A website from the Massachusetts Historical Society; founded 1791.
close

Browsing: Diary of John Adams, Volume 2


Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0010

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-09

1774. Sunday [9 October].

Went to hear Dr. Allison, an Aged Gentleman. It was Sacrament Day and he gave us a sacramental Discourse. This Dr. Allison is a Man of Abilities and Worth, but I hear no Preachers here like ours in Boston, excepting Mr. Duchè. Coombs indeed is a good Speaker, but not an original, but a Copy of Duchè.
{ 150 }
The Multiplicity of Business and Ceremonies, and Company that we are perpetually engaged in, prevents my Writing to my Friends in Mass, as I ought, and prevents my recording many Material Things in my Journal.
Phyladelphia with all its Trade, and Wealth, and Regularity is not Boston. The Morals of our People are much better, their Manners are more polite, and agreable—they are purer English. Our Language is better, our Persons are handsomer, our Spirit is greater, our Laws are wiser, our Religion is superiour, our Education is better. We exceed them in every Thing, but in a Markett, and in charitable public foundations.
Went in the Afternoon to the Romish Chappell and heard a good discourse upon the Duty of Parents to their Children, founded in Justice and Charity. The Scenery and the Musick is so callculated to take in Mankind that I wonder, the Reformation ever succeeded. The Paintings, the Bells, the Candles, the Gold and Silver. Our Saviour on the Cross, over the Altar, at full Length, and all his Wounds a bleeding. The Chanting is exquisitely soft and sweet.1
1. JA set down his reflections on this experience at greater length in a letter to AA of this date (Adams Papers; printed in JA-AA, Familiar Letters, p. 45–47).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0011

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-10

1774 Monday. Octr. 10th.

The Deliberations of the Congress, are spun out to an immeasurable Length. There is so much Wit, Sense, Learning, Acuteness, Subtilty, Eloquence, &c. among fifty Gentlemen, each of whom has been habituated to lead and guide in his own Province, that an immensity of Time, is spent unnecessarily.
Johnson of Maryland has a clear and a cool Head, an extensive Knowledge of Trade, as well as Law. He is a deliberating Man, but not a shining orator—His Passions and Imagination dont appear enough for an orator. His Reason and Penetration appear, but not his Rhetoric.
Galloway, Duane, and Johnson, are sensible and learned but cold Speakers. Lee, Henry, and Hooper [are]1 the orators. Paca is a deliberater too. Chase speaks warmly. Mifflin is a sprightly and spirited Speaker. John Rutledge dont exceed in Learning or oratory, tho he is a rapid Speaker. Young Edward Rutledge is young, and zealous—a little unsteady, and injudicious, but very unnatural and affected as a Speaker. Dyer and Sherman speak often and long, but very heavily and clumsily.
1. MS: “and.”

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0012

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-11

1774 Tuesday Octr. 11.

Dined with Mr. McKean in Markett Street, with Mr. Reed, Rodney, Chace, Johnson, Paca, Dr. Morgan, Mr. R. Penn, &c.
Spent the Evening with Mr. Henry at his Lodgings consulting about a Petition to the King.1
Henry said he had no public Education. At fifteen he read Virgill and Livy, and has not looked into a Latin Book since. His father left him at that Age, and he has been struggling thro Life ever since. He has high Notions. Talks about exalted Minds, &c. He has a horrid Opinion of Galloway, Jay, and the Rutledges. Their System he says would ruin the Cause of America. He is very impatient to see such Fellows, and not be at Liberty to describe them in their true Colours.
1. See entry of 1 Oct., note, above. The committee to prepare an address or petition to the King brought in its report on 21 Oct., but after debate it was recommitted and John Dickinson, who had come into Congress as recently as 17 Oct., was added to the committee (JCC, 1:102; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:lix). A revised draft was reported on 24 Oct. and approved the next day (JCC, 1:103–104). There is good reason to believe that JA was very dissatisfied with the version adopted, though he signed it with the other delegates on the 26th, the last day of the session (same, p. 113, 115–122). Dickinson later claimed the authorship of the approved text wholly for himself, saying that “the draft brought in by the original committee was written in language of asperity very little according with the conciliatory disposition of Congress” (Stillé, Dickinson, p. 140–148). See also JA to Jefferson, 12 Nov. 1813, where the original, rejected draft is said to have been composed by R. H. Lee (DLC: Jefferson Papers; printed from LbC, Adams Papers, in JA, Works, 10:78–80).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0013

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-12

1774. Wednesday. Octr. 12.

Dined with Captn. Richards with Dr. Coombs.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0014

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-13

1774 Thursday. Octr. 13.

Dined with Mr. Dickenson with Chase, Paca, Low, Mifflin, Mr. Penn and General Lee, at six O Clock.
From 10 O Clock untill half after four, We were debating, about the Parliamentary Power of regulating Trade. 5 Colonies were for allowing it, 5. against it, and two divided among themselves, i.e. Mass, and Rhode Island.1
Mr. Duane has had his Heart sett upon asserting in our Bill of Rights, the Authority of Parliament to regulate the Trade of the Colonies. He is for grounding it on Compact, Acquiescence, Necessity, Protection, not merely on our Consent.
{ 152 }
1. This vote does not appear in the Journal of Congress. The fullest account of the debates of 12–13 Oct., mainly concerned with what came to be called the Declaration of Rights, is in Duane's Notes, printed in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:72–74, 75.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0015

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-14

1774. Fryday. Octr. 14.

Went in the Morning to see Dr. Chevott [Chovet] and his Skelletons and Wax Work—most admirable, exquisite Representations of the whole Animal Aeconomy.
Four compleat Skelletons. A Leg with all the Nerves, Veins and Arteries injected with Wax. Two compleat Bodies in Wax, full grown. Waxen Representations of all the Muscles, Tendons &c., of the Head, Brain, Heart, Lungs, Liver, Stomack, Gutts, Cawl-Bladder, Testicles. This Exhibition is much more exquisite than that of Dr. Shippen, at the Hospital. The Doctor reads Lectures, for 2 half Jos. a Course, which takes up Four Months. These Wax Works are all of the Drs. own Hands.1
Dined with Dr. Morgan, an ingenious Physician and an honest Patriot. He shewed us some curious Paintings upon Silk which he brought from Italy which are Singular in this Country, and some Bonesof an Animal of enormous Size, found upon the Banks of the River Ohio. Mr. Middleton, the two Rutledges, Mr. Mifflin and Mr. Wm. Barrell dined with Us. Mrs. Morgan is a sprightly, pretty lady.2
In the Evening We were invited to an Interview at Carpenters Hall, with the Quakers and Anabaptists. Mr. Bacchus is come here from Middleborough, with a design to apply to the Congress, for a Redress of the Grievances of the Antipaedobaptists in our Province. The Cases from Chelmsford, the Case of Mr. White of Haverhill, the Case of Ashfield and Warwick, were mentioned by Mr. Bacchus.
Old Israel Pemberton was quite rude, and his Rudeness was resented. But the Conference which held till 11 O Clock, I hope will produce good.3
1. On Abraham Chovet (1704–1790) see DAB; also Peter Stephen Du Ponceau's reminiscences of Chovet and his anatomical waxworks PMHB, 63:323–329 (July 1939).
2. On this day Congress adopted a Declaration of Rights, one of the ultimate products of the committee “to State the rights of the Colonies in general,” appointed 7 Sept. (see entry of 8 Sept., above), and of the discussions in Congress, beginning 24 Sept., of “the means most proper to be pursued for a restoration of our rights” (JCC, 1:42). An undated committee (or subcommittee) draft of this declaration, with a caption reading “Heads of Grievances and Rights,” is in the Adams Papers under the assigned date of 14 Oct. 1774[ante 9 September? 1774]; it was correctly identified by CFA and printed in JA, Works, 2:535–542; but the usual attribution of it to John Sullivan (same, p. 377 and note; JCC, 1:63) cannot be corroborated. The paper is not in Sullivan's hand, though neither has the hand so far been identified as { 153 } that of any other member of the committee on rights. The report as submitted, or at any rate as approved by Congress, varies widely from the so called Sullivan draft, containing among other alterations a new and important paragraph written by JA, denying Parliament any authority over the Colonies except, “from the necessity of the case, ... the regulation of our external commerce” (JA, Works, 2:538–539). This paragraph, numbered “4,” was the subject of long and vigorous debate; see same, 2:374–375; JA to Edward Biddle?, 12 Dec. 1774 (Dft, Adams Papers, printed in Works, 9:350); JCC, 1:63–73; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:72–75. Writing from memory in his Autobiography, JA said that “When Congress had gone through the Articles, I was appointed to put them into form and report a fair Draught for their final Acceptance.” This may very well have been so, but there is no contemporary evidence to verify JA's statement unless his mention of staying home on Sunday to put “the Proceedings of the Congress into Order” (entry of 16 Oct., below) alludes to this assignment.
3. In his Autobiography JA elaborates from memory on this conference of the Massachusetts delegates with certain Baptist leaders from New England and several prominent Philadelphia Quakers. But the fullest account is in Alvah Hovey, A Memoir of the Life and Times of the Rev. Isaac Backus, A.M., Boston, 1859, chs. 15–16. James Manning, president of the newly established Rhode Island College (now Brown University), and Isaac Backus (somewhat quaintly spelled “Bacchus” by JA), Baptist minister at Middleborough, Mass., had been sent to Philadelphia by an association of their churches to see what could be done for the relief of Baptists who under Massachusetts law were obliged to pay taxes for the support of “established” ministers not of their own choosing—or who at any rate had great difficulty obtaining exemption from such taxation. On the advice of conservative Quakers, who were not disinclined to embarrass the radical Massachusetts delegates, Manning and Backus requested the conference JA describes. Backus' Diary (quoted by Hovey) gives the names of many who attended and reports the proceedings in full. The discussion was warm and lasted four hours. Backus and Manning pointed out that in a number of instances the Baptists in Massachusetts had been victims of taxation without representation, and Backus recorded that at one point Robert Treat Paine remarked, “There was nothing of conscience in the matter; it was only a contending about paying a little money” (Hovey, Backus, p. 211). Paine's Diary (MHi) is, as usual, laconic on the incident, but on his way home later this month Paine told Ezra Stiles about it, and from this and other evidence Stiles concluded that the Baptists, and Manning especially, were in alliance with the Anglicans and hostile to the patriotic cause (Stiles, Literary Diary, 1:168–170, 472–475, 491, 528; 2:23, 51).
The most protracted of the cases of religious scruple mentioned by JA, all of which can be traced in the histories of the towns concerned, was that of Ashfield. In 1767 certain Baptists of that “new plantation” refused to contribute to the building of a Congregational meetinghouse where they had settled first and had their own place of worship. When property of theirs was distrained to satisfy the tax requirement, they petitioned the General Court and ultimately carried their case to the King in Council. A mass of petitions, legislative acts and resolves, and other documents concerning the troubles in Ashfield from 1767 to 1774 will be found in Mass., Province Laws, 4:1015–1016, 1035–1046; 5:111–113, 143, 228–230, 278–279, 331–334, 371–375; 18:333–334, 450–451. Despite his lack of sympathy with the Baptists' position, Ezra Stiles acknowledged in a long and informative letter of 20 Nov. 1772 that injustice had been done at Ashfield (Literary Diary, 1:472, note). Backus' account of the Ashfield case was published in an anonymous pamphlet entitled An Appeal to the Public for Religious Liberty, Boston, 1773, p. 33 ff., and copies of this tract were handed out to those who attended the conference at Carpenters' Hall. Chagrined as they were by the surprise sprung upon them by the Baptist and Quaker lobbyists, the Massachusetts delegates promised to do what they could { 154 } to redress the grievances complained of, but on their own ground, i.e. in Massachusetts. Accordingly, in Nov. 1774, Backus submitted a memorial of grievances to the Provincial Congress sitting in Cambridge. A Baptist leader who obtained his information from one of the members reported: “It was generally agreed not to do anything about it, but throw it out; when Mr. Adams got up and said, he was apprehensive, if they threw it out, it might cause a division among the provinces; and it was his advice to do something with it” (Hezekiah Smith to James Manning, 20 Jan. 1775, Hovey, Backus, P. 222). The action taken, however, consisted only of a resolution, 9 Dec. approving of religious liberty for all denominations and advising the petitioners to lay their complaints before the next “general assembly [when it] shall be convened in this colony” (Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours., p. 65, 67).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0016

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-15

1774 Saturday. Octr. 15.

Dined at Mr. Wests with the Rutledges and Mr. Middleton. An elegant House, rich furniture, and a splendid Dinner.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0017

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-16

1774 Sunday. Octr. 16.

Staid at Home all day. Very busy in the necessary Business of putting the Proceedings of the Congress into Order.1
1. That is, the final version of the Declaration of Rights? See entry of 14 Oct., note 2, above. So far as the Journal shows, the Declaration had been approved on 14 Oct., but there is evidence to show that some points relative to it were debated in Congress as late as the 17th; see Duane's Notes in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:77–79; and JA's Notes on the “Canada Bill,” under 17? Oct., below.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0018

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-17

1774. Monday Octr. 17.

Dined at Home.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0019

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-17

[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress, 17? October 1774.]1

CANADA BILL.
Proof of Depth of Abilities, and Wickedness of Heart.
Precedent. Lords refusal of perpetual Imprisonment.
Prerogative to give any Government to a conquered People.
Romish Religion.
Feudal Government.
Union of feudal Law and Romish Superstition.
Knights of Malta. Orders of military Monks.
Goths and Vandals—overthrew the roman Empire.
Danger to us all. An House on fire.
1. From JA's loose sheets of minutes of debates (D/JA/22A). In the MS these undated notes follow minutes of debates on Galloway's plea for a plan of union (Debates, 28 Sept., above), but their physical location is a very doubtful { 155 } clue to their date. The question of including the “Canada Bill” (Quebec Act) among the colonists' grievances was repeatedly debated, but the parallels in substance and even in phrasing between the present rough notes and Duane's Notes tentatively assigned by Burnett to 17 Oct. strongly suggest that both pertain to the same day's debate. See JCC, 1:66; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:77–79. It seems likely that JA's notes are the heads of his own arguments exclusively, but Duane's summary of JA's speech is too meager and cryptic to make this conjecture certain.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0020

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-18

1774 Tuesday. Oct. 18.

Dined at Stephen Collins's.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0021

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-19

1774 Wednesday. Octr. 19.

Dined at Home.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0022

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-20

1774 Thursday Octr. 20.

Dined with the whole Congress at the City Tavern, at the Invitation of the House of Representatives of the Province of Pensylvania, the whole House dined with Us, making near 100 Guests in the whole—a most elegant Entertainment. A Sentiment was given, “May the Sword of the Parent never be Stain'd with the Blood of her Children.” Two or 3 broadbrims,1 over against me at Table—one of em said this is not a Toast but a Prayer, come let us join in it—and they took their Glasses accordingly.2
1. Quakers.
2. On this day the Association of the Colonies, or nonimportation and nonexportation agreement, was read in Congress and signed by the members, including JA (JCC, 1:75–81, 127–128 [Nos. 2–5], and facsimile of the Association as signed, in pocket of back cover of that volume).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0023

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-21

1774 Fryday. Oct. 21.

Dined at the Library Tavern with Messrs. Marcoo's [Markoes] and a dozen Gentlemen from the W. Indies and N. Carolina. A fine bowling Green here—fine Turtle, and admirable Wine.1
1. On this day Congress approved an “address to the people of Great-Britain” and a “memorial to the inhabitants of the British Colonies”; and Galloway, McKean, JA, and Hooper were named “a committee to revise the minutes of the Congress” (JCC, 1:81–101). The committee to prepare an address to the King also reported, but its report was recommitted; see entry of 11 Oct. and note, above.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0024

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-22

1774. Saturday. Octr. 22.

Dined in the Country, with Mr. Dickinson, with all the Delegates from N. England. Mr. Duane, Mr. Reed, Mr. Livingstone &c.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0025

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-23

1774. Sunday. Octr. 23.

Heard Mr. Piercy, at Mr. Sprouts. He is Chaplain to the Countess of Huntingdon. Comes recommended to Mr. Cary of Charlestown, from her, as a faithful servant of the Lord. No Genius—no Orator.
In the Afternoon I went to the Baptist Church and heard a trans Alleganian—a Preacher, from the back Parts of Virginia, behind the Allegany Mountains.1 He preached an hour and an half. No Learning—No Grace of Action or Utterance—but an honest Zeal. He told us several good Stories. One was, that he was once preaching in Virginia and said that those Ministers who taught the People that Salvation was to be obtained by good Works, or Obedience, were leading them to ruin. Next Day, he was apprehended, by a Warrant from a Magistrate, for reviling the Clergy of the Church of England. He asked for a Prayer Book and had it. Turned to the 18 or 20th. Article, where the same sentiment is strongly expressed. He read it to the Magistrate. The Magistrate as soon as he heard it, dash'd the Warrant out of his Hand, and said sir you are discharged.
In the Evening I went to the Methodist Meeting and heard Mr. Webb, the old soldier, who first came to America, in the Character of Quarter Master under Gen. Braddock. He is one of the most fluent, eloquent Men I ever heard. He reaches the Imagination and touches the Passions, very well, and expresses himself with great Propriety. The Singing here is very sweet and soft indeed. The first Musick I have heard in any Society, except the Moravians, and once at Church with the organ.
Supped and spent the Remainder of the Evening, at Mr. Jo. Reeds with Coll. Lee, Dr. Shippen, Mr. Cary, Dr. Loring &c.
1. His name is given in R. T. Paine's Diary (MHi) as “Fristo”; probably William Fristoe, a self-taught Baptist preacher of western Virginia, of whom there is a brief account in Sprague, Annals Amer. Pulpit, 6:125, note.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0026

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-24

1774. Monday. Octr. 24.

In Congress, nibbling and quibbling—as usual.1
There is no greater Mortification than to sit with half a dozen Witts, deliberating upon a Petition, Address, or Memorial. These great Witts, these subtle Criticks, these refined Genius's, these learned Lawyers, these wise Statesmen, are so fond of shewing their Parts and Powers, as to make their Consultations very tedius.
Young Ned Rutledge is a perfect Bob o' Lincoln—a Swallow—a Sparrow—a Peacock—excessively vain, excessively weak, and excessively variable and unsteady—jejune, inane, and puerile.
{ 157 }
Mr. Dickinson is very modest, delicate, and timid.2
Spent the Evening at home. Coll. Dyer, Judge Sherman and Coll. Floyd came in and spent the Evening with Mr. Adams and me. Mr. Mifflin and General Lee came in. Lee's Head is running upon his new Plan of a Battallion.
1. On this day Congress heard, debated, and recommitted the proposed address to the people of Quebec, and heard a revised draft of the address to the King, which was agreed to next day (JCC, 1:103–104).
2. This comment was probably evoked by Dickinson's diluted revision of the address to the King; see entry of 11 Oct. and note, above.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0027

