed] John Adams
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The governor of Galicia was Don Pedro Martín Cermeño (or Sermeño); see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:409–410, 412. A reproduction of the { 253 } passport he issued to JA and his suite on 18 Dec. will be found in same, facing p. 290. The name of the governor or mayor of La Coruña is given by JA as Patricio O Heir, i.e. O'Hare or O'Hara? (same, p. 412).
The Adamses stayed in La Coruña until the day after Christmas. A “mémoire” of their
expenses at an auberge called the Hôtel du Grand Amiral, kept by M. LeBrun, is reproduced in same, facing p. 291.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0195
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-12-16
John Thaxter to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Corunna 16th. Decr. 1779
[salute] Madam
This Afternoon I visited one of the Churches in this place; and casting my Eyes into
one Corner of it I spy'd one of the Monks of the Franciscan Order, laid out in a Case,
with his Robes on, his Head reclined upon a Pillar,1 his Hands and Fingers embracing each other, and between his Thumbs a Cross. Around
the Corpse was eight Candles, four of their largest Sort and four of the common. There
was a perfect Blaze around this cold Lump. How long he is to be continued in this
Posture, and how he is to be disposed of I should be very happy to be resolved in.
This is the Custom of the Country; and it may be a very wise one.
The Churches are cold, damp, dull, gloomy and dark places. They are built of Stone.
Their Exterior is very indifferent: but the Altars are superb and magnificent; being
richly gilded and decorated. They are always kept open, and there are always more
or less of the Devotees there. There is an awful Solemnity in them. The very appearance
of the Sculpture and Architecture, the Temperature of the Air, indeed every thing
is dismal. The Remains of the Franciscan increased the Gloom and deepened the Horror.
You see Crosses wherever you turn your Eyes. They are upon the Roads over the Mountains
and in the Valleys. We saw many of them Yesterday in our pilgrimage to this place.
The Charms of My little Friend Charley attract the Attention of every Body. Even his
white Locks procure him Notice. He is very well and Master Johnny too. As to the surprizing
Genius you mentioned to me—what shall I say of him? Why that I am disappointed egregiously.
I see no Originality about him. We are often entertained with his weighty Opinion
and Judgment upon Matters. He is very prompt to give his Opinion. He is vain—he is
rude—he is impudent. He is troublesome to the last Degree. He tries (I speak Individually)
my patience, he has almost battered it down; and at a Time too when every Prop of
it ought to be supported. In one Word—he has not the best of Heads, nor the worst of Hearts. He can neither boast of any { 254 } Excellencies of the former, and but few Virtues of the latter. But this by the Bye.
Charles has given him some severe Rubs this Evening. I cant deny, that I enjoyed them.2 It is now after
one Clock and you will excuse any thing further at present. My Love to Miss Nabby
and bid her good By for me if you please, as She was absent when I left B[raintree].
My Love to little Tommy. I will send him a Letter soon.
[salute] With every Sentiment of Respect and Esteem, I have the honor to be your much obliged and most obedt. Servant,
[signed] J.T.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. Adams.”
1. Presumably a New Englandism for “pillow.”
2. The only members of the party to whom these strictures could have been applied by
Thaxter would seem to be the boy Samuel Cooper Johonnot and Francis Dana's German
servant, J. W. C. Fricke. The difficulty is that there is no evidence that AA knew either of them and thus could have represented either one as “a surprizing Genius.”
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0196
Recipient: Lowell, John
Date: 1779-12-27
Abigail Adams to John Lowell
[dateline] Braintree December 27 [1779]
[salute] Sir
Your very polite reply to my Letter demands my acknowledgment. If I should find myself
embarressed at any time I shall not fail making use of your kindly offerd Friendship
and assistance. If Sir it will be of any service to you to receive the Hard Money
giving me the current exchange it is at your Service if you will please to signify
it, tho it will be but small sums that I shall exchange at a time and that as seldom
as possible.
Mr. Adams has a small Farm upon which I live, and by Letting it to the Halves it supplies
me with many necessaries. My family is not numerous, and my wants are circumscribed
in a small compass
“Having learnt the virtue and the Art
To live on little with a cheerful Heart.”
For ever since Mr. Adams engaged in publick Buisness I relinquished the prospect of
any thing more than a competent support. His motives you know Sir were not mercenary
and he has too much honour and Integrity to serve himself or his family at the expence
of his country. I frankly own that I derive more pleasure from this reflection than
wealth could bestow.
{ 255 } Excuse Sir this freedom and permit me to assure you that at this cottage I shall welcome
Mr. and Mrs. Lowell whenever her Health will afford that pleasure To your obliged
Friend & Humble Servant,
[signed] A Adams
LbC (Adams Papers); at foot of text: “To John Lowell Esqr. Boston.”
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0197
Recipient: Wendell, Oliver
Date: 1779-12-27
Abigail Adams to Oliver Wendell
[dateline] Braintree December 27 1779
[salute] Sir
Your obligeing reply to my request demands my Thanks. I have taken the Liberty of
sending 5 Guinea's to be exchanged—any time within these ten days will answer. I was
told last week that exchange was at 35, but you Sir are in a better situation to be
informd than I am, and I have full confidence in your kindness which forbids me to
apoligize for the trouble given you, by your Humble Servant,
[signed] Abigail Adams
PS Respectfull complements to Mrs. Wendell. Be so good as to enclose the Money to
me and leave it at Mr. Smiths [with]1 directions to send it by a safe Hand.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0198
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1779-12-31
Oliver Wendell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Boston Decr. 31st. 1779
[salute] Dr. Madm.
Mr. Cranch deliver'd me your Letter with the five french Guineaus which at the Insurance
Office I endeavord to hawk to the Money Voyagers. I found 30 for 1 the most they wou'd offer. Mr. Billy []1 who has purchased much hard Money told me he had offerd him 200 hard Dollars the
Day before at that Rate. I have no Doubt that 33 and 35 had been given but the late
Reports of a Loan being establishd by Congress and that they have actually drawn some
Bills at 25 for 1 seems at present to check a further Depreciation. Part of this Report
comes by Mr. H. Marchant a Member of Congress which gives it Influence. However I
send you 30 for 1 and having the Guineaus by me if I can do better, it shall be your
Advantage.
{ 256 } | view 
[salute] The State of the Account I subjoin and am with my Respects added to Mrs. Wendells, Your very Humb. Servt.,
[signed] Oliver Wendell
| 5 french Guineaus | at 26/8 is | £ 6 | 13 | 4 | ||
| Exchange | 193 | 6 | 8 | |||
| £200 | ||||||
| Sent to Mr. Smith | ||||||
| Dolls. | ||||||
| 1 | 70 | 70 | ||||
| 6 | 60 | 360 | ||||
| 2 | 50 | 100 | ||||
| 1 | 45 | |||||
| 2 | 40 | 80 | ||||
| 1 | 8 | |||||
| 2 | 2 | 4 | ||||
| 667 | at 6/ is | £200 | 2 | |||
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Abigail Adams Braintree please to send by some carefull Hand.”
1. Illegible name; perhaps “Towles.”
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0199
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-01-06
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Jan. 6. 1780
You will see, lovely Woman, by the Papers which I have sent that we shall have more
post Advantages of Communication than we have had for some time back;1 but I fear this Remark will tend to my Disadvantage, and if it was not for Oeconomy
I would throw by the present Sheet and take up another in which I would only tell
you that I regard, esteem and respect you and will certainly write to you as often as I possibly can. But since I have hinted at increasing Opportunities of Conveyance, I must assure
you that the days are too short for me at present by much to get pressing public Business
off my Hands; and as to the Nights they are ten times more ruinous to my health than
they were in Summer. I therefore hide myself from them within the Bed Curtains the
Moment that public duty is discharged. In Truth, I am at length aiming to preserve some Remnant of a
good Constitution for Situations into which you seem to think you would chide me if you was invested with those Rights of Chiding which a Church Parson's Certificate
is presumed to have conveyed to another.
You may thus perceive that your Letter of Decr. 13 is before me. { 257 } It was within two Minutes brought from the Office with Information that the Post sets
out at 2 P.M. I ought now to be in Congress, but must scratch a Line or two for Boston.
Our Affairs are unpleasant in many Views, but not ruined. Every Patriot ought to be
allarmed and then all will be safe. I think with Tristram about the Currency, now we have
done with the Paper Mill and Press. It seems as if the Signature alone will not make
Portia reject the Piece.2Yorick, Sterne and Tristram are bearable but Shandy is a wicked Creature.
Let me again mention to you to mind the pages of 1778, that if I have sent doubles
you may return the 2d, or if I omit, you may demand a single Sheet of the Journals.
Thank Mr. Cranch for his kind Compliments left for me with Mrs. L[ovell]. I wish him and his every Felicity.
I cannot consent so to stint my heart-warm extensive Vows for you as to pass the Compliments
of the Season from my Pen, and thereby risk a Supposition that I had done all which
my Affections suggest at the Instant of subscribing myself your Friend & h. Servt.,
[signed] JL
RC (Adams Papers). Enclosed newspapers not found.
1. On 27 Dec. Congress had resolved
“That the post office be so regulated that the post shall set out and arrive at the
place where Congress shall be sitting twice in every week, to go so far as Boston,
in the State of Massachusetts bay, and to Charleston, in the State of South Carolina”
(JCC, 15:1411).
2. These allusions remain obscure.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0200
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-01-13
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Jany. 13. 1780
[salute] Madam
I send you a Continuance of the Journals.
The Printer having lately made a Mistake in the Course of sending me the Sheets of
1778, I was led to think he had done so before, as to that which I have written to
you about already, called by him H; I therefore now put up one, as well as M.N. which
I am certain were not before inclosed to you. I would have you send all forward to
our Friend, unless you should have found that I really committed the Error of sending
you before both Mr. A's H and my own. For you are to know that only two Copies are
taken out of the Printer's Hands; and as I could not find all my own Pages I was induced
to think I had sent them to you. But as you see above I have altered the Conjecture.
How do you do, Lovely Portia, these very cold Days? Mistake me not willfully; I said Days. For my Part, I was hardly able to write { 258 } legibly at the Distance of only 18 feet from two Fire Places in the Congress Room
at 4 oClock this Afternoon. There is no Probability that the Cold will be decreased
in 7 hours from that Time. I will strive however to refrain from coveting my Neighbour's
Blankets. I shall find that not difficult. But really I doubt whether I shall be able to keep myself void of
all Coveteousness. I suspect I shall covet to be in the Arms of Portia's1 Friend and Admirer—the Wife of my Bosom, who would be a whole Coverlid bettered,
as well as I, by such an Approximation.
Upon casting my Eye back thro' what I have written, I find it would have been more
justly comprehensible if the Page had been either a little longer or somewhat shorter.
There was not room to write Turn over. I hope, however, that you did not stop long without doing so Madam; because a quick
Turnover alone could save the 10th. Commandment intire; and you must now see plainly
that I had not the smallest Suspicion of my being driven by my present Sufferings to make a frantic Breach there.
I hope Mr. Adams is long e'er now in France where he will not have at his very Fingers
Ends such nipping Reasons as I have to regret his Separation from that sweet Comfort
which is held up to our Hopes among other Bible-Felicities. Eccles: IV. 11.2
We are still without News from any of our Agents or Ministers abroad. I will not fail
to communicate the first we get that can amuse you. Respectfully & affectionately
Yrs.,
[signed] JL
RC (Adams Papers). The serial issues of the Journals of Congress accompanying this letter have not
been found.
2. “Again, if two lie together, then they have heat; but how can one be warm alone?”
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0201
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-01-16
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Bilbao January 16. 1780
[salute] My dearest Friend
We arrived here, last night, all alive, but all very near sick with violent Colds
taken on the Road for Want of comfortable Accommodations.
I was advised, on all Hands to come by Land rather than wait an uncertain Time for
a passage by sea. But if I had known the Difficulties of travelling, in that part
of Spain which I have passed through I think I should not have ventured upon the Journey.
{ 259 } It is vain to attempt a Description of our Passage. Through the Province of Gallicia,
and again when We came to that of Biscay, We had an uninterupted succession of Mountains;
thro that of Leon and the old Castile, constant Plains. A Country, tolerably good,
by Nature, but not well cultivated.
Through the whole of the Journey the Taverns were inconvenient to Us, because there
are no Chimneys in their Houses and We had cold Weather. A great Part of the Way,
the Wretchedness of our Accommodation exceeds all Description.1
At Bilbao, We fare very well, and have received much Civility from Mr. Gardoqui and
sons as We did at Ferrol and Corunna from Mr. Detournelle2 and Mr. Lagoanere.3
I wish I could send you, some few Things for the Use of the Family from hence, but
the Risque is such that I believe, I had better wait untill We get to France.4
I have undergone the greatest Anxiety for the Children, thro a tedious Journey and
Voyage. I hope their Travels will be of Service to them, but those at home are best
off. My Love to them.
[salute] Adieu, Adieu,
[signed] John Adams
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The Adams party had left La Coruña on 26 Dec., with JA still undecided whether he would proceed to Bilbao by the longer but more traveled
route via Madrid or by the shorter route more or less directly eastward through the
rugged terrain of northern Spain. At the junction of roads in the town of Astorga
on 4 Jan., he made up his mind, continuing east to Burgos and then north to Bilbao
instead of turning southeast to Madrid. For his reasons, see his letter to the President
of Congress, written this day and copied into his Autobiography (Diary and Autobiography, 4:231). As for the adventures and rigors of the journey itself, JA's diary entries furnish much vivid detail, and in his Autobiography he elaborated and commented upon them from memory—the whole forming a superb travel
narrative (same, 2:415–433;
4:213–238).
3. Michel Lagoanere of La Coruña had, by contract, made the travel arrangements for the
Adams party's expedition across Spain. See JA to Lagoanere, 16, 18 Dec. 1779 (LbC's, Adams Papers); Lagoanere to JA, 17, 26 Dec. 1779 (Adams Papers); also JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:415; 4:213–214.
4. JA did, however, send AA substantially more than “some few Things” from Bilbao. They were furnished by the
firm of Joseph Gardoqui & Sons, a mercantile house that had American connections,
and they included tumblers, cups, knives, forks, green tea, bolts of linen cloth,
and eighteen dozen “Barcelona Handkffs.,” at a total cost of 4,000 rials. They were
shipped by Capt. James Babson in the Phoenix, who sailed from Bilbao on 5 February. See Gardoqui & Sons to JA, 19 Feb., with invoice enclosed (Adams Papers); the invoice is reproduced as an illustration in the present volume. Babson arrived
at Beverly, Mass., in forty-five days (Boston Gazette, 20 March, suppl., p. 2, col. 1; see also AA to JQA, 20 March–8 May, below).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0202
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-01-16
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Bilbao Jay. the 16th 1780
[salute] Hond. Mamma
I am (by the Grace of God) once more safely arrived at Bilbao. I have wrote you an
account1 of my Voyage and why we put into Spain. I have heard Since I left Ferrol that a Child
of foar years old might be put into the leak. It was well for us that we arrived as
we did, one more Storm would very probably carried us to the bottom of the Sea. We
arrived here yesterday at about one o'clock and found two American Vessels here one
a ship belonging to one of the Cobetts and the other a brig belonging to the Tracy's;2 When you write me I beg you would let me know whither you have received an account
of my Voyage. Please to give all my Duty to Grandpappa Smith and Grand Mamma Hall
and Uncles Cranch, Quincy and Adams.
[salute] I am your dutiful Son,
[signed] John Quincy Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. Adams Braintree near Boston To Be Sunk in case of Captivity.”
1. Not found.
2. The Rambler, Capt. Benjamin Lovett, owned by Andrew Cabot of Beverly; and the Phoenix, Capt. James Babson, owned by Nathaniel Tracy and others of Newburyport (MHS, Colls., 77 [1927]: 248, 235; see also the preceding and following letters).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0203
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1780-01-16
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] Bilbao Jay. the 16th 1780
[salute] My Dear Brother
I am always happy to find an opportunity of conversing with you, as we cannot verbally
do this it is our duty to do it by writing. I now have a good opportunity to write
a few lines to you by Captn. Lovett in a Ship belonging to Mr. Cobet of Beverly, but
I can write but a few lines to you for I must write to all my Freinds. We have had
the worst 3 Weeks that ever I pass'd in my life. Bad roads, worse accomodations, no
Chimneys in the houses which look more like hogs penns than houses, and in Short it
is past my art to give a description of what I have seen Since I left Ferrol. But
I must conclude in subscribing myself your affectionate brother,
[signed] John Quincy Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mr. Thomas Adams Braintree near Boston—To be sunk in case of Captivity”;
erroneously docketed in AA's later hand: “J Q Adams to C A. 16 Jan 1780”; but correctly, at head of text, in
CFA's hand: “JQA to his brother Thomas.”
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0204
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-01-18
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Janry. 18 1780
[salute] My Dearest Friend
It is now a little more than two months since you left me. I have many hopes that
you had a prosperous voyage and that you were some weeks ago safely landed in France.
I have been so happy as to hear from you twice upon your passage. Capt. Carr arrived
safe and carefully deliverd your Letters.1 You left this coast in the best time that could have been chosen. Winter set in with
all its horrors in a week after you saild, and has continued with all its rigours
ever since. Such mountains of snow have not been known for 60 years. No passing for
this fortnight, only for foot travellers, [and]2 no prospect of any as one Storm succeeds another so soon that the roads are filld
before a path can be made.3
I hope you are in a climate more Friendly to Health and more condusive of pleasure
than the unsocial Gloom and chill which presents itself to my view.
The Blocade of the roads has been a sad hinderance to the meeting of the convention,
a few only of the near Members could get together, so few that they were obliged to
adjourn.4 Many of them mourn the absence of one whom water, not snow seperates from them. They
are pleased to say that he was more attended to than any other member, and had more
weight and influence upon the minds of the convention.
This Town have received an invitation to elect an other member in the room of your
Excellency, but do not appear to consider the importance of it, since the fear of expence overpowers
every other consideration. Indeed their is but one person who could do them any Essential
Service were they to elect a member and they might consider his being their representitive
as an objection, tho that rule has been broken over in many places.5
It is a pitty that so noble a structure should undergo such a mutilation as to make
it limp and totter all the rest of its life, yet I fear this will be its fate. Enclosed
to you are the journals and News papers which Mr. Lovell has forwarded to me with
directions to enclose them to you. Generall Warren has just acquainted me that a packquet
will sail for Spain in a day or two, that Mr. Austin goes in her in a publick character
with dispatches for you, and that you may have the opportunity of conveying whatever
you please in a State Frigate.6
You will learn from Mr. Austin the state of our currency and the rate of exchange
which renders it needless for me to say any thing upon the subject.
{ 262 } John Paul Jones is at present the subject of conversation and admiration. I wish to
know the History of this adventurous Hero, his Letter to Lady Selkirk fixed him in
my memory.
I need not add how much I wish to hear of your safety and happiness, as well as the
success of your Embassy. Of the latter I can form no very flattering expectation at
present.
Present my respectfull complements to Mr. Dana. The inclement Season has prevented
all communication between his good Lady and your Portia, but when ever the Season
will permit shall not fail visiting a sister in seperation, and hope by that time
to rejoice with her in the assurance of the safety and happiness of our partners.
Believe me dear sir with the tenderest sentiments of regard affectionately yours.
LbC (Adams Papers); at foot of text: “To the Honble john Adams minister plenipo/ry at paris.” For the
fate of the missing RC and its enclosures, see note 6.
1. JA's letters to AA of 15 and 29 [i.e. 20] Nov. 1779, both above, sent from the Grand Bank of Newfoundland by the privateersman
Capt. John Carnes.
3. The winter of 1779–1780, when for the only time in recorded history the harbors of
both Boston and New York froze solidly, was long known as “the Hard Winter.” Its effects
were felt from Maine to Georgia and from Detroit to New Orleans. Contemporary evidence
on its rigors has been conveniently assembled in David M. Ludlum, Early American Winters, 1604–1820, Boston, 1966, p. 111–133. Dr. Cotton Tufts of Weymouth, who was among other things
an amateur of science, compiled a record of the extraordinary weather of this winter
and spring, which he enclosed in his letter to JA of 25 July 1780; the enclosure is printed with Tufts' letter, below.
4. On 11 Nov. the Convention, meeting at the First Church in Cambridge, had adjourned
to meet next in “the Representatives' Chamber” (in what is today the Old State House)
in Boston on 5 Jan.; but it was then obliged for lack of a quorum to adjourn repeatedly
until the 27th (Mass. Constitutional Convention, 1779–1780, Journal, p. 49–55).
5. The “one person” was Richard Cranch, who was serving in the General Court. Not until
the following 5 June did Braintree elect a successor to JA in the Constitutional Convention; this was Joseph Palmer (Braintree Town Records, p. 510).
6. Jonathan Loring Austin (1748–1826) had brought the news of Burgoyne's defeat from America to France in 1777 and during
the following summer had acted as JA's secretary in Passy; see the note on him in JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:300, and references there. His current mission, which was to borrow money and obtain
supplies in Europe for Massachusetts, is fully detailed in Richard Cranch's letter to JA of the present date, which follows. Austin sailed on 29 Jan. in the Zephir Packet, which was captured at sea, the letters he carried were thrown overboard, and Austin
was taken to England but contrived to obtain his release and to make his way to the
Continent (DAB; William Singleton Church [i.e. Thomas Digges] to JA, London, 14 April, Adams Papers; JA to AA, 12 May, below).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0205
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-01-18
Richard Cranch to John Adams
[dateline] Boston Jany. 18th. 1780
[salute] Dear Bror.