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-25

1774 Tuesday [25 October].

Dined with Mr. Clymer. General Lee &c. there.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0028

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-26

1774. Wednesday [26 October].

Dined at Home. This Day the Congress finished. Spent the Evening together at the City Tavern—all the Congress and several Gentlemen of the Town.1
1. Among other things Congress this day debated and approved the address to the people of Quebec, signed the address to the King, voted a resolution of thanks to the Pennsylvania Assembly “for their politeness to this Congress,” and “then dissolved itself” (JCC, 1:104–114). It had already, on 22 Oct., arranged for the printing of its Journal and resolved “that another Congress should be held on the tenth day of May next, unless the redress of grievances, which we have desired, be obtained before that time,” recommending Philadelphia as the best meeting place (same, p. 102).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0029

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-27

1774. Thursday. Octr. 27.

Went this Morning with Mr. Tudor to see the Carpenters Hall, and the Library, and to Mr. Barrells and Bradfords, and then to the State House to see the Supream Court sitting. Heard Mr. Wilcox and Mr. Reed argue a Point of Law concerning the Construction of a Will. Three Judges, Chew, Willing and Moreton.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0030

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-28

1774. Fryday. Octr. 28.

Took our Departure in a very great Rain, from the happy, the peacefull, the elegant, the hospitable, and polite City of Phyladelphia.—It is not very likely that I shall ever see this Part of the World again, but I shall ever retain a most greatefull, pleasing Sense, of the many Civilities I have received, in it. And shall think myself happy to have an opportunity of returning them.—Dined at Andersons,1 and reached Priestly's of Bristol at Night, twenty miles from Phyladelphia, where We are as happy as We can wish.
{ 158 }
1. The Red Lion, in the rural community then called Byberry, now part of Philadelphia City. See R.T. Paine, Diary (MHi), under this date.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0031

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-29

1774. Saturday. Octr. 29.

Rode to Prince Town, where We dine, at the sign of Hudibrass.— Vacation at Nassau Hall. Dr. Witherspoon out of Town. Paine recollected the Story of Mr. Keiths Joke upon him at Howlands of Plymouth, the Time of the Stamp Act. Paine said he would go to making brass Buckles. Keith said he might do that to great Advantage for his Stock would cost him nothing.
Lodged at Farmers in Brunswick.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0032

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-30

1774. Sunday. Octr. 30.

My Birthday. I am 39 Years of Age.—Rode to Elizabeth Town in New Jersey, where We are to dine. Rode down to Elizabeth Town Point, and put our Carriage and all our Horses into two Ferry Boats. Sail'd or rather rowed, Six Miles to a Point on Staten Island where We stoped and went into a Tavern. Got to Hulls in New York, about 10 O Clock, at night.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0007-0033

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-10-31

1774 Monday. Oct. 31.

Mr. McDougall, Mr. Scott, Captn. Sears, Mr. Platt, Mr. Hewes came to see us. All but the last dined with us. Walked to see the new Hospital, a grand Building. Went to the Coffee House. Mr. Cary and Dr. Loring dined with us.
The Sons of Liberty are in the Horrors here. They think they have lost ground since We passed thro this City. Their Delegates have agreed with the Congress, which I suppose they imagine, has given additional Importance to their Antagonists.1
1. CFA provides a useful interpretive note on this paragraph, too long to quote here (JA, Works, 2:402).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0008-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-11-01

1774. Tuesday. Novr. 1.

Left Brother Paine at New York to go by the Packett to New Port. Rode to Cocks at Kings bridge to break fast, to Havilands at Rye to Dinner, and to Knaps at Horse Neck in Greenwich to lodge.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0008-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-11-02

1774. Wednesday. Novr. 2.

Rode to Bulkleys at Fairfield to dinner, and to Captn. Benjamins of Stratford to lodge.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0008-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-11-03

1774. Thursday. Novr. 3.

We design to Great Swamp to day. 42 miles.
At Newhaven, Coll. Dyer, Deane and Sherman, Mr. Parsons, the new Speaker Williams, Mr. Trumbull and many other Gentlemen came to see us at Beers's as soon as we got in. Coll. Dyer presented the Compliments of the Governor and Council to the Massachusetts Delegates and asked our Company, to spend the Evening. I begged Coll. Dyer to present my Duty to the Governor and Council, and my Gratitude for the high Honour they did us, but that We had been so long from home and our affairs were so critical, We hoped they would excuse us if we passed thro the Town as fast as possible.
Mr. Sherman invited us to dine, but Mr. Babcock claimed a Promise, so we dined with him.
2 or 3 Carriages accompanied us, a few Miles out of Town in the Afternoon.
We had the most pressing Invitations from many Gentlemen to return thro N. London, Windham &c. &c. &c., but excused ourselves. The People had sent a Courier to N. Haven on Purpose to wait for our Arrival and return to inform the People we were coming.
Twenty miles from Middletown We met two Gentlemen from thence who came on Purpose to meet us and invite us to dine tomorrow at Middletown. We excused ourselves with great Earnestness.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0008-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-11-04

1774. Fryday. Novr. 4.

Dined at Hartford, at Bulls, where we had the Pleasure of seeing Mr. Adams's Minister Mr. How, who is supposed to be courting here. Lodged at Dr. Chafy's [Chaffee's] in Windsor. Very cordially entertained.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0008-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-11-05

1774 Saturday. Novr. 5.

Break fasted at Austins of Suffield. Went to see a Company of Men exercising upon the Hill, under the Command of a green coated Man, lately a Regular. A Company of very likely stout men.
Dined at Parsons's of Springfield. Captn. Pynchon and another Pynchon, and Mr. Bliss, came in to see Us, and at last Coll. Worthington. Worthington behaved decently and politely. Said he was in Hopes we should have staid the Sabbath in Town and he should have had the Pleasure of waiting on us, &c.
Captn. Pynchon was of the late provincial Congress and gave us some Account of their Proceedings.
{ 160 }
Arrived, about 7 O Clock at Scotts of Palmer alias Kingston, where We are to lodge. Scott and his Wife are at this instant, great Patriots. Zealous Americans. Scotts faith is very strong that they will repeal all the Acts, this very winter. Dr. Dana told Us all America, and G. Britain and Europe ow'd us Thanks and that the Ministry would lay hold of our Consent that they should regulate Trade, and our Petition and grant us Relief this Winter.—But neither the Doctors nor Scotts Faith are my Faith.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0008-0006

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-11-06

1774. Sunday. Novr. 6.

Went all day to hear Mr. Baldwin a Presbyterian Minister at Kingston. We put up at Scotts. Mr. Baldwin came in the Evening to see us.
Hor. B. 3. O. 2. Pueros ab ineunte AEtate assuefaciendos esse rei militari et Vitae laboriosae.1
We walked to Meeting above 2 Miles at Noon. We walked 1/4 of a Mile and staid at one Quintouns an old Irishman, and a friendly cordial Reception we had. The old Man was so rejoiced to see us he could hardly speak—more glad to see Us he said than he should to see Gage and all his Train.—I saw a Gun. The young Man said that Gun marched 8 Miles towards Boston on the late Alarm. Almost the whole Parish marched off, and the People seemed really disappointed, when the News was contradicted.2
1. Not a quotation from Horace's Book III, Ode ii, but a comment on it. In effect: “[Horace says] that boys from an early age should be accustomed to military activity and a strenuous life.”
2. See entry of 6 Sept. and note, above.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0008-0007

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-11-07

1774. Monday. Novr. 7.

Dined at Rice's of Brookfield. Major Foster came to see us, and gave us an Account of the Proceedings of the Prov[incial] Congress.
Lodged at Hunts in Spencer.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0008-0008

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-11-08

1774. Tuesday. Novr. 8.

Breakfasted at Coll. Henshaws of Leicester. Dined at Woodburns of Worcester. Furnival made the two young Ladies come in and sing Us the New Liberty Song.
Lodged at Coll. Buckminsters of Framingham.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0004-0008-0009

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1774-11-09

1774. Wednesday. Novr. 9.

Breakfasted at Reeve's of Sudbury.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0001-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-04-30

[1775. April 30th. Sunday.]1

Heard Mr. Strong all Day. At Night, a Man came in and inform'd us of the Death of Josa. Quincy.—Proh Dolor!2
1. First diary entry in a stitched booklet with marbled paper covers labeled by JA: “Account. 1775.” Not numbered by CFA in the sequence of JA's MS Diaries, this booklet has been assigned the number D/JA/22B by the present editors. It contains only two diary entries (30 April, 3 Sept. 1775) among numerous account entries, mostly for travel expenses during the period May–Dec. 1775, with two detached pages of travel expenses for Jan.–Feb. 1777 laid in.
No diary entries survive for the period 10 Nov. 1774–29 April 1775. On 23 Nov. 1774 JA was “desired to favor” the Provincial Congress, then sitting in the Cambridge meetinghouse, “with his presence, as soon as may be” (Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours., p. 49). Five days later he was elected as an additional delegate from Braintree to that body (Braintree Town Records, p. 453). Presumably he attended from that time until the Congress dissolved itself, 10 December. JA was not a member of the second Provincial Congress, which convened at Cambridge on 1 Feb., but on 6 March he was elected a selectman of Braintree and named on a committee to “prepare a covenant similar to the association of the Continental Congress,” to be adopted by the town “if they think proper” (same, p. 455); for the “covenant” as adopted, 15 March, see same, p. 457–461.
JA's principal activity during the early months of 1775 was the composition of his newspaper essays signed “Novanglus” in reply to the loyalist essays of “Massachusettensis,” who JA long believed was Jonathan Sewall but who was actually Daniel Leonard of Taunton. Leonard's first essay appeared in Mills and Hicks' Boston Post Boy (at the time called the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Post Boy), 12 Dec. 1774. Sixteen more numbers followed, the last being published on 3 April 1775. Several collected editions were published later. JA's answers were printed in Edes and Gill's Boston Gazette, 23 Jan.—17 April, and were discontinued then only because the outbreak of hostilities caused the Gazette to suspend publication for a time. Only fragments of the “Novanglus” papers survive in MS and are published in JA, Papers, (vol. 2:216-387). The history of the collected editions, the last of which appeared in 1819, is complex. See JA's account in his Autobiography, his preface to Novanglus and Massachusettensis.... (Boston, 1819), and CFA's note preceding the “Novanglus” essays as reprinted in JA, Works, 4:4.
On 2 Dec. 1774 the Provincial Congress, sitting in Cambridge, had reelected JA and his three colleagues in the first Continental Congress (Samuel Adams, Thomas Cushing, and R. T. Paine) to the next Congress, and had added John Hancock to the delegation in the place of James Bowdoin, who had never attended (Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours., p. 55; see also 86). JA probably set off from Braintree on 26 April; he traveled with one servant and arrived in Hartford on the 29th, where the present entry was written and where he joined the other Massachusetts delegates, who then traveled together the rest of the way. Paine's Diary (MHi) has the following entry under 10 May:
“Proceeded [from Bristol] to Philadelphia, met 5 Miles out of Town by a Great No. of Gentlemen and military Companys, one of Rifle Men escorted by Music to City Tavern, dind at Mrs. Yards where we put up. PM met in Congress at the State House, Chief of the Members arrived. Chose a President Mr. Randolph, and Secr[etar]y.”
The Salem tory Samuel Curwen, who was about to sail from Philadelphia for England, left a much fuller account of the arrival of the Massachusetts delegates in the city (Curwen, Journal and Letters, 4th edn., 1864, p. 29).
It is extremely unfortunate that JA appears to have kept neither a personal diary nor any minutes of the debates of this session of Congress, which lasted until 1 Aug. 1775. One must suppose that extreme pressure of business was the primary cause of this neglect. In his correspondence JA repeatedly re- { 162 } marked that he and the other delegates had far more than they could possibly do. “We have been all so assiduous . .. in this exhausting debilitating Climate,” he told his wife just before adjournment, “that Our Lives are more exposed than they would be in Camp” (30 July, Adams Papers). His own health was poor and his spirits depressed throughout most of the session. His letters complain of “Smarting Eyes” and other ailments for which he could find no real relief, and still more often of “The Fidgets, the Whims, the Caprice, the Vanity, the Superstition, the irritability of some of us” (to AA, 24 July, Adams Papers). Yet during these few summer weeks Congress established an army, appointed and instructed a commander in chief and a corps of general officers, began the long struggle to organize an adequate supply system, issued the first Continental money, established a postal system, and at least proposed a plan of confederation among the colonies. All this and more business was actually transacted besides issuing various declarations of principle appealing to American, British, and world opinion, including one document that nearly rent Congress asunder, the second or “Olive Branch” Petition to the King, signed by all the members on 8 July (see JCC, 2:158–162), but by some with reluctance and by a few with disgust. JA was one of these few. In his Autobiography he characterized this project of John Dickinson's as a “Measure of Imbecility [that] embarrassed every Exertion of Congress,” and it is clear that this was his view of it from the outset. His feelings about Dickinson as a man and his conciliatory program overflowed in a letter addressed to James Warren on 24 July that fell into British hands, was published, and raised a small tempest; see note on entry of 16 Sept., below.
It would be inappropriate here, even if feasible, to list JA's numerous committee assignments and reports during the May-July session of Congress. They must be traced in the Journal (JCC, vol. 2), which is supplemented by JA's contemporary correspondence and the retrospective narrative in his Autobiography (which is, however, to be used with caution because constructed largely from memory and colored by later political events). Special attention may be drawn to his role in the selection, 15 June, of Washington as commander in chief. See JCC, 2:91; note on entry of 28 Sept. 1774, above; Burnett's note and references in Letters of Members, 1:130–132 (which reprints JA's account); and Freeman, Washington, vol. 3: ch. 18.
2. Josiah Quincy died within sight of Gloucester, Mass., 26 April 1775, on his return from a mission to England, the purpose of which was to explain the position of the American patriots to the British government. See Josiah Quincy, Josiah Quincy, Jr., p. 287–288. In reporting this “melancholy Event” to JA, 4 May, AA said that Quincy “wrote in minuts which he left behind that he had matters of concequence intrusted with him, which for want of a confident must die with him” (Adams Papers).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0002-0001

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Massachusetts General Court
DateRange: 1775-04 - 1775-08

[Account with Massachusetts as a Delegate to the Continental Congress, April–August 1775.]1

Mass. Bay Dr. to John Adams
  £   s   d  
To the Hire of two Horses at £10 each   20:   0:   0  
To the Hire of a Sulky £8:0s:0d2   8:   0:   0  
To the Wages of a servant from the 26 of April to the 14th. of August at £3 per Month 10:16:0   10:   16:   0  
To Cash paid Mrs. Yard in Philadelphia for Board and Lodging for myself and Servant &c. Pensylvania Currency £38:13s:6d3   30:   18:   10  
To Cash paid Hannah Hiltzheimer for keeping my Horses   4:   16:   3  
To Cash paid Dibley & Stringer for keeping my Horses Pen. Currency £8:13s:8 1/2d   7:   0:   0  
To Cash paid Messrs. Marshalls for Sundry Medicines   0:   8:   0  
  79:   19:   14  
{ [facing 162] } { [facing 163] } { 163 }
Cr.
By Cash recd.   100:   0:   0  
carried with me, when I went   50:   0:   0  
borrowed out of Money for the Sufferers, at one Time5   31:   0:   0  
at another   12:   0:   0  
To Cash paid Daniel Smith for Sundries as pr Rect.   2:   8:   06  
To Cash paid J Young for Sundries   3:   0:   07  
To Cash paid at Horse Neck for a Saddle8   3:   0:   0  
To cash paid for a light Suit of Cloaths   4:   0:   0  
To Cash paid for my Expences, keeping two Horses and a servants Expences, upon the Road from Braintree to Philadelphia, and from thence to Braintree together with Sundry miscellaneous Expences, while there   26:   12:   11  
To 2 Days Spent, in riding after Mr. Cushing before I went away, to get the Money granted me for my Expences Self and Horse   0:   18:   09  
To the Hire of an Horse and Man to go to Providence, after my Money which Mr. Cushing said was carried there10        
To the Hire of the second Horse and Man to the same Place for the same Purpose, not having obtaind it the first Time.        
To Cash paid Mr. Joseph Bass for a Surtout and Pair of Leather Breeches before I went—the Breeches were not brought out of Boston, the 19th of April and there they now are in Mr. Whitwells shop as he told me at Hartford   [3:]   [16:]   [0]11  
To Cash pd. the owner of a sulky for the Damage { 164 } done to it, by the Horse taking fright and running vs. a Rock and dashing the Top in Pieces   [12:]   [0:]   [0]12  
1. From D/JA/22B, as are the other accounts which follow in 1775 unless otherwise indicated. This is JA's running record of expenses; he later prepared a fair copy and submitted it to the General Court, together with a file of receipted bills as vouchers, in order to obtain reimbursement. The fair copy, which is in M-Ar: vol. 210, varies in some respects from the rough record; see the notes below. The supporting vouchers are also in M-Ar: vol. 210, but in disorder. Since they throw some light on modes of travel and living on the eve of the Revolution, and since we have no diary entries for this period, the more interesting among them are printed below as separate entries, usually under the dates they were receipted.
2. Fair copy in M-Ar adds: “from April to December.” The sulky belonged to AA's father, Rev. William Smith, and met with an unhappy fate. See last entry in the present document, and JA to AA, 8 May 1775 (Adams Papers; JA-AA, Familiar Letters, p. 54–55).
3. The ratio of Philadelphia currency to New England “lawful money” was as 5 is to 4. This must be kept in mind when comparing the receipted bills below with the corresponding account entries.
4. Error for £81 19s. id.
5. JA had been a member of the committee to receive donations for the sufferers under the Boston Port Act since the summer of 1774; see note on entry of 10 Aug. 1774, above. Returning from Philadelphia in Aug. 1775, he brought with him donations from Berks and Bucks cos., Penna., in the amount of £208 15s. lid.; see his receipt from Moses Gill, 12 Sept. 1775 (Adams Papers).
6. Fair copy has, instead, £3 0s. od. Smith's receipted bill, printed below under 10 July, is in the amount of £2 17s. 2d., Philadelphia currency, so that neither figure given by JA is exactly right.
7. This item is omitted in the fair copy, though JA submitted a supporting voucher for it, printed below under 31 July.
8. Fair copy adds: “after my Sulky was overset and destroyed.”
9. This entry does not appear in the fair copy. The entries that follow are separated from those that precede by a blank page in the MS, and no sums are attached to them.
10. This and the following entry obviously repeat the preceding entry in more specific language; neither of them is in the fair copy.
11. The figure is supplied from the fair copy.
12. The figure is supplied from the fair copy, which also has a total, £134 8s. od., followed by the signed statement: “A true Account, Errors excepted John Adams.” This is correct for JA's account as he submitted it for payment. For the settlement, see JA's Account for Aug.– Dec. 1775, below, and note 4 there.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0002-0002

Author: Smith, Daniel
Recipient: Adams, John
DateRange: 1775-05-13 - 1775-07-10

[Daniel Smith's Bill for Entertainment.]1

Jno. Adams Esqr.
To Daniel Smith  
Dr.  
1775       £    s   d  
May   13th.   To Bottle Brandy     2   6  
  26.   To Bottle do.     2   6  
July   10.   To Quart Spirits     2   6  
      £0   7   6  
    To 5 dinner Clubs with the Delegates   2   9   8  
      2   17   2  
[signed] Recd. the Contents Danl. Smith
{ 165 }
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. Endorsed by JA: “Mr. Smiths Acct.” See JA's Account with Massachusetts, April–Aug. 1775 above, and note 6 there.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0002-0003

Author: Young, J. Jr.
Recipient: Adams, John
DateRange: 1775-06-14 - 1775-07-31

[J. Young Jr.'s Bill for Riding Equipment.]1

John Adams Esqr. B[ough]t of J. Young Junr.  
1775            
June   14.   To a new Pad and Double raind Curb Bridle   £    14   6  
  15.   Mendg. an old Bridle     1    
July   3.   To a Cover for sword Scabboard     3    
  14.   To a small pad for housings     2    
  31.   To a Portmanteau & Strap's   1   7    
    To a Pair Pistol Bags   1      
    To a Male pylion     6    
      £3:   13:   6  
[signed] Recd. the Contents in full J. Young jr.
1. M-Ar: vol. 210.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0002-0004

Author: Yard, Sarah
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-08-01

[Sarah Yard's Bill for Board.]1

Mr. John Adams  Dr.  To Mrs. Yard.  
1775          
Augt. 1st.   To your Board & Lodging from the 10th May to this day 11 1/2 Wks.à 30s. per Wk.   £17:   5    
  To your Servants Board for 7 Wks. 4 days à 15s.   5:   12:   6  
  To your Proportion to the Parlour and Candles 11 1/2 Wks. à 4s.   2:   6    
  To your proportion of the Liquor   13:   10    
    £38:   13:   6  
[signed] Receiv'd the Above in full—Sarah Yard
  38   13   6    
  7   14   8   1/2  
  £30.   18.   9   1/2  
L.M.   £30:   18s:   10d  
39:   2    
38:   13:   6  
  8:   6  
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. The arithmetic at the foot of the paper is in JA's hand.
According to its Journal, Congress adjourned on 1 Aug. to meet again on 5 { 166 } Sept. (JCC, 2:239). But it should be noted that R. T. Paine's Diary (MHi) has under 1 Aug. only the notation “Very hott,” but on the following day: “D[itt]o. Congress adj[ourne]d. ... 1/2 past 12 Clock Sat out, Stopt at Red Lyon. ... thence to Trenton. Lodged.” Clearly Congress met at least briefly on the 2d; see also Francis Lewis to Philip Schuyler, 2 Aug. (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:187). From Paine's use of the second person plural in entries recording his return to Massachusetts, it seems likely that the other delegates accompanied him, but there is nothing to confirm that JA did so, and he certainly reached Braintree well before Paine reached Taunton on the 10th, because on that day JA attended a meeting of the Massachusetts Council, to which he had been elected by the new House on 21 July (Mass., House Jour., 1775–1776, 1st sess., 6:60). See also the following entry and note.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0002-0005

Author: Dibley, William
Recipient: Adams, John
DateRange: 1775-06-28 - 1775-08-03

[Dibley & Stringer's Bill for Care of John Adams' Horses.]1

John Adams Esqre. Dr. to Wm. Dibley & Stringer
1775       £   s   d    
June   28   To hay for two Horses 3/ Oats 2/     5:      
  29   To Ditto to July 2d. 3 days hay 9/ Oats 9/     18:      
July   2   To hay 3/ Oats 1/4     4:   4    
  3   To ditto 3/ Oats 1/4     4:   4    
  4   To Shoeing     4:   6    
  4   To hay 5 days to July 9th. at 3/ a day     15:      
    To Oats 5 days to July 9th. at 1/4     6:   8    
  5   To Triming Horse     5:      
  9   To hay 1/6 to Oats 1/6     3:      
  10   To hay 10 days to 20 July at 3/   1:   10:      
    To Oats 10 days to 20 July at 1/4     13:   4    
  20   To hay 4 days to 24 July at 3/     12:      
    To Oats 4 days to 24 July at 2/     8:      
  24   To Oats 8       8    
  30   hay 3/ Oats 3/     6:      
  31   To hay 3/ Oats 3/ Aug. 1 to hay 3/ Oats 3/     12:      
Aug.   2   To hay 3/ Oats 3/     6:      
Aug.   32   To Oats     1:      
    To Mr. Wrights Bill for Pasture.     10:   4   1/2  
      £8:   5:   2   1/2  
    Shoeing     8:   6    
      8:   13:   8   1/2  
[signed] Wm. Dibley
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. Endorsed by JA: “Dibley & Stringers Acct.”
2. If this date is correct, JA did not leave Philadelphia until 3 Aug., which would make his return to Braintree, where he evidently arrived on the 9th, a fast trip indeed. See note on Mrs. Yard's Bill, preceding.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0002-0006

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Bass, Joseph
DateRange: 1775-04-26 - 1775-08-14

[Account with Joseph Bass.]

    £   s   d  
May 31. 1775   pd. Jos. Bass a Dollar   0:   6:   0  
  pd. him before 2 Dollars   0:   12:   0  
  pd. him before at Braintree a Guinea   1:   8:   0  
Jos. Bass Dr. to John Adams
Aug. 14. 1775.        
To ballance of your Acct. left at Philadelphia, as you recollect it if wrong to be rectified   2:   8:   0  
To a Guinea paid you before we went away from Braintree   1:   8:   0  
To Cash left with Mrs. Yard to pay Dr. Shippen for innoculating you   2:   0:   0  
To Cash paid you this Day   5:   0:   0  
  10:   16:   0  
By your Service from 26th. of April to the fourteenth of Aug. 1775.   10:   16:   0  
Braintree Aug. 14. 1775.1 Received of John Adams Five Pounds lawfull Money, which together with five Pounds sixteen shillings of lawfull Money received before, is in full for my Service from the 26th. of April to this day.
[signed] Joseph Bass jr.
1. The itemized accounts with Bass above are in D/JA/22B. The receipt, in JA's hand and signed by Bass, is in M-Ar: vol. 210.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0002-0007

Author: Cooke, Samuel
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-08-24

[Samuel Cooke's Bills for Board.1]

The Honble. John Adams Esqr. to Saml. Cook   Dr.  
1775        
Augst. 24th.   To Boarding your Lady & Self 3 days   £0:   12:  
  To 3 days Keeping yr. Horse     3:  
    £0:   15:  
[signed] Received the Contents in full for my Brother Saml. Cooke
The Honble. John Adams to Samll. Cooke junr.   Dr.  
To boardg: 6 days @ 2/   £0:   12.   0  
To breakfasting & dining 4 persons @ 9/     3.    
To keeping your horse 4 nights @ 1/     4.    
  £0.   19    
[signed] Received the above in full Saml. Cooke junr.
{ 168 }
1. M-Ar: vol. 210, where it is followed by the second (undated) bill from Cooke, printed here without a separate caption. Cooke's was presumably in Watertown, where JA was attending the Massachusetts Council. AA was with him there from the 22d through the 24th (AA to Mercy Otis Warren, 27 Aug., MHi). In a list of Council members and their expenses authorized for payment on 11 Sept. JA is stated to have attended Council nine days during the first session of the new General Court (M-Ar: vol. 164).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0002-0008

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-08-28

1775. Aug. 28.1

Took with me £70:0:0 consisting in £62:10 Pen. Currency in Paper Bills and £20 L.M of Mass, in silver and Gold.
1. This was the day JA set off from Braintree, but he went only as far as Watertown, where he stayed until at least the 30th, attending Council, before starting for Philadelphia. See Mass. Council Records, 17:61, 68, 69 (M-Ar). With Samuel Adams he left Watertown probably on 1 Sept., since they spent Sunday the 3d in Woodstock, Conn.; see entry of that date, below. In a letter to James Warren, 17 Sept., JA described at length and in his own inimitable manner his cousin Sam's ungainly horsemanship (MHi; printed in Warren-Adams Letters, 1:110–111).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0002-0009

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Massachusetts General Court
DateRange: 1775-08-28 - 1775-12-21

[Account with Massachusetts as a Delegate to the Continental Congress, August-December 1775.]1

1775 Aug. 28th.   £   s   d  
pd. at Davis's at Roxbury for Oats   0:   0:   8  
pd. at Watertown for Horses Servant &c   1:   14:   2  
pd. at Baldwins for Oats   0:   0:   8  
pd. at Buckminsters at Framingham   0:   5:   0  
pd. at Bowmans at Oxford   0:   2:   4  
pd. at Shermans in Grafton at Breakfast   0:   1:   8  
Septr. 4. pd. at Hides in Woodstock for board and Lodgings for Selves and Servants and Horse keeping from Saturday to Monday.   1:   13:   0  
pd. at Clarks at Pomfret   0:   2:   0  
pd. at Carys of Windham   0:   7:   4  
pd. at Lebanon Grays   0:   9:   10  
pd. at Taynters in Colchester   0:   6:   0  
pd. at Smiths of Haddam   0:   4:   0  
pd. at Camps in Durham   0:   8:   6  
pd. at Beers's of N. Haven   0:   6:   0  
pd. at Bryants of Milford   0:   8:   10  
pd. at Stratford Ferry   0:   2:   0  
pd. at Stratfield for Oats   0:   0:   6  
pd. at Penfields of Fairfield   0:   14:   7  
pd. at Betts's of Norwalk   0:   6:   0  
{ 169 }
pd. at Fitch's of Stamford   0:   6:   11  
pd. at Knaps of Horse Neck   0:   16:   0  
pd. at Bulls of White Plains   0:   3:   8  
pd. at Jasper   the Ferryman, at Dobbs Ferry for Dinners and Ferryge   0:   4:   0  
pd. at Mrs. Watsons at Hackin Sack   0:   8:   10  
pd. at Piersons of Newark   0:   2:   10  
pd. at Elizabeth Town for Shewing Horse   0:   0:   10  
pd. at Grahams Elizabeth Town   0:   18:   4  
pd. for Man and Horse to Newark after our Men and to the Horsier   0:   5:   8  
pd. at Woodbridge Dawsons   0:   1:   6  
pd. at Brunswick, Farmers, and at the Ferry   0:   8:   0  
pd. at Jones's at Ten mile run   0:   0:   10  
pd. at Princetown   0:   8:   6  
pd. at Trenton   0:   3:   0  
pd. at Priestly's in Bristol   0:   12:   0  
pd. at Wilsons'   0:   2:   8  
pd. at Shammony [Neshaminy] Ferry   0:   0:   6  
Cr.
Recd. of Mr. S. Adams, for his Share of our Expences on the Road from Woodstock to Philadelphia2   5:   6:   4  
1775   Sept. 14.   pd. for Paper Wax &c   0:   2:   0  
  Octr.   pd. for Tavern Expences on Committees   0:   6:   0  
1775   Octr. 16.   pd. for Papers, Pamphlets Wax, mending a Pistoll, a Bridle &c   0:   12:   0  
    pd. for Tobacco, Plans of Boston Harbour, &c &c   0:   14:   0  
1775   Nov. 1.   pd. Mr. John Wright his Account for pasturing my Horses, 9 dollars   2:   14:   0  
  Nov. 13.   Cash paid for Sundry Medicines   0:   12:   0  
  Novr. 15.   pd. Mr. McLane for a Leathern Breeches and Waistcoat   2:   16:   0  
  Novr. 27.   pd. Mrs. Lucy Leonard for Mrs. Yard £20 P. Curren[cy]   16:   0:   0  
Decr. 8 1775.   pd. Mr. Aitkens Acct.   0:   16:   0  
    pd. Washerwoman   1:   4:   0  
{ 170 }
    pd. John Stille's Acct.   3:   0:   0  
    pd. Mr. Marshalls Acct   0:   4:   0  
    pd. James Starrs Acct   0:   8:   10  
    pd. Mr. Smiths Acct   0:   10:   4  
    pd. Bass   2:   8:   0  
    pd. Lucy Leonards Acct   0:   16:   0  
    Mr. Wm. Barrells Acct.   2:   3:   0  
    Hiltsheimers Acct.   0:   8:   0  
    Joseph Fox's Acct.   0:   10:   0  
    Wm. Shepards Acct.   10:   14:   0  
    one Pr. of Gloves   0:   6:   0  
    Mrs. Yards Acct.   23:   18:   63  
Decr. 9. 1775. borrowed of the Hon. Saml. Adams Esqr. for which I gave him my Note of Hand   25:   0:   0  
1779 [i.e. 1775].   Decr. 9. pd. at Andersons the red Lyon   0:   3:   4  
    pd. at Bassinetts at Bristow   0:   8:   2  
Decr.   10.   pd. at Shammony Ferry and at Trenton Ferry   0:   1:   6  
    pd. at Williams's   0:   3:   0  
    pd. at Hiers Princetown   0:   11:   8  
    pd. at Farmers   0:   4:   0  
    pd. at Ferry   0:   1:   6  
Decr.   12.   pd. at Dawsons at Woodbridge   0:   7:   6  
    pd. at Grahams Elizabeth Town   0:   3:   0  
    pd. at Piersons Newark   0:   3:   0  
    pd. at Hackinsack, Phillipsborough and White Plains including the Ferriage of North River   1:   04:   0  
Decr.   13.   pd. at Knaps at Horse Neck   0:   6:   0  
  14.   pd. at Betts's Norwalk   0:   8:   0  
    pd. for shewing Horses at White Plains and this Place   0:   4:   0  
    pd. at Fairfield for Horse shewing Dinner &c   0:   7:   0  
Decr.   16.   pd. at Bryants Milford   0:   8:   6  
    pd. at Bears's N. Haven   0:   5:   0  
    pd. at Robinsons Wallingford and at another Tav. for Oats   0:   6:   0  
{ 171 }
    pd. at Colliers in Hartford for Entertainment and Horse shoeing   0:   11:   0  
    pd. Mr. Nicholas Brown for a Girt and for transporting my wrecked Sulky from Horse Neck to Hartford 90 miles   1:   5:   6  
    pd. for Oats and Hay at Woodbridges East Hartford   0:   1:   0  
    pd. at Fellows, Bolton for Dinners Oats and Hay &c   0:   2:   6  
    pd. at Windham for Horse shewing and Entertainment   0:   7:   0  
    pd. at 2 Taverns for Oats   0:   1:   4  
    pd. at Providence for Entertainment   0:   12:   4  
    pd. at Moreys Norton   0:   2:   8  
Decr. 21st. pd. at Coll. Howards Bridgewater   0:   6:   0  
pd. Bass's Accounts' first   1:   7:   0  
     2d.   1:   11:   6  
     3d.   11:   5:   0  
Hire of one Horse from Aug. to 21. Deer.        
Hire of another for the Same Time4        
1. This is JA's running record of his expenses for his service in the third session of the Continental Congress. A fair copy, containing rather negligible differences in phrasing, was prepared and submitted by JA to the legislature in order to obtain reimbursement; this is in M-Ar: vol. 210 and is supported by receipted bills for many of the charges listed. The more interesting of these bills (filed in the same volume) are printed below under the dates they were receipted.
2. They arrived in Philadelphia on 12 Sept.; Congress, which had been adjourning from day to day for want of a quorum, met for business on 13 Sept. (Ward, Diary, in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:192–193).
3. As shown in Mrs. Yard's receipted bill (printed below under 9 Dec), this amount is in Pennsylvania currency, which JA should have converted to New England lawful money when entering it here. The fair copy of JA's expense account in M-Ar has the correct amount £19 2s. 9d. inserted by another hand at this point. See the following note.
4. The fair copy enters the cost of these last two items as £20 and reckons the total amount expended as £127 7s. 10d. It then subjoins two “credit” items —the £5 6s. 4d. borrowed of Samuel Adams, and “By Cash reed, of the Treasurer,” £130—making a total credit of £135 6s. 4d., so that JA found the “Ballance due to the Colony” to be £7 18s. 6d. (The Treasurer's warrant is recorded in the Minutes of the Council, 22 Aug., in M-Ar: vol. 86.) This “Ballance” was deducted when JA's still outstanding account for April-Aug. 1775 (q.v. above) was at length settled, 16– 18 Sept. 1776, together with a further deduction of £4 15s. 9d., owing to an “Error of Mrs. Yard's Balance Deer. 1775” (see note 3 above), so that he was finally reimbursed in the amount of £121 13s. 9d. (M-Ar: vol. 210, p. 290, 280–280 A; Mass., House Jour., 1775–1776, 3d sess., p. 175, 196, 281; same, 1776–1777, p. 104, 108).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-03

1775 September 3d.

At Woodstock. Heard Mr. Learned [Leonard] from Is. 32:16. The Work of Righteousness is Peace, and the Effect of Righteousness, Quietness and assurance forever.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-15