I was last Evening at your House and left Mrs. Adams, Miss Nabby and Master Tommy
well, as are also all the rest of our Connections. The Communication between this
Town and Braintree is at present extremely difficult by means of a greater Quantity
of Snow on the Ground than has been known for forty Years past. I bro't two Pacquets
from Mrs. Adams which I deliver'd to Genl. Warren for conveyance. The Vessell by which
these will be sent, will bring Jonathan Loring Austin who is sent by this Government
for the Purpose of negotiating a Loan in Europe of 150 Thousand Pounds Sterling for
the Use of this State, to be laid out partly for Supplies for the Soldiers of our
part of the Continental Army, and partly in such other Goods as a Committee appointed
for that Purpose shall direct: The rem[ainde]r to lye in safe Hands to be drawn for as shall be hereafter ordered. This measure
originated from a Committee of the House appointed to devise Ways and Means for supplying
the Treasury, who were permitted to consult Mr. Broom and the Honble. Mr. Bowdoin
on the subject, who after fully examining the measure, and hearing what was offer'd
for and against it were fully in favour of it. The members of Court as well as those
Gentlemen, were, and yet are under an Injunction of Secresy. By a Letter from Government
to you and Mr. Dana you will perceive that in Case of his Death or Capture you are
requested to procure some Person or Persons to carry the matter into effect.1 The chief reason for this Measure that weighed with the House as far as I could observe,
was this—That a fine new Frigate built by this State now almost ready for the Sea,
might make a Cruise in the European Seas, without any extra expence, and when that
was finished, go into a proper Port and take on board the Goods order'd for the Army
&c. and then make the best of her Way back. It was supposed that the Insurance on
a Vessell of such force, would be much lower than what must be given on other Vessels
by private Merchants, and consequently that we should have a fairer Prospect of getting
a real Supply for our Army, and that seasonably. It was supposed to be a fact that
the Board of War now give to the Merchants for Goods to supply the Army more than
Cent per Cent2 above what the same Goods would cost if procured in this manner, and this consideration
had its weight with the House. Many other Advantages of a Political nature were supposed
to be connected with the Measure. The Act providing for the Payment of the Sum borrow'd,
will be sent to you.
{ 264 } The Convention for forming a Constitution are now meeting in the State House according
to an Adjournment that took place soon after you left them, but I fear the excessive
Snows that have lately fallen will prevent many members from being present. I will
now come to my private Concerns; I have taken Borland's Place in Braintree by Order
of the Genl. Court for the Term of five Years. I suppose before that Term is expired
the Place will be to be sold, and I should be glad to buy it if I was able, I would therefore suggest to your Consideration whether, if I could purchase it
of Government for four or five Hundred Pounds Sterling, you would be willing to let
me draw on you for that Sum, on my giving a Mortgage of the Place?3 The great Number of Tory Estates that will be soon to be sold, makes me think that
some Gentlemen among our worthy Allies might make Purchases of some of them on very
advantageous Terms. Auchmuty's fine Seat at Roxbury about 2 Mile from Boston might
have been bought for seventeen Hundred weight of Bohea Tea,4 and others in like Proportion. If any Gentlemen should incline to send Effects here
for the purpose of purchasing such Houses or Lands within this State, I should be
glad to transact the Business for them on Commission or otherwise. And as I read French
and am one of the Commitee of the G. Court for selling such Estates it might perhaps
be more agreeable and advantageous for french Gentlemen to write to me than to a Person
unacquainted with that Language and unconnected with the Gen. Court. I throw out these
hints to you in confidence that if any thing of that sort should turn up, you might
mention me if you should think proper. I am just now informed that the Vessel sails
early in the Morning, and as it is now late at Night, I must conclude with assuring
you that I am with every Sentiment of Esteem, your affectionate Bror.,
[signed] R.C.
Present my kindest Regards to the dear Boys, and to Mr. Thaxter.
1. Two copies of this letter, well enough summarized by Cranch, are in the Adams Papers under date of 13 Jan. 1780; both are signed by Jeremiah Powell, president of the Council.
2. That is, more than double the amount.
3. “Borland's Place in Braintree” was the current name for a fine country seat in that
town, the Vassall-Borland house, built by Leonard Vassall about 1730, and the garden
and farm surrounding it on the old coast road from Boston to Plymouth. With the house
enlarged and outbuildings added, but with the farm property greatly reduced, it is
today the Adams National Historic Site, having been in the possession of the Adams
family from 1787 to 1946 and usually referred to by the family itself (and { 265 } sometimes in these volumes) as “the Old House.” For a summary note on its history,
see above, vol. 1:219; on John Borland specifically, see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 1:74–75.
Since John Borland (whose wife was Anna, daughter of Leonard Vassall) had died on
the very eve of hostilities, and since the provisional government of Massachusetts
took some time to determine what was to be done about abandoned loyalist property,
the status of the Vassall-Borland house remained for several years ambiguous. In the
fall of 1775, during the siege of Boston, it was commandeered by the selectmen of
Braintree (after no little trouble with a squatter named James Hayward who was a friend
of the Borlands) for the use of refugees then flooding the neighborhood and of Braintree
people who, living close to the shore, needed to get out of the way of British warships
operating in the bay. Early in 1776 the family of Joseph Palmer were living in the
house, and during the next couple of years it continued to be leased out, although
the occupants are not known. See Palmer's petition, Sept. 1775, in M-Ar: Legislative Records of the Council, 33:222–223; Mass., Province Laws, 19:88; petition of Braintree Committee of Correspondence, 9 Oct. 1775 (M-Ar, vol. 180:189); Abigail (Paine) Greenleaf to Robert Treat Paine, 22 Jan. 1776 (MHi: Paine Papers); advertisement of lease of Borland estate by public auction, Boston Gazette, 24 March 1777, p. 3, col. 3.
Richard Cranch had a long but fruitless flirtation with this choice piece of loyalist
property, which partly adjoined his own Braintree farm. Under a new Resolve for Leasing
Absentees' Estates at Public Auction, 19 Feb. 1779 (Mass., Province Laws, 20:620–622), Cranch had been admitted by the Suffolk Probate Court “Agent” of the
very extensive properties owned by “the late John Borland Esqre. an Absentee deceased”
(Suffolk County Court of Probate, Records, No. 16987; photostats in Adams Papers Editorial Files; see also Cranch to Mrs. Cranch, n.d. [probably March 1779], MHi: Cranch Papers). The Confiscation Acts of April and May 1779 followed soon afterward,
and Cranch was named a member of the General Court's Committee for the Sale of Absentee
Estates in Suffolk County, whose proceedings are recorded in a Journal in M-Ar; see also AA to JA, 8 June 1779, above, with references in note 5 there. He was thus decidedly an “insider” with respect to news and transactions relative
to loyalist property. On 7 Oct. 1779 he obtained permission from the General Court
to cut wood from Borland's wood lot “for the Use of his own Family” (Mass., Province Laws, 21:208); and on 4 Jan. 1780 he successfully petitioned the same body to lease for
himself the house and farm for five years, contingent on its sale (same, 21:329).
He was now determined to buy the place for himself if he could raise the money. But
his plans went awry.
At a Braintree town meeting on 6 March, upon its being reported “that there had been
great Strip & waste made in the wood Lott belonging to sd. Estate by Mr. Cranch or
by those under him,” the town petitioned the General Court to put the lease of the
Borland property up for public auction as the law required (Braintree Town Records, p. 506). The issue, apparently, was Cranch's status as an “insider,” for he shortly
petitioned the Court, reporting that, “contrary to [his] expectation, a large number
of the inhabitants . . . are uneasy and dissatisfied” because the lease had not been
publicly auctioned. “And as your Memorialist,” he continued, “would by no means take
possession of said Estate, in a way that might give the least umbrage for a supposition
of partiallity in the Honourable Court in his favour,” he asked that his lease be
rescinded and the auction be held. The legislature so resolved on 7 April (Mass., Province Laws, 21:427–428). In the Boston Gazette for 24 April (p. 2, col. 1) appeared the following notice:
“A genteel Country Seat to Let.
“On Tuesday the 25th of this Instant, April, at Twelve o'Clock, will be leased for
one Year, at Public Auction, (by special Permission of the Honorable General Court).
“A very genteel Dwelling House, Barn, and Coach-House, with a Garden, planted with
a great Variety of Fruit Trees, an Orchard, and about 40 Acres of Land, lately belonging
to john bor- { 266 } land, Esq; deceased. This agreeable Seat is pleasantly Situated in the Town of Braintree,
about ten Miles from Boston, on the Great Road to Plymouth.
“The Auction will be on the Premises.”
Two days later Cranch renewed his request to JA for a loan to enable him to purchase the property, offering a mortgage in return
(Cranch to JA, 26 April, below).
From this point on, the history of the Borland estate becomes confused and obscure.
Edward Church of Braintree obtained a deed for it from the General Court by making
a first payment of £200 (M-Ar, vol. 190:120), but he did not retain it, for the deed is not on record in the Suffolk
Registry. By 1782, when the war was about to end, allusions appear in contemporary
correspondence to the plans of Borland's widow to return to Boston and recover her
husband's property. With respect to his Braintree estate she succeeded. On 19–20 Nov.
1783 she conveyed this property to her son Leonard Vassall Borland (Suffolk County
Registry of Deeds, vol. 142:6, 8; Tr in Adams Papers, Wills and Deeds), and a month later AA reported that “Mrs. Boreland since her return to America, has sold her House and
Farm in this Town. Mr. Tyler has made the purchase at a thousand pounds Lawfull money.
. . . None of it was ever confiscated” (to JA, 27 Dec. 1783). The purchaser was young Royall Tyler, a lawyer and literary man, who in acquiring
the estate, as AA went on to say “has but one object in view,” namely marriage to AA2. With the failure of that “object” in the course of the next two years, Tyler lost
all interest in his country seat, and when he failed to keep up his payments it reverted
to the Borlands. For these matters, see the detailed account in the Introduction to
JA, Earliest Diary, p. 18–28. Tyler's final settlement with Leonard Borland took place in 1787, when the Adamses
were beginning to think of returning home from England. By now, Richard Cranch had
given up hope of obtaining the property for himself, and he and his wife repeatedly
and warmly urged the Adamses to buy it. This they did, through Cotton Tufts, on 26
Sept. 1787, at a cost of £600, and they moved in upon their return in the following
June. See Mary (Smith) Cranch to AA, 22 April–20 May, 21 May[citation removed per Adams Papers editors] 1787; Cotton Tufts to AA, 21, 26 May, 13, 30 June 1787; AA to Tufts, 1, 4 July 1787 (all in Adams Papers); AA to Mrs. Cranch, 16 July 1787 (owned by J. Delafield DuBois, New York City, 1957); AA to Tufts, 20[19] July 1787 (NHi: Misc. MSS); JA to Cranch, 20 July 1787 (MeHi); Tufts to JA, 18 Sept., and to AA, 20 Sept. 1787 (both in Adams Papers). The deed of sale from Borland to JA is in the Suffolk County Registry of Deeds, vol. 161:123 (photostat in Adams Papers Editorial Files). It conveys seven parcels of land, amounting in all to about eighty-three acres,
including the home lot of seven acres with its “House, Barn and other Buildings” on
the north side of the Plymouth road; three parcels, among them the “great Pasture”
of twenty acres, on the south side of the road (i.e. up present Presidents Hill);
a tract of salt marsh on the Town River; and thirty acres of “Woodland” in two parcels
elsewhere in the town.
4. Robert Auchmuty (ca. 1723–1788), a prominent Boston admiralty lawyer, had fled to England early in 1776, and his
property was confiscated in 1779 (JA, Legal Papers, 1:xcvi and passim; DAB; Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 12:12–16). The notice of the sale of his estate by the General Court's committee
(of which Cranch was a member) remarked that “This very handsome and agreeable seat
is so happily situated (a little beyond the main-street in the lower part of Roxbury)
that it enjoys the united advantages of town and country” (Boston Gazette, 1 Nov. 1779, p. 1, col. 1).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0206
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-01-18
John Thaxter to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Bilbao 18th. Jany. 1780
[salute] Madam
After twenty odd days spent in climbing Mountains, sinking into Valleys, tumbling
over Rocks, pocking thro' Mud and Mire, creeping along Plains, oversetting of Carriages
&c., to the End of the Chapter of Evils, We arrived at this place. In addition to
the above Combination of Evils, We had smoaky, scolding, dirty Inns to put up at.
Cleanliness is a moral Virtue undoubtedly, but very little Attention is paid to it in that part of Spain in which We have travelled:
So that We have had Evils natural and moral to cope with. We struggled patiently and
perseveringly, like resolute Pilgrims, but thank Heaven this is not to be our abiding
place. A Journey thro' this part of Spain performed in the manner in which ours was,
is sufficient to plant Stings of Asperity in the most placid Tempers and serene Dispositions.
To be driven violently over rough rocky Road, and carted as it were upon a plain level
Surface, would have made Yorick exclaim in very different Language from that which
he prayed he might be enabled to use in perplex'd Situations. We bore it well, but
Nature now and then would heave out Sighs and Groans.
We however are tolerably well off now, and should forget past Sorrow, was it not for
the violent Colds that hang about Us—the Colds of Gallicia, Leon and Castile, the
three province[s] thro' which We came.
Bilbao is about half as large as Boston. In it there are four Parish Churches, two
Convents of Men; one of the Franciscan and the other of the Dominican Order—seven
Nunneries of various Orders, Franciscan, Augustine &c. There is a Nunnery directly
opposite our Lodgings. We see them peeping out of their Cells very often. It is a
Cloister of very old Maids. I should reverence them, if they were obliged to continue
in this Line of Life from the same principle, which holds and will hold me a Batchelor,
viz. Necessity. Nay I should pity them too. But their Situation was originally the
Result of Choice—it may be Election still perhaps.
Please to present my Duty, Respects, Compliments and Love where due. Accept my sincerest
Wishes for your Health, and for all that Happiness which it is possible for you to
enjoy in a Seperation from one of the best of Friends.
[salute] I have the Honor to be, Madam, with great Respect, your most obedient humble Servt.
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0207
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1780-01-19
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] Janry. 191 1780
[salute] My dear Son
I hope you have had no occasion either from Enemies or the Dangers of the Sea to repent
your second voyage to France. If I had thought your reluctance arose from proper deliberation,
or that you was capable of judgeing what was most for your own benifit, I should not
have urged you to have accompanied your Father and Brother when you appeared so averse
to the voyage.
You however readily submitted to my advice, and I hope will never have occasion yourself,
nor give me reason to Lament it. Your knowledge of the Language must give you greater
advantages now, than you could possibly have reaped whilst Ignorant of it, and as
you increase in years you will find your understanding opening and daily improveing.
Some Author that I have met with compares a judicious traveller, to a river that increases
its stream the farther it flows from its source, or to certain springs which running
through rich veins of minerals improve their qualities as they pass along. It will
be expected of you my son that as you are favourd with superiour advantages under
the instructive Eye of a tender parent, that your improvements should bear some proportion
to your advantages. Nothing is wanting with you, but attention, dilligence and steady
application, Nature has not been deficient.
These are times in which a Genious would wish to live. It is not in the still calm
of life, or the repose of a pacific station, that great characters are formed. Would
Cicero have shone so distinguished an orater, if he had not been roused, kindled and
enflamed by the Tyranny of Catiline, Millo,2 Verres and Mark Anthony. The Habits of a vigorous mind are formed in contending with
difficulties. All History will convince you of this, and that wisdom and penetration
are the fruits of experience, not the Lessons of retirement and leisure.
Great necessities call out great virtues. When a mind is raised, and animated by scenes
that engage the Heart, then those qualities which would otherways lay dormant, wake
into Life, and form the Character of the Hero and the Statesman.
War, Tyrrany and Desolation are the Scourges of the Almighty, and ought no doubt to
be deprecated. Yet it is your Lot my Son to be an Eye witness of these Calimities
in your own Native land, and at the same time to owe your existance among a people
who have made a glorious defence of their invaded Liberties, and who, aided by a { 269 } generous and powerfull Ally, with the blessing of heaven will transmit this inheritance
to ages yet unborn.
Nor ought it to be one of the least of your excitements towards exerting every power
and faculty of your mind, that you have a parent who has taken so large and active
a share in this contest, and discharged the trust reposed in him with so much satisfaction
as to be honourd with the important Embassy, which at present calls him abroad.
I cannot fulfill the whole of my duty towards you, if I close this Letter, without
reminding you of a failing which calls for a strict attention and watchfull care to
correct. You must do it for yourself. You must curb that impetuosity of temper, for
which I have frequently chid you, but which properly directed may be productive of
great good. I know you capable of these exertions, with pleasure I observed my advice
was not lost upon you. If you indulge yourself in the practise of any foible or vice
in youth, it will gain strength with your years and become your conquerer.
The strict and invoilable regard you have ever paid to truth, gives me pleasing hopes
that you will not swerve from her dictates, but add justice, fortitude, and every
Manly Virtue which can adorn a good citizen, do Honour to your Country, and render
your parents supreemly happy, particuliarly your ever affectionate Mother,
[signed] AA
RC (Adams Papers); at foot of text: “A Duplicate”; endorsed: “Mamma's letter No. 29”; docketed in
JQA's more mature hand: “A. Adams 12. Jany. 1780.” LbC (Adams Papers). The true date of this letter is difficult to determine. AA apparently dated RC as “Janry. 12 1780,” thus accounting for JQA's docketing and the date under which CFA printed this letter in AA, Letters, 1840, p. 143–145, and in subsequent editions. But the digits of “12” are smeared and overwritten,
suggesting a correction that is not now clear. LbC is clearly dated “Janry. 19 1780,” and that date has been followed here. From the
fact that RC adds a few words and phrases not in LbC, it would appear that AA drafted her letter in the letterbook, and hence RC could not correctly bear an earlier date. Variations between the two versions are
too minor to be recorded.
1. See the descriptive note on this letter.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0208
Recipient: Adams, Charles
Date: 1780-01-19
Abigail Adams to Charles Adams
[dateline] Janry. 19 1780
[salute] My dear Charles
How does my son after the fatigues of a voyage. A young adventurer { 270 } indeed, how many times did you wish yourself by mammas fireside. But pappa wrote me
that you made as good a sailor as your Brother, flatterd you a little I suppose, But
I was very glad to hear you did so well.
I hope before this time that you are safe landed possibly arrived at Paris and placed
at school, where I hope you will strive to obtain the Love and good will of every
Body by a modest obliging Behaviour. You was a favorite in the Neighbourhood at home,
all of whom wonder how Mamma could part with you. Mamma found it hard enough tis true,
but she consulted your good more than her own feelings, and hopes you will not dissapoint
her hopes and expectations by contracting vices and follies, instead of improveing
in virtue and knowledge which can only make you usefull to society and happy to yourself.
You have an opportunity very early in life of seeing a foreign Country and of Learning
a Language which if you live may be very serviceable to you, and even at this early
period of your life you may form Friendships, if you behave worthy of your country,
which will do honour to [you]1 in future, but in order to [do?]2 this you must be very attentive to your Books, and to every Branch of knowledge and
improvement with which your pappa is pleasd to indulge you.
Let your ambition lead you to make yourself Master of what you undertake, do not be
content to lag behind others, but strive to excell.
I hope soon to hear of your welfare and happiness which are always near the heart
of your ever affectionate Mother.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0209
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-01-19
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Bilbao Jay. the 19th 1780
[salute] Hond. Mamma
I can never keep my pen out of my hand when ever there is an oportunity of writing
and as there is one now by a Captn. Lovett I will make the best of it.
I am Sorry to inform you that the Jason and Monmouth are taken and Manly for a third
time is in a british prison but you very probably will have heard of this before this
reaches you but what more than makes up for it is that there are 50,000 Men in arms
in Ireland all united in the generous intention of freeing themselves from the yoke
of that Tyrant George the 3d.
{ 271 } We are anxious about the Confederacy having heard nothing of her Since we Left America.1 The last papers from France mention nothing of her arrival but I must conclude in
Subscribing myself your most dutiful Son,
[signed] John Quincy Adams
PS Excuse the writing I being a little unwell and not having a very good pen.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams Braintree near Boston”; endorsed: “J Q Adams 19 Jan 1780.”
1. The Continental frigate Confederacy, Capt. Seth Harding, had sailed from the Delaware late in October bound for France,
with C. A. Gérard, Mme. Gérard, John Jay, and Mrs. Jay among the passengers. Eleven
hundred miles at sea it was dismasted in a storm but managed to creep into St. Pierre,
Martinique, in mid-December, whence the diplomats took passage in a French vessel.
See Morris, Peacemakers, p. 1–6.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0210
Recipient: Wendell, Oliver
Date: 1780-01-20
Abigail Adams to Oliver Wendell
[dateline] Janry. 20 1780
I return you thanks Sir for the trouble you took in exchangeing my Money, our currency
is some thing like the Stocks abroad, rises and falls with the News of the Day.