1775. Septr. 15. Fryday.1

Archibald Bullock and John Houstoun Esquires, and the Revd. Dr. Zubly, appear as Delegates from Georgia.2
Dr. Zubly is a Native of Switzerland, and a Clergyman of the Independent Perswasion, settled in a Parish in Georgia. He speaks, as it is reported, Several Languages, English, Dutch, French, Latin &c. —is reported to be a learned Man. He is a Man of a warm and zealous Spirit. It is said that he possesses considerable Property.
Houstoun is a young Gentleman, by Profession a Lawyer, educated under a Gentleman of Eminence in South Carolina. He seems to be sensible and spirited, but rather inexperienced.
Bullock is cloathed in American Manufacture.
Thomas Nelson Esquire, George Wythe Esqr., and Francis Light-foot Lee Esq. appeared as Delegates from Virginia.
Nelson is a fat Man, like the late Coll. Lee of Marblehead. He is a Speaker, and alert and lively, for his Weight.
Wythe is a Lawyer, it is said of the first Eminence.
Lee is a Brother of Dr. Arthur, the late Sheriff of London,3 and our old Friend Richard Henry, sensible, and patriotic, as the rest of the Family.
Deane says, that two Persons, of the Name of De Witt of Dutch Extraction, one in Norwich the other in Windham, have made Salt Petre with Success—and propose to make a great deal. That there is a Mine of Lead at Middletown, which will afford a great Quantity. That Works are preparing to smelt and refine it, which will go in a fortnight. There is a Mine at Northampton, which Mr. W. Bowdoin spent much Money in working, with much Effect, tho little Profit.
Langdon and Bartlett came in this Evening, from Portsmouth. 400 Men are building a Fort on Pierce's Island to defend the Town vs. Ships of War.
Upon recollecting the Debates of this Day in Congress, there appears to me a remarkable Want of Judgment in some of our Members. Chace is violent and boisterous, asking his Pardon. He is tedious upon frivolous Points. So is E. Rutledge. Much precious Time is indiscreetly expended. Points of little Consequence are started, and debated [with] { 173 } warmth. Rutledge is a very uncouth, and ungracefull Speaker. He shruggs his Shoulders, distorts his Body, nods and wriggles with his Head, and looks about with his Eyes, from side to side, and Speaks thro his Nose, as the Yankees Sing. His Brother John dodges his Head too, rather disagreably, and both of them Spout out their Language in a rough and rapid Torrent, but without much Force or Effect.
Dyer is long winded and roundabout—obscure and cloudy. Very talkative and very tedious, yet an honest, worthy Man, means and judges well.
Sherman's Air is the Reverse of Grace. There cannot be a more striking Contrast to beautifull Action, than the Motions of his Hands. Generally, he stands upright with his Hands before him. The fingers of his left Hand clenched into a Fist, and the Wrist of it, grasped with his right. But he has a clear Head and sound Judgment. But when he moves a Hand, in any thing like Action, Hogarths Genuis could not have invented a Motion more opposite to grace. It is Stiffness, and Aukwardness itself. Rigid as Starched Linen or Buckram. Aukward as a junior Batchelor, or a Sophomore.
Mr. Dickinsons Air, Gate, and Action are not much more elegant.
1. First entry in booklet “24” as numbered by CFA (our D/JA/24), the first of a series of small memorandum books bound in red-brown leather covers, presumably purchased from Robert Aitken in Philadelphia (see his receipted bill, 8 Dec., below), in which JA kept his Diary and notes of debates for a year. D/JA/24 contains entries through 10 Dec. 1775.
2. The Georgia delegates had actually appeared in Congress on 13 Sept., and their credentials were read that day (JCC, 2:240–242). The present entry is therefore at least in part retrospective.
3. The “late [i.e. former] Sheriff” was still another brother, William Lee; see entry of 3 Sept. 1774, above.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-16

1775 Sept. 16. Saturday.

Walking to the Statehouse this Morning, I met Mr. Dickinson, on Foot in Chesnut Street. We met, and passed near enough to touch Elbows. He passed without moving his Hat, or Head or Hand. I bowed and pulled off my Hat. He passed hautily by. The Cause of his Offence, is the Letter no doubt which Gage has printed in Drapers Paper.1
I shall for the future pass him, in the same manner. But I was determined to make my Bow, that I might know his Temper.
We are not to be upon speaking Terms, nor bowing Terms, for the time to come.
This Evening had Conversation with Mr. Bullock of Georgia.—I asked him, whether Georgia had a Charter? What was the Extent of the Province? What was their Constitution? How Justice was ad- { 174 } ministered? Who was Chancellor, who Ordinary? and who Judges?
He says they have County Courts for the Tryal of civil Causes under £8.—and a C[hief] Justice, appointed from Home and 3 other Judges appointed by the Governor, for the decision of all other Causes civil and criminal, at Savanna. That the Governor alone is both Chancellor and Ordinary.
Parson Gordon of Roxbury, spent the Evening here.—I fear his indiscreet Prate will do harm in this City. He is an eternal Talker, and somewhat vain, and not accurate nor judicious. Very zealous in the Cause, and a well meaning Man, but incautious, and not sufficiently tender of the Character of our Province, upon which at this Time much depends. Fond of being thought a Man of Influence, at Head Quarters, and with our Council and House, and with the general Officers of the Army, and also with Gentlemen in this City, and other Colonies.—He is a good Man, but wants a Guide.2
1. That is, JA's letter to James Warren, Philadelphia, 24 July 1775, which brought more notoriety to its writer than anything else he had yet written. Entrusted (with others) to a well-meaning but meddlesome young Boston lawyer, Benjamin Hichborn, it was captured by a British naval vessel at a ferry crossing in Rhode Island. JA had written the letter in a mood of exasperation with John Dickinson's “pacific System” and alluded to Dickinson as “A certain great Fortune and piddling Genius [who] has given a silly Cast to our whole Doings”(Tr, enclosed in Gage to Lord Dartmouth, 20 Aug. 1775, Dartmouth MSS, deposited in William Salt Library, Stafford, England). This and other reckless expressions in the same letter and in another of the same date to AA, amounting, as some thought, to “an Avowal of Independency,” and likewise intercepted, amused and outraged the British by turns. Literally dozens of MS copies of the letters are recorded in the Adams Papers Editorial Files, but the originals, supposedly sent by Vice-Admiral Samuel Graves to the Admiralty Office in London, have never come to light. Nor did JA himself retain copies. In consequence there is no way of knowing whether or how far the texts were tampered with, as JA asserted, when they were printed in Margaret Draper's Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News Letter, 17 Aug. 1775. From this source they were widely reprinted. The most readily available published texts are in JA, Works, 1:178–180; also at 2:411, note, from early transcripts in the Adams Papers. The story of the interception, Hichborn's escape from a British vessel in Boston Harbor, his efforts to clear himself with JA and others, and the sensation produced by the published letters both in America and England, is too long to tell here and more properly belongs elsewhere. But see, besides JA's account in his Autobiography, Warren-Adams Letters, 1:88–89, 106, 118; Gage, Corr., 1:412–413; Stiles, Literary Diary, 1:650–652 (an acute analysis of the offending passages in JA's letters); Hichborn to JA, 28 Oct., 25 Nov.–10 Dec. 1775, 20 May 1776 (Adams Papers); Jeremy Belknap, “Journal of My Tour to the Camp,” MHS, Procs., 1st ser., 4 (1858–1860): 79–81. Allen French deals incidentally but helpfully with the Adams letters in his article “The First George Washington Scandal,”MHS, Procs., 65 (1932–1936) : 460–474, a study of Benjamin Harrison's letter to Washington, 21–24 July 1775, which was also captured on the person of Hichborn and which, when published, was embellished with a forged paragraph on “pretty little Kate the Washer-woman's Daughter.”
Despite the buzzing of tongues and waggling of ears that ensued, it was JA's considered opinion that the inter- { 175 } ception and publication of his letters “have had no such bad Effects, as the Tories intended, and as some of our shortsighted Whiggs apprehended: so far otherwise that I see and hear every day, fresh Proofs that every Body is coming fast into every political Sentiment contained in them” (to AA, 2 Oct. 1775, Adams Papers). To Hichborn, who was still offering abject apologies, JA wrote on 29 May 1776 that he (JA) was not “in the least degree afraid of censure on your Account,” and indeed thought his own aims had been more promoted than injured by Hichborn's gaucherie (LbC, Adams Papers).
2. William Gordon, a dissenting clergyman who had come from England and was settled as minister of the third Congregational society in Jamaica Plain (Roxbury). Appointed chaplain to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, he was an incurably political parson, corresponded widely with military and political leaders, and began at an early date to collect materials for a history of the Revolution. The four-volume work which resulted, entitled The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment, of the Independence of the United States (London, 1788), though suffering from defects common to its kind, notably plagiarism, is more valuable than has sometimes been recognized, because Gordon knew many of the persons he wrote about and made the earliest use of the manuscript files of Washington, Gates, and others. See DAB; “Letters of the Reverend William Gordon” (including some from the Adams Papers), ed. Worthington C. Ford, MHS, Procs., 63 (1929–1930):303–613. JA's marginalia in his own copy of Gordon's History (in the Boston Public Library) have been printed by Zoltán Haraszti in the Boston Public Library Quarterly, 3:119–122 (April 1951).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0004

Author: Beninghove, Jacob
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-16

[Jacob Beninghove's Bill for Tobacco.]1

Mr. John Adams To Jacob Beninghove  
  s   d  
To 1 Carrot pigtail Tobacco   2   6  
To 6 lb. Cutt Do. @ 12d per [lb.]   6   0  
To Earthen pott   0   4  
  8   10  
1. M-Ar: vol. 210; accompanied by a duplicate; neither is receipted.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-17

1775 Septr. 17th. Sunday.

Mr. Smith, Mr. Imlay and Mr. Hanson, breakfasted with us. Smith is an Englishman, Imlay and Hanson N. Yorkers.
Heard Sprout [Sproat], on 3 Tit. 5. Not by Works of Righteousness, which We have done, but according to his Mercy he saved us, through the Washing of Regeneration and the Renewing of the holy Ghost.
There is a great deal of Simplicity and Innocence in this worthy Man, but very little Elegance or Ingenuity.—In Prayer, he hangs his Head in an Angle of 45° over his right Shoulder. In Sermon, which is delivered without Notes, he throws himself into a Variety of indecent Postures. Bends his Body, Points his Fingers, and throws about his Arms, without any Rule or Meaning at all. He is totally destitute { 176 } of the Genius and Eloquence of Duffil [Duffield], has no Imagination, No Passions, no Wit, no Taste and very little Learning, but a great deal of Goodness of Heart.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0006

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-18

1775 Septr. 18. Monday.

This Morning John McPherson Esq. came to my Lodging, and requested to speak with me in Private. He is the Owner of a very handsome Country Seat, about five Miles out of this City: is the Father of Mr. McPherson, an Aid de Camp to General Schuyler. He has been a Captain of a Privateer, and made a Fortune in that Way the last War. Is reputed to be well skilled in naval Affairs.—He proposes great Things. Is sanguine, confident, positive, that he can take or burn every Man of War, in America.—It is a Secret he says. But he will communicate it to any one Member of Congress upon Condition, that it be not divulged during his Life at all, nor after his Death but for the Service of this Country. He says it is as certain as that he shall die, that he can burn any Ship.1
In the afternoon Mr. S.A. and I made visit at Mrs. Bedfords to the Maryland Gentlemen. We found Paca and Chase and a polite Reception from them. Chase is ever social and talkative. He seems in better Humour, than he was before the Adjournment. His Colony have acted with Spirit in Support of the Cause. They have formed themselves into a System and enjoyned an Association, if that is not an Absurdity.
1. On Capt. McPherson and his scheme, see JCC, 3:296, 300, 301; Samuel Ward, Diary, 20 Oct. 1775, in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:238, with references there.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0007

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-19

1775 Septr. 19. Tuesday.

This Morning Mr. Henry Hill with his Brother Nat. Barrett came to visit us. Paine introduced him to Mrs. Yard as one of the Poor of Boston. He is here with his Wife, on a Visit to her Brother. P. cries You H. Hill, what did you come here for? Who did you bring with you? ha! ha! ha!

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0008

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-20

1775. Septr. 20. Wednesday.

Took a Walk in Company with Govr. Ward, Mr. Gadsden and his Son, and Mr. S. Adams, to a little Box in the Country, belonging to old Mr. Marshall, the father of three Sons who live in the City.1 A fine facetious old Gentleman, an excellent Whigg. There We drank { 177 } Coffee. A fine Garden. A little Box of one Room. Very chearfull and good humoured.
1. This was Christopher Marshall (1709–1797), the well-known Philadelphia diarist and patriot. See Extracts from the Diary of Christopher Marshall, ... 1774–1781, ed. William Duane, Albany, 1877, p. 43.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0009

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-21

1775. Septr. 21. Thursday.

The famous Partisan Major Rogers came to our Lodgings to make Us a Visit.1 He has been in Prison—discharged by some insolvent or bankrupt Act. He thinks We shall have hot Work, next Spring. He told me an old half Pay Officer, such as himself, would sell well next Spring. And when he went away, he said to S.A. and me, if you want me, next Spring for any Service, you know where I am, send for me. I am to be sold.—He says the Scotch Men at home, say d——n that Adams and Cushing. We must have their Heads, &c. Bernard used to d——n that Adams—every dip of his Pen stung like an horned Snake, &c. Paxton made his Will in favour of Ld. Townsend, and by that Maneuvre got himself made a Commissioner. There was a great deal of Beauty in that Stroke of Policy. We must laugh at such sublime Strokes of Politicks, &c. &c. &c.
In the Evening Mr. Jona. Dickinson Sergeant of Prince Town, made a Visit to the Sec.2 and me. He says he is no Idolater of his Name Sake. That he was disappointed when he first saw him. Fame had given him an exalted Idea: but he came to N. Jersey upon a particular Cause, and made such a flimsy, effeminate, Piece of Work of it, that he sunk at once in his Opinion.
Serjeant is sorry to find a falling off in this City—not a third of the Battalion Men muster, who mustered at first.
D. he says sinks here in the public opinion. That many Gentlemen chime in with a spirited Publication in the Paper of Wednesday, which blames the conduct of several Gentlemen of Fortune, D., Cad., R., and J. Allen &c.3
1. On the advent and intentions of Rogers in Philadelphia, see references in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:201, note, and the notice of Rogers in DAB.
2. Samuel Adams had been elected secretary of state by the new Massachusetts government in August (Wells, Samuel Adams, 2:321).
3. Probably John Dickinson, []Cadwalader, Samuel Rhoads, and James Allen. The “Publication in the Paper of Wednesday” appeared in the Pennsylvania Journal, 20 Sept., and was a long unsigned account and defense of a demonstration, 6 Sept., by a group of “Associators” who wished to punish a tory lawyer, Isaac Hunt, and a violently tory physician, the younger John Kearsley. Certain “men of fortune” interfered with these proceedings, and, according to Christopher Marshall, Mayor Samuel Rhoads ordered out troops to disperse the crowd (Extracts from the Diary of Christopher Marshall, ... 1774–1781, ed. William Duane, Albany, 1877, p. 41–42).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0010

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-22

1775. Fryday. Septr. 22.

Mr. Gordon spent the Evening here.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0011

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-23

1775. Saturday. Septr. 23.

Mr. Gordon came and told us News, opened his Budget.—Ethan Allen with 500 green mountain Boys, were entrenched half Way between St. Johns and Montreal, and had cutt off all Communication with Carlton, and was kindly treated by the French. A Council of War had been held, and it was their opinion that it was practicable to take Boston and Charlestown: but as it would cost many Lives, and expose the Inhabitants of Boston to destruction it was thought best to postpone it for the present.
Major Rogers came here too this Morning. Said he had a Hand and an Heart: tho he did not choose by offering himself to expose himself to Destruction.
I walked, a long Time this Morning, backward and forward, in the Statehouse Yard with Paca, McKean and Johnson. McKean has no Idea of any Right or Authority in Parliament. Paca contends for an Authority and Right to regulate Trade, &c.
Dyer and Serjeant of Princetown, spent the Evening here. S. says that the Irish Interest in this City has been the Support of Liberty. Maes [Mease] &c. are leaders in it. The Irish and the Presbyterian Interest coalesce.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0012

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-23

[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1775. Saturday. Sept. 22d. [i.e. 23d].1

S[amuel] A[dams] moved, upon Mifflins Letter, that a Sum be advanced from the Treasury for Mifflin and Barrell.2
Mr. E. Rutledge wished the Money might be advanced upon the Credit of the Qr. Mr. General. Wished that an Enquiry might be made whether Goods had been advanced. If so, it was against the association.
Lynch wish'd the Letter read.—S. Adams read it.
Jay. Seconded the Motion of E. Rutledge that a Committee be appointed to enquire if Goods are raised vs. the association.
Gadsden wished the Mo[tion] put off. We had other Matters of more importance.
Willing. Thought that Goods might be purchased upon four Months Credit. We should not intermix our Accounts.
Paine. We have not agreed to cloath the Soldiers, and the Qr. Mr. { 179 } Genl. has no Right to keep a Slop Shop any more than any Body else. It is a private Matter. Very indigested Applications are made here for Money.
Deane. The Army must be cloathed, or perish. No preaching vs. a Snow Storm. We ought to look out, that they be kept warm and that the Means of doing it be secured.
Lynch. We must see that the Army be provided with Cloathing. I intended to have moved this very day that a Committee be appointed to purchase woolen Goods in this City and N. York, for the use of the Army.
E. Rutledge. I have no objection to the Committee. I meant only that the poor Soldiers should be supplied with Goods and Cloathing as cheap as possible.
Lewis. Brown of Boston bought Goods at N. York and sent em up the North River, to be conveyed by Land to Cambridge.
Dyer. Wanted to know whether the Soldiers would be obliged to take these Goods. Goods cheaper in York than here.
Sherman. The Sutlers, last War, sold to the Soldiers who were not obliged to take any Thing. Many will be supplied by Families with their own Manufacture. The Qr. Mr. General did not apply to Congress, but to his own private Correspondents.
Deane. The Soldiers were imposed on by Sutlers last War. The Soldiers had no Pay to receive.
Lynch. A Soldier without Cloathing is not fit for Service, but he ought to be cloathed, as well as armed, and we ought to provide as well as it can be done, that he may be cloathed.
Nelson. Moved that 5000£ st. be advanced to the Qr. Mr. Genl. to be laid out in Cloathing for the Army.
Langdon. Hoped a Committee would be appointed.
Sherman liked Nelsons motion with an Addition that every Soldier should be at Liberty to supply himself in any other Way.
Reed. Understood that Mass. Committee of Supplies had a large Store that was very full.
Sherman. For a Committee to enquire what Goods would be wanted for the Army, and at what Prices they may be had and report.
Gadsden. Liked that best.
Johnson. Moved that the Sum might be limit[ed] to 5000£ st. We dont know what has been supplied by Mass., what from Rhode Island, what from N. York, and what from Connecticutt.
S. Adams. Liked Nelson's Motion.
Ward. Objected to it, and preferred the Motion for a Committee.
{ 180 }
Nelson. The Qr. Mr. is ordered by the General to supply the Soldiers, &c.
Paine. It is the Duty of this Congress to see that the Army be supplied with Cloathing at a reasonable Rate. I am for a Committee. Qr. Mr. has his Hands full.
Zubly. Would it not be best to publish Proposals in the Papers for any Man who was willing to supply the Army with Cloathing, to make his offers.
Harrison. The Money ought to be advanced, in all events. Content with a Committee.
R. R. Livingston.
Willing. Proposed that We should desire the Committee of this City, to enquire after these Goods and this will lead them to an Enquiry, that will be beneficial to America.
Chase. The City of Philadelphia has broke the association by raising the Price of Goods 50 per Cent. It would not be proper to purchase Goods here. The Breach of the association here is general, in the Price of Goods, as it is in N. York with Respect to Tea. If We lay out 5000£ here we shall give a Sanction to the Breaches of the association. The Breach is too general to be punished.
Willing. If the Association is broke in this City, dont let us put the Burden of Examining into it upon a few, but the whole Committee. N. York have broke it, entirely. 99 in 100 drink Tea. I am not for screening the People of Philadelphia.
Sherman. I am not an Importer, but have bought of N. York Merchants for 20 years, at a certain Advance on the sterling Cost.
R. R. Livingston. Thought We ought to buy the Goods where they were dearest, because if We bought em at N. York where they were cheapest, N. York would soon be obliged to purchase in Phil, where they are dearest and then the loss would fall upon N. York. Whereas in the other Way the Loss would be general.
Jay. We had best desire the Committee of this City to purchase the Quantity of Goods at the Price stated by the Association and see if they were to be had here at that Price.
This Debate terminated in a Manner that I did not foresee.—A Committee was appointed to purchase 5000£ st.s worth of Goods, to be sent to the Qr. Mr. and by him be sold to the Soldiers at first Cost and Charges. Qr. Mr. to be allowed 5 Pr. Cent for his Trouble.
Mr. Lynch, and Coll. Nelson and Coll. Harrison indulged their Complaisance and private Friendship for Mifflin and Washington so far as to carry this.
{ 181 }
It is almost impossible to move any Thing but you instantly see private Friendships and Enmities, and provincial Views and Prejudices, intermingle in the Consultation. These are degrees of Corruption. They are Deviations from the public Interest, and from Rectitude. By this Vote however, perhaps the poor Soldiers may be benefited, which was all I wished, the Interest of Mr. Mifflin being nothing to me.
1. First entry in booklet “23” as labeled by CFA (our D/JA/23), a small memorandum book bound in red-brown leather, containing exclusively notes on the proceedings of Congress, from the present date through 21 Oct. 1775. All accounts of debates through the latter date derive from this booklet, though in the present text they have been interspersed chronologically among JA's regular diary entries.
Saturday fell on 23 Sept. 1775, and there is other evidence to show that the debate recorded here occurred on the 23d. See JCC, 3:260, and Samuel Ward, Diary, 23 Sept., in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:205.
2. Thomas Mifflin had been appointed Continental quartermaster general on 14 Aug. (DAB). His letter under discussion has not been found in the Papers of the Continental Congress or in any other likely repository.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0013

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-24

1775. Septr. 24. Sunday.

Dyer is very sanguine that the 2 De Witts, one of Windham, the other of Norwich, will make Salt Petre in large Quantities. He produces a Sample, which is very good.
Harrison is confident that Virginia alone will do great Things from Tobacco Houses. But my faith is not strong, as yet.
Ld. North is at his old Work again. Sending over his Anodynes to America—deceiving one credulous American after another, into a Belief that he means Conciliation, when in Truth he means nothing but Revenge. He rocks the cradle, and sings Lullaby, and the innocent Children go to Sleep, while he prepares the Birch to whip the poor Babes. One Letter after another comes that the People are uneasy and the Ministry are sick of their Systems. But nothing can be more fallacious. Next Spring We shall be jockied by Negociation, or have hot Work in War. Besides I expect a Reinforcement to Gage and to Carlton, this fall or Winter.
Heard Mr. Smith of Pequay [Pequea], at about 40 Miles towards Lancaster, a Scotch Clergyman, of great Piety as Coll. Roberdeau says: The Text was Luke 14:18. And they all with one Consent began to make excuse.—This was at Duffills Meeting. In the afternoon, heard our Mr. Gordon, in Arch Street. The Lord is nigh unto all that call upon him.
Call'd upon Stephen Collins who has just returned.
{ 182 }
Stephen has a Thousand Things to say to Us, he says. A Thousand observations to make.
One Thing he told me, for my Wife, who will be peeping here, sometime or other, and come across it. He says when he call'd at my House, an English Gentleman was with him, a Man of Penetration, tho of few Words. And this silent, penetrating Gentleman was pleased with Mrs. Adams, and thought her, the most accomplished Lady he had seen since he came out of England.—Down Vanity, for you dont know who this Englishman is.
Dr. Rush came in. He is an elegant, ingenious Body. Sprightly, pretty fellow. He is a Republican. He has been much in London. Acquainted with Sawbridge, McCaulay, Burgh, and others of that Stamp. Dilly sends him Books and Pamphletts, and Sawbridge and McCaulay correspond with him.1 He complains of D[ickinson]. Says the Committee of Safety are not the Representatives of the People, and therefore not their Legislators; yet they have been making Laws, a whole Code for a Navy. This Committee was chosen by the House, but half of them are not Members and therefore not the Choice of the People. All this is just. He mentions many Particular Instances, in which Dickenson has blundered. He thinks him warped by the Quaker Interest and the Church Interest too. Thinks his Reputation past the Meridian, and that Avarice is growing upon him. Says that Henry and Mifflin both complained to him very much about him. But Rush I think, is too much of a Talker to be a deep Thinker. Elegant not great.
In the Evening Mr. Bullock and Mr. Houstoun, two Gentlemen from Georgia, came into our Room and smoked and chatted, the whole Evening. Houstoun and Adams disputed the whole Time in good Humour. They are both Dabbs at Disputation I think. H. a Lawyer by Trade is one of Course, and Adams is not a Whit less addicted to it than the Lawyers. The Q. was whether all America was not in a State of War, and whether We ought to confine ourselves to act upon the defensive only. He was for acting offensively next Spring or this fall if the Petition was rejected or neglected. If it was not answered, and favourably answered, he would be for acting vs. Britain and Britains as in open War vs. French and frenchmen. Fit Privateers and take their Ships, any where.
These Gentlemen give a melancholly Account of the State of Georgia and S. Carolina. They say that if 1000 regular Troops should land in Georgia and their commander be provided with Arms and Cloaths enough, and proclaim Freedom to all the Negroes who would join his Camp, 20,000 Negroes would join it from the two Provinces { 183 } in a fortnight. The Negroes have a wonderfull Art of communicating Intelligence among themselves. It will run severall hundreds of Miles in a Week or Fortnight.
They say, their only Security is this, that all the Kings Friends and Tools of Government have large Plantations and Property in Negroes. So that the Slaves of the Tories would be lost as well as those of the Whiggs.
I had nearly forgot a Conversation with Dr. Coombe concerning assassination, Henry 4., Sully, Buckingham &c. &c. Coombe has read Sullys Memoirs with great Attention.
1. See L. H. Butterfield, “The American Interests of the Firm of E. and C. Dilly, with Their Letters to Benjamin Rush, 1770–1795,” Bibliog. Soc. Amer., Papers, 45 (1951):283–332.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0014

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-25

1775. Septr. 25. Monday.

Rode out of Town and dined with Mr. Macpherson. He has the most elegant Seat in Pensilvania, a clever Scotch Wife and two pretty daughters. His Seat is on the Banks of Schuylkill.1
He has been Nine Times wounded in Battle. An old Sea Commander, made a Fortune by Privateering. An Arm twice shot off, shot thro the Leg. &c—He renews his Proposals of taking or burning Ships.
Spent the Evening with Lynch at the City Tavern. He thinks the Row Gallies and Vesseau de Frize inadequate to the Expence.2
1. In what is now Fairmount Park. See “Mount Pleasant and the Macphersons,” in Thomas A. Glenn, Some Colonial Mansions and Those Who Lived in Them, 2d ser., Phila., 1900, p. 445–483
2. These were defenses of Philadelphia on the Delaware River; see entry of 28 Sept. and note, below.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0015

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-24

[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1775 Monday. Sept. 24[i.e. 25].

An Uneasiness, among some of the Members concerning a Contract with Willing & Morris, for Powder, by which the House, without any Risque at all will make a clear Profit of 12,000£ at least.
Dyer and Deane spoke in public, Lewis to me in private about it. All think it exorbitant.
S. Adams desired that the Resolve of Congress, upon which the Contract was founded might be read: he did not recollect it.1
De Hart. One of the Contractors, Willing, declared to this Congress that he looked upon the Contract to be that the first Cost should be insured to them, not the 14£ a Barrell for the Powder.
{ 184 }
R. R. Livingston. I never will vote to ratify the Contract in the sense that Morris understands it.
Willing. I am as a Member of the House, a Party to that Contract, but was not privy to the Bargain. I never saw the Contract, untill I saw it in Dr. Franklins Hand. I think it ensures only the first Cost. My Partner thinks it ensures the whole. He says that Mr. Rutledge said at the Time, that Congress should have nothing to do with Sea risque. The Committee of this City offered 19£. I would wish to have nothing to do with the Contract: but to leave it to my Partner, who is a Man of Reason and Generosity, to explain the Contract with the Gentlemen who made it with him.
J. Rutledge. Congress was to run no Risque only vs. Men of War and Customhouse officers. I was surprized this Morning to hear that Mr. Morris understood it otherwise. If he wont execute a Bond, such as We shall draw, I shall not be at a loss what to do.
Johnson. An hundred Ton of Powder was wanted.
Ross. In Case of its Arrival Congress was to pay £14. If Men of War, or Custom house officers, should get it, Congress was to pay first Cost only as I understood it.
Zubly. We are highly favoured. 14£ We are to give if We get the Powder: and 14£ if We dont get it. I understand Persons enough will contract to supply Powder at 15£ and run all risques.
Willing. Sorry any Gentleman should be severe. Mr. Morris's Character is such that he cannot deserve it.
Lynch. If Morris will execute the Bond, well, if not the Committee will report.
Deane. It is very well that this matter has been moved and that so much has been said upon it.
Dyer. There are not Ten Men in the Colony I come from, who are worth so much Money as will be made clear2 by this Contract.
Ross. What has this Matter to [do with] the present debate, whether Connecticutt Men are worth much or no. It proves there are no Men there whose Capital or Credit are equal to such Contracts. That is all.
Harrison. The Contract is made and the Money paid. How can We get it back?
Johnson. Let us consider the Prudence of this Contract. If it had not been made Morris would have got 19£, and not have set forward a second Adventure.
Gadsden. Understands the Contract as Morris does, and yet thinks it a prudent one, because Morris would have got 19£.
J. Adams. ——&c. &c. &c.
{ 185 }
Cushing. I move that We take into Consideration a Method of keeping up an Army in the Winter.
Gadsden. Seconds the Motion and desires that a Motion made in Writing some days ago, and postponed may be read as it was. As also Passages of G. Washingtons Letter.
S. Adams. The General has promised another Letter in which We shall have his Sentiments. We shall have it tomorrow perhaps.
Lynch. If We have, We shall only loose the Writing of a Letter.
J. Adams moved that the Generals Advice should be asked concerning Barracks &c. and that a Committee be appointed to draught a Letter. Lynch seconded the Motion.
A Committee was appointed. Lynch, J. Adams, and Coll. Lee the Men.3
Sherman moved that a Committee be appointed of one Member from each Colony, to receive, and examine all Accounts.
S. Adams seconded the Motion.
Harrison asked is this the Way of giving Thanks?
S. Adams. Was decent to the Committee for Rifle Mens Accounts, meant no Reflections upon them, was sorry that the worthy Gentleman from Virginia, conceived that any was intended. He was sure there was no foundation for it.
Paine. Thought that Justice and Honour required that We should carefully examine all Accounts, and see to the Expenditure of all public Monies.
That the Minister would find out our Weakness, and would foment divisions among our People.
He was sorry that Gentlemen could not hear Methods proposed, to settle and pay Accounts in a manner that would give Satisfaction to the People, without seeming to resent them.
Harrison. Now the Gentlemen have explained themselves he had no Objection, but when it was proposed to appoint a new Committee in the Place of the former one, it implied a Reflection.
Deane. ——.
Willing. These Accounts are for Tents, Arms, Cloathing, &c. as well as Expences of the Riflemen, &c.
Nelson moved that 20,000 dollars be voted into the Hands of the other Committee to settle the Accounts.
S. Adams. Seconded the Motion, but still hoped that some time or other, a Committee would be appointed of one Member from each Colony, to examine all Accounts because he thought it reasonable.4
{ 186 }
1. See JCC, 2:253–255.
2. “made clear” here means “cleared.”
3. See JCC, 3:261, which indicates that two letters from Washington were involved, apparently those dated 4 and 31 Aug. (Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 3:390–399, 461–463). The committee reported a draft answer on 26 Sept., which was agreed to and sent over Pres. Hancock's name the same day (JCC, 3:263; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:207–209).
4. According to the Journal, such a committee was in fact appointed this day (JCC, 3:262).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0016

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-26

1775 Septr. 26. Tuesday.

Wrote to Mrs. A. and Mr. and Mrs. W.1
1. The letter to AA is in the Adams Papers and is unpublished; those to James and Mercy Warren are in MHi and are printed in Warren-Adams Letters, 1:115–118.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0017

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-27

1775. Septr. 27. Wednesday.

Mr. Bullock and Mr. Houstoun, the Gentlemen from Georgia, invited S.A. and me to spend the Evening with them in their Chamber, which We did very agreably and socially. Mr. Langdon of N. Hampshire was with us.
Mr. Bullock after Dinner invited me to take a ride with him in his Phaeton which I did. He is a solid, clever Man. He was President of their Convention.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0018

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-27

[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1775. Septr. 27.

Willing in favour of Mr. Purveyances Petition.1Harrison vs. it.
Willing thinks the Non Exportation sufficiently hard upon the Farmer, the Merchant and the Tradesman, but will not arraign the Propriety of the Measure.
Nelson. If We give these Indulgences, I know not where they will end. Sees not why the Merchant should be indulged more than the Farmer.
Harrison. It is the Merchant in England that is to suffer.
Lynch. They meant gain and they ought to bear the Loss.
Sherman. Another Reason. The Cargo is Provisions and will probably fall into the Hands of the Enemy.
R. R. Livingston. There is no Resolve of Congress vs. exporting to foreign Ports. We shall not give Licence to deceit, by clearing out for England.
Lynch. Moves that the Committee of this City, be desired to enquire whether Deans Vessell taken at Block Island and another at Cape Codd, were not sent on Purpose to supply the Enemy.
{ 187 }
Recd. The Committee of this City have enquired of the owners of one Vessell. The owners produc'd their Letter Books, and were ready to swear. The Conduct of the Captain is yet suspicious. Thinks the other Enquiry very proper.
Lee. Thinks Lynches Motion proper. Thinks the conduct detestible Parricide—to supply those who have Arms in their Hands to deprive us of the best Rights of human Nature. The honest Seamen ought to be examined, and they may give Evidence vs. the guilty.
Hancock. Deane belongs to Boston. He came from W. Ind[ies] and was seized here, and released. Loaded with flour and went out.
1. A memorial of Samuel and Robert Purviance, the well-known Baltimore merchants, is summarized under this date in JCC, 3:264. It was tabled.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0019

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-09-28

1775. Sept. 28. Thursday.

The Congress, and the Assembly of this Province were invited to make an Excursion upon Delaware River in the new Row Gallies built by the Committee of Safety of this Colony. About Ten in the Morning We all embarked. The Names of the Gallies are the Washington, the Effingham, the Franklin, the Dickenson, the Otter, the Bull Dog, and one more, whose Name I have forgot. We passed down the River by Glocester where the Vesseau de Frize are. These a[re] Frames of Timber to be fill'd with Stones and sunk, in three Rowes, in the Channell.1
I went in the Bull Dog Captn. Alexander Commander. Mr. Hillegas, Mr. Owen Biddle, and Mr. Rittenhouse, and Capt. Faulkner [Falconer] were with me. Hillegas is one of our Continental Treasurers, is a great Musician—talks perpetually of the Forte and Piano, of Handell &c. and Songs and Tunes. He plays upon the Fiddle.
Rittenhouse is a Mechannic, a Mathematician, a Philsosopher and an Astronomer.
Biddle is said to be a great Mathematician. Both are Members of the American Philosophical Society. I mentioned Mr. Cranch to them for a Member.
Our Intention was to have gone down to the Fort2 but the Winds and Tide being unfavourable We returned by the City and went up the River to Point no Point, a pretty Place.3 On our Return Dr. Rush, Dr. Zubly and Counciller Ross, Brother of George Ross, joined us.4
Ross is a Lawyer, of great Eloquence, and heretofore of extensive Practice. A great Tory, they say, but now begins to be converted. He said the Americans were making the noblest and firmest Resistance to Tyranny that ever was made by any People. The Acts were founded in { 188 } Wrong, Injustice and Oppression. The great Town of Boston had been remarkably punished without being heard.
Rittenhouse is a tall, slender Man, plain, soft, modest, no remarkable Depth, or thoughtfullness in his Face—yet cool, attentive, and clear.
1. JA had furnished a brief description of the “Row Gallies” or “gondolas” in a letter to Col. Josiah Quincy, 29 July (MHi; printed in JA, Works, 9:362). Immediately after the evacuation of Boston by the British, JA wrote to Cotton Tufts advising that vaisseaux de frise be used to defend Boston Harbor: “They are large Frames of great Timber, loaded with stone and sunk—great Timbers barbed with Iron, pointed and feathered, are placed in such a Posture as to intangle a Vessell, and shatter her, and sink her” (29 March 1776, NhHi). See drawings in PMHB, 65 (1941):354; also David B. Tyler, The Bay and River Delaware, Cambridge, Md., 1955, P. 32–33.
2. Later named Fort Mifflin and located on Mud (sometimes called Fort) Island, just below the mouth of the Schuylkill.
3. Near the mouth of Frankford Creek in the region called Richmond. JA described it in detail in a letter to AA, 25 May 1777 (Adams Papers; printed in JA, Letters, ed. CFA, 1:230–231).
4. Rush gave his recollections of this jaunt on the Delaware in a letter to JA, 13 April 1790 (Adams Papers; printed in Benjamin Rush, Letters, 1:545).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-04