[salute] I have the Honor to be Sir with Sincere Esteem your obliged Humble Servant,
[signed] A Adams
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0211
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-02-12
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris February 12. 1780
[salute] My dearest Friend
On Wednesday, the 9th. of this Month, We all arrived in tolerable Health at the Hotel
De Valois, in Paris where We now are.1 On Thursday the 10th We waited on Dr. F[ranklin] and dined with him at Passy. On Fryday the 11, the Dr. accompanied Us to Versailles,
where We waited on Mr. De Vergennes, Mr. De Sartine and Comte Maurepas, from all of
whom We had a polite Reception.2 To day We stay at home.
I put my three Children to Mr. Pichini's Accademy the next day after my Arrival, where
they are all well pleased.3
We had a tedious Journey by Land, from Ferrol in Spain, of not much short of four
hundred Leagues. My dear Charles bears travelling { 272 } by Land and Sea as well as his Brother. He is much beloved wherever he goes.
Since my Arrival here I had the Joy to find a Letter from you which came by your Unkles
ship to Cadiz.4 It gives me more Pain than I can express to see your Anxiety, but I hope your fears
will be happily disappointed.
I wrote you, from Cape Anne, from the Banks of Newfoundland, from Corrunna and from
Bilbao, from whence I ordered you some Things by a Vessell to Mr. Corbet [Cabot] of Beverly, and another to Mr. Tracy of Newbury Port. These are a few necessaries
for the Family. I will send Mr. W. and Mr. S. Things and my Brothers and Dr. T.s and
his Sons, by the first Safe Conveyance that I can hear of.5
[salute] Yours, Yours, Yours, ever, ever, ever yours.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The Adams party had remained in Bilbao until 20 Jan., when they left and proceeded
to Bayonne in France, arriving on the 23d. From there JA addressed a letter of thanks to the Messrs. Gardoqui, remarking on the improved roads
and tavern accommodations in Biscay and Guipuzcoa and adding that “We discovered two
or three fine Chimneys besides that which you mentioned to Us, which contributed not
a little to our Health and Comfort” (24 Jan., LbC, Adams Papers). At Bayonne, JA later recalled, “We paid off our Spanish Guide with all his Train of Horses, Calashes,
Waggon, Mules, and Servants,” and “purchased a Post Chaise and hired some others”
for the journey to Paris (Diary and Autobiography, 4:238). They were on the road from Bayonne to Bordeaux from 25 to 29 Jan., paused at the
latter until 2 Feb., and spent a
week on frozen roads before arriving in Paris on the afternoon of the 9th (same, 2:433–434; 4:239–241). They followed the same route that JA and JQA had traveled in the preceding April, namely through Coué, Angoulême, Poitiers, Châtellerault,
Tours, Orléans, and Toury. Much the most detailed record of this last part of the
long journey that had begun in December is in Francis Dana's Journal, or what he called
his “Memo, made While in Spain” (MHi:Dana Papers). JA's Accounts as printed in his Diary and Autobiography, 2:435 ff., furnish glimpses of his personal and domestic activity during his early weeks
in Paris.
2. Jean Frédéric Phélypeaux, Comte de Maurepas (1701–1781), French minister of state, is elsewhere described by JA as “the Prime Minister or the Kings Mentor,” which appears to be something of an
overestimation of his powers and role (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:48; see Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale). Antoine Raymond Jean Gualbert Gabriel de Sartine, Comte d'Alby (1729–1801), was currently minister of marine (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:295 and passim; Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale).
On this day JA addressed a letter to Vergennes, as suggested by Vergennes during their meeting at
Versailles, asking whether JA should assume “any Public Character” or whether he should remain for the present
“upon the Reserve.” This letter and Vergennes' reply of 15 Feb., which JA found irritating and humiliating, are given in full in JA's Diary and Autobiography, 4:243–245.
3. The “three Children” were of course JQA, CA, and Samuel Cooper Johonnot. Pechigny and his wife conducted a pension academy in Passy favored by Americans who had children in France. It was sometimes
called the Pension or Ecole de Mathématiques. Apparently JQA had attended this school at least briefly during his first stay in Europe. { 273 } See JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:434, 439–440, 442; Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 5:55, 75, 88, 507; several letters under date of 16 and 17 March, below; and JA to Pechigny, 16 May, also below.
5. The initials in this sentence stand for Rev. Anthony Wibird, the Adamses' minister
at Braintree; Rev. Daniel Shute, minister at Hingham; and Dr. Cotton Tufts, AA's uncle. On 22 Feb.JA wrote to James Moylan at Lorient:
“As the Alliance is bound to America, and probably will go to Boston, I wish to avail
myself of the opportunity to send a few Necessaries to my Family, and a black Coat
or two to a few Parsons in my Neighbourhood, whose Salaries are so reduced by the
Depreciation of our Paper Currency that they cannot afford to buy a black Coat nor
a Band at home. . . . I should be glad if you could distinguish the Parcels—for Mr.
Wibirt—for Mr. Shute—and for Mr. P. B. Adams, for Mr. Cranch and for me. Let each
be separated from the other but all packed up in one Chest or Box, and I suppose a
very small one will contain the whole” (LbC, Adams Papers; see also Moylan's reply, 28 Feb., Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0212
Recipient: Lovell, James
Date: 1780-02-13
Abigail Adams to James Lovell
[dateline] Febry. 13th 1780
With fingers so soar that I can scarcly guide a pen tho it cost me ever so much pain
I must I will call you—wicked Man. I told you that I had discoverd in your character,
a similitude to that of Sterns and Yorick, but I never was before tempted to add that
of Shandy.
From your own Authority I quote him as a wicked creature—What demon prompted you to
carry the character through.
I have read Sterns Sermons and Yoricks Sentimental journey [and] his Letters to Eliza, but I never read Shandy and I never will.1 I know it would lessen my opinion of him, I know it would sink him in my Esteem.
It is not in humane Nature, to regard those we dispise.
What I have read are the purest of his works, even in these there are exceptionable
passages, but so intermixed with a rich Stream of Benevolence flowing like milk and
Honey, that in an insensible heart, he creates the sensations he discribes—in a feeling
one, he softens, he melts, he moulds it into all his own.
Possessd of an exquisite Sensibility, a universal phylanthropy, what a perverse Genius
must he have to hazard those fine powers and talents for a wicked wit, that admits
of no defence, and almost calls in Question the stability of his understanding. Shandy should have considerd that true wit
“Was not a tale, was not a jest
Admir'd with Laughter at a feast
Much less could that have any place
At which a Virgin hides her face.”
What a figure would some passages of a Letter Dated Janry. 6th and an other of Janry.
13th have made in a publick Newspaper? For a Senator too? Did they not run the hazard
of a 300 miles travel? I trembled with the Idea when I read them.—For Decencys sake
Sir, return to the Humanizer, the polisher and the Softner of Man. I have charity
Enough for the Writer to believe that his associates have been wholy of his own sex
for 3 years past, or he could not have so offended.—
“Tis just—the Author Blush there,
Where the reader must.'”
By this post I return a duplicate journal or two. Your Letter in which you mention
a probability of your going abroad did not reach me till after the matter was published
in the publick News papers to my no small surprize.2
This day 3 months I was misirable indeed. Some mitigation I received in about ten
days afterwards by a Letter wrote at sea from my Friend near the Banks of Newfoundland,
which they reached in 5 days after they saild from this harbour, which gives me pleasing
hopes that he had a short and safe passage. He has indeed excaped a view of the sublimest
winter I ever knew. Since the Storms we have had 30 days without either snow, rain
or the least thaw. But Sol is returning to us with his all enlivening influence and
will I hope soon make a passage by conquering Boreas for the arrival of happy tidings
to your Friend.
If I ever wrote well it would be worth while to excuse the present Scrawl by saying
that my fingers are coverd with Whitlows.3 I would however advise you to distroy it when read that it may never appear in judgment
against you. I assure you yours shall pass the ordeal as an atonement to
[signed] Portia
LbC (Adams Papers); without indication of addressee, but internal evidence makes clear that AA is answering Lovell's letters of 6 and 13 Jan., above. Enclosed journals not identified.
2. Lovell's letter in question was dated 22 Dec. 1779 (Adams Papers). On that day he was nominated in Congress as secretary to Franklin's mission in
Paris (JCC, 15:1391), but he did not go. No newspaper mention of the nomination has been found.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0213
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-02-16
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris Hotel De Valois Feb. 16. 1780
[salute] My dearest Friend
I have the Honour to be lodged here with no less a Personage than the Prince of Hesse
Castle [Cassel], who is here upon a Visit. We occupy different Apartements in the same House and
have no Intercourse with each other to be sure: but some Wags are of Opinion, that
if I were authorized to open a Negotiation with him, I might obtain from him as many
Troops to fight on our Side the Question, as he has already hired out to the English
against Us.
I have found every Thing agreable here as yet: The Children are happy in their Academy,
of which I send you the Plan inclosed.
The English bounce1 a great deal about obtaining seven Thousand Troops from the pety german Princes and
ten Thousand from Ireland to send to America: but this is only a Repetition of their
annual Gasconade. We are in Pain for Charlestown S.C. being apprehensive that they
have made or will make an Effort to obtain that: which will be a terrible Misfortune
to that People and a great Loss to the United States: but will be no lasting Advantage
to our Ennemies.
The Channel of Correspondence you propose by Way of Bilbao and Cadiz will bring me
many Letters no doubt, and I have received one of the 10 Decr. but the Postage is
so expensive, being obliged to pay forty four Livres for the Packet that came with
yours, that I would not advise you to send any Thing that Way unless it be a single
Letter, or any Thing material in the Journals of Congress, or Letters from my friends
in Congress or else where that contain any thing particularly interesting. The House
of Joseph Guardoqui and Sons have sent to you by Capt. Babson of Newbury Port belonging
to Mr. Tracy, some necessaries for the family,2 and you may write to Mr. Guardoqui, for any Thing you want, by any Vessell belonging
to your Uncle, to Mr. Jackson or Mr. Tracy, provided you dont exceed one hundred Dollars
by any one Vessell. Mr. Guardoqui will readily send them and draw upon me for the
Money.
I had a great deal of Pleasure in the Acquaintance of this Family of Guardoqui's and
was treated by them with the Magnificence of a Prince. They will be very glad to be
Usefull to you in any Thing they can do. You will remember however that We have many
Children, and that our Duty to them requires that We should manage all our Affairs
with the strictest Oeconomy. My Journey through Spain, has been infinitely expensive
to me, and exceeded far my Income. It is very ex• { 276 } pensive here and I fear, that I shall find it difficult to make both Ends meet, but
I must and will send you some thing for necessary Use by every Oportunity.
If Mr. Lovell does not procure me the Resolution of Congress I mentioned to him, that
of drawing on a certain Gentleman or his Banker, I shall soon be starved out. Pray
mention it to him.3
If you should have an Inclination to write to Cadiz, for any Thing by any Vessell
going there, Mr. Robert Montgomery, who is settled there I fancy would chearfully
send it you, and draw upon me in Paris for his Pay.4 If any Vessell should go to Corunna, Mr. Michael Lagoanere would do the same, but
this is not a likely Way.
I shall write as often as possible: but Conveyances will be very rare, I fear.
[salute] I am as I ever was and ever shall be Yours, Yours, Yours.
RC (Adams Papers). Enclosed “Plan” of Pechigny's school at Passy not found.
3.
“I beg one favour more, and that is for an order to draw in Case of Necessity and
in Case all other Resources fail on Dr. Franklin or on the Banker of the United States,
for a sum not exceeding My salary Yearly, and also for a Resolution of Congress, or
a Letter from the Commercial Committee, requesting the Continental Agents, in Europe
and America, to furnish me Aids and supplies of Cash &c., and to the Captains of all
American Frigates, to afford me a Passage out or home upon demand. . . . I to pay
for my Passage to Congress, or be accountable for it. . . . I hope I shall find the
Funds provided for me sufficient, but if I should not I may be in the Utmost distress
and bring upon myself and you Disgrace. Franklin will supply me, and so will any Agent
in France, if they have a Resolution of Congress, or even a Letter from the Commercial
Committee” (JA to James Lovell, 25 Oct. 1779, LbC, Adams Papers; printed in Works, 9:501–503).
4. There are letters in the Adams Papers from Robert Montgomery at Alicante to JA, 5 and 19 Feb., offering mercantile services.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0214
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-02-16
John Thaxter to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris 16th. Feby. 1780
[salute] Madam
On the ninth of this Month We all happily arrived here, and with Hearts replete with
Gratitude. Our Journey was long, cold, tedious and painful to an extream degree. After
being fortunately delivered from a crazy and leaky Ship, We had conjectured our future
Enterprises would be less irksome. Our Consolation and Triumph upon the Occasion terminated
almost as soon [as] they existed. We had hardly begun our Journey in Spain, before a Battalion of Difficulties of a different Complexion surrounded Us. Our Carriages, (the Tops
of { 277 } which resemble Calashes, and they are so called) were not more remarkable for the
Antiquity of their Fashion, than that of their Building. They were in a truly decripid
State and were continually out of Repair. The Mules which draw'd them, were as dull
as obstinate. The Carriages were disoblegeant, but not in the Sense, in which Yorick
appropriates the Term; for they would accommodate two persons as to Seats; but in
every other Sense they merit very justly his Appellation.1 The Roads were mountainous and rocky to a terrible Degree from Corunna to Astorga,
which is fifty Leagues, and where there were no Mountains, in our passage, yet Rocks,
Mud and Mire, were the pleasing Objects that perpetually presented themselves. The
Accommodations at the Inns were exceedingly bad, the Houses being in a Situation,
which Decency forbids me to describe. Thus much I hope I may say without any offence
to Delicacy, that they each of them appeared to me to be a Republic of Men and Beasts.
There were some Exceptions to be sure. In addition to the above assemblage of Evils,
the Weather was cold oftentimes, and we found no Chimnies to repair to in Spain, whose
friendly Heat could refresh the fatigued Traveller. They would bring Us a small Braziaro,
or Pan of Coals—the scanty Pittance of Fire in them, would chill one at first Sight.
They hardly warmed a place upon the Stone Floor of so large a Compass as they stood
upon. We found the Inns cold, arising from the Materials of their Construction, being
almost all of Stone; from the Stone Floors; from a Want of Fires in different parts
of them and finally from the State of the Air. Their Chimnies are rather a Burlesque
upon the Name than any thing else, for they are nothing more than a small circular
platform of Stones, having no other passage for the Smoke, than as it expands itself
about the Room, and creeps out of two or three Holes pierced thro' the Top of the
House, so that you are rather suffocated with Smoke, than warmed by the Fire. These
kind of Hearths are only in one Apartment, the Kitchen. It required great Resolution
to venture to some of them—the Smoke precluded all Foresight. You was forewarned indeed, but you could not be forearmed.
With these natural and artificial Evils and Embarrassments We travelled from Corunna
to Bayonne. The Capital Towns or Cities we pass'd thro', were Lugos, Astorga, Leon,
Burgos and Bilbao. We stop'd a day at Astorga to repair our Carriages. We visited
the Cathedral Church there, as We did that at Leon. The Finery, the Trumpery, the
Baubles, the Gewgaws and the Bagatelles in them as well as in all others almost We
visited, were astonishing. Indeed they are exceeded in nothing but the Superstition
of the People. I have written freely— { 278 } perhaps indiscreetly—but I have written nothing but Facts, which will not admit of
Controversy. The Statuary, the Sculpture, Paintings and Architecture were very well
executed in general. But what the End and Design of these things are, would not at
this Juncture become me to explain, if they were not sufficiently obvious to you already.
Amidst all our perplexities We had now and then some Comforts. We found many worthy
Men in our Route, whose Hearts were not in Unison with the temperature of their Air.
In most of the considerable Towns We passed thro, We met with Gentlemen, who treated
Us with politeness, Attention and Hospitality. The French Consul and Mr. Lagoanere
at Corunna, the Messrs. Gardoqui's at Bilbao, treated us, more particularly, with
great kindness and Friendship.
All News of a political Nature you will have from another Source and with more precision
than I can pretend to.
Your Letter to Madam G[rand] is rendered into French and <I am told> admired by every one that reads it, for its excellent Sentiments. Many high Encomiums
have been deservedly passed upon it.2 I must and will subjoin, that its Admirers discover pure Taste and good Judgment.
I have done myself the Honor to inclose You a few Extracts from the English Newspapers.
You will find in them fresh proofs of their inflexible Adherence to Truth.
Please to present my Duty and Respects where due—a copious Effusion of Batchelor's
Love I beg to send forward to the Young Ladies of my Acquaintance.
I have the Honor to be with the greatest Esteem and Respect your most obedient & most
hble. Servt.
[dateline] Feby. 27th
By Order I added to your Memorandum, the Article of delicate fine Chintz or thin Silk
for a Gown for Mrs. W.3 If either should arrive, You will please to inform her. The Money for it, I have,
which will be paid to Mr. A., when the Invoice comes, which will determine whether
any Money will be left to purchase other articles. My Respects to General W. and Lady.
Your little Charles was highly diverted last Sunday with my modern parisian Vamping
or Metamorphosis. He wanted a Subject to write upon. I gave him my new Appearance
for a Subject. The bag I have laid aside. I cannot yet reconcile my self to it. The
Sword I have used but once. I can bear with one, but both of them is too much.
RC (Adams Papers). Enclosed “Extracts from the English News papers” not found.
1. An early, and celebrated, section of Sterne's Sentimental Journey, 1768, is entitled “The Desobligeant. Calais.” The unusual term in the title is defined
in a footnote as follows: “A chaise, so called in France, from its holding but one
person.”
3. From the mention of “General W.” (doubtless Gen. James Warren) below, Mercy (Otis)
Warren must be meant here. AA's “Memorandum” of goods to be purchased in Europe for her and others has not been
found, but is discussed in James Moylan's letter to JA from Lorient, 28 Feb. (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0215
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-02-17
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Passy feby. the 17th 1780
[salute] Hond. Mamma
As there is an opportunity of writing to you, I must by no means let it Slip me; I
have wrote you a Small account of my Voyage and that we were obliged to put into Ferrol
in Spain. After a terrible journey from thence to Paris of about 1000 Miles we have
at last once more reach'd Paris, the day after we arrived Pappa put me to one of the
Pensions where I was before, and I am very content with my Situation. Brother Charles
begins to make himself understood in French and being as he is he will learn that
Language very soon. The Count d'Estaing is in a very fair way of recovery of his wounds.
We have here a young Gentleman who was on board of the Languedoc when the Count was
in Boston, a son of the Governor of Martinico's. I am your dutiful son,
[signed] John Quincy Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To Mrs. Adams Braintree near Boston,” to which is added in Thaxter's
hand: “To be sunk in Case of Capture”; mistakenly docketed in a later unidentified
hand: “Adams G. W.”
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0216
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1780-02-22
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] Passy February the 22d 1780
[salute] My dear Brother
I am once more settled down in a school and am very content with my situation. I was
the other night at the Foire St Germain in Paris which is a publick place and full
of curiosities.1 We went and saw a Woman who (in truth) was not very tall but who weigh'd 450 weight.
The large part of her arm was as big round as my body and she cover'd With her thumb
a Crown peice. Her thimble was big enough to put my thumbs in to and so was her ring
which she wore on her little finger.
{ 280 } [salute] As I must write to all my Freinds I can write only a short Letter to each and must conclude in subscribing myself your affectionate Brother,
[signed] John Quincy Adams
1. An account of this annual winter fair appears in Thiéry, Almanach du voyageur à Paris, p. 290:
“La Foire S. Germain, située dans le voisinage de S. Sulpice, à l'extrémité de la rue de Tournon, fut
établie par Louis XI dès 1'an 1482, & donnée à 1'Abbaye S. Germain-des-Près. Elle
ouvre le 3 Février, & dure jusqu'à la veille du Dimanche des Rameaux. C'est un quarré
régulier, percé de rues couvertes qui rendent les unes dans les autres. Ces rues sont
garnies de boutiques occupées par des Marchands, des Cafés, des Jeux & des Spectacles,
tels que les Variétés amusantes, l'Ambigu-Comique, les Danseurs de corde, le Waux-Hall d'hiver, &c. La quantité de monde qui s'y rend, présente un coup-d'oeil fort gracieux.
“On y vend toutes sortes de choses. Cette Foire est franche, & tous Marchands de dehors
peuvent y venir vendre leurs merchandises.”
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0217
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-02-23
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Rue de Richelieu Feb. 23. 1780
[salute] My dearest Friend
The Children made me a Visit to day, and went with me to dine with my old Friends
the two Abbys, whom you have often heard me mention, Chalut and Arnoux, who desire
me to mention them to you in my Letters as devoted Friends of America, and particular
Friends to me and to you, notwithstanding the difference of Religion.1
The Children are still in good Health, and Spirits and well pleased with their Academy.
Ah! how much Pain have these young Gentlemen cost me, within these three months. The
Mountains—the Cold—the Mules—the Houses without Chimneys or Windows—the——. I will
not add.
I wish for a Painter to draw me and my Company mounted on Muleback—or riding in the
Calashes—or walking; for We walked, one third of the Way. Yet by the Help of constant
Care and great Pains and Expence, I have been able to get them all safe to Paris.
The other Moyety of the Family is quite as near my Heart, and therefore I hope they
will never be ramblers. I am sick of rambling.