[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] Oct. 3 [i.e. 4].1

Johnson. I should be for the Resolutions about Imports and Exports, standing, till further order.
I should be vs. giving up the Carriage. The Grower, the Farmer gets the same, let who will be the Exporter. But the Community does not. The Shipwright, Ropemaker, Hempgrower, all Shipbuilders, the Profits of the Merchant are all lost, if Foreigners are our sole Carriers, as well as Seamen, &c. I am for the Report standing, the Association standing.
J. Rutledge. The Question is whether We shall shut our Ports entirely, or adhere to the Association. The Re[solutions] we come to, ought to be final.
Lee. N. Carolina is absent. They are expected every Hour. We had better suspend a final Determination. I fear our determination to stop Trade, will not be effectual.
Willing. N.C. promised to put themselves in the same situation with other Colonies.2N. York have done the same. Our Gold is lok'd up, at present. We ought to be decisive. Interest is near and dear to Men. The Committee of Secrecy3 find Difficulties. Merchants dare not trade.
Deane. Sumptuary Laws, or a Non Imp[ortation] were necessary, if We had not been oppressed. A N[on] Export[ation] was attended with Difficulty. My Colony could do as well as others. We should have acquiesced in an immediate Non Export. or a partial one. Many voted { 189 } for it as an Object in Terrorem. Merchants, Mechanicks, Farmers, all call for an Establishment.
Whether We are to Trade with all Nations except B[ritain], Ireland and West Indies, or with one or two particular Nations, We cannot get ammunition without allowing some Exports, for The Merchant has neither Money nor Bills, and our Bills will not pass abroad.
R. R. Livingston. We should go into a full Discussion of the Subject. Every Gentleman ought to express his Sentiments. The 1st Q. is how far we shall adhere to our Association—What advantages we gain, What Disadvantages we suffer, by it. An immediate Stoppage last year would have had a great Effect: But at that time the Country could not bear it. We are now out of Debt, nearly.
The high Price of Grain in B. will be an advantage to the Farmer. The Price of Labour is nearly equal in Europe. The Trade will be continued and G.B. will learn to look upon America as insignificant. If We export to B. and dont import, they must pay Us in Money. Of great Importance that We should import. We employ our Ships and Seamen. We have nothing to fear but Disunion among ourselves. What will disunite us, more than the Decay of all Business. The People will feel, and will say that Congress tax them and oppress them worse than Parliament.
Ammunition cannot be had unless We open our Ports. I am for doing away our Non Exportation Agreement entirely. I see many Advantages in leaving open the Ports, none in shutting them up. I should think the best way would be to open all our Ports. Let us declare all those Bonds illegal and void. What is to become of our Merchants, Farmers, Seamen, Tradesmen? What an Accession of Strength should We throw into the Hands of our Enemies, if We drive all our Seamen to them.
Lee. Is it proper that Non Export. Ag[reemen]t should continue. For the Interest4 of Americans to open our Ports to foreign Nations, that they should become our Carriers, and protect their own Vessells.
Johnson. Never had an Idea that We should shut our Export. Agreement closer than it is at present. If We leave it as it is, We shall get Powder by Way of N. York, the lower Counties and N. Carolina. In Winter our Merchants will venture out to foreign Nations. If Parliament should order our Ships to be seized, We may begin a Force in Part to protect our own Vessells, and invite Foreigners to come here and protect their own Trade.
J. Rutledge. We ought to postpone it, rather than not come to a decisive Resolution.
{ 190 }
Lee. We shall be prevented from exporting if B. Power can do it. We ought to stop our own Exports, and invite foreign Nations to come and export our Goods for Us.
I am for opening our Exportations to foreigners farther than We have.
Willing. The Gents, favorite Plan is to induce foreigners to come here. Shall We act like the Dog in the Manger, not suffer N.Y. and the lower Counties and N. Carolina to export because We cant. We may get Salt and Ammunition by those Ports. Cant be for inviting foreigners to become our Carriers. Carriage is an amazing Revenue. Holland and England have derived their maritime Power from their Carriage. The Circulation of our Paper will stop, and [lose?] its Credit without Trade. 7 Millions of Dollars have been struck by the Continent and by the separate Colonies.
Lee. The End of Administration will be answered by the Gentns. Plan. Jealousies and Dissensions will arise and Disunion and Division. We shall become a Rope of Sand.
Zubly. The Q. should be whether the Export should be kept or not.
Chace. I am for adhering to the Association and think that We ought not to determine these Questions this day. Differ from R. Livingston,5 our Exports are to be relaxed except as to Tobacco and Lumber. This will produce a Disunion of the Colonies. The Advantage of cultivating Tobacco is very great. The Planters would complain. Their Negro females would be useless without raising tobacco.
That Country must grow rich that Exports more than they import. There ought not to be a partial Export to Great Britain. We affect the Revenue and the Remittance, by stopping our Exports. We have given a deadly Blow to B. and Ireland, by our Non Export. Their People must murmur, must starve. The Nation must have become Bankrupt before this day if We had ceased Exports at first. I look upon B., I. and W.I. as our Enemies, and would not trade with them, while at War.
We cant support the War and our Taxes, without Trade. Emissions of Paper cannot continue. I dread an Emission for another Campaign. We cant stand it without Trade.
I cant agree that N.Y., the lower Counties and N. Carolina, should carry on Trade. Upon giving a Bond, and making Oath, they may export. I am vs. these Colonies trading according to the restraining Act. It will produce Division. A few Weeks will put us all on a footing. N. York &c. are now all in Rebellion as the Ministry call it, as much as Mass. Bay.
We must trade with foreign Nations, at the Risque indeed. But We may export our Tobacco to France, Spain or any other foreign Nation. { 191 } If We treat with foreign Nations, We should send to them as well as they to Us.
What Nation or Countries shall We trade with. Shall We go to there Ports and pay duties, and let them come here and pay none.
To say you will trade with all the World, deserves Consideration.
I have not absolutely discarded every Glimpse of a Hope of Reconciliation. Our Prospect is gloomy. I cant agree, that We shall not export our own Produce. We must treat with foreign Nations upon Trade. They must protect and support Us with their Fleets.
When you once offer your Trade to foreign Nations, away with all Hopes of Reconciliation.
E. Rutledge. Differs with all who think the Non Exportation should be broke, or that any Trade at all should be carried on.
When a Commodity is out of Port, the Master may carry it where he pleases.
My Colony will receive your Determination upon a general Non Export. The People will not be restless. Proposes a general Non Export, untill next Congress.
Our People will go into Manufactures, which is a Source of Riches to a Country. We can take our Men from Agriculture, and employ them in Manufactures.
Agriculture and Manufactures cannot be lost. Trade is precarious.
R. R. Livingston. Not convinced by any Argument. Thinks the exception of Tobacco and Lumber, would not produce Disunion. The Colonies affected can see the Principles, and their Virtue is such that they would not be disunited.
The Americans are their own Carriers now, chiefly. A few British Ships will be out of Employ.
I am vs. exporting Lumber. I grant that if We trade with other Nations, some of our Vessells will be seized and some taken. Carolina is cultivated by rich Planters—not so in the northern Colonies. The Planters can bear a Loss and see the Reason of it. The northern Colonies cant bear it.
Not in our Power to draw People from the Plough to Manufactures.
We cant make Contracts for Powder, without opening our Ports. I am for exporting where B. will allow Us, to Britain itself. If We shut up our Ports, We drive our Sailors to Britain. The Army will be supplied, in all Events.
Lee makes a Motion for 2 Resolutions. The Trade of Virginia and Maryland may be stopped by a very small naval Force. N. Carolina is badly off. The Northern Colonies are more fortunate.
The Force of G.B. on the Water being exceedingly great, that of { 192 } America, almost nothing—they may prevent allmost all our Trade, in our own Bottoms.
G.B. may exert every Nerve next Year, to send 15, 20, or even 30,000 Men to come here.
The Provisions of America, are become necessary to several Nations. France is in Distress for them. Tumults and Attempts to destroy the Grain in the Year [Ear], England has turned Arable into Grass—France into Vines. Grain cant be got from Poland, nor across the Mediterranean. The Dissentions in Poland continue. Spain is at War with the Algerians, and must have Provisions. It would be much safer for them to carry our Provisions than for Us. We shall get necessary Manufactures and Money and Powder.
This is only a temporary Expedient, at the present Time, and for a short Duration—to End when the War ends. I agree We must sell our Produce. Foreigners must come in 3 or 4 Months. The Risque We must pay, in the Price of our Produce. The Insurance must be deducted. Insurance would not be high to foreigners on account of the Novelty. It is no new Thing. The B. Cruizers will be the Danger.
1. The debates recorded here, in the next entry, and in others farther on, took place in a committee of the whole on “the state of the trade of the thirteen Colonies,” which sat repeatedly during this session to discuss a report of a committee on American trade appointed 22 September. From time to time the committee of the whole reported recommendations for action but as late as 23 Dec. had not finished its deliberations. See JCC, 3:259, 268–269, 276, 291–293, 307–308, 314–315, 361–364, 455. JA's own views on the momentous questions at issue (e.g. the problem of obtaining powder and other essential munitions, of commercial relations with foreign powers, of building a navy) do not appear in his notes of the debates, but he wrote frequently to James Warren about them while the debates were going on; see his letters of 7, 19 (bis), 20, and 28 Oct. (MHi; printed in Warren-Adams Letters, 1:126–129, 145–147, 155–156, 166–167). Since JA took these notes hastily and never revised them, there are passages among them that remain cryptic. For example, Samuel Chase's rambling speech appears to argue on both sides of more than one of the questions at issue.
2. The ports of New York, Delaware (“the three lower Counties”), North Carolina, and Georgia had not been closed by the so-called Restraining Acts of March–April 1775 (15 Geo. 3, chs. 10, 18). But as Chase predicted in the course of this debate, they were soon to be (by the Prohibitory Act of Dec. 1775; 16 Geo. 3, ch. 5), and all the mainland colonies “put ... on a footing.” Thus much of the warm discussion in committee of the whole was irrelevant and immaterial.
3. The committee agreed to and appointed, 18–19 Sept., “to contract and agree for the importation and delivery” of powder and other munitions (JCC, 2:253–255).
4. That is, “It is for the Interest...”
5. Here supply “who holds that” or some equivalent phrase.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-05

[Notes of Debates, Continued] Octr. 5.

Gadsden. I wish we may confine ourselves to one Point. Let the { 193 } Point be whether We shall shut up all our Ports, and be all on a footing. The Ministry will answer their End, if We let the Custom houses be open, in N.Y., N.C., the lower Counties and Georgia. They will divide us. One Colony will envy another, and be jealous. Mankind act by their feelings. Rice sold for £3—it wont sell now for 30s. We have rich and poor there as in other Colonies. We know that the excepted Colonies dont want to take Advantage of the others.
Zubly. Q. whether the Custom houses be stopped, and the Trade opened to all the World. The object is so great that I would not discuss it, on Horse back, riding Post haste. It requires the debate of a Week. We are lifting up a Rod—if you dont repeal the Acts, We will open our Ports.
Nations as well as Individuals are sometimes intoxicated. It is fair to give them Notice. If We give them Warning, they will take Warning. They will send Ships out. Whether they can stop our Trade, is the Question. N. England I leave out of the Question. N.Y. is stopped by one Ship. Philadelphia says her Trade is in the Power of the fleet. V[irginia] and Maryland, is within the Capes of Virginia. N. Carolina is accessible. Only one good Harbour, Cape Fear. In G[eorgia] We have several Harbours, but a small naval Force may oppose or destroy all the naval Force of Georgia.
The Navy can stop our Harbours and distress our Trade. Therefore it is impracticable, to open our Ports.
The Q. is whether we must have Trade or not. We cant do without Trade. We must have Trade. It is prudent not to put Virtue to too serious a Test. I would use American Virtue, as sparingly as possible lest We wear it out.
Are We sure one Cano will come to trade? Has any Merchant received a Letter from Abroad, that they will come. Very doubtfull and precarious whether any French or Spanish Vessell would be cleared out to America. It is a Breach of the Treaty of Peace. The Spaniards may be too lazy to come to America. They may be supplied from Sicily. It is precarious, and dilatory—extreamly dangerous—and pernicious.
I am clearly vs. any Proposition to open our Ports to all the World. It is not prudent to threaten.
The People of England will take it we design to break off, to separate. We have Friends in Eng. who have taken this up, upon virtuous Principles.
Lee. I will follow Mr. Gadsden and simplify the Proposition, and confine it to the Q. whether the Custom houses shall be shut? If they are open, the excepted Colonies may trade, others not, which will be { 194 } unequal. The Consequence Jealousy, Division and Ruin. I would have all suffer equally. But We should have some Offices, set up, where Bond should be given that Supplies shall not go to our Enemies.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-06

[Notes of Debates, Continued] Octr. 6.

Chase. I dont think the Resolution goes far enough.1 Ld. Dunmore has been many Months committing Hostilities vs. Virginia, and has extended his Piracies to Maryland.2 I wish he had been seized, by the Colony, Months ago. They would have received the Thanks of all North America.
Is it practicable now? Have the Committee any naval Force? This order will be a mere Piece of Paper. Is there a Power in the Committee to raise and pay a naval Force? Is it to be done at the Expence of the Continent. Have they Ships or Men.
Lee. I wish Congress would advise Virginia and Maryland to raise a Force by Sea to destroy Ld. Dunmores Power. He is fond of his Bottle and may be taken by Land, but ought to be taken at all Events.
Zubly. I am sorry to see the very threatening Condition that Virginia is likely to be in. I look on the Plan We heard of yesterday to be vile, abominable and infernal—but I am afraid it is practicable. Will these Mischiefs be prevented by seizing Dunmore. Seizing the K's Representatives will make a great Impression in England, and probably Things will be carried on afterwards with greater Rage.
I came here with 2 Views. One to secure the Rights of America. 2. A Reconciliation with G. Britain.
Dyer. They cant be more irritated at home than they are. They are bent upon our Destruction. Therefore that is no Argument vs. seizing them. Dunmore can do no Mischief in Virginia3—his Connections in England are such that he may be exchanged to Advantage. Wentworth is gone to Boston. Franklyn is not dangerous. Pen is not. Eden is not.4
Johnson. Dunmore a very bad Man. A defensive Conduct was determined on, in the Convention of Virginia. I am for leaving it to Virginia.
We ought not to lay down a rule in a Passion. I see less and less Prospect of a Reconciliation every day. But I would not render it impossible. If We should render it impossible, our Colony would take it into their own Hands and make Concessions inconsistent with the Rights of America. N.C., V., P., N. York, at least have strong Parties, each of them of that Mind. This would make a Disunion. Five or six Weeks will give Us the final Determination of the People of G. Britain. Not a Governor in the Continent has the real Power, but some have { [facing 194] } { [facing 195] } { 195 } the Shadow of it. A Renunciation of all Connection with G.B. will be understood by a step of this Kind. 13 Colonies connected with G.B. in 16 Months have been brought to an Armed Opposition to the Claims of G.B. The line We have pursued has been the Line We ought to have pursued. If what we have done had been proposed two Years ago, 4 Colonies would not have been for it.
Suppose we had a dozen Crown Officers in our Possession. Have We determined what to do with them? Shall we hang them.
Lee. Those who apply general Reasons to this particular Case will draw improper Conclusions. Those Crown Officers who have advised his Lordship vs. his violent Measures, have been quarrell'd with by him.
Virginia is pierced in all Parts with navigable Waters. His Lordship knows all these Waters and the Plantations on them. Shuldam is coming to assist him in destroying these Plantations. We see his Influence with an abandoned Administration, is sufficient to obtain what he pleases.
If 6 Weeks may furnish decisive Information, the same Time may produce decisive destruction to Maryland and Virginia. Did We go fast enough when We suffered the Troops at Boston to fortify.
Zubly. This is a sudden Motion. The Motion was yesterday to apprehend Govr. Tryon.5 We have not yet conquered the Army or Navy of G.B. A Navy, consisting of a Cutter, rides triumphant in Virginia. There are Persons in America who wish to break off with G.B. A Proposal has been made to apply to France and Spain—before I agree to it, I will inform my Constituents. I apprehend the Man who should propose it would be torn to pieces like De Wit.
Wythe. It was from a Reverence for this Congress that the Convention of Virginia, neglected to arrest Lord Dunmore. It was not intended suddenly, to form a Precedent for Govr. Tryon. If Maryland have a Desire to have a Share in the Glory of seizing this Nobleman, let them have it.
The 1st. objection is the Impracticability of it.—I dont say that it is practicable, but the attempt can do no harm.
From seizing Cloathing in Delaware, seizing the Transports &c., the Battles of Lexington, Charlestown, &c., every Man in Great Britain will be convinced by Ministry and Parliament that We are aiming at an Independency on G.B. Therefore We need not fear from this Step disaffecting our Friends in England. As to a Defection in the Colonies, I cant answer for Maryland, Pensylvania, &c. but I can for Virginia.
Johnson. I am not vs. allowing Liberty to arrest Ld. Dunmore—there { 196 } is Evidence that the Scheme he is executing was recommended by himself. Maryland does not regard the Connection with G.B. as the first good.
Stone. If We signify to Virginia, that it will not be disagreable to us, if they secure Ld. Dunmore, that will be sufficient.
Lewis moves an Amendment, that it be recommended to the Council of Virginia, that they take such Measures to secure themselves, from the Practices of Lord Dunmore, either by seizing his Person, or otherwise as they think proper.
Hall. A Material Distinction between a peremptory order to the Council of Virginia, to seize his Lordship, and a Recommendation to take such Measures as they shall judge necessary, to defend themselves against his Measures.
Motion to export Produce for Powder.6
Sherman. I think We must have Powder, and We may send out Produce for Powder. But upon some Gentlemens Principles We must have a general Exportation.
Paine. From the observations some Gentlemen have made I think this Proposition of more Importance than it appeared at first. In Theory I could carry it further, even to Exportation and Importation to G.B. A large Continent cant Act upon Speculative Principles, but must be govern'd by Rules. Medicines, We must have—some Cloathing, &c. I wish We could enter upon the Question at large, and agree upon some System.
Chase. By that Resolution We may send to G.B., Ireland and W. Indies.
Lee. Suppose Provisions should be sold in Spain for Money, and Cash sent to England for Powder.
Duane. We must have Powder. I would send for Powder to London, or any where. We are undone if We hant Powder.
Dean. I hope the Words “Agreable to the Association” will be inserted. But I would import from G.B. Powder.
R. R. Livingston. We are between Hawk and Buzzard. We puzzle ourselves between the commercial and warlike opposition.
Rutledge. If Ammunition was to be had from England only, there would be W[eigh]t in the Gentlemans Arg[ument].—The Captn. Reed7 told us Yesterday that he might have bro't 1000 Blls. of Powder. Why? Because he was not searched. But if he had attempted to bring Powder, he would have been search'd.—I would let the Ass[ociation] stand as it is, and order the Committee to export our Provisions consistent with it.
{ 197 }
Lee. When a Vessell comes to England vs. our Association, she must be observed and watched. They would keep the Provisions, but not let us have the Powder.
Deane. I have not the most distant Idea of infringing the Association.
Duane. The Resolution with the Amendment amounts to nothing. The Committee may import now consistent with the Association. I apprehend that by breaking the Association We may import Powder, without it not. We must have Powder. We must fight our Battles in two or three Months, in every Colony.
J. Rutledge. They may export to any other Place and thence send Money to England.
New York Letter, concerning a Fortification on the high Lands, considered.8
Dyer. Cant say how far it would have been proper to have gone upon Romains Plan in the Spring, but thinks it too late now. There are Places upon that River, that might be thrown up in a few days, that would do. We must go upon some Plan that will be expeditious.
Lee. Romain says a less or more imperfect Plan would only be beginning a Strong hold for an Enemy.
Deane. An order went to N. York. They have employed an Engineer. The People and he agree in the Spot and the Plan. Unless We rescind the whole, We should go on. It ought to be done.
1.
Resolved, That it be recommended to the several provincial Assemblies or Conventions, and councils or committees of safety, to arrest and secure every person in their respective colonies, whose going at large may, in their opinion, endanger the safety of the colony, or the liberties of America” (JCC, 3:280).
2. The activities of John Murray, 4th Earl of Dunmore, last royal governor of Virginia, after his expulsion from Williamsburg in June 1775, are documented in Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, vol. 1; see the index under Dunmore.
3. This passage is cryptic. Dyer may have said (or meant) that Dunmore could do no more mischief in Virginia in consequence of an order to seize him than he was already doing.
4. John Wentworth, governor of New Hampshire; Sir William Franklin, governor of New Jersey; John Penn, lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania; Robert Eden, governor of North Carolina.
5. William Tryon, of New York Province.
6.
Resolved, That the Committee appointed by this Congress for the importation of powder, export, agreeable to the continental Association, as much provisions or other produce of these colonies, as they shall judge expedient for the purchase of arms and ammunition” (JCC, 3:280).
7. Probably Thomas Read, brother of the Delaware delegate George Read and a naval officer in the service of Pennsylvania. See Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:216 and note.
8. The letter was from the New York Committee of Safety, 19 September. The New York Provincial Congress had engaged the engineer and cartographer Bernard Romans to draw plans for fortifications on the Hudson at the Highlands above New York City. See JCC, 2:59–60; 3:280–282; Force, Archives, { 198 } 4th ser., 3:732, 1279–1280; Romans' plans are reproduced in same, following col. 736. See also JA's Notes of Debates, 7 Oct., below.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-07

[Notes of Debates, Continued] Octr. 7.