If I could transport the other Moyety of the Family across the Atlantick with a Wish
and be sure of returning them, when it should become necessary in the same manner,
how happy should I be!
I have been received here with much Cordiality, and am daily visited by Characters
who do me much Honour. Some day or other you will know I believe, but had better not
say at present.
{ 281 } Your Friend, the Comte D'Estaing, however I ought to mention because you have been
acquainted with him. I have dined with him, and he has visited me and I him, and I
hope to have many more Conversations with him, for public Reasons, not private, for
on a private Account great Men and little are much alike to me.
Mr. Lee and Mr. Izard are going home in the Alliance, and I hope will make you a Visit.
How many Vicicitudes they are to experience, as well as I, and all the rest of our
Countrymen I know not. The Events of Politicks are not less uncertain than those of
War. Whatever they may be, I shall be content. Of one thing I am pretty sure, that
if I return again safe to America, I shall be happy the Remainder of my days because
I shall stay at home—and at home I must be to be happy.
There is no Improbability at all that I may be obliged to come home again soon, for
want [of] means to stay here. I hope however, that Care will be taken that something may be
done to supply Us.
My tenderest Affection to my dear Nabby and Tommy. They are better off than their
Brothers, after all.
I have been taking measures to send home your Things, my Brothers, Mrs. Cranches,
Mr. W. and Mr. S.2 I hope to succeed by the Alliance, it shall not be my fault if I do not. If I cannot
send by her I will wait for another Frigate if it is a Year, for I have no Confidence
in other Vessells.
[salute] Yours, forever yours.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0218
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-02-26
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Febry. 26 1780
[salute] My dearest Friend
This day I am happy in the News of your safe arrival at Corruna by a vessel arrived
at Newbury port in 60 days from thence.1 I cannot be sufficiently thankfull for this agreable intelligence, or for the short,
and I hope agreable voyage with which you were favourd. I suppose you will proceed
from thence by land and flatter myself that a few weeks will bring me the agreable
tidings of your arrival in France.
Capt. Sampson has at last arrived after a tedious passage of 89 days. By him came
3 Letters for you, 2 from Mr. Lee and one from Mr. Gellee. Both these Gentlemen are
pleasd to make mention of me.2 You { 282 } will therefore return my Respectfull complements to them, and tell them that I esteem
myself honourd by their notice.
I wrote you by Mr. Austin who I hope is safely arrived. He went from here in the height
of the sublimist winter I ever saw. In the latter part of December and beginning of
Janry. there fell the highest snow known since the year 1740, and from that time to
this day the Bay has been froze so hard that people have walked, road, and sleded,
over it to Boston; it was froze across Nantasket road, so that no vessel could come
in or go out; for a month.3 For 30 days after the storms, we had neither snow, rain, or the least Thaw. It has
been remarkably Healthy, and we have lived along tolerably comfortable, tho many people
have sufferd greatly for fuel.
The winter has been so severe that very little has been attempted, and less performed
by our army. The Enemy have been more active and mischievous; but have fail'd in their
Grand attempt of sending large succours to Gorgia: by a severe storm which dispersed
and wrecked many of their Fleet.
We have hopes that as the combined Fleets are again at sea, that they will facilitate
a Negotiation for peace—a task arduous and important, beset with many dangers.
In one of those Letters Received by Capt. Sampson, Mr. Gellee mentions a report which
was raised and circulated concerning you, after you left France.
The best reply that could possibly be made to so groundless an accusation, is the
unsolicited testimony of your Country, in so speedily returning you there, in a more
honorable and important Station, than that which you had before sustaind.
Pride, vanity, Envy, Ambition and malice, are the ungratefull foes that combat merrit
and Integrity. Tho for a while they may triumph to the injury of the just and good,
the steady, unwearied perseverence of Virtue and Honour will finally prevail over
them. He who can retire from a publick Life to a private Station, with a self approveing
conscience, unambitious of pomp or power has little to dread from the machinations
of envy, the snares of treachery, the Malice of Dissimulation, or the Clandestine
stabs of Calumny. In time they will work their own ruin.
You will be solicitous to know how our Constitution prospers. Convention are still
setting. I am not at present able to give you an accurate account of their proceedings,
but shall endeavour to procure a satisfactory one against a more direct conveyance.
I earnestly long to receive from your own hand an assurance of your safety and that
of my dear Sons.
{ 283 } I send all the journals, and papers I have received. All our Friends are well, and
desire to be rememberd. Enclosed is a list of Taxes, since December. In April a much
larger is to be collected to pay Penobscot score.4
Complements to Mr. Dana. His unkle is recoverd from a plurisy which threatned his
life, but Mrs. Dana will no doubt write by this conveyance which renders it unnecessary
for me to be perticuliar.5
Success attend all your endeavours for the publick weal and [that] the happiness and approbation of your Country be the Reward of your Labours is the
ardent wish of your affectionate
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Portia Feb. 26,” with “1780” added in CFA's hand. Enclosures not found. LbC (Adams Papers); at foot of text: “To the Honble. john Adams Minister Plenipotentary residing at
Paris.” The two texts vary in many particulars that scarcely affect the substance.
Both were carelessly written and punctuated. The text given here has been slightly
repunctuated to indicate ends of sentences. In presenting his text in JA–AA, Familiar Letters, p. 377–379, CFA not only revised AA's punctuation, spelling, and grammar as usual, but eliminated colloquial expressions
(e.g. “tolerably comfortable” becomes “very comfortable”) and struck out domestic
and personal items toward the close of the letter.
1. This news had evidently been brought by Captain Trash (or Trask), who had arrived
at Newburyport on 23 Feb.; see Thaxter to AA, 15 Dec. 1779, above.
2. Only one of Arthur Lee's letters can be identified with certainty, that of 24 Sept. 1779 (Adams Papers, with a “3plicate,” which was not likely to have been sent by the same vessel). The
letter from N. M. Gellée was written from “Chaalons en Champagne,” 11 Oct. 1779 (Adams Papers). Gellée had earlier served in a secretarial capacity at the headquarters of the
American Commissioners in Passy; see Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., index. Concerning his letter see, further, AA to Mrs. Warren, 28 Feb., below.
4. That is, to pay for the costly and unsuccessful Massachusetts expedition against the
British in Penobscot Bay in the preceding summer.
5. Dana's uncle was the distinguished colonial judge Edmund Trowbridge (1709–1793), now in retirement in Cambridge; Dana's wife was the former Elizabeth Ellery (Elizabeth
Ellery Dana, The Dana Family in America, Cambridge, 1956, p. 473, 486; Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 8:520).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0219
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Recipient: Adams, Charles
Date: 1780-02-26
Abigail Adams to John Quincy and Charles Adams
[dateline] Febry. 26 1780
[salute] My Dear Sons
I am happy to hear of your safe arrival tho not at the port, I wished to hear you
were. You will however have a more extensive opportunity of seeing that part of the
world, if you travel by land to France.
I wrote you largely by Mr. Austin which I hope you have received. A very soar hand
prevents my writing many things which I have in my mind, and which will be committed
to paper as soon as I am able to write without pain. I shall daily expect Letters
from you. I have for• { 284 } warded Letters to Mr. Thaxter from his Friends here, and hope he is well.
You have by your absence mist the view of a most uncommon winter, but this I suppose
you will not regret, as the climate to which you are gone is more Friendly to Health
and Spirits, consequently to Genius.
I have requested your sister to write, but she has not forgot that her Brother is
a critick and chuses to bestow her favours upon those who will deal more candidly1 with her. She however presents her Love to you, as does Master Thommy who is very
desirious I should write you to send him some Almonds, and acquaint you with Lady
Trips2 Health, and prospect of increase—and to his Brother Charles that his favorite Songster
is alive, has been well nourished and carefully attended through the winter, and now
repays all his care by the Melody of her voice.
Your Grandpappa sends his Love to you and says you must write him a Letter in French.
I indulge myself in the fond hope of seeing the return of my Dear Sons in some future
day improved in person and mind. They will not I hope dissapoint the affectionate
wishes of their
[signed] Mother
RC (Adams Papers).
1. A slip of the pen for either “more kindly” or “less candidly”?
2. Doubtless the family dog.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0220
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-02-26
Isaac Smith Sr. to John Adams
[dateline] Boston February the 26th. 1780
Last Evening we had an Account from Newbury that a Vessell was Arrived there from
Bilbao, but haveing stopt att Coronia, brings the Agreeable news of your having Arrived
att that port after a very short passuage.
I sent word to day to Mrs. Adams, and iff any letters should come to hand from Newbury,
shall forward them. But as yet no letters are come, Occasiond by the badness of the
roads. I sent word to Mrs. Adams of this Conveyance but as I am just told the Vessell
will sail sooner than was expected that am Affraid she wont get her letters down in
Season.—Capt. Sampson is Arrived att Plymouth after a passuage of 90. odd days. There
were two letters for you which I sent Mrs. Adams.—We have nothing very new from the
so[uth] Ward. You have heard of the great forse gone from York to Georgia. We have had a
Vessell arrived here that came a thaught of One of the fleet, { 285 } which was in distress, haveing carried away three Masts and lost all there horses
being 25, and they suppose that every horse in the fleet was lost which they say was
Twelve hundred and upwards, which will be a great damage to them and itts probable
many of the fleet have suffered greatly as they had two very severe stormes after
they left York.—I suppose you may be wanting to here how Constitution work goes on,
which is but very slowly. They have been seting two Months. One third of the time
disputing whether itt would be best to proceed on Account of there being so few Members,
there not being but about 50 for sometime, and the Most that has been to this day
is not One hundred.1 They have Agreed to have a govenor, Lt. Govr., a Senate and a privey Councel, but
the Country Gen[tleme]n dont choose that the Govr. should have much power, but finally agreed that he should
have a revisal of all Acts, and is to give his reasons iff he dont Approve of them,
and after being disapproved iff two thirds of both houses Agrees then itt shall pass
and be enacted.
I hope itt will be finally finisht so as to take place, and will iff the Country party
dont hinder itt, as many of them seem to be Affraid of every thing that has the Apperance
of power or dignity Assentiall to a governor or goverment.—We have had One of the
severest Winters for many years, not so much snow since the Year 1713. Our harbour
has been shut up for a long time till within these few days. Your da[ugh]ter was with us the Other day, who came on the Ice all the way, and people have come
from farr below. I forward this to the care of Mr. John Hodshon Mer[chan]t in Amsterdam. This Vessell is to return here Again, & are Sr. Yr. hume. Servt.,
[signed] Isaac Smith
[dateline] 28th
PS I have to day received some letters by the Vessell from Coronia, but none as yet
come to hand for Mrs. Adams iff any, but two from Allen to his brother.
Mrs. Adams has not sent any letter to go by this Conveyance, nor Mrs. Dana to whom
I sent word of the Conveyance.
The Convention have Voted to Choose represantatives in the Old way and that all incorporated
Towns that have heitherto sent Members should still have the liberty, but for the
futer, no new Town to send One unless there be 150 Voters in the Town.
I forward you a peice of a News paper.2
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To The Honble. John Adams”; endorsed: “M. Smith. Feb. 26. 1780. ansd.
16. May.” Enclosure not found, but see note 2.
1. Only forty-seven out of some three hundred towns were represented when the third session
of the Convention at length voted to proceed to business. It is noteworthy, however,
that on that day, 27 Jan., the Convention voted “That the galleries be opened during
the sitting of the Convention”—an action that helps explain Smith's detailed knowledge
of the deliberations he reports here. See Mass. Constitutional Convention, 1779–1780, Journal, p. 55–57.
2. JA's reply, 16 May, below, indicates that the enclosure contained an account of Capt. Daniel Waters'
recent successful cruise in the armed ship Thorn of Boston. Such an account appeared in the Boston Gazette, 21 Feb., p. 2, col. 1–2, which must therefore have been the newspaper extract sent
by Smith to JA, who promptly circulated copies for reprinting in European papers. See also MHS, Colls., 77 (1927):299–300, which reprints part of the Gazette's news story.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0221
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-02-27
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois, Ruë de Richelieu Feb. 27. 1780
[salute] My dearest Friend
The House of Joseph Guardoqui and Sons of Bilbao, have sent you some necessaries to
the Amount of about 200 Dollars, by Captain Babson of N[ewbury] Port, belonging to Mr. Tracy, and I have ordered them to send duplicates and Triplicates,
by other good Opportunities. I have also written to Mr. Moylan of L'orient to send
all the Things of which you gave me Minutes, for yourself, Mr. W[ibird], M. S[hute], my Brother and Mrs. W[arren], by the Alliance.1 If these things should all arrive safe, they will be of Use.
I am afraid however to send more, which I wish to do, because I am not sure of Remittances,
nor of Authority to draw upon a Gentleman here. I wish you would give a hint to Mr.
L[ovell] of the Embarrassment I shall be in, if he does not send me the Necessary, either
in Bills, Merchandizes, or Orders to draw upon he knows whom.
The English are more in a Disposition to go to War with one another, I think than
to make Peace, with the rest of the World, at present. But notwithstanding a few late
successes, they will have their Hands full another Campaign.
I am told I am to be presented to the King and Royal Family, soon.
I have delivered your Letter to Madam Grand, and she makes a thousand Compliments
upon it.2 It is indeed a fine Letter, and I confess myself very proud of it, as I am of my
two Boys, who behave very well. My two other Children, are however, I think oftener
in my Mind, altho I think their Morals and studies too, under a safer directress.
Yet the Academy where they are is very well governed.
Mr. Thaxter is of more Service to me than you can well imagine. He is steady, prudent,
firm, faithful and indefatigable. He is a great { 287 } Expence to me, and must unavoidably be, but I am very happy in having taken him.
Mr. Dana has enjoyed very good Health since his Arrival here. His Headachs have left
him entirely.
I hope my dear Nabby pursues her studies, what would I give that I could assist her?
The Marquis de la Fayette is going as well as Mr. Lee and Mr. Izard, and further the
Court have divided the American Continent into three districts, for their Consuls,
and have appointed Mr. Holker to the Middle one, Mr.[]to the southward and Monsieur De L'Etombe, for the northern Department, or the Eastern
states, to reside at Boston where he will soon go.3 I shall write by him.
[salute] Yours Yours &c.
RC (Adams Papers).
2. This letter is lost, but see JA to AA, 23 Sept. 1778; Thaxter to AA, 16–27 Feb. 1780, both above.
3. The three consuls were John (or Jean) Holker, the younger, who was to be stationed
at Philadelphia; Charles François, Chevalier d'Anmours, at Baltimore; and Philippe
André Joseph de Létombe, at Boston. Copies of their commissions are in PCC No. 128; see also Howard C. Rice Jr., “French Consular Agents in the United States,
1778–1791,” Franco-American Review, 1:368–370 (Spring 1937). On Holker and his family, whom JA had known in France, see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:54–56; and on Anmours, see Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 3:162–166 and passim.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0222
Recipient: Warren, Mercy Otis
Date: 1780-02-28
Abigail Adams to Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] Febry. 28 1780
How does my Dear Mrs. Warren through a long and tedious Winter? in which I have never
been honourd with a single line from her hand. Possibly she may think me underserving
of her favours; I will not presume to lay claim to them upon the score of merrit,
but surely she should have charitably considered my lonely State, and Brightned the
Gloomy hour with the Benign Rays of her Friendship dispenced through her elegant pen.1
A Succession of tormenting whitlows has prevented me from inquiring after the Health
of my much valued Friend. Those difficulties being now removed I have the pleasure
of making that inquiry? and of communicating to her the agreable intelligance I received
last week, by a vessel arrived at Newburyport from Corruna in Spain, of the safe arrival
of Mr. Adams at that Port, in Eighteen days2 after he left Bos• { 288 } ton. I have not as yet, received any Letters, nor any certain account why they made
that port, it is rumourd that the vessel sprung a leak.
I suppose he will proceed by land to France tho a journey of 700 miles, from whence
I hope soon to be favourd with the certainty of his arrival.
By Capt. Sampson there came two Letters, one from Mr. Lee [and] one from a Mr. Gellée, to Mr. Adams. By Mr. Lee's I find that affairs go on in the
old course at Passy. “The Counsel there is composed of the same Honorable Members,
says Mr. Lee, as when you left it, with the reinforcement of Samll. Wharton, Samll.
Petrie and the Alexanders, a match is concluded between one of the daughters and Jonathan
Williams this August and natural family compact will I hope promote the publick as well as private Interests.”3
There is a party in France of worthless ambitious intrigueing Americans, who are disposed
to ruin the reputation of every Man whose Views do not coinside with their selfish
Schemes. Of this you will be satisfied when I tell you that Mr. Gellee writes thus,
“After your departure reports were circulated here that you were gone to England and
that during your Station here, you had entertaind an Illicit correspondence with the
British Ministry. It was even published here that Mr. Samll. Adams had headed a conspiration
and contrived to surrender Boston to the English. In vain did I endeavour to shew
them the absurdity of the former opinion, by your embarking in the same ship with
the Chevalier, but you know the people in this country are in general very Ignorant
of American affairs which give designing Men an opportunity to shew their Malignity.”4
How happy my dear Madam would America have been, had it been her Lot, to have contended
only with foreign Enemies, but the rancour of her internal foes have renderd the task
of the patriot peculiarly difficult and Dangerous.
I sometimes contemplate the situation of my absent Friend, honourd as he is at present
with the confidence of his Country, as the most critical and hazardous Embassy to
his reputation, his honour, and I know not but I may add life, that could possibly
have been entrusted to him. I view him beset with the machinations of envy, the Snares
of Treachery, the malice of Dissimulation and the Clandestine Stabs of Calumny.
Can the Innocence of the dove or the wisdom of a more subtle animal screne him from
all these foes? Can the strictest integrity and the most unwearied exertions for the
benefit and happiness of Mankind secure to him more, than the approbation of his own
Heart.
{ 289 } All other applause without that would be of small Estimation, yet one would wish not
to be considerd as a selfish, designing, Banefull foe, when they have worn out their
lives in the service of their country.
Those who Envy him, his situation see not with my Eyes, nor feel with my Heart. Perhaps
I feel and fear too much.5
I have heard this winter of a Letter from a Lady to her son containing Strictures
upon Lord Chesterfields Letters. I have not been favourd with a sight of it, tho I
have wished for it. A collection of his Lordships Letters came into my Hands this
winter which I read, and tho they contain only a part of what he has written, I found
enough to satisfy me, that his Lordship with all his Elegance and graces, was a Hypocritical,
polished Libertine, a mere Lovelace, but with this difference, that Lovelace was the
most generous Man of the two, since he had justice sufficient to acknowledge the merrit
he was distroying, and died penitently warning others, whilst his Lordship not content
himself with practiseing, but is in an advanced age, inculcateing the most immoral,
pernicious and Libertine principals into the mind of a youth whose natural Guardian
he was, and at the same time calling upon him to wear the outward Garb of virtue6 knowing that if that was cast aside, he would not be so well able to succeed in his
persuits.
I could prove to his Lordship were he living that there was one woman in the world
who could act consequentially more than 24 hours, since I shall dispise to the end
of my days that part of his character. Yet I am not so blinded by his abuse upon our
sex, as not to allow his Lordship the merrit of an Elegant pen, a knowledge of Mankind and a compiler of many Excellent maxims and rules for the conduct of youth, but they
are so poisoned with a mixture of Libertinism that I believe they will do much more
injury than benifit to Mankind. I wish my dear Madam you would favor me with a coppy7 of the Letter said to be in your power.8
How does that patient sufferer Mrs. Lothrope? She is one of those who is to be made
perfect through sufferings, nor will the prediction be unaccomplished in her, my affectionate
regard to her, and a tender commiseration for her sufferings.
I spent a most agreable Evening with you not long since in immagination. I hope to
realize it in the approaching Spring.
[salute] My respectfull regards to Generall Warren, complements to my young Friends from their and your affectionate Friend,
[signed] Portia
My Daughter presents her duty and reflects with pleasure upon the winter she so agreably
spent with you. She remembers Master George with affection, the other young Gentlemen
with complacency.
2. By any count this is five days short of the time the voyage actually took. The Sensible had sailed from the outer harbor of Boston on 15 Nov. and reached El Ferrol on 8
December.
3. Quoted from Arthur Lee's letter to JA of 24 Sept. 1779 (Adams Papers); see AA to JA, 26 Feb., above. For the members of Franklin's circle mentioned by Lee, see Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., index. Mariamne, daughter of William Alexander, married Franklin's grandnephew,
Jonathan Williams, in Sept. 1779; see Franklin, Papers, ed. Labaree, 1:lviii; JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:62, 134.