Chase. It is the maddest Idea in the World, to think of building an American Fleet.1 Its Latitude is wonderfull. We should mortgage the whole Continent. Recollect the Intelligence on your Table—defend N. York—fortify upon Hudsons River.
We should provide for gaining Intelligence—two swift sailing Vessells.
Dyer. The Affair of Powder from N. York should be referr'd to the Committee.
Hopkins. No Objection to putting off the Instruction from Rhode Island, provided it is to a future day.
Paine. Seconds Chace's Motion, that it be put off to a future day Sine die.
Chace. The Gentleman from Maryland never made such a Motion. I never used the Copulative. The Gentleman is very sarcastic, and thinks himself very sensible.
Zubly. If the Plans of some Gentlemen are to take Place, an American Fleet must be a Part of it—extravagant as it is.
Randolph moves that all the orders of the day should be read every Morning.
Deane. I wish it may be seriously debated. I dont think it romantic, at all.
J. Rutledge. Move that some Gentn. be appointed to prepare a Plan and Estimate of an American Fleet.
Zubly seconds the Motion.
Gadsden. I am against the Extensiveness of the Rhode Island Plan, but it is absolutely necessary that some Plan of Defence by Sea should be adopted.
J. Rutledge. I shall not form a conclusive opinion till I hear the Arguments. I want to know how many Ships are to be built and what they will cost.
S. Adams. The Committee cant make an Estimate untill they know how many Ships are to be built.
Zubly. Rhode Island has taken the lead. I move that the Delegates of R.I. prepare a Plan, give us their opinion.
J. Adams. The Motion is entirely out of order. The Subject is put off for a Week, and now a Motion is to appoint a Committee to consider the whole subject.
{ 199 }
Zubly, Rutledge, Paine, Gadsden, lightly skirmishing.
Deane. It is like the Man that was appointed to tell the Dream and the Interpretation of it. The Expence is to be estimated, without knowing what Fleet there shall be, or whether any att all.
Gadsden. The design is to throw it into Ridicule. It should be considered out of Respect to the Colony of R. Island who desired it.
Determined against the appointment of a Committee.
Report of the Committee for fortifying upon Hudsons River considered.
J. Rutledge. I think We should add to the Report, that they take the most effectual Measures to obstruct the Navigation of Hudsons River by Booms or otherwise.
Gadsden seconds the Motion.
Deane doubts the Practicability of obstructing it with Booms, it is so wide.
The Committee said 4 or 5 Booms chained together, and ready to be drawn across, would stop the Passage.2
The Congress of N.Y. is to consult the Assembly of Connecticutt and the Congress of N. Jersey, the best Method of taking Posts and making Signals, and assembling Forces for Defence of the River.
Gadsden. Moves that all the Letters, laid before us from England, should be sent to the Convention of N. York. Tryon is a dangerous Man, and the Convention of that Colony should be upon their guard.
Lee. I think the Letters should by all means be sent.
Rutledge. Dr. F. desired they might not be printed. Moves that Gen. Wooster with his Troops may be ordered down to N. York.
Duane. Moves that Woosters Men may be employed in building the Fortifications.
Dyer 2ds the Motion allowing the Men what is usual.
Sherman. Would have the order conditional, if Schuyler dont want them. Understands that N.Y. has the best Militia upon the Continent.
R. Livingston. They will be necessary at the Highlands.
Dyer thinks they ought to have the usual allowance for Work.
S. Adams. Understands that the Works at Cambridge was done without any Allowance, but that G[eneral] W[ashington] has ordered that for future works they be allowed half a Pistareen a day.
Langdon would not have the order to Wooster, but to Schuyler for he would not run any risque of the northern Expedition.
{ 200 }
Rutledge thinks Schuyler cant want them. He waited only for Boats to send 500 Men more.
Sherman. Would it not be well to inform Schuyler of our endeavours to take the Transports and desire him to acquaint Coll. Arnold of it.
Rutledge. He may cooperate with Arnold in taking the Transports. I hope he is in Possession of Montreal before now.
Deane. I wish that whatever Money is collected, may be sent along to Schuyler.
E. Rutledge. We have been represented as beggarly fellows, and the first Impressions are the strongest. If We eat their Provisions and dont pay, it will make a bad Impression.
Ross. Produces a Resolve of the Assembly of Pensylvania that their Delegates lay the Connecticutt Intrusion before Congress, that something may be done to quiet the Minds.3
J. Rutledge moves that the Papers be referr'd to the Delegates of the two Colonies.
Willing. Thinks them Parties and that they must have an Umpire.
Sherman. Thinks they may agree on a temporary Line.
Lee. Moves that Parliamentary or ministerial Post may be stopp'd, as a constitutional Post is now established from N.H. to G.4
Langdon 2d[s] the Motion.
Willing. Thinks it is interfering with that Line of Conduct which we have hitherto prescribed to ourselves—it is going back beyond the Year 1763.
Lee. When the Ministry are mutilating our Correspondence in England, and our Enemies here are corresponding for our ruin, shall We not stop the ministerial Post.
Willing. Looks upon this to be one of the offensive Measures which are improper at this Time—it will be time enough to throw this aside when the Time comes that we shall throw every Thing aside—at present We dont know but there may be a Negociation.
Dyer. We have already superceeded the Act of Parliament effectually.
Deane is for a Recommendation to the People to write by the constitutional Post, not forbid a Man to ride.
S. Adams thinks it a defensive Measure, and advising People not to write by it, looks too cunning for me. I am for stopping the Correspondence of our Enemies.
{ 201 }
Langdon. Administration are taking every Method to come at our Intentions, why should not we prevent it.
Duane. I shall vote vs. it. It may be true that We are come to the Time when We are to lay aside all. I think there should be a full Representation of the Colonies. N.C. should be here.
Deane 2d[s] the Motion for postponing it.
Zubly. The Necessity of this Measure does not appear to me. If We have gone beyond the Line of 1763 and of defence without apparent Necessity it was wrong, if with Necessity right. I look upon the Invasion of Canada [as] a very different Thing. I have a Right to defend myself vs. Persons who come vs. me, let em come from whence they will. We in G. have gain[ed] Intelligence by the K's Post that We could not have got any other Way. Some Gentlemen think all Merit lies in violent and unnecessary Measures.
S. Adams. The Gentlemans Argument would prove that We should let the Post go into Boston.
Moreton. Would not this stop the Packett. Would it not be ordered to Boston. Does the Packett bring any Intelligence to Us that is of Use?
Lee. No Intelligence comes to Us, but constant Intelligence to our Enemies.
Stone. Thinks it an innocent Motion, but is for postponing it, because he is not at present clear. He thinks that the setting up a new Post has already put down the old one.
Paine. My opinion was that the Ministerial Post will die a natural death. It has been under a Languishment a great while. It would be Cowardice to issue a Decree to kill that which is dying. It brought but one Letter last time, and was obliged to retail Newspapers, to bear its Expences. I am very loath to say that this Post shall not pass.
Lee. Is there not a Doctor Ld. North who can keep this Creature alive.
R. R. Livingstone. I dont think that Tory Letters are sent by the Royal Post. I consider it rather as a Convenience than otherwise. We hear 5 times a Week from N.Y.
The Letters upon our Table advise us to adopt every conciliatory Measure, that we may secure the Affections of the People of England.
1. On 3 Oct. “One of the Delegates for Rhode Island laid before the Congress a part of the Instructions given them by the House of Magistrates, Aug. 26, 1775,” stating that “this Assembly is persuaded, that the building and equipping an American fleet, as soon as possible, would greatly and essentially conduce to the preservation of the lives, liberty and property of the good people of these Colonies,” and urging, therefore, that such a fleet be built “at the Continental expence” (JCC, 3:274). This momentous proposal was debated for the first time on 7 Oct., and in the present notes JA has recorded the earli• { 202 } est formal discussion of the idea of an American navy. The time not yet being quite ripe, Congress deferred further discussion until the 16th, and continued to postpone action until mid-December (same, p. 281, 420). Meanwhile a very urgent practical problem arose, and though it bore directly on the question of establishing a naval armament, Congress for a time kept the general and the particular problems strictly separate. The particular problem sprang from the news, received 5 Oct., that two vessels loaded with powder and munitions had sailed from England for Quebec. A committee of three was immediately appointed “to prepare a plan for intercepting” these valuable prizes; it brought in recommendations which were adopted the same day; and next day it brought in further recommendations (for a pair of swift armed vessels) which were adopted on 13 Oct. (same, p. 276–279, 293–294). Still no “navy”! The Journal does not name the members of the committee that prepared these reports, but in his Autobiographyand elsewhere JA says they were Silas Deane, John Langdon, and himself; see especially JA to Langdon, 24 Jan. 1813 (LbC, Adams Papers; printed in JA, Works, 10:27–28). A new committee was appointed on the 13th to carry out the resolutions adopted that day; it consisted of Deane, Langdon, and Gadsden (JCC, 3:294). But on the 30th Congress enlarged both the membership and duties of the committee and named JA as one of the additional members (same, p. 311–312). At first called the committee to fit out armed vessels, it was soon referred to as “the naval committee,” because it was actually organizing a naval force; see List of Persons Suitable for Naval Commands, Nov. 1775, below, and note there. In his Autobiography JA left a graphic account of the sessions of this committee, held every evening “in a public house in the City” and constituting, JA thought, “the pleasantest part of my Labours for the four Years I spent in Congress.” Early in 1776 the nominally limited functions of this special committee were absorbed by the new and permanent Marine Committee, which in December had developed out of the Rhode Island instruction quoted at the beginning of this note. The Marine Committee consisted of one member from each colony, and since JA was absent when it was formed he was not a member.
Dry as these details are, they are essential for understanding and correcting JA's various accounts of the origins of the American navy and for filling in the gaps left by the meager record in the Journal. For further clarification and references see Charles O. Paullin, The Navy of the American Revolution, Cleveland, 1906, chs. 1 and 3; and two exhaustively documented notes in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:216, and 2:318. The pertinent documents will be published in The Naval Documents of the American Revolution, in preparation by the Office of Naval History of the United States Navy, under the editorship of William Bell Clark.
2. See JCC, 3:282. It is by no means clear from the MS whether or not this and the following paragraph are part of Deane's speech.
3. The Pennsylvania Assembly's resolve, 30 Sept. 1775, is printed in JCC, 3:283. It was at first referred to the Pennsylvania and Connecticut delegates in Congress, but nothing conclusive came of it. On the Wyoming Valley controversy at this stage, see Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:248, and references there.
4. Nothing on this subject appears in the Journal under this date, but just possibly (as suggested by CFA) the discussion arose in connection with a paragraph in the report of the committee on fortifying the Hudson recommending the establishment of posts “to be ready to give intelligence to the country, in case of any invasion” (JCC, 3:282).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-10

[Notes of Debates, Continued] Octr. 10.

Who shall have the Appointment of the Officers in the 2 Battallions to be raised in New Jersey?1
{ 203 }
Sherman. Best to leave it to the Provincial Conventions.
Ward seconds the Motion.
Chace. This is persisting in Error in Spight of Experience. We have found by Experience that giving the Choice of Officers to the People, is attended with bad Consequences. The French Officers are allowed to exceed any in Europe, because a Gentleman is hardly entituled to the Smiles of the Ladies without serving a Campaign. In my Province, We want Officers. Gentlemen have recommended Persons from personal Friendships, who were not suitable. Such Friendships will have more Weight, in the Colonies.
Dyer. We must derive all our Knowledge, from the Delegates of that Colony. The Representatives at large are as good Judges and would give more Satisfaction. You cant raise an Army if you put Officers over the Men whom they dont know. It requires Time to bring People off from ancient Usage.
E. Rutledge. We dont mean to break in upon what has been done. In our Province we have raised our Compliment of Men in the Neighbouring Colonies. I am for it that We may have Power to reward Merit.
Ward. The Motion is intended for a Precedent. In the Expedition to Carthagena and Canada, the Crown only appointed a Lieutenant in my Colony. The Men will not enlist. When the Militia Bill was before Us. I was vs. giving the Choice to the Men. I dont know any Man in the Jerseys.
Duane. A Subject of Importance—a Matter of Delicacy. We ought to be all upon a Footing. We are to form the grand Outlines of an American Army—a general Regulation. Will such a Regulation be salutary? The public Good alone, will govern me. If We were to set out anew, would the same Plan be pursued. It has not been unprecedented, in this Congress. Mr. Campbell, Allen, Warner, were promoted here. We ought to insist upon it. We shall be able to regulate an Army better. Schuyler and Montgomery would govern my Judgment. I would rather take the opinion of Gen. Washington than of any Convention. We can turn out the unworthy and reward Merit. The Usage is for it.
Governors used to make Officers—except in Con. and Rhode Island. But We cant raise an Army? We are then in a deplorable Situation indeed. We pay. Cant We appoint with the Advice of our Generals.
Langdon. Looks upon this [as] a very extraordinary Motion, and big with many Mischiefs.
Deane. It is the Peoples Money, not ours. It will be fatal. We cant sett up a Sale for Offices, like Lord Barrington.
{ 204 }
E. Rutledge. The appointment hitherto has been as if the Money belonged to particular Provinces not to the Continent. We cant reward Merit. The Governor appointed Officers with Us.
Ross. My Sentiments coincide with those of the Gentlemen from N.Y. and C[arolina] and would go farther and appoint every Officer, even an Ensign. We have no Command of the Army! They have different Rules and Articles.
Jay. Am of opinion with the Gentleman who spoke last. The Union depends much upon breaking down provincial Conventions. The whole Army refused to be mustered by your Muster Master.
1. On 9 Oct. Congress recommended to the New Jersey Convention that it immediately raise two battalions “at the expence of the Continent,” but did not mention the appointment of any field officers. During the two following days the question was debated whether New Jersey or the Continental Congress should appoint these officers. The matter was finally settled on 7 Nov., when Congress elected precisely the officers nominated by the Convention. See JCC, 3:285–286, 287, 288, 335; William Livingston to Alexander Stirling, 8 Nov. 1775 (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:250).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0006

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-12

[Notes of Debates, Continued] Oct. 12.