4. Quoted from N. M. Gellée's letter to JA of 11 Oct. 1779 (Adams Papers); see AA to JA, 26 Feb., above.
8. A copy of the paper here alluded to was later furnished to AA and survives in the Adams Papers as a five-page MS in an unidentified hand captioned “Remarks on Lord Chesterfield's Letters from a
Lady to her Son,” dated at Plymouth, 24 Dec. 1779, and signed “M. W.” In it Mrs. Warren
characterizes Chesterfield, as revealed in his letters to his natural son, as a monument
of “finished Turpitude.” The volume in which AA read the now famous but then highly controversial letters, first published in 1774,
has not been found. Early in 1776 AA had requested JA to buy her a copy in Philadelphia, but he declined to do so, on the ground that she
would not wish to have in her library a work so “stained with libertine Morals and
base Principles,” and she had meekly submitted to his judgment; see above, vol. 1:359, 376, 389. Eventually AA saw to it that Mrs. Warren's strictures on Chesterfield were published in a Boston
newspaper; see AA to Nathaniel Willis, ante 4 Jan. 1781, vol. 4 below.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0223
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-02-28
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris Feb. 28. 1780
[salute] My dearest Friend
I have sent you, one yard of fine Cambrick, at 14 Livres an Ell, two of a coarser
sort at 6 Livres an Ell. Eight India Handkerchiefs at 6 Livres each and three of another
stamp at 6 Livres a Piece. These seem monstrous dear, but I could not get them cheaper.
If the Marquis1 should make you a Visit You will treat him with all Distinction that is due to his
Merit and Character, as well as his Birth and Rank which are very high.
He has been the invariable and indefatigable Friend of America, in all Times, Places
and Occasions, and his Assiduity have2 done Us much service. He is my particular Friend, and therefore deserves from mine,
the greatest Respect, on my private Account as well as on the public.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0224
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-02-28
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris Feb. 28. 1780
[salute] My dearest Friend
I have already sent to the Marquis de la Fayette, a Number of Letters for you, and
the Children, from their Brothers, who favoured me with their Company last night and
are just gone off to the Accademy. Charles's Master is full of his Praises, and John
I think is more solid and steady than ever.
In two of the Letters to you, you will find no Writing, only a small Present to you
and Miss Nabby, not meaning to exclude Mr. Tommy. I will endeavour to send more little
Things of this Nature in the same manner, by several Opportunities. I can send small
Things in this Way by Gentlemen, who may go by french Frigates or other good Opportunities,
and I wish you would inform me, what Things you want that may be sent in the same
manner.
I hope the Marquis will do your Ladyship the Honour of a Visit, at Braintree, and
am sure he will if he comes to Boston and is not too impatient to get to the Field
of Honour, which from the Keenness of his Passion for Glory, may very possibly be
the Case.
The Marquis has a son since his Arrival in Europe, whom he has named George, not from
the King of G.B. but his Friend Washington.1
Dr. F. told me News Yesterday, which he has from England, but it seems too extraordinary
to me, to be true. That the Irish Parliament have repealed Poynings Law:2 declared that no Legislature has Authority over Ireland, but the Irish Houses of
Lords and Commons and the King of Ireland, and prohibited all Appeals from the House
of Lords in Ireland to the House of Lords in England —and sent these Laws to England
for Approbation of the King. Ireland to be sure is not yet quieted, by all Lord Norths
Address, which contrasted with his Conduct to America is curious.3
We have no News from America since Christmas, and very little since We sailed from
Boston.
According to present Appearances the Field of Action the next Campaign will be the
West India Islands.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs: John Adams Braintree near Boston Favd. by the Marquis de la Fayette.
To be sunk in case of Capture.”
1. George Washington Lafayette was born on 24 Dec. 1779 and after an early military career
was active in politics most of the rest of his life. He accompanied his father on
his tour of the United States, 1824–1825, and died in 1849. See Gottschalk, Lafayette, 3:57–58; Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale. An Card to John Adams Announcing the Birth of George Washington Lafayette, Paris, 1779
facing 212announcement of G. W. Lafayette's birth, on the day it occurred, is in the Adams Papers and is reproduced as an illustration in this volume.
2.
“An act of parliament, made in Ireland (10 Hen. VII. c. 22, A.D. 1495); so called
because Sir Edward Poynings was lieutenant there when it was made, whereby all general
statutes before then made in England were declared of force in Ireland, which, before
that time, they were not” (Black, Law Dictionary).
3. The “News” in this paragraph was almost entirely the product of wishful thinking in
Paris. Sympathy on the part of Irish patriots for the American cause and rumored threats
of invasion by France, as well, of course, as the Irish people's numerous and long-standing
grievances against the British government, had driven Ireland into a state of serious
unrest. A vigorous movement for Irish parliamentary independence was in progress,
but it failed, and no insurrections of the kind hoped for by the French and Americans
took place. See W. E. H. Lecky, A of England in the Eighteenth Century, 8 vols., N.Y., 1878–1890, 4:520–551.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0225
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-03-01
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] March 1 1780
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I had scarcly closed my packet to you when I received your Letters dated Ferrol and
Corunna. I am happy indeed in your safe arrival and escape from the danger which threatned
you.
“Alas how more than lost were I,
Who in the thought already die.”
I feel glad that you have determined to proceed by land tho so tedious and expensive
a journey. I grow more and more apprehensive of the dangers of the sea, tho I have
really no Right to Quarrel with old Neptune, since he has 3 times safely transported
my Friend. Tho he has grumbled and growld, he has not shewn the extent of his power.
I hope you will meet with so much pleasure and entertainment in your journey, as will
be some [comp]ensation1 for the fatigues of it, and the recital amuse me whenever you can find opportunity
to communicate it.
The sailors you relieved at Corunna passt through this Town, and told their story
at Brackets, where a Number of persons collected 40 dollors for them. I wished they
had called upon me, I should have been glad to have assisted them.
Enclosed are a few journals received yesterday. Am rejoiced to hear my Charles behaves
so well, but he always had the faculty of gaining { 293 } Hearts, and is more mournd for in this Neighbourhood than I could have believed if
I had not heard it. Adieu most affectionately your
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To The Honble. John Adams Esqr. Paris”; endorsed: “Portia Recd, and
ansd. 17. May,” to which CFA added “1780.” Enclosed “journals [of Congress]” not found.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0226
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1780-03-02
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] March 2 17801
[salute] My dear son
I cannot close the packet, without acknowledging the recept of your Letter, and thanking
you for it.
You have great reason for thankfullness to your kind preserver, who hath again carried
you through many dangers, preserved your Life and given you an opportunity of making
further improvements in virtue and knowledge. You must consider that every Moment
of your time is precious, if trifled away never to be recalled. Do not spend too much
of it in recreation, it will never afford you that permanant satisfaction which the
acquisition of one Art or Science will give you, and whatever you undertake aim to
make yourself perfect in it, for if it is worth doing at all, it is worth doing well.
I have written to you several times since your absence, and as you are seperated from
me I must endeavour to supply my absence by continuing to you all the advise I am
capable of giving you. To know that you attend to it will be ample satisfaction to
your ever affectionate
[signed] AA
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0227
Recipient: Thaxter, John
Date: 1780-03-02
Abigail Adams to John Thaxter
[dateline] March 2. 1780
[salute] Dear sir
I must attempt a few lines to you (tho very much troubled with whitlows upon my fingers)
in reply to your favours from Ferrol and Corruna, which gave me much pleasure and
entertainment.
I rejoiced at your safety after the hazard you run of a spacious Grave.
I think myself fortunate in having received all the Letters that my { 294 } Friends have written since their absence, by which means I follow them through all
their various stages, and partake in their pleasures and sympathize in their Dangers.
I have ever thought that in the seperation of near and Dear Friends, and you know
I have often experienced it, that the one who was left behind was the greatest sufferer,
for the Mind must necessarily accompany the Body, and while that is in motion, it
feels a kind of rotation too. Diversity of objects take of the attention, whilst the
Lonely Being who is left behind, has no other amusement but to sit down and brood
over the dangers and hazards to which the other may be exposed, the Hair Breadth Scapes, to which they are incident. Anticipated evils have often as much power over the
mind as real ones. To guard against this imbecility of the mind an ancient Author
observes “that sufficient unto the day was the Evil thereof.”
You have given me an agreable account of the country through which you passt, but
not a word of the Dulcinas. There is surely a language common to all Countries by
which a young Gentleman of your age and penetration might have discoverd some of the
charms and accomplishments of the fair inhabitants.
I dare say the parisian Ladies will rouse you from that Apathy in which you have so
securely slumberd all your days. I would not have you an Infidel to their power, yet
whilst you bow before it; guard against being conquered by it, reserve that triumph
for some fair American, who will
“charm by accepting, by submitting sway.”
I have had the pleasure of making your Friends very happy by forwarding your Letters
to them from time to time, and I have enclosed under cover to Mr. Adams a Number for
you.
I hope you will continue to entertain me as you have leisure and opportunity with
a recital of all you meet with worth communicating to your affectionate Friend
[signed] AA
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0228
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-03-07
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Tuesday March 7 1780 3 oClock P.M.
The Post but now arrived will be again on his Way in an Hour; I retire therefore from
a Circle of public Debate, to acknowledge, at a { 295 } Side-Window, your Favor of February 13th. this Moment unsealed. I admire the Remarks. Be persuaded, lovely
Moralist, to indulge me with a Sight of what occasioned them—“Passages of Letters
of January 6th. and 18th.”1 I shall be much chagrined if you do not comply. Mutilated as to Names, inclosed without
Comment under a bare Superscription to me there will be no Renewal of “Hazard.” You
have said “they shall pass the Ordeal.” Let me perform your Vow. It will be done religiously; you may depend upon it. My Head and
Heart have known no Moment in which Esteem for Mrs. Adams has not been joined with
their Affection for Portia. And, if my Pen has been untrue to that Union, may a Whitlow
punish the Fingers that moved it! I am not yet competent by Recollection to venture
any Thing further, in Arrest of your Judgement, than a mere Hint, suggested by the
last Line of your Quotation respecting Wit. While in Winter I speak to Virgin Portia,
only about the keen Air of the Days and the Comfort of my domestic Fire-Side; may
I not, to married Lucretia, take Notice of the lonesome tedious Nights, and lament
a Seperation from my own faithful Mate? Am I to expect a double Answer? Yea for a
Shepherd, Nay for a “Senator.”—I could not rest satisfied without some Explanation;
yet every Word that is papered frustrates more and more my Wish and I hope yours for
an Oblivion of the Whole so far as relates to any third Person. I am sure something
is wrong. I am anxious to know the Degree. I deprecate the Continuance of the Impressions
under which you wrote. I would not have a Monument remain either of my real Deficiency
of Respect for you or of your Conception of such a Thing. Therefore this Scrawl must
be devoted as the 3 others have been.2
The New Minister is much esteemed. Mr. Laurens has only a Clerk with him, as he means
to change in Europe as he may find Occasion on Account of Languages. I am pledged
to go if chosen, but I have not nor will I utter a Word that shall seem like soliciting.
My Inclination is against going. I foresee much Vexation in the Undertaking. I am
enraged at the Publication you speak of, tho' no one here has yet seen it. I have
heard of it from Mrs. L[ovell] and from a Friend at Portsmouth.
A Vessel that sailed from hence 14 days after Mr. Gerard, got to France in 25 days;
so that I am led to hope the Sensible fell in with the same Winds, sailing about the same time.
The Letters by the Mercury were some time prior in date to what we had before received.
As to the Pages of [17]78 which began the Year they were for• { 296 } warded by Mr. Gerard. I have continued —79 under Enclosures to Mr. S. Adams so as
that you should also see them unless a Vessel was on the Point of Sailing. I am momentarily
in Expectation of being able to give you News of the Arrival of your Husband. It is
a favorable Circumstance that we have not yet heard of him Via New York.
[salute] With respectful Affection I am Madam your humble Servant,
[signed] JL
RC (Adams Papers). Enclosed letter or letters to Samuel Adams and serial numbers of Journals of Congress
not found or further identified.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0229
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-03-10
Mercy Otis Warren to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Plimouth March 10th 1780
I have to thank my Friend Mrs. Adams for a very agreable Letter Received a few days
since. I shall make no other Apology for my long silence, but a Frank acknowledgment
that I had layed asside my pen in Complesance to her, supposing her time and Attention
taken up in more profitable correspondencies. But shall Fail at no time to shew myself
Equally ready to Resume it. I Rejoice in the Happy opportunity to Congratulate you
on Mr. Adams's arrival in Europe. [I] hope by this time you have Letters, which are the best and almost the only Consolation
in the absence of such Friends.
I am obliged for the Communication of some Extracts from Mr. Adams's Friends in France.
I think they shew both the spirit of the times and the Industry of our Enemies, but
I think they Contain nothing to enhaunce your fears.
The probity of the best of Men may for a time be suspected. But when there is a uniform
principle of Integrity, a Man May bid Defiance to the stings of Calumny, for the General
sense of Truth still Remaining among mankind will in time do justice to his Character.
Curiosity burns not so high in my Bosom as it has done in Former Days. I feel more Indiferent
to the transactions on a Theatre which will soon be taken down, or the actors Removed
to more permanent scenes. Yet if there is anything Communicable in your Late letters,
it may be an amusement of a solitary Moment, and prolong the Obligations of Friendship.
[dateline] 20th March
Having no conveyance for the above it lay till by Mr. Warrens re• { 297 } turn I learn you have again had letters from your Husband, Children and other Friends.
You must be very happy in this Circumstance, and suffer me to take a part in your
Happiness whether I have the Confidence of a perusal Reposed in me or not.
My son, who designs for France soon will Call on you in the Course of this week.1 He will Execute your Commands thither, or what is of far less Consequence anything
you may have for Plimouth.
I delivered the Friendly Messages to my young Gentlemen from your amiable Daughter,
And Return their affectionate Complements. I am sure they will Never be behind her
in Every Expression of Regard nor is there any Defficiency towards her in the Bosom
of her and your assured Friend,
[signed] M. Warren
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0230
Recipient: Gerry, Elbridge
Date: 1780-03-13
Abigail Adams to Elbridge Gerry
[dateline] March 13th 1780
[salute] Sir
Altho this is the first time I ever took up my pen to address you,1 I do it in perfect confidence that you will not expose me, having been long ago convinced
that you are the sincere and constant Friend of one deservedly Dear to me, whose honour
and character it is my Duty at all times to support.
I observed in a late Philadelphia paper of Janry. 27, that the Philosophical Society
had chosen a Number of Members, among whom they were pleased to place The Honorable
J[ohn] A[dam]s Esqr. late Member of Congress, no doubt with an intention of confering an Honour upon him. Before him is placed—His
Excellency John Jay Esqr. Minister of the united States at the court of Madrid.2
May I ask you Sir, why this distinction? Tho I do not know that you are any ways connected
with the Society,3 I presume no person will say that the commission with which Mr. A——s is invested,
is of less importance than that of Mr. J—ys. I suppose they both bear the same title
of Minister plenipotentary. Mr. A——s had acted under a commission from Congress near
two years before Mr. J—ys appointment, which if I am not mistaken, both in the Army
and Navy gives a pre'eminence of Rank.
It may be considerd as pride and vanity in me Sir, for ought I know, to take notice
of such a circumstance, nor should I have done it, if I { 298 } had not before observed similar Instances with regard to Mr. A——s.
In a publick Society where they mean to Confer an Honorary Distinction, such things
as these ought to be attended to, especially as they have a much greater influence
abroad where Rank is considerd of more importance than in our Young Country.
I do not Imagine Sir that this distinction was aim'd so much at the person, as the
State. You have not been so long conversant with the Southern Department as to be
inattentive to4 the jealousy that there is of the Massachusets, and of every Man of any Eminence
in it.
Is it not therefore particuliarly incumbent upon the Members of this State carefully
to gaurd the Honor of it, and of those who represent it, which never can be done if
such Little Stigmas are sufferd to be fixed upon them.
The journals of Congress will sufficently shew the various Departments in which Mr.
A——s acted whilst a Member of it. Those who sat with him, are the best judges of the
Integrity of his conduct, an ample testimony of which has been given him by the unsolicited
honor conferd upon him, in the important Embassy with which he is at present charged.
Yet there is envy and jealousy sufficient in the world to seek to lessen a character
however benificial to the Country or useful to the State.
Nor are these passions Local. They are the Low, Mean and Sordid inhabitants of all
countries and climates, an Instance of which I can give you, with regard to Mr. A——s.
When he first arrived in France, he found great pains had been taken to convince all
Ranks that the person sent them in a publick character was not the famous A[dam]s.5 Who then could it be? Why some one of no importance, of whom the World never heard
before, tho he however was not under the necessity of borrowing a reputation, nor
had he any reason to complain of the French court or nation, from whom he received
every mark of respect and attention.
A prophet is not without honour save in his own country. By that, he was left in a
situation which I need not discribe to you sir who felt it for him, but which I am
now satisfied, arose more from the Embarrassment in which foreign affairs were involved,
than from any designed slight or neglect of Mr. A——s. Yet the light in which it was
viewd abroad gave designing malicious persons an opportunity to shew their malignity,
and they improved it to that purpose, for imediately upon Mr. A——s quitting France
a report was circulated, (as I have learnt from a Letter lately received from a correspondent
of Mr. A——s directed to him) that during his station there, he had entertaind an { 299 } illicit correspondence with the British Ministery, and that he was gone to England.
“In vain says the writer did I endeavour to shew them the absurdity of such an opinion,
by your embarking in the same ship with the Chevalier, but the people in this country
are very Ignorant of American affairs, and eagerly swallow any thing.”6
If Sir America means to be respected abroad, she must chuse out such characters to
represent her as will disinterestedly persue her Interest and happiness, in whom she
can place an approved confidence, and whenever she is in possession of such characters,
she must support them with honour and delicacy, nor hearken to the Machinations of
envy, jealousy, vanity or pride. For if those who have stood foremost in her cause,
supported her through all her perils and dangers, borne a large share in some of the
most hazardous of them, do not find themselves and their characters defended and protected
by her, will it be any wonder if she should finally be forsaken by every Man of Merrits
withdrawing from her Service.7
I can answer for my absent Friend that he never regarded the appendages of Rank and
precedence any other ways than they affected the publick; more Espicially this State,
and that he would think himself happier in a private Station, beneath this Humble
cottage in the cultivation of his farm, and the Society of his family, than in his
envyed Embassy at foreign courts, where tho he possesst the Innocence of the dove,
and the wisdom of a more subtle animal, they would be found insufficient to serene
him against the Clandestine Stabs of calumny.
I have presumed to write thus freely to you sir, upon a subject which will not bear
noticeing to any but a confidential Friend. In that light my dear Mr. A——s has always
considerd you, and from the intimate union which constitutes us one, permit me through
him, to consider you in the same character and to Subscribe myself your Friend and
Humble Servant,
[signed] Portia8
1. This would seem to preclude Gerry as the intended recipient of AA's draft letter to an unidentified member of the Massachusetts delegation to the Continental Congress,
printed above under the assigned date of Jan. 1779. But if, as seems likely, AA did not send that letter, she might then have had Gerry in mind and still have opened
a correspondence with him in these terms fourteen months later.
2. The Pennsylvania Packet for 27 Jan. 1780, p. 3, col. 1, carried a notice of twenty-two persons elected to
the American Philosophical Society at a meeting on 21st. The list is headed by { 300 } “His Excellency George Washington, Esq; General and Commander in Chief of the Armies
of the United States of North America.” Washington and eight others, including Jefferson,
La Luzerne, and Marbois, do indeed seem to have been duly elected. But for no fewer
than nine other persons in the list, no other record whatever of their election exists
(the original minutes of the Jan. 1780 meeting are missing); and three more, namely
Jay, Hamilton, and JA, were later elected (in 1787, 1791, and 1793, respectively) without reference to
their publicly reported election in 1780. According to Whitfield J. Bell Jr., librarian
of the Society, who has kindly furnished information for the present note, this puzzle
of the elections of Jan. 1780 and the apparent double elections has never been resolved.
3. Gerry was not a member.
5. For the incident of “the fameux Adams,” see JA's diary entry of 11 Feb. 1779 and note there (Diary and Autobiography, 2:351–352). See also Isaac Smith Sr. to JA, 17 June 1778, above.
AA and, in turn, her correspondent Gerry may seem to have taken a small matter overseriously,
but the necessity in the 18th century of using official titles fully and correctly
is substantiated in an engaging way (though in a very different connection) in a letter
JA addressed on 25 May 1780 to John Bondfield, a merchant friend at Bordeaux who had undertaken many weeks before
to supply the wines for JA's legation at Paris. The wines did not arrive and despite repeated inquiries could
not be traced. The trouble was, as JA's French friends explained to him after examining his papers relating to the transaction,
that the consignment had been addressed simply “to Mr. John Adams at Paris. They say
that it should have been addressed to me, by my name and quality and the Hotel and
street where I live. So that I dont expect to get a Glass of this Wine to the Lips
of any of my Friends these six Weeks, [and] not then without writing many Letters and sending many Messages.” What is more, he
continued, he is having the same kind of difficulty with respect to parcels of books
and papers from Ostend and the Adams party's trunks which had come by sea from Spain
to Brest. Considering the reputation JA later acquired for standing upon punctilio concerning titles of dignity, the conclusion
of his letter is instructive:
“There is not a Being upon Earth who has a greater Contempt for all kind of Titles
than I have in themselves, but when I find them in this Country not only absolutely
necessary to make a mans Character and Office respected, but to the transaction of
the most ordinary Affairs of Life, to get a glass of Wine to drink, a pamphlet to
read or a shirt to put on, I am convinced of their Importance and necessity here.
By the Etiquette of all the Courts in Europe a minister Plenipotentiary has the Title
of Excellency, and the wise men of Europe cant believe it possible a Man should be
one without it. I therefore request that for the future, you would address every Letter,
Pamphlet, Bundle, Case and Cask for me, A Son Excellence, Monsieur Monsieur John Adams
Ministre Plenipotentiaire des Etats Unis De L'Amerique, Hotel de Valois, Ruë de Richelieu
a Paris” (LbC, Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0231
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-03-15
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu [ante 15 March 1780]1
[salute] My dearest Friend
I have sent you Things from Bilbao, by Captain Babson, and a small { 301 } present by the M. de la Fayette, another by Mr. Lee, another by Mr. Wharton, and shall
send another by Mr. Brown, another by Mr. Izard, and perhaps another by the Viscount
de Noailles, and the Alliance will bring you and your Neighbours, what you and they
wrote for.
I intend to tax every Gentleman who goes from here, towards the Support of my Family
so far as to buy the favour of him to take a small present.
I have had the Honour to be presented in Form to the King, Queen and Royal Family
of France,2 but see no great Prospect of being presented in a similar manner in London. I fancy,
his Majesty of St. James's would not look so placidly upon me, as that of Versailles
did, nor the Queen, nor the Princesses and Princesses.3 They would be apt to reflect that I had some hand in disseizing them of some Part
of the Inheritance of the Princess Sophia of Hanover altho they are protestants, in
Spight of the Act of Settlement.
The West Indies will be according to Appearances the Field of Battle, so you will
be at Your Ease, I hope. I hope this will go by the Viscount Noailles, Brother of
the Marquise de la Fayette, and an amiable Youth he is.4 I dont know whether to prefer the Marquis to him. He was with the C. D'Estaing in
Georgia. I wish Success to all Enterprizes, that are directed at right Objects. I
dont pretend to tell Tales nor guess at Secrets. The K[ing] and the General only ought to know.
Rodney and Digby have had a run of Luck, that vexes one a little, but the Tide may
turn, and that would be ruin to them, which is only Vexation to their Ennemies.
The Gentlemen, the Children, and servants are well.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. Adams Braintree near Boston To be Sunk in case of Capture <Favd. by the Marquis de Noailles.> Favd. by Mr. Brown.”
1. Dated from what is said in the first sentence of the following letter, in conjunction
with the correction (from “the Marquis de Noailles” to “Mr. Brown”) on the address
leaf of the present letter.
2. On 7 March; see JA to Samuel Huntington, president of Congress, 8 March (PCC, No. 84, I, printed in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:539).
4. Louis Marie, Vicomte de Noailles (1756–1804), actually the Marquise de Lafayette's brother-in-law; see note on the Noailles family
in JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:84–85.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0232
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-03-15
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris March 15. 1780
[salute] My dearest Friend
Mr. Brown, whom I left at Passy, when I returned to you, and whom I found here, upon
my return to Paris,1 will deliver you this and another Letter which I intended to have sent by the Viscount
de Noailles, and two small Bundles containing a Piece of Chintz each. The Price is
horrid, Sixty Livres a Piece, but I cannot trade, I suppose others would get them
at half Price.
If you will make me buy Dittoes2 you must expect to be cheated. I never bought any Thing in my Life, but at double
Price.
The Children, with Sammy Cooper dined with me to day. Charles begins to speak French
very well, and Cooper too.
Mr. Brown formerly lived with Governor Trumbull.
Captain Carpenter who sailed a few days after me in the Cartell for London dined with
me to day. The English Ministry will not allow of an Exchange. He tells me the Gentry
of Brompton Row3 firmly believe that America cannot hold out five Months longer.
My Duty to your Father, my Mother, Brothers, sisters, Uncles, Aunts and Cousins.
[salute] Yours Yours, forever and forever.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs. Adams Braintree near Boston favoured by Mr. Brown to be sunk in
Case of Capture.”
1. Joseph Brown Jr., a young Charlestonian who came to Boston in the Alliance on the voyage in which Captain Landais was deposed. He made a great impression on
AA; see her letters of introduction for him to Mrs. Warren, 1 Sept., and to James Lovell, 3 Sept., both below; also The Second Part of the Memorial to Justify Peter Landai's [sic] Conduct during the Late War, N.Y. [1785?], p. 23.
2. That is, other things of the same kind. Compare a passage in JA to AA, 12 Aug. 1776 (vol. 2:90, above): “Here they [the troops in Philadelphia] wait for Canteens, Camp Kettles, Blanketts, Tents, Shoes, Hose, Arms, Flints, and
other Dittoes.” The passage just quoted is cited in OED as the earliest use of “Dittoes” as a noun in precisely this sense, and the later
examples there cited are not, strictly speaking, parallel in meaning. This is apparently
another instance of JA's verbal innovativeness.
3. That is, the colony of American loyalists in London.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0233
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-03-15
John Thaxter to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Wednesday Paris March 15th 1780 Hotel de Valois Rue de Richelieu
[salute] Madam
On Monday Morning I had the Honor to go with his Excellency and Mr. D[ana] to breakfast with the celebrated Abbè Reynald,1 in Com• { 303 } pany with a large Collection of Nobility and Gentry of both Sexes. In opening upon
this Company, (which was unexpected to poor me) I felt all that irksome Discomposure
and painful Confusion, which so respectable an Assembly of Strangers could produce
in one accustomed to humble Life and simple Manners. In this unhappy Predicament I
made as respectful a Bow, as Nature, untutored in the Art of Conges, and Confusion
would permit. It was a Devoir of Respect unaccompanied with Ease—the latter never
was or can be an Accomplishment of mine. I was however soon relieved from this disagreeable
Situation, by the Vivacity and repeated Salutations of the venerable Abbey. The Reciprocal
Salutations between the Abbey and Ladies formed an Intercourse among them too partial to be highly pleasing to one, who for the first Time had the Mortification to see
a Monopoly of Salutations. Who would not have wished to have possessed the pre-eminent
Priviledge of being an Abbey? Who would not have readily become a Subject of so tender
and pleasant an Administration as that of being saluted by so beautiful Ladies.—But
I have done on this Head.
Not long after Breakfast the Abbey introduced to his Excellency a Countess or Marchioness,
who had expressed a great desire to see the Man, who had taken so able a part in bringing
about a Revolution, which She approv'd. The Beauty, the Softness, the Delicacy and
the Ease of this Lady were striking. Do you approve of the Revolution says the Abbey?
Yes answerd the Lady.—You therefore, subjoined the Abbey, approve of his Excellency.—Oui
Monsieur, replied the Lady.—I thanked her silently and cordially for this Testimony
to the Merit of the Man I love, esteem and respect, as I did many other Ladies, to
whom the same Questions were put, and to which the same Answers were given. The Abbey
observed that the Name of his Excellency would be respected for ever.—Yes, replied
he, if the Abbey Reynald should insert the Name in his celebrated Works. This Compliment
the Abbey felt most sensibly.
After passing an agreeable Morning at the Abbey's we went to Mr. Grand's where we
dined and where I had the Honor of being introduced to Madam Grand and Mademoiselle
Labhar her Niece. Madam Grand is a worthy and respectable Character. Mademoiselle
her Niece, is a pretty young Lady, has great Vivacity, a fine blooming Countenance,
and a fortune of £800 sterling [a] Year. She is a fine Girl.
The Seal that I have chosen for my Letters may appear curious.2 It is not an emblem of my past Life, nor do I think it emblematical of the future.
The Motto is “bonne Moisson.” I was not born with a Silver Spoon in my Mouth, nor
have I ever reapt Harvests, nor do I wish { 304 } to reap any, but two—viz., the one a decent and comfortable Subsistence, the other
the Happiness, Comforts and Enjoyments of a tender Partner, with whom I may share
in the pleasures of the first.
Your dear Sons dined with Us to day. They are in good Health, and live happily at
the Pension.
My Respects, Duty and Compliments where due if you please.
[salute] I have the Honor to be, with the most perfect Esteem and Respect, your most obedient & very humble Servant.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Guillaume Thomas François, Abbé Raynal (1713–1796), author of one of the most popular works of the French Enlightenment, Histoire philosophique et politique des établissemens et du commerce des Européens
dans les deux Indes, Amsterdam, 1770, which was frequently reissued and widely read in translation as
well as in French (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale). For surviving copies of this and other works by Raynal owned by JA, see Catalogue of JA's Library. JA's first impressions of Raynal, highly favorable, are recorded in diary entries of
Feb. 1779; see Diary and Autobiography, 2:344.
2. No example of this seal has as yet been found.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0234
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-03-16
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris March 16. 1780
[salute] My dear Portia
I have never answered your Letter of the 8th. of June,1 that I remember, and there is nothing in it that requires a particular Answer but
it affects me, with a Pleasure and a Tenderness and an Anxiety and a Pain, that I
cannot describe to you, as all your Letters ever did and ever will, that describe
your own sentiments and your own Distresses as well as those of our Country. They
are the Delight of my Soul.
Captain Bartlet, who is escaped from an English Prison, will carry this.2 He will dine with me today, with Captain Nathaniel Cutting,3 and another American, but are in such Haste and going off this Afternoon, so that
I have no time to be particular only to say, that my fine Boys are well and behave
well, which will give Joy to your Heart as it does to mine.
Remember me to your father and my Mother, to your two dear Pledges, and to all Friends.
Thaxter learns french fast. He is very clever.
Captain Chevagne, who ceases not to sing the high Praises of Boston and Braintree,
writes me his desire that I would present his Respects to you, and to tell you that
he hopes one day to carry me back, to you.
{ 305 } No News, since the Dismal Tales of Rodneys League with old Harry, for one would think
nothing less would have given him so much Luck, but his Friend will leave him in the
Lurch.
Pray give me, in all your Letters, the Price currant.
RC (Adams Papers).
2. Probably Nicholas Bartlett Jr., master of the brigantine Favorite, who had been captured in April 1778 (Mass. Soldiers and Sailors).
3. Of Brookline, Mass., a ship captain who was long in the employ of Nathaniel Tracy
of Newburyport and who, after a wandering life both by land and sea, was for many
years to hold a minor post in the War Department in Washington, where he died about
1822 (Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 9:352; MHS, Procs., 1st ser., 12 [1871–1873]:60–67).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0235
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-03-16
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris 16 March 1780
[salute] My dear Portia
I have not particularly answered your amiable Letter of 10 Decr. Your tender Anxiety
distresses me, much: I hope your Faith however, has returned before now with your
Spirits. If Captain Trash arrived safe from Corunna you have heard from me, or if
Babson from Bilboa.
Your delicate Charles is as hardy as a flynt. He sustains every thing better than
any of Us, even than the hardy Sailor his Brother. He is a delightful little fellow.
I love him too much. My fellow Travellers too are very well. Mr. D[ana']s head ack is perfectly cured—not a groan nor a wry look.
There are some ladys, one at least that can never be odious, by Sea nor Land, yet
she would have been miserable in both if she had been with me. The Governor of Gallicia
told me I risqued a great deal to bring my two [sons]1 with me, but I should have risqued my All if I had brought you.
We have a calm at present: no News from America, nor from any other Quarter since
the long Roll of Rodneys successes, which have made the English very saucy for the
Moment, but this will not last long.
Captain Carpenter of the Cartel ship has been here from London and dined with me yesterday.
They took his ship from him, and refused the Exchange of Prisoners. Thus ill natured
are they. The Refugees, according to him are in bad Plight, not having received their
Pensions these 18 Months, which are detained on some Pretence of waiting for Funds
from Quebec. Yet they console themselves with the Thought that America cannot hold
out another six Months. Thus { 306 } Whally and Goffe expected Deliverance, Glory and Tryumph every day by the Commencement
of the Millenium, but died without seeing it.2 Governor Hutchinsons son Billy died in London about 3 Weeks ago.3
[salute] Yours, ever and forever.
RC (Adams Papers).
3. William Sanford Hutchinson (b. 1752), Harvard 1770, died on 20 Feb. 1780 (Harvard Quinquennial Cat.; Hutchinson, Diary and Letters, 2:341–342).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0236
Recipient: Smith, Isaac Sr.
Date: 1780-03-16
John Adams to Isaac Smith Sr.
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois, Ruë de Richelieu March 16. 1780
[salute] Sir
I duly received your Favour of December the 12, and thank you for your Attention to
the Widows, whose Letters came safe by the same Conveyance.1 The Way of Spain is a very good one to send light Letters containing any interesting
Intelligence, but large Packetts mount the Postage so high as to make it too heavy.
The Method of cutting out from Newspapers interesting Paragraphs, and inclosing them,
would do well. The loose Leaves of the Journals of Congress, recent ones I mean, I
should be glad to have in this and all other Ways.
When I was in Spain I formed an Acquaintance with Mr. Michael Lagoanere of Corunna,
a Merchant of the best Character, most extensive Business, and first Fortune in that
Place. If your Vessells should ever touch at Corunna or Ferrol, or Vigo even, they
cannot be addressed to a better Man. I also became acquainted with the House of Joseph
Guardoqui and Sons, who will take the best Care of any Letters or Papers that may
be sent to me, and will send any Thing Mrs. Adams may want of small amount and draw
upon me for the Money, at Paris.
My respects to Mrs. Smith, Mrs. Gray and your son and Miss Betcy,2 I say Mrs. Gray alone because I fear by your Letter Mr. Gray is no more.3
I dont know whether this Letter will go by Mr. Brown, a young Gentleman who has been
here some time, from America, or by the Viscount de Noailles. The latter is one of
the most illustrious young Noblemen in this Kingdom, full of military Ardour and the
most amiable Dispositions, in short fit to be as he is the Brother of the Marquis
de la Fayette. Mr. Izzard also and Mr. Lee are going to Bos• { 307 } ton, where I hope they will be treated with all the Respect that is due to their well
known Characters. I am, sir, with great Respect, your most obt.
[signed] John Adams
RC (MHi:Smith-Carter Papers); endorsed: “John Adams Esqr. Paris March 16. 1780.” LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers).
1. Smith's letter of 12 Dec. 1779 and the letters of “the Widows” it enclosed have not
been found.
2. Elizabeth (1770–1849), youngest daughter of Isaac and Elizabeth (Storer) Smith; in 1813 she married Jonathan
P. Hall of Boston. See Adams Genealogy.
3. Mrs. Gray was Mary (or Polly), another daughter of the Smiths. In 1777 she married
Edward Gray, a Boston merchant, who died at the age of 29 in Dec. 1779; there is a
brief obituary of him in the Continental Journal, 23 Dec. 1779, p. 3, col. 2. In 1782 his widow married Samuel Allyne Otis. See vol.
2:356, above, and Adams Genealogy.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0237
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-03-16
John Quincy Adams to John Adams
[dateline] [Passy, 16 March 1780]1
My Work for a day.
| Make Latin, | |
| Explain | Cicero |
| Erasmus2 | |
| Appendix3 | |
| Peirce | Phaedrus.4 |
| Learn | greek Racines5 |
| greek Grammar | |
| Geography | |
| geometry | |
| fractions | |
| Writing | |
| Drawing6 | |
As a young boy can not apply himself to all those Things and keep a remembrance of
them all I should desire that you would let me know what of those I must begin upon
at first. I am your Dutiful Son,
[signed] John Quincy Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “A Monsieur Monsieur Adams Hotel de Valois Richlieu A Paris,” with sender's
address written in JQA's hand across one corner of the cover: “Ecole de Mathematiques.” Postmarked: “16
4e. Lvee. K/EI BANL E/P.D 3S,” the very last element being handwritten, the others
stamped; see facsimile of cover reproduced as an illustration in this volume, and
the Descriptive List of Illustrations, p. John Quincy Adams Lists His Studies and Seeks His Father's Advice following 212xvii–xviii, above, which attempts an elucidation of these markings of the Petite Poste de { 308 } Paris prior to its attachment to the Grande Poste in July 1780; compare also the postal
markings on JQA's letter of 21 March, below. Endorsed: “My Son.” The name “Bethune” appears in John Thaxter's hand on
the cover sheet, but this must have been written later for a purpose not now apparent.
2. Probably a Latin edition of Erasmus' Colloquia, of which there were many prepared for French students' use from the early 16th century
on. Among the many works by Erasmus at MQA, most of them no doubt acquired by JQA, are two editions of the Colloquia, an Elzevir published at Amsterdam, 1679, and a Colloquia selecta familiaris, Paris, 1767, which may have been the copy used by JQA at Passy.
3. JA, who was evidently keeping close track of his sons' studies, gives a fuller title
for this work in his reply of the next day. According to JA this was an “Appendix de Diis et Heroibus ethnicis,” or Supplement on the Pagan Gods
and Heroes, that is, an account of classical mythology, presumably for young readers.
This was a common type of work, but the particular one being studied by JQA, whether a separate publication or part of a Latin reader, has not been identified.
4. That is, “Parse Phaedrus.” The OED records the spellings peirse, parce, and pearce in the 16th and 17th centuries, and there was evidently great variation in pronunciation.
The Fables in verse of Phaedrus were a favorite book for beginners in Latin at the
end of the 18th century. At MQA is a Latin edition, Paris, 1742; among JQA's books at the Boston Athenaeum are two others, London, 1750, and Paris, 1783, both
with JQA's bookplate, but the latter ineligible by date for JQA's use at Passy.
5. “Racines” is the French word for “roots.” Hence: Learn Greek roots.
6. In the MS there follows a crude ornamental design spread across the whole page; see the facsimile
John Quincy Adams Lists His Studies and Seeks His Father's Advice following 212illustration in this volume.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0238
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1780-03-17
John Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] Paris March 17. 1780
[salute] My dear Son
I have received your Letter,1 giving an Account of your Studies for a day. You should have dated your Letter.
Making Latin, construing Cicero, Erasmus, the Appendix de Diis et Heroibus ethnicis,
and Phaedrus, are all Exercises proper for the Acquisition of the Latin Tongue; you
are constantly employed in learning the Meaning of Latin Words, and the Grammar, the
Rhetorick and Criticism of the Roman Authors: These Studies have therefore such a
Relation to each other, that I think you would do well to pursue them all, under the
Direction of your Master.
The Greek Grammar and the Racines I would not have you omit, upon any Consideration,
and I hope your Master will soon put you into the Greek Testament, because the most
perfect Models of fine Writing in history, Oratory and Poetry are to be found in the
Greek Language.
Writing and Drawing are but Amusements and may serve as Relaxations from your studies.
{ 309 } As to Geography, Geometry and Fractions I hope your Master will not insist upon your
spending much Time upon them at present; because altho they are Useful sciences, and
altho all Branches of the Mathematicks, will I hope, sometime or other engage your
Attention, as the most profitable and the most satisfactory of all human Knowledge;
Yet my Wish at present is that your principal Attention should be directed to the
Latin and Greek Tongues, leaving the other studies to be hereafter attained, in your
own Country.
I hope soon to hear that you are in Virgil and Tully's orations, or Ovid or Horace
or all of them.2
[salute] I am, my dear Child, your affectionate Father,
[signed] John Adams
P.S. The next Time you write to me, I hope you will take more care to write well.
Cant you keep a steadier Hand?3
RC (Adams Papers); docketed in JQA's mature hand: “J. Adams. 17. March 1780”; also docketed in an unidentified hand.
Tr in CFA's hand (Adams Papers); at head of text: “No. 267,” indicating that the letter was copied for inclusion
in JA–AA, Familiar Letters, but in the end it was excluded.
3. See the John Quincy Adams Lists His Studies and Seeks His Father's Advice following 212facsimile of JQA's letter reproduced as an illustration in this volume, and compare JQA's next letter to his father, 21 March, also John Quincy Adams Consults His Father About His Brother Charles' Studies following
212illustrated.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0239
Recipient: Cranch, William
Date: 1780-03-17
John Quincy Adams to William Cranch
[dateline] Passy March 17th 1780
[salute] My Dear Cousin
As there is a very good opportunity of writing to you by a Gentleman from South carolina
who is about embarking for America I must write one short Letter to all my Freinds.
I am in one of the schools which I was in when I was here before and am very content
with my situation. I will give you an account of our hours. At 7 o clock A.M. we get up and go in to school and at 8 o clock we breakfast which consists of bread
and milk. At 9 go into school again, stay till one when we dine, after dinne[r] play till half after two, go into school and stay till half after 4 and then we have
a peice of dry bread. At 5 we go into School and stay till 7 when we sup, after supper
we amuse ourselves a little and go to bed at 9 o clock.
[salute] I am your affectionate freind and Cousin,
[signed] John Quincy Adams
RC (Adams Papers); docketed by JQA in later life (presumably when the letter was returned by Cranch to JQA): “Adams J.Q. 17. March 1780. to William Cranch.” Text has been slightly repunctuated
for clarity.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0240
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1780-03-20
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] March 20 1780
[salute] My dear son
Your Letter last evening received from Bilboa relieved me from much anxiety, for having
a day or two before received Letters from your Pappa, Mr. Thaxter and Brother in which
packet I found none from you, nor any mention made of you, my mind ever fruitfull
in conjectures was instantly allarmed. I feard you was sick, unable to write, and
your Pappa unwilling to give me uneasiness had concealed it from me and this apprehension
was confirmed by every persons omitting to say how long they should continue in Bilboa.
Your Pappas Letters came in Capt. Lovett to Salem, yours by Capt. Babson to Newburry
Port, and soon gave ease to my anxiety, at the same time that it excited gratitude
and thankfullness to Heaven for the preservation you all experienced in the imminent
Dangers which threatned you. You Express in both your Letters a degree of thankfulness.