Report, on Trade, considered in a Committee of the whole.1
Lee. It has been moved to bring the debate to one Point, by putting the Q. whether the Custom houses shall be shut up, and the officers discharged from their several Functions. This would put N. York, N.C., lower Counties and Georgia upon the same Footing with the other Colonies.
I therefore move you, that the C[ustom] Houses be shut, and the officers discharged. This will remove Jealousies and Divisions.
Zubly. The Measure, We are now to consider, extreamly interesting. I shall offer my Thoughts. If We decide properly, I hope We shall establish our Cause—if improperly, We shall overthrow it, altogether.
1st Prop[osition]. Trade is important. 2. We must have a Reconciliation with G.B. or the Means of carrying on the War. An unhappy day when We shall2
A Republican Government is little better than Government of Devils. I have been acquainted with it from 6 Years old.
We must regulate our Trade so as that a Reconciliation be obtained or We enable[d] to carry on the War.
Cant say, but I do hope for a Reconciliation, and that this Winter may bring it. I may enjoy my Hopes for Reconciliation, others may enjoy theirs that none will take Place.
A Vessell will not go, without Sails or Oars. Wisdom is better than { 205 } Weapons of War. We dont mean to oppose G.B. merely for Diversion. If it is necessary that We make War, and that we have the Means of it, This Continent ought to know what it is about. The Nation dont. We ought to know what they mean to be about. We ought to have Intelligence of the Designs. K. of Prussia and Count Daune march'd and counter march'd untill they could not impose upon Each other any more. Every Thing We want for the War are Powder and Shot.
2d Thing necessary that We have Arms and Ammunition.
3. We must have Money. The Cont[inent']s Credit must be supported. We must keep up a Notion that this Paper is good for Something. It has not yet a general Circulation. The Mississippi Scheme in France and the South Sea Scheme in England were written for our Learning. An hundred Million fell in one day. 20 Men of War may block up the Harbour of N. York, Del[aw]are River, Cheasapeak Bay, the Carolinas and Georgia.
Whether We can raise a Navy is an important Question. We may have a Navy—and to carry on the War We must have a Navy. Can We do this without Trade? Can we gain Intelligence without Trade. Can We get Powder without Trade? Every Vessell you send out is thrown away. N. England where the War is may live without Trade. [The?] Money circulates there—they may live. Without Trade our People must starve. We cannot live. We cannot feed or cloath our People. My Resolution was that I would do and suffer any Thing rather than not be free. But I resolved not to do impossible Things.
If We must trade, We must trade with Somebody, and with Somebody that will trade with us, either with foreigners or G.B. If with foreigners, We must either go to them or they must come to us. We cant go to them if our Harbours are shut up. I look upon the Trade with foreigners as impracticable. St. Lawrence being open is a Supposition.
N. England People last War went to C[ape] Francois.
Spaniards are too lazy to come to Us.
If We cant trade with foreigners we must trade with G. Britain. Is it practicable. Will it quit cost. Will it do more hurt than good. This is breaking our Association. Our People will think We are giving Way and giving all up. They will say one mischivous Man has overset the whole Navigation. I speak from Principle. It has been said here that the Association was made in terrorem.
Gadsden. 2ds. Lees Motion, and affirms that We can carry on Trade from one End of the Continent to the other.
Deane. Custom house Officers discharged! Were they ever in our { 206 } Pay, in our service. Let em stand where they are. Let this Congress establish what Offices they please. Let the others die. I think that all the Colonies ought to be upon a footing. We must have Trade. I think We ought to apply abroad. We must have Powder and Goods. We cant keep our People easy without.
Lee. The Gentleman agrees that all ought to be upon a Footing. Let him shew how this can be done without shutting the Customhouses.
Jay. This should be the last Business We undertake. It is like cutting the Foot to the shoe, not making a shoe for the Foot. Let Us establish a System first.
I think We ought to consider the whole, before We come to any Resolutions. Now Gentlemen have their Doubts whether the N. Exportation was a good Measure. I was last Year, clear vs. it. Because the Enemy have burn'd Charlestown, would Gentlemen have Us burn N. York? Let us lay every Burden as equal on all the Shoulders that We can. If Prov[idence] or Ministry inflict Misfortunes on one, shall We inflict the same on all? I have one Arm sore—why should not the other Arm be made sore too? But Jealousies will arise. Are these reasonable? Is it politick? We are to consult the general Good of all America. Are We to do hurt to remove unreasonable Jealousies. Because Ministry have imposed hardships on one, shall We impose the same on all. It is not from affection to N. York, that I speak. If a Man has lost his Teeth on one side of his Jaws, shall he pull out the Teeth from the other that both sides may be upon a Footing? Is it not realizing the Quarrell of the Belly and the Members? The other Colonies may avail themselves of the Custom houses in the exempted Colonies.
Lee. All must bear a proportional share of the Continental Expence. Will the exempted Colonies take upon themselves the whole Expence. V. pays a sixth Part, the lower Counties an 80th.—yet lower Counties may trade, V. not. The Gentleman exercised an Abundance of Wit to shew the Unreasonableness of Jealousies. If this ministerial Bait is swallowed by America another will be thrown out.
Jay. Why should not N.Y. make Money, and N. Jersey not. One Colony can cloath them.
McKean. I have 4 Reasons for putting the favoured Colonies upon a footing with the rest. 1st. is to disappoint the Ministry. Their design was insidious. 2. I would not have it believed by Ministry or other Colonies that those Colonies had less Virtue than others. 3. I have a Reconciliation in View, it would be in the Power of those Colonies, it might become their Interest to prolong the War. 4. I believe Parlia• { 207 } ment has done or will do it for us, i.e. put us on the same footing. I would choose that the exempted Colonies should have the Honour of it. Not clear that this is the best Way of putting them upon a Footing. If We should be successfull in Canada, I would be for opening our Trade to some Places in G.B., Jamaica, &c.
J. Rutledge. Wonders that a Subject so clear, has taken up so much Time. I was for a general Non Exportation. Is it not surprizing, that there should so soon be a Motion for breaking the Association. We have been reproached for our Breach of Faith in breaking the Non Imp[ortation]. I have the best Authority to say that if We had abided by a former Non Imp. We should have had redress. We may be obliged hereafter to break the Association, but why should We break it before We feel it. I expected the Delegates from the exempted Colonies would have moved to be put upon the same footing.
Dont like shutting the C. Houses and discharging the Officers—but moves that the Res[olution] be, that People in York, N. Car., Georgia and lower Counties dont apply to the Custom house.
Zubly. Georgia is settled along Savanna River, 200 miles in Extent, and 100 mile the other Way. I look upon it the Association alltogether will be the Ruin of the Cause. We have 10,000 fighting Indians near us. Carolina has already smuggled Goods from Georgia.
Chase. I will undertake to prove that if the Revd. Gentlemans Positions are true and his Advice followed, We shall all be made Slaves. If he speaks the Opinion of Georgia I sincerely lament that they ever appeared in Congress. They cannot, they will not comply!—Why did they come here? Sir We are deceived. Sir We are abused! Why do they come here? I want to know why their provinc[ial] Congress came to such Resolutions. Did they come here to ruin America. That Gentlemans Advice will bring Destruction upon all N. America. I am for the Resolution upon the Table. There will be Jealousies, if N.Y. and the other exempted Colonies are not put upon a footing.
It is not any great Advantage to the exempted Colonies. What can they export that will not be serviceable to G.B. and the West Indies.
The exports of N. Car. are of vast Importance to G.B. If these Colonies are in Rebellion, will not their Effects be confiscated, and seized even upon the Ocean.
Arms and Ammunition must be obtained by what is call'd Smuggling. I doubt not We shall have the Supply. Leaving open N. York &c. will prevent our getting Arms and Ammunition.
Houstoun. Where the Protection of this Room did not extend, I would not set very tamely.
{ 208 }
Chase. I think the Gentleman ought to take offence at his Brother Delegate.
Wythe. Agrees with the Gentleman from N. York that We dont proceed regularly. The Safety of America depends essentially on a Union of the People in it. Can We think that Union will be preserved if 4 Colonies are exempted. When N. York Assembly did not approve the Procedings of the Congress it was not only murmured at, but lamented as a Defection from the public Cause. When Attica was invaded by the Lacedemonians, Pericles ordered an Estate to be ravaged and laid waste because he tho't it would be exempted, by the Spartan King.
Nothing was ever more unhappily applied, than the fable of the Stomach and the Limbs.
Sherman. Another Argument for putting [sentence unfinished]
1. This and the following entry continue the debate on trade policy of which JA had recorded earlier stages in his Notes of Debates, 4 and 5 Oct., above.
2. No punctuation in MS, but the meaning is clear: “... when we shall have those means.”

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0007

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-13

[Notes of Debates, Continued] Octr. 13.

R. Livingston. Hopes the whole Matter will be putt off. Is willing as it seems the general sense, that all should be put upon a Footing.
Gadsden. Hopes it will not be putt off. S. Carolina will be in the utmost Confusion if this matter is not decided. Let the Continent determine.
Stone. Can see no particular Inconvenience to Carolina. 2ds. the Motion of Mr. Livingston, for postponing the Question, and gives his Reasons.—The Powder Committee must take Clearances. If they are allowed to take Clearances, and no other, then whenever they take a Clearance it will be known, that it is for Powder, and the Vessell will be watched.
Lee. I see very clearly, that the best Time for putting a Question is when it is best understood. That Time is the present. As to Powder, Time may be allowed for the Committee to clear Vessells.
J. Rutledge. Thinks this Motion extraordinary. This Subject has been under Consideration 3 Weeks. It is really trifling. The Committee may have Time allowed to clear Vessells for Powder. But I had rather the Continent should run the Risque of sending Vessells without clearances. What Confusion would ensue if Congress should break up without any Resolution of this sort. The Motion seems intended to defeat the Resolution entirely. Those who are against it, are for postponing.
{ 209 }
Jay. We have complied with the restraining Act. The Question is whether we shall have Trade or not? And this is to introduce a most destructive Scheme, a scheme which will drive away all your Sailors, and lay up all your Ships to rot at the Wharves.1
1. JA's notes of this debate are continued under 20 Oct., below, the next time Congress sat as a committee of the whole on “the state of the trade of the confederated colonies.”

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0008

Author: Tyler, John
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-16

[John Tyler's Bill for Repairing A Pistol.]1

To Cleaning a pistol   0:   2:   0  
To one side pin   0:   0:   9  
To two small screws to the Lock   0:   1:   0  
To a new tumbler to ..... Do.   0:   3:   0  
  £0:   6:   9  
[signed] Pr me Jno. Tyler
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. Endorsed by JA. Date supplied from an entry in JA's Account with Massachusetts, Aug.-Dec. 1775, above.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0009

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-20

[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] Oct. 20.1

Deane. Their Plunder only afforded one Meal of fresh meat for the privates. All the rest was reserved for the Officers and their Friends among the Inhabitants. I would have Traders prohibited from importing unnecessary Articles, and from exporting live Stock, except Horses.
Gadsden. If we give one leave when there is 100 who have an equal Right, it will occasion Jealousy. Let each Colony export to the Amount of so many thousand Pounds, and no more.
Chase. We have Letters, from Guadaloupe, Martinique and the Havanna that they will supply us with Powder for Tobacco.
Gadsden. France and Spain would be glad to see G.B. despotic in America. Our being in a better State than their Colonies, occasions complaints among them, Insurrections and Rebellions, but these Powers would be glad We were an independent State.
Chase. The Proposition is for exporting for a special Purpose, importing Powder. I would not permit our Cash to go for Rum. Live Stock is an inconsiderable Part of our Cargoes.
{ 210 }
I dont wish to intermix any Thing in this debate. I would restrain the Merchant from importing any Thing but Powder &c.
Molasses was an Article of importance in the Trade of the Northern Colonies. But now they cant carry on the African Trade, and the Rum is pernicious. If you give a Latitude for any Thing but Arms and Ammunition, We shant agree what Articles are necessary and what unnecessary. Each Colony should carry on this Trade, not individuals. I would not limit the Quantity of Ammunition to be imported by each Colony. An 100 Ton a Colony would supply the W. Indies mediately and the Army and Navy. 20 Ton would be a considerable Adventure for a Colony. Debts are due from the B[ritish] W. India Islands to the Inhabitants of these Colonies. I am not for permitting Vessells to go in Ballast and fetch Cash. I wish to import Cash from every Place as much as possible.
Deane. It cannot be done with secrecy or dispatch. I rather think it would be as well to leave it to Traders.
Zubly. It is of great Weight that there be no favourites.
Dyer. There will be such continual Applications to the Assemblies, by their Friends among the Traders, it will open a compleat Exportation. It would compleatly supply the W. Indies.
Jay. We have more to expect from the Enterprise, Activity and Industry of private Adventurers, than from the Lukewarmness of Assemblies. We want French Woolens, dutch Worsteds, Duck for Tents, German Steel, &c. Public Virtue is not so active as private Love of Gain. Shall We shutt the Door vs. private Enterprise.
Lee. The Gentleman may move for those Things as Exceptions to the general Rule.
Randolph. We are making Laws contradictory in Terms. We say nobody shall export and yet Somebody shall. Against all Rule.
Lee. It is a common Rule in making Laws, to make a Rule and then make a Proviso for special Cases.
Dyer. The Rule and the Proviso are passed at once in the same Act, 'tho. If I give my Voice for an Unconditional Proposition, what security have I that the Condition or Proviso will be added afterwards. The greatest Impropriety, in the World.
Chase. Both Sides are right, and it arises from this, that one Proposition is to be made public the other kept secret. We have very little Confidence in each other.
Zubly. If half the Law is to be public and the other half secret, will not half the People be governed by one half and the other half by the other. Will they not clash?
{ 211 }
Jay. Least your Produce falls into the Hands of your Enemies, you publish a Law that none go from the Continent. Yet to get Powder, We keep a secret Law that Produce may be exported. Then comes the Wrangles among the People. A Vessell is seen loading. A fellow runs to the Committee.
Lee. The Inconvenience may arise in some Measure, but will not the People be quieted, by the Authority of the Conventions. If We give public Notice, our Enemies will be more active to intercept Us. On the Contrary the People may be quieted by the Committees of Safety.
Wythe. The only Persons who can be affected by this Resolution are those, whom on the other side the Water will be called Smugglers. Consider the danger these Smugglers will run—lyable to seizure by C. House officers, by Men of War at Sea, and by Custom house officers in the Port they go to. What can they bring. Cash, Powder, or foreign Manufactures. Cant see the least Reason for restraining our Trade, as little can be carried on. My Opinion is We had better open our Trade altogether. It has long been my Opinion, and I have heard no Arguments vs. it.
Zubly. We cant do without Trade. To be, or not to be is too tariffing a Question for many Gentlemen. All that Wise Men can do among many Difficulties, is to choose the least.
Stone. Cannot agree to the Proposition made by the gentleman from Maryland. Not for binding the People closer, than they are bound already. The Proposition is the same with that which was made that our Vessells should be stopp'd and foreigners invited to come here for our Produce and protect their own Trade. This appears to be a destructive System.
It was a laborious Task to get America into a general Non Exportation to G.B., I., and W. Indies.
Shall We now combine with Britain, to distress our People in their Trade, more than by the Association. People have look'd up to this, and are unwilling to go further. The restraining Bill a most cruel, unjust, unconstitutional Act: Yet We are going to greater Cruelties than they. We are all to be in the same Circumstances of Poverty and Distress. Will the West Indies be supplied by a circuitous Trade. I think not. How can the West Indies get Supplies from France, Holland or Spain? The whole Produce will not be carried. It is said the Men of War will take the Produce. This Argument will operate against exporting for Powder. The Army will be supplied. It is impossible to prevent their getting Supplies at least of Bread. It appears to me, this is not a temporary Expedient, but will have a perpetual Influence. It is { 212 } a destructive, ruinous Expedient and our People never will bear it. Under the faith that your Ports would be kept open to foreigners, People have made Contracts with foreigners. You are giving a Sanction to the Act of Parliament, and going further. Under such a Regulation We never can exist.
I would export Produce to foreign W. Indies, or any where for Powder. But the Mode of doing it, will defeat it. The Assemblies never will turn Merchants successfully. I would have private Adventurers give Bond, to return Powder, or the Produce itself.
Chase. Differs from his Colleague. A different Proposition from that for restraining our People and inviting foreigners. This Proposition invites your People.
If you carry on your Exports, without the Protection of a foreign Power you destroy America.
If you Stop Provisions and not other Produce you create a Jealousy. If you export Provisions and not other Produce you create a Jealousy. Dont think the Risque will prevent Supplies to the W. I. Islands.
We must prevent em Lumber as well as Provisions. Great Quantities will be exported, notwithstanding the Risque. All the fleet of B. cannot stop our Trade. We can carry it all on. We must starve the W. I. Islands and prevent em exporting their Produce to G.B. There will be great Quantities of Provisions and Lumber exported. It will enhance the Expence to carry em to Spain or France first and thence to the W. Indies, but the Price will be such that the W. Indies will get em.—I hold it clearly We can do without Trade. This Country produces all the Necessaries, many of the Conveniences and some of the Superfluities of Life. We cant grow rich. Our Provisions will be cheap. We can maintain our Army and our Poor. We shant loose our Sailors —The Fishermen will serve in another Capacity. We must defend the Lakes, and Cities.
Merchants will not grow rich—there is the Rub. I have too good an opinion of the Virtue of our People to suppose they will grumble.
If We drop our commercial System of Opposition We are undone.— We must fail.—We must give up the Profits of Trade or loose our Liberties.
Let the Door of Reconciliation be once shutt, I would trade with foreign Powers and apply to them for Protection.
Leave your Ports open, and every Man that can will adventure. The Risque will not prevent it.
It was strongly contended at the first Congress that Trade should be stopp'd to all the World, that all Remittances should cease. You would have saved a civil War if you had, but it could not be carried—the Gen• { 213 } tleman from S. Carolina could not prevail to stop our Exports to B., I. and W.I.
Our Vessells will all be liable to Seizure—our Trade must be a smuggling Trade. Yet We can trade considerably, and many Vessells will escape. No Vessell can take a Clearance. Many Vessells will go out unless you restrain them. All America is in suspence. The common sense of the People have pointed out this Measure. They have stopped their Vessells.
Lee. We possess a fine Climate and a fertile Soil. Wood, Iron, Sheep &c. We make 11. or 12,00000 thousand2 Pounds Worth of Provisions more than is necessary for our own Consumption. Dont think it necessary to combat the Opinion of some Gentlemen that We cannot live without Trade.
Money has debauched States as well as Individuals, but I hope its Influence will not prevail over America vs. her Rights and dearest Interests.
We shall distress the W. Indies so as immediately to quit Coin for Corn. 4 Millions go yearly from the W. Indies to B. and a Million at least returns. If our Provisions go from these Shores, then they will go where the best Price is to be had. W. Indies and our Enemies will get em.
If it was not proper a year ago, it may be now. This Proposition is not perpetual. When We get Powder We may make ourselves strong by sea and carry on Trade.
J. Rutledge. A Question of the greatest Magnitude that has come before this Congress. If it is necessary to do without Trade our Constituents will submit to it. The Army will be supplied with Flower from England, where it is now cheaper than here. But they would be supplied here, if they were to demand it, upon Pain of destroying our Towns. W. Indies are supplied and have laid up Stores, and some of them have been raising Provisions on their own Lands. It will bear hard upon the Farmer as well as the Merchant. Dont think the Reasons the same now as last Year. It would then have destroyed the Linen Manufactory, and the W.I.—but now they have had Notice of it they are prepared against it.
1. This and the following entry continue the debates in the committee of the whole on the state of American trade; see entries of 4, 5, 12, 13 Oct., above, and 21, 27 Oct., below.
2. Thus in MS. Corrected by CFA, no doubt properly, to “eleven or twelve hundred thousand.”

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0010

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-21

[Notes of Debates, Continued] Octr. 21.

Zubly. We cant do without Powder, Intelligence, Druggs. Georgia { 214 } must have an Indian War, if they cant supply the Indians. The Creeks and Cherrokees are in our Province. We must have Indian Trade. Four Millions have been spent in 6 Months. We have been successfull. But We have gain'd little. All the Power of G.B. it is true, has gained very little. N. England has been at great Expence, so has N. York. Pensylvania has spent hundred thousand Pounds of their Money to fortify their River. Virginia as much. N. Carolina a great deal. S. Carolina have issued a Million.
18 Millions of Dollars is an enormous Sum of Money. Whenever your Money fails, you fail too. We are to pay Six Millions, now, 12 Millions more presently, and have no Trade. I would bear the Character of a Madman, or that of an Emissary of Lord North, rather than believe it possible to pay 18 Millions of Dollars without Trade. Can We make bricks without Straw? We can live upon Acorns, but will We?
Wythe. The Rule that the Question should be put upon the last Motion that is made and seconded—this is productive of great Confusion in our Debates—6 or 7 Motions at once.
Commerce, whether we consider it, in an Economical, a moral, or political Light appears to be a great Good. Civility and Charity, as well as Knowledge are promoted by it. The Auri Sacra Fames is a fine Subject for Philosophers and Orators to display themselves upon. But the abuse of a Thing is not an Argument vs. it. If the Gentleman was possessed of Philosophers Stone or Fortunatus's Cap, would he not oblige the Continent with the Use of it.
Why should not America have a Navy? No maritime Power, near the Sea Coast, can be safe without it. It is no Chimaera. The Romans suddenly built one in their Carthaginian War. Why may We not lay a Foundation for it. We abound with Furs [Firs], Iron ore, Tar, Pitch, Turpentine. We have all the materials for construction of a Navy. No Country exceeds us in Felicity of Climate