I hope it amounts to more than words, and that you will never be insensible to the
particular preservation you have experienced in both your Voyages.
You have seen how inadequate the aid of Man would have been, if the winds and the
seas had not been under the particular goverment of that Being who streached out the
Heavens as a span, who holdeth the ocean in the hollow of his hand, and rideth upon
the wings of the wind.
If you have a due sense of your preservation, your next consideration will be, for
what purpose you are continued in Life?—It is not to rove from clime to clime, to
gratify an Idle curiosity, but every new Mercy you receive is a New Debt upon you,
a new obligation to a diligent discharge of the various relations in which you stand
connected; in the first place to your Great Preserver, in the next to Society in General,
in particular to your Country, to your parents and to yourself.
The only sure and permanant foundation of virtue is Religion. Let this important truth
be engraven upon your Heart, and that the foundation of Religion is the Belief of
the one only God, and a just sense of his attributes as a Being infinately wise, just,
and good, to whom you owe the highest reverence, Gratitude and Adoration, who superintends
and Governs all Nature, even to Cloathing the lilies of the Field and hearing the
young Ravens when they cry, but more particularly regards Man whom he created after
his own Image and { 311 } Breathed into him an immortal Spirit capable of a happiness beyond the Grave, to the
attainment1 of which he is bound to the performance of certain duties which all tend to the happiness
and welfare of Society and are comprised in one short sentance expressive of universal
Benevolence, “Thou shalt Love thy Neighbour as thyself” and is elegantly defined by
Mr. Pope in his Essay on Man
“Remember, Man, the universal cause
Acts not by partial, but by general laws
And makes what happiness we justly call
Subsist not in the good of one but all
Theres not a Blessing individuals find
But some way leans and hearkens to the kind.”2
Thus has the Supreme Being made the good will of Man towards his fellow creatures
an Evidence of his regard to him, and to this purpose has constituted him a Dependant
Being, and made his happiness to consist in Society. Man early discoverd this propensity
of his Nature and found
“Eden was tasteless till an Eve was there.”
Justice, humanity and Benevolence are the duties you owe to society in general. To
your Country the same duties are incumbent upon you with the additional obligation
of sacrificeing ease, pleasure, wealth and life itself for its defence and security.
To your parents you owe Love, reverence and obedience to all just and Equitable commands.
To yourself—here indeed is a wide Field to expatiate upon. To become what you ought
to be and, what a fond Mother wishes to see you, attend to some precepts and instructions
from the pen of one who can have no motive but your welfare and happiness, and who
wishes in this way to supply to you, the personal watchfulness, and care which a seperation
from you, deprives you of at a period of Life when habits are easiest acquired, and
fixed, and tho the advise may not be new, yet suffer it to obtain a place in your
memory, for occasions may offer and perhaps some concuring circumstances give it weight
and force.
Suffer me to recommend to you one of the most usefull Lessons of Life, the knowledge
and study of yourself. There you run the greatest hazard of being deceived. Self Love
and partiality cast a mist before the Eyes, and there is no knowledge so hard to be
acquired, nor of more benifit when once throughly understood. Ungoverned passions
have aptly been compaired to the Boisterous ocean which is known to pro• { 312 } duce the most terible Effects. “Passions are the Elements of life” but Elements which
are subject to the controul of Reason. Who ever will candidly examine themselves will
find some degree of passion, peevishness or obstinancy in their Natural tempers. You
will seldom find these dissagreable ingredients all united in one,3 but the uncontroulable indulgence of either is sufficient to render the possessor
unhappy in himself and dissagreable to all who are so unhappy as to be wittnesses
of it, or suffer from its Effects.
You my dear son are formed with a constitution feelingly alive, your passions are
strong and impetuous and tho I have sometimes seen them hurry you into excesses, yet
with pleasure I have observed a frankness and Generosity accompany your Efforts to
govern and subdue them. Few persons are so subject to passion but that they can command
themselves when they have a motive sufficiently strong, and those who are most apt
to transgress will restrain themselves through respect and Reverence to Superiours,
and even where they wish to recommend themselves to their equals. The due Government
of the passions has been considered in all ages as a most valuable acquisition, hence
an inspired writer observes, He that is slow to anger is better than the Mighty, and
he that ruleth his Spirit than he that taketh a city. This passion unrestrained by
reason cooperating with power has produced the Subversion of cities, the desolation
of countries, the Massacre of Nations, and filled the world with
injustice and oppression.—Behold your own Country, your Native Land suffering from
the Effects of Lawless power and Malignant passions, and learn betimes from your own
observation and experience to govern and controul yourself. Having once obtained this
self goverment you will find a foundation laid for happiness to yourself and usefullness
to Mankind. “Virtue alone is happiness below,” and consists in cultivating and improveing
every good inclination and in checking and subduing every propensity to Evil. I have
been particular upon the passion of Anger, as it is generally the most predominant
passion at your age, the soonest excited, and the least pains taken to subdue it.
“What composes Man, can Man destroy.”
I do not mean however to have you insensible to real injuries. He who will not turn
when he is trodden upon is deficient in point of spirit, yet if you can preserve good
Breeding and decency of Manners you will have an advantage over the agressor and will
maintain a dignity of character which will always insure you respect even from the
offender.
{ 313 } I will not over burden your mind at this time. I mean to persue the Subject of Self-knowledge
in some future Letter, and give you my Sentiments upon your future conduct in life
when I feel disposed to reassume my pen. In the mean time be assured no one is more
sincerely Interested in your happiness than your ever affectionate Mother,
[signed] A A
[dateline] May 8th
This Letter has lain ever since March waiting for a passage. Since it was written
I have had the pleasure of receiving Letters from your Pappa by the Marquiss Fayette,
your Sister and Brother Letters from you. Your Sister replies to you,4 your Brother wishes to. If I have time I shall write for him. It gives me great pleasure
to hear that you and your Brother are setled in a regular way. Roving is not benificial
to study at your age, Learning is not attained by chance, it must be sought for with
ardour and attended to with diligence. I hope you have received Letters from me long
e'er now, I have written to you often. My dear Charles I hope is a good Boy. Remember
my Dear your example will have great weight with him. Your Pappa commends your Steadiness.
If you could once feel how gratefull to the Heart of a parent the good conduct of
a child is, you would never be the occasion of exciteing any other Sensations in the
Bosom of your ever affectionate Mother,
[signed] A A
Do not expose my Letters. I would coppy but hate it. Enclosed are two patterns which
I wish you to deliver to your Pappa.
RC and LbC (Adams Papers). LbC essentially a draft lacks the continuation of 8 May, but of the other minor differences
between the two extant texts only one is recorded in the notes below. Enclosed “two
patterns” (presumably samples of cloth) not found.
1. Emended by CFA in his editions of AA's Letters to read “for the attainment,” but note the closely parallel construction (“to this
purpose,” also emended by CFA [“for this purpose”]) in the paragraph following the quotation from Pope, below.
2. Pope, An Essay on Man, Epistle IV, lines 35–40.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0241
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-03-21
John Quincy Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Passy March 21st 1780
[salute] Hond. Sir
I yesterday asked Mr. Pechigny if he thought it would do brother Charles any good
to begin upon Latin at present, he answered me, { 314 } that on the contrary, that he thought that it would spoil his taste for it; That he
must conjugate verbs about a month, and then he might begin upon Latin, he desired
me to ask you if you thought his proposition good and if you should he would Set Brother
Charles upon conjugating verbs immediately, and if you Should not he would keep him
upon Latin.1 Please to give my respects to M[ess]rs. Dana and Thaxter. I am your dutiful and affectionate Son,
[signed] John Quincy Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Monsieur Monsieur Adams Hotel de Valois rue de Richlieu a Paris,” with
sender's address in JQA's hand: “Pension de Mathematiques.” Postmarked: “21 8e. Lvee. K/EI E/P.D,” all stamped
impressions; endorsed: “My Son March 21. 1780.” See facsimile reproduced as an illustration
in this volume, and for an explanation of the postal markings see Descriptive List
of Illustrations, p. John Quincy Adams Consults His Father About His Brother Charles' Studies following
212xvii–xviii, above.
1. This is sufficiently confusing even for a twelve-year-old adviser to his father on
the studies of a younger brother. As JA's reply of the next day (below) makes clear, JQA by “conjugating verbs” meant conjugating French verbs; and in the last clause he must have meant, not “keep,” but startCA “upon Latin.”
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0242
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-03-21
James Lovell to Abigail Adams
[dateline] March 21st. 1780
I most sincerely rejoice with you on the safe Arrival of Mr. Adams in Spain after
so short a Passage tho' attended with some Hardships.
In addition to the News in the Prints I venture, upon some confidential assurances
from the worthy Genl. Lincoln, to excite your Hopes as to our affairs in that Quarter.1
It is recommended to redeem the continental Currency at 40 for 1 and to model the
Tender Laws equitably. It is a Thing of uncertain Event and the Balance of Blessings
and Cursings consequent cannot shortly be fixed. It is one of those Decisions about
which much very much may and will be said on both Sides. I believe that most of those
who said nay here on the Determination were glad it was carried against them. I cannot
see how the Continent can suppose that Congress has any separate Interest to guide
their Determination on this important Point.2
[salute] Yrs. affly.,
[signed] J Lovell
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Maj. Gen. Benjamin Lincoln's defense of Charleston, S.C., had no such happy outcome
for the American cause. See Massachusetts Historical Society, Guide to the Microfilm Edition of the Benjamin Lincoln Papers, Boston, 1967, p. 11–13 and passim; see also note 1 on JA to Isaac Smith Sr., 26 May, below.
2. See Congress' resolutions of 18 March (JCC, 16:262–267). For their { 315 } background and sequels see E. James Ferguson, The Power of the Purse: A History of American Public Finance, 1776–1790, Chapel Hill, 1961, chs. 3–4. See further below, Richard Cranch to JA, 26 April; John Thaxter to JA, 7 Aug., especially note 5.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0243
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1780-03-22
John Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] Paris March 22 1780
[salute] My dear Son
I have just now received your Letter, of Yesterday, and am very well pleased with
it, because it is written with care,1 in an handsome Hand, and is prettily expressed, which shews that nothing is wanting
but Pains and care, to make you an excellent Writer, for your Age.
I am of Mr. Pechini's Opinion that it is better to keep your Brother Charles to conjugating
Verbs for some time, I agree therefore to his Proposition, and will give him some
Assistance in this Exercise, by making Charles a Present of another Grammar, which
I found Yesterday. The Title of it is, Les Verbes Francois, ou nouvelle Grammaire
en form de Dictionaire Par. M. Demarville.2
The Critical Reviewers, March 1 1767 said of this Book. “Every one acquainted with
the french Language, knows, that the Intricacies of the irregular Verbs render it
the most difficult for Foreigners to speak or write with Propriety; and this Pocket
Dictionary will certainly be serviceable to those who are desirous of attaining the
Niceties of the French Tongue.”
The monthly Reviewers say. “It is sufficiently known to every one who has studied
the French Language, that the most difficult Part of the Task, consists, in the Conjugation
of the Verbs. In almost every Language indeed, the Conjugation of the Verbs, constitutes
one of the most essential, and at the same Time one of the most difficult Parts of
Grammar. Even in English, the few Verbs that can properly be said to be conjugated,
are so amazingly irregular, that they give foreigners a great deal of Trouble. But
the French Verbs are very different from the English, and like those of the Latin
are conjugated through the different Moods and Tenses. The Work before Us is calculated
to remove this Difficulty, and will in a great measure answer the Intention and save
the Learner much Time and Trouble.”
Mr. Demarville's Grammar is confined, wholly to one Part of Speech, the Verb. There
are a great Number of Verbs conjugated through all the Moods and Tenses, some of them
both of the Active and Passive Voices, and some are even conjugated affirmatively,
negatively, and interrogatively.
I should Advise Mr. Charles to take his Pen and Ink, and tran• { 316 } scribe some of these Verbs as conjugated by Demarville, and place the English down
against every Word.
As the Letter you inclosed3 in yours to me, was not Superscribed to any one: I thought it was intended for me,
and accordingly opened it, when, to my Surprize I found it written very differently
from that to me—very hastily: very carelessly: the Letters badly made, the Lines as
crooked as possible. I desire you would write it over again, and take more care. I
will not over look one such heedless Piece of Work. I have suffered too many Inconveniences
my self, from writing a bad Hand, all my Life, to neglect your Education in this Particular,
as mine was.
Let me give you one Piece of Advice more, which is not to spend much of your Time
in learning to flourish, with your Pen. Ornaments of this Kind, if not done with very
great skill, are worse than none, and an Accuracy, and real Elegance in them would
cost you more time to acquire than they are worth.—I am with the tenderest Affection,
your Father,
[signed] John Adams
RC (Adams Papers); docketed in JQA's hand of about 1800: “J. Adams. Paris 22. March 1780”; contains other docketings
in unidentified hands.
1. JQA had taken the pains, after his father's rebuke in his letter of 17 March (above), to line his letter paper and thus to regularize his handwriting in his letter
of 21 March (also above, and see a John Quincy Adams Consults His Father About His Brother Charles' Studies following
212facsimile of this letter reproduced in this volume), to which the present letter is a reply.
2. JA had purchased this lexicon of French verbs for English students from the bookseller
Pissot the preceding day; see his Personal Expenditures as printed in his Diary and Autobiography, 2:437, 441. The volume, which is a copy of the 2d edition, “augmentée,” London, 1773, survives
among JA's books in the Boston Public Library, and its Book Purchases by John Adams for Himself and His Sons in Paris and Amsterdam facing
213titlepage is reproduced as an illustration in the present volume. The extracts from English
reviews, quoted by JA below, were printed as advertisements in the 1773 edition.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0244
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-03-24
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris March 24. 1780
[salute] My dear Portia
This goes by Colonel Fleury, whom you know, who desires to carry a Letter to you.1 My three Boys dined with me Yesterday, being a Playday for them, in fine Health and
Spirits.
I long to hear, whether Captain Trash arrived from Corunna, who had Letters from me
to you, or Captain Babson who had Letters and more. I dont know whether you have yet
heard of our Arrival.
There are a great Number of Letters for You, in the Hands of the Marquis de la Fayette,
the Viscount de Noailles, Mr. Lee, Mr. Brown, { 317 } Mr. Izard, and others. I hope you will receive them and some small Packetts with some
of them.
My dearest Love to my N[abby] and T[ommy]—Affections, Duties, and Respects, &c.
If you send me any Minutes in future of any Thing to send you, pray be more particular
in describing the Things. I find a great difficulty in getting french Words to express
them often, because not knowing the Nature and the Prices of the Things myself, I
am puzzled.
[salute] Yours.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. François Louis Teissèdre de Fleury, a volunteer French officer who had served with
distinction in the Continental Army, 1776–1779, and who then, following a leave in
France, returned to serve with Rochambeau's army, 1780–1781 (Lasseray, Les français sous les treize étoiles, 2:425–433; JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:104). Congress voted Fleury a medal for his gallantry in the storming of Stony Point,
July 1779; see reproduction in Lasseray, vol. 2, facing p. 430. From a list of passengers recorded in JQA's Diary under date of 24 Nov. 1779, it appears that Fleury returned to France on the Sensible with the Adams party; thus he could have met AA in Boston or Braintree before they sailed. See, further, Fleury to AA, 6 Oct.; AA to JA,
15 Oct. and 13–24 Nov., in vol. 4, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0245
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-03-28
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Paris 28 March 1780
[salute] My dear Portia
Mr. Izard goes off, the day after tomorrow, and will carry this, and all the News
there is. We have none from America, a long time. I have only yours of 10 decr. since
I left you. I hope you have received Letters from me, from Corunna and Bilbao. There
are gone many for you, since my Arrival here, but I suppose are still detained at
the Sea Ports. They will soon sail.
My 3 Boys dined with me to day, all well. Send their Duty, and their brotherly Love.
There are no present Appearances of Peace, altho the English House of Commons have
voted down the Board of Trade, which signifies that they are convinced the Plantations
are lost.—I think you will have a quiet Summer: The English are too much exhausted
to send Troops to N. York.
The News, i.e. the common Talk is that there is an Armament preparing at Cadiz and
another at Brest, to act in Concert—but where is a great Secret. You will know sooner,
than We. There will be more Communication this summer, than ever. Dont loose opportunities
to write.
{ 318 } My Duty to your Father and my Mother, Love &c. to Brothers and sisters and Children.
A Trunk of Things will go in the Alliance, but she will go to Philadelphia, I fear.
If she does the Trunk will be left with Mass. Delegates, and must be sent by Land
in a Waggon.
[salute] Adieu.
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0246
Recipient: Cranch, Mary Smith
Date: 1780-03-28
Elizabeth Smith Shaw to Mary Smith Cranch
[dateline] Haverhill March 28th. 1780
[salute] My dear Sister
It is so long since the enclosed was written that I am almost ashamed to send it.
However I wish it may be accepted as a convincing Argugument that I have not been
wholly unmindful of my Friends, and that the variety of Cares which have unavoidiably
crouded upon me this winter, has not in the least abated my Concern and love for them.
I have really so little Time for literary Employments, that writing has become a burden
to me, though I conffess it arises from a consciousness, that what I write will not
be worth spending time to peruse, and my Friends must not think it is owing to any
want of Respect or Affection, particularly my much vallued Friend Betsy Leppington.1 When you see her tell her we love her as much as ever, that she is often the subject of our most grateful Conversation,
and that it would give us the greatest pleasure to see her here.
Our little Son makes rapid proggress in his Parents affections, and I have the vanity
to think you would love him too, were you with him, espicially if you could invest
him, with a new pair of Eyes, more assimilated to the Coulour and Brightness of my
Sisters. However I cannot perceive but that they may answer all the purposes of the
finest Eyes in the World, unless it be in the matter of fascinating Ladies Hearts;
it is true he may not have so many Trophies of that kind to boast of, nor so frequent
Opportunities of shewing (as Gay expresses it) the Sugar on his Lips but this I conceive
will no ways retard his progress in Literature.
Mr. Duncan, and Mr. Sparhawk have arrived at the threshold, and will very soon bow
at the Shrine of Hymen—from hence we may conclude no Widower will ever die with Grief.2 All Haverhill seem disposed to join in the bands of wedlock—an excellent example
this, in these days of peace and plenty.
We are greatly obliged to Brother Cranch for giving us so early intelligence of Brother
Adam's safe arrival in Spain. Prosperity strew his Paths, and waft him safe to his
destined Shores.
{ 319 } We had no Opportunity of purchasing you any Flour, till after you had informed us
you was provided for—and the money we were in hopes of procuring you some Wheat with,
and after repeated importunities to Judge Seargant,3 we are happy to find you are furnished with some.4 The Judge expected a large quantity and was dissappointed several times, and at last
did not get half so much as he expected.
It would have given us great pleasure to have fullfilled Dr. Tufts's request, but
there has been so much counterfeit Siberian Wheat, that it would not do to purchase
any but of some particular Acquaintance.—My best regards attend his Family, and my
Uncle Quincy's.
If you have any pieces of that straw couloured russel5 that will do for a couple of heel Quarters6 I should be glad you would let me have it, and I send four Dollars for that purpose.—The
two Miss Marshes, and I intended to have had, each of us a pair of Shoes, but the
Man cut them so that we could not possibly get enough.
I hope my Friends will come and see me this spring. Mr. Shaw, and his Man Pratt propose
taking a Journey as soon as the riding will permit but it is not probable I shall
accompany them. I will forbear saying any more, least my sisters should exclaim as
the Man who had a number of Twins, and cry send One at a time—and I will be content. Adeiu, my much loved Friends,
[signed] E. Shaw
1. The Lappington sisters, Betsey and Rebecca, were orphans who seem to have been brought
up largely in the Palmer and Cranch homes in the Germantown section of Braintree in
the years before the war. See Tyler, Grandmother Tyler's Book, p. 62–63, 85, 109.
2. James Duncan (1724–1817), of Haverhill, married as his second wife Elizabeth Leonard of Plymouth in April
1780 (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 6:326; Vital Records of Haverhill, Massachusetts, Topsfield, Mass., 1910–1911, 1:97; 2:95, 387). Nathaniel Sparhawk Jr. (1744–1815), Harvard 1765, of Kittery, Maine, married as his second wife Elizabeth Bartlett,
of Haverhill, in April 1780 (Essex Inst., Hist. Colls., 25 [1888]: 132–133, 281; 38 [1902]:316).
3. Nathaniel Peaslee Sargeant (1731–1791), Harvard 1750, of Haverhill, a justice of the Superior Court of Judicature since
Sept. 1776; later chief justice (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 12:574–580; JA, Legal Papers, 1:cix and passim).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0247
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-04-06
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] April 6 1780
[salute] My dear Portia
There is a great deal of hatred against the Govt. in England as you { 320 } will see by the song inclosed. They are going on, with County meetings, Petitions,
Committees, Correspondences, Associations &c. in our mode.1 What it will come to, I dont know.
They talk in London about withdrawing the Troops, &c., but I suspect, We had better
take em, least they should alter their minds.
At last a Vessell has arrived at Bourdeaux from Baltimore, brings two or three newspapers,
as late as 17 feb. but no Letters.—You have had a hard Winter, but I hope you had
a good fire. I had a harder, without any fire, in Spain.
I am so taken up, with writing to Phil[adelphia] that I dont write to you so often as I wish. I hope you wont complain of me this
time for not writing often enough, and long enough whatever may be the worth of it.
I hope you will advertise me, if there are any Machinations going forward. All well.
[salute] Adieu.
RC (Adams Papers). Enclosed anti-ministerial “song” not found.
1. On the “Association” movement that had begun during the past winter under the leadership
of the Yorkshire clergyman-reformer Christopher Wyvill, see Ian R. Christie, Wilkes, Wyvill and Reform . . ., London, 1962, especially chs. 3–4. In his letters of 3 and 11 April to President Huntington, JA furnished details on the Associators' aims and current activities (RC's in PCC, No. 84, I; LbC's in Adams Papers; printed in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3: 593–596, 610–611).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0248
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-15
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] April 15 1780
[salute] My dearest Friend
By Mr. Guile who is bound to Amsterdam and from thence to France, I embrace this opportunity
of writing to you; and inquiring after your welfare. Mr. Guile was the Bearer from
Mrs. Dana who received them, of the first Letters I received from you. I wish he may
be the safe conveyer of mine to you.1
I have written to you various times since your absence, but have never had one direct
conveyance to France, and I am apprehensive I shall hear but very seldom from you,
unless you convey your Letters by way of Spain and Holland. Be sure not more than
once a year, which is a situation I deprecate.2 Experience has however taught me more patience, tho it has not lessend my anxiety,
or my affection. I wish to know your situation, and to hear of your welfare and happiness,
I have philosophized so long upon my own that I have brought my mind to a patient
acquiescence in it. The social and tender affections have been { 321 } sacrificed to it, yet the agitation of my mind and spirits, has debilitated my faculties
and impaired my Health but I find myself at the same time less attached to the world
and the enjoyments of it, whether I am better fitted for an other is a matter I am
not resolved in.
I have been very fortunate in receiving all your Letters from Spain. I have traced
and followed you upon the Maps through all your peregrinations. It has been a pilgrimage
indeed, and the care of the children must have added greatly to your anxiety. I cannot
wish to have shared with you as it would have been an additional Burden to you.
I have received by Capt. Babson the articles you orderd for me. Mr. Guardoqui has
given in his commissions and Mr. Tracy & Co. the freight, which I esteem very kind
in them as I find 15 per cent freight was paid out of articles imported in the same
vessel by others.
All the articles you were so kind as to send me were very acceptable. The tumblers
came safe. They were all of one size. I should have rather had a part in wine Glasses,
but nothing comes amiss. The Linnens tho rather coars were an article I stood in great
need of, and they are in great demand here. The Tea proves of the best kind, the Hankerchiefs
will turn to good account sold for hard Money, the only currency that can be delt
in without immense loss. I do not wish to tell you the state of our currency, you
may learn it by word of mouth from others.
I am about purchaseing an article which you directed me to, and for which you gave
me Liberty to draw upon you for payment.3 I shall only do it in part. The remittance lately made me in hankerchiefs only would
make the purchase, but as the person would gladly take Bills for the whole, I thought
I would give one for a part as the risk would be his, and pay the remainder here.
I would not have drawn even for that, but I have some prospect of making a purchase
of the House and land, belonging formerly to Natell. Belcher who died this winter.4 I have been trying to agree with the Heir, he asked the moderate price of 20 thousand
Dollors when exchange was at 30, it is now 60 and he doubles his demand. There are
several persons very eager to purchase it, which has determined the owner to put it
up to vendue, if he does shall endeavour to buy it. People here tell me that it was
formerly valued at a hundred pounds Lawfull money. It is not so good now as then,
yet I should have ventured to have exceeded that price as it would accommodate this
place so well, if I could have done any thing with him, but he was more distracted
in his hard money price than in his paper. If he puts it up to vendue, believe that
will be the best chance for obtaining it.
{ 322 } Mr. C. Tufts has left with me a list of a Number of articles which I enclose, which
he wants for his own use, and 7 Louis D'ors, but asked it as a favour that I would
keep the money and let his risk be but once. I ventured to do it, as I enclose a set
of Bills of a much larger amount from which I knew you could deduct the sum if you
pleased. I should be obliged if you will order me 12 Ells of Led coulourd Lutestring
and 12 of black and white changeable with half a peice of black ribbon and a peice
of Narrow about 4 sols per yard with 3 yards of plain black Gauze and 3 of figured.
If you should think proper not to deduct the 7 Louis from the Bills you will please
to order the remainder remitted in common Calico and hankerchiefs which are the most
saleable articles here. I request at the same time that you would not straiten yourself
for supplies to me, especiall[y] whatever you may esteem a superfluity.
Your Brother I fear will very soon become a widower. It appears to me and to others
that his wife is far gone in a consumption.5 Your Mother is in tolerable Health tho much broken I think with the Severity of the
winter which has been very unfavourable to people in years. The old gentleman is almost
helpless.6
All the rest of our Friends are well. Publick News you will learn from the papers.
Some vessel or other will sail for France soon by which I shall again write. The Spring
is advanceing fast, which after the rigour of a Canadian Winter is more particuliarly
agreable to those who do not feel that Lassitude from it; which anxiety of mind, confinement,
and want of exercise produce in your ever affectionate
[signed] Portia
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Portia”; docketed by CFA: “April 15th. & May 1st. 1780,” to cover this and her letter to JA of the latter date (printed below). Enclosures not found.
1. Benjamin Guild (1749–1792), Harvard 1769, had been serving as a tutor in Harvard College since 1776, “in which
Office,” Rev. Samuel Cooper told JA in a letter of introduction dated 11 May (Adams Papers), “he has acquitted himself with Capacity and Honours and is much esteemed by his
Acquaintance. He goes abroad to enlarge his Knowledge of the World, to extend his
Connections and make useful Observations of which he is very capable.” Guild spent
the better part of a year in the Netherlands and France, and then after only a short
time in America returned to Europe early in 1782 on an unspecified errand. Returning
to Boston in the fall of that year, he married in 1784 Elizabeth, daughter of Col.
Josiah and Elizabeth (Waldron) Quincy. It is said that he was “for some time a preacher,”
but by 1789 he was conducting a bookstore and circulating library on Cornhill (now
Washington Street) in Boston. He was an incorporating member of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences and became a donor of books to the Massachusetts Historical Society,
where his valuable though somewhat irregular MS Diary for 1774–1779 was deposited in 1958. See AA to JA, 1 May, below; Guild to JA, 18 Jan., { 323 } 28 Nov. 1782 (both in Adams Papers); JA to Elbridge Gerry, 19 Aug. 1782 (MHi: Gerry II Papers); Harvard Quinquennial Cat.; Charles Burleigh, The Genealogy and History of the Guild, Guile, and Gile Family, Portland, Maine, 1887, p. 85; MHS, Procs., 1st ser., 1 (1791–1835): 33; New Select Catalogue of Benjamin Guild's Circulating Library . . ., Boston, 1789; Adams Genealogy.
2. The meaning appears to be: I can be sure not to hear more than once a year, &c.
4. The Belchers were a numerous family in Braintree and owned several of the farms on
and about the north side of Penn's Hill, at the foot of which was JA's patrimonial property, in part acquired from one of the Belchers; see Waldo C. Sprague,
The President John Adams and President John Quincy Adams Birthplaces, Quincy, Massachusetts, Quincy, Mass., 1959, passim; Pattee, Old Braintree and Quincy, passim. Lt. Nathaniel Belcher (1700–1780) was a neighbor of the Adamses for many years; he had held sundry town offices and
militia commissions and died during the preceding winter (NEHGR, 60 [1906] 1248). JA had had his eye since at least 1771 on Nathaniel's and other Belcher properties,
which he hoped to acquire in order to improve his own farm; see Diary and Autobiography, 2:16–17, 41, 49. It is not certain whether he and AA succeeded in this object.
5. The former Mary Crosby, wife of JA's only surviving brother, Peter Boylston Adams, died on one of the first days of
June, leaving several children, including a newborn daughter, Elizabeth, who lived
only a few months. See Richard Cranch to JA, 9–10 June, and AA to JA, 13 June, 16 July, all below; also Adams Genealogy.
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0249
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1780-04-17
Elbridge Gerry to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia 17th April 1780
[salute] My dear Madam
By the last Post I was honored with your Letter of the 13th March, communicating in
Confidence your Sentiments on a certain publication in the Philadelphia Paper, which
had been too striking to escape the Notice of Mr. A[dams]'s Friends in this Quarter.1
It is not easy to ascertain the Intentions, of the philosophical Society in their
Election of Mr. A . . . . s, or how far they were concerned in making such an invidious
Distinction, but it is highly probable that the List was sent to the press by some
of their Members, and certain it is, they might have corrected the Measure, had they
disapproved thereof. Nevertheless Madam, to pursue these Enquiries, I presume, will
be no Ways pleasing to You, if “the Honor and Character” of our Friend can be guarded
by any Mode that is more agreable, and at the same Time that promises as happy an
Effect.
Previous to the Audience of Mr. Gerard, who was the first foreign Minister received
by Congress, it was determined, that all Ministers { 324 } plenipotentiary, whether sent to or from Congress, should have the Title of “honorable”;
and altho this appeared to many Members unequal to the Dignity of the Office, yet,
in all the publick proceedings of Congress, the Rule has been invariably observed
to the present Time. Doctor F[rankli]n, Mr. A——s, and Mr. J[a]y, are by their respective Appointments Ministers plenipotentiary, and no one who
has seen their Instructions can suppose, that the Powers of Mr. A——s are less, or
indeed that they are not more important than what are given to either of the other
Gentlemen. Dr. F——n's Commission not being renewed represents him to have been “Deputy
from the State of Pennsylvania to the General Congress and president to the Convention
of the said State.” Mr. A——'s “late Commissioner of the united States of America at
the Court of Versailes, late Delegate in Congress from the State of Massachusetts
Bay and chief Justice of the said State” and Mr. J—y's “late president of Congress,
and chief Justice of the State of New York,”2 from all which I think it evident, that whether We refer to the Commissions, Instructions,
or Appointments of the Gentlemen mentioned, Mr. A——'s Rank is at least equal to either
of the others, and by the Resolutions of Congress, he has the same Title.
But the Subject, as You justly consider it Madam, is delecate in it's Nature, and
requires Measures that point not directly at the Object. I am therefore of Opinion,
that it will be well, for the Information of the Friends and Correspondents of our
Ministers plenipotentiary and the Secretaries of the Embassies, to publish such Circumstances
as have been mentioned relative to their respective Commissions and Titles, in the
same Paper in which the List of the Society was published. It may also be proper to
have Mr. A——s appointed a Member of the “American Academy of Arts and Sciences,” for
the Institution whereof I have been lately informed a Bill is depending in the Legislature
of the State of Massachusetts;3 and should You think it expedient to consult our Friend General Warren on the Occasion,
he will undoubtedly promote the Appointment, and see that it is properly communicated
to the publick. A third Mode will be attempted, but I am doubtful whether it will
succeed, which is to move Congress to grant a more dignified Title than “honorable”
to all Ministers plenipotentiary, whether sent to or from Congress; for indeed they
will always have it de Facto if not de Jure.
The Attempts mentioned in your Letter to traduce Mr. A——s in France, are convincing
Proofs of the Necessity of opposing every Measure of this Kind, however trifling it
may at first appear; and I assure You Madam that on every Occasion I shall with the
greatest pleasure { 325 } endeavour to support him as a particular Friend, as well as a valuable Statesman.
At Mr. A——s Request in Novr. last I transmitted You the Rate of Exchange of Specie,
which is now sold in this City from 60 to 62£ for 1,4 and remain with every Sentiment of Respect your sincere Friend & most hume. Sert.,
[signed] E.G.
2. From here to the end of this paragraph Gerry first wrote and then crossed out in Dft the following: “and with some Difficulty carried this point, in order to guard them
and especially the former [i.e. JA], against the Attacks of disappointed Ambition and Envy, to which notwithstanding
his conspicuous Merit, I was apprehensive he would be liable in his elevated Station.
I mention this likewise Madam to shew, that not even the [president?] of Congress, the Minister of France, Doctor Franklin, or Mr. Jay have by the Resolution
of Congress a higher Title than Mr. Adams, whose Commission is by far the most important.”
3. An Act to establish a Society for the Cultivation and Promotion of Arts and Sciences
was passed by the General Court on 4 May and was printed as a broadside (Ford, Mass. Broadsides, No. 2237; Evans 16841; example in Adams Papers). “Hon. John Adams, Esq.” was named therein as one of the sixty-two incorporators of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences, but of course without mention of the offices he held.
4. Gerry had sent this information in a letter to AA of 24 Nov. 1779, which is known to the editors only in a printed summary of Gerry's draft, listed
for sale by Walter R. Benjamin, Autographs, New York City, The Collector, 70:60 (May–June 1957).
Docno: ADMS-04-03-02-0250
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-26
Richard Cranch to John Adams
[dateline] Boston April 26th. 1780
[salute] Dear Brother
I have this Moment heard of an Oportunity of writing a line to you by Coll. Tyler
of this Town who sets out this Day from hence and is going in a Vessel bound to France
from New London.1 I would in the first Place (to fore-close Anxiety) inform you that your Wife and
Children, your Mother, Brother &c. are well.
Mr. Partridge is return'd from Congress last Week—brings no News of importance. Genl.
Hancock and Genl. Ward are not yet set out for Congress. Mr. Adams, it is said, will
soon set out for Philadelphia.2 We have no News from Charlestown, South Carolina, later than the 22d of March, when
the Inhabitants were in good Spirits, had got the Works in the Town in good order,
and their out-works, for preventing the Enemy's approach, so strong that they were
in no great apprehen• { 326 } sion of their succeeding in their Attempt on that Place. The storm that overtook the
Enemy's Fleet after they left N: York, was very Providential. The Loss of their Cavalry
and Warlike Stores was very great, but the Delay of their Attack upon Charlestown
by that means for so long a Time, was of unspeakable Advantage to the State of S.
Carolina and to the Town of Charlestown in particular, as by that means they had time
to compleat their Works and collect Forces from distant Parts to defend them.
We have a strong Rumour in Town, via Plymouth, that a very formidable French Fleet
is arrived at Martinico consisting of 17 Sail of the Line, 20 Frigats and 100 Transports
with a large Body of Troops. Should this News prove true I fancy Britain may soon
bid farewell to the West Indies as well as to North America.
You will see by the Papers the Congress has recommended a total Revolution in the
Paper Currency. The Genl. Court is now sitting here. We have adopted the Spirit of
the Recommendation, and a Bill for that purpose has pass'd both Houses but is not
yet enacted. By this Act a Tax of £72,000 per Annum for seven Years including the
present Year, is to be raised in hard Money, or Produce at a certain Rate; which Sum
is supposed sufficient to redeem our Quota of the Continental Currency at its present
depreciated value, estimated at forty Paper Dollars for one hard one. This Tax is
to be paid in Silver at 6/8 per Oz. or Gold in proportion: or else in Wheat, Rye,
Corn, Merchantable Fish, Barrell'd Pork and Beef, &c. &c. which are to be deliver'd
into the State-Stores free of Charge at a certain stipulated Price, such as the Merchants
would be willing to pay for them in Silver and Gold.3
This is the Fund on which the New Bills proposed by Congress for this State are to
be founded, and will at the end of seven Years be sufficient to redeem them with Gold
and Silver, and pay the intervening Interest. The Form of Constitution has received
various alterations since you left it in less able Hands, that as I conceive are not
for the better. It is now printed and sending out to the People. I let sister Adams
have one of them to send to you in her Pacquet by Mr. Guile (one of the Tutors) who
is going in a Vessel from Beverly, bound to Holland. I will endeavour to send you
another by this Conveyance per favor of Coll. Tyler, if I can get it soon enough.4 Sister Adams has received from Mr. Tracey of Newbury Port the Goods that you directed
Messrs: Gardoqui and Sons to send to her, consisting of several Pieces of family Linnen,
some silk Handkerchiefs, a sett of Knives and Forks, some Glass-Ware &c. I suppose
such Articles, if to be sold here, would { 327 } fetch four Dollars in hard Money, for what cost one Dollar in Europe; so that I think
a few Remittances of that kind from time to time to Mrs. Adams would be very proper.
And upon this occasion I would beg leave to mention to you that if any of your Mercantile
Friends should be willing to become Adventurers to America in that way, I should be
very glad to serve them in disposing of any Merchandize that might be consign'd to
me. I am oblig'd to keep in my Hands part of a very good Warehouse built with Brick
and cover'd with Tile, on the Town Dock in Boston where I could store the Goods without
Expence of Truckage, and would transact the Business on the most reasonable Terms.
And should any of them be inclined to purchase Lands now when so many Confiscated
Estates will soon be to be sold (as I wrote you more at large in my Letter of the
18th. of Jany. last, which I hope you have received) my Connection with Public Affairs
would enable me to transact such Business with some Advantages that a Person in a
more private Station of Life would not have: and my knowledge of the French Language
may also facilitate such a Correspondence.
You will see by the enclosed Paper that I have lost a very worthy Relative Mr. Natl.
Cranch by an unlucky Fall: What makes this Event truly melancholy is the Connection
between him and Betsy Palmer—they were soon to be Married.5
I want to write a thousand things to you but have not time, as I must Seal this directly.
Give my kindest Love to the dear Boys Johnney and Charley, and to Mr. Thaxter. I intend
writing to Mr. Thaxter by the next Oportunity that offers. His Friends at Hingham,
Father Smith, Uncle Quincy &c. are all well. Sister Adams has drawn a Bill on you
for one Hundred Dollars or £22–10–0 Sterling in favour of Mr. Thos. Bumstead who is
making a genteel Chaise for her, she pays the rest here. The lowest Price I could
get it for was three hundred hard Dollars. I suppose Mr. Bumstead has sent the Bill
by Coll. Tyler.6 We were very happy in hearing from you soon after your dangerous Passage. Your Letters
from Spain I suppose all arriv'd safe to hand, but we have not receiv'd a Line from
you since your Arrival in France. I hope we shall soon have that Pleasure, which will
add greatly to the Happyness of our friendly Circle, and particularly to that of your
affectionate Brother,
[signed] Richard Cranch
P.S. I mentioned in my last that it was probable that Borland's Estate in Braintree
would be to be sold before long by Order of Government; should that be the case I
should be glad to buy it if I could { 328 } without selling my own Farm that joins upon it and makes it so very convenient for
me. I should therefore be glad to know from you, by the first Oportunity, whether
if I should be able to purchase that Place [for a]bout7 four or five Hundred Pounds Sterling you would let me draw [on yo]u for that Sum, on my Mortgaging the Place to you for security of Payment? Your Answer
either to Sister Adams or to me would greatly oblige yours, ut supra,
[signed] R.C.8
RC (Adams Papers); addressed (half of address leaf torn away; missing matter supplied from indication
of address at foot of text in Dft): “[To his Excellency John] Adams Esqr. [Minister Plen]epotentiary [from the United] States of [Americ]a at Paris”; endorsed by JA: “Mr. Cranch 26 April 1780”; endorsement repeated in Thaxter's hand. Dft (MHi:Cranch Family Collection); indication of address (as given above) follows text; docketed:
“Lettr. to Bror. Adams Apl. 26th. 1780.” Concerning the enclosed newspaper see notes
5 and 8.
1. This was John Steele Tyler (d. 1813), older brother of Royall Tyler the (future) playwright whose tangled relations a
few years later with the Adams family have been fully set forth in The Earliest Diary of John Adams. John Steele had served in the Continental Army, resigning as major in 1779, and
thereafter in the ill-fated Massachusetts expedition against Penobscot, in which he
held a commission as lieutenant colonel. A fellow passenger on his voyage from New
London to Nantes in 1780 was the aspiring artist John Trumbull, and the two young
men made their way, apparently without difficulty even though they were both former
Continental officers, to London via Paris, where Tyler called on JA late in June; see note 6 below.
On Tyler and his career see Grandmother Tyler's Book, p. 257 and passim; Mass. Soldiers and Sailors; John Trumbull, Autobiography, ed. Theodore Sizer, New Haven, 1953, p. 58–59, 64–66; G. Thomas Tanselle, Royall Tyler, Cambridge, 1967, passim. In the early 1930's, while investigating Trumbull's sojourn in London during the
Revolution, Lewis Einstein brought to light in the Public Record Office a letter written
by Tyler to Lord George Germain from Bordeaux, 6 Aug. 1781, in which the writer offered
to serve in the British forces, asking only £1,000 in compensation for the property
he would thus forfeit in America (Einstein, Divided Loyalties . . ., Boston and New York, 1933, p. 365–366, 447). The offer was not taken up, and
Tyler later returned to Boston without known damage to his reputation.
2. George Partridge had been elected to the Continental Congress in June 1779 and had
attended from the following August until early April 1780. John Hancock, although
a delegate, did not attend at all in 1779 or 1780. Artemas Ward, elected in Nov. 1779,
did not attend until mid-June 1780. Samuel Adams extended his leave from Congress,
begun in June 1779, for a whole year. See Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 4: liii; 5: lvii–lviii.
3. This was An Act making Provision for Calling in, to be destroyed, this State's Quota,
according to the present Apportionment, of all the Public Bills of Credit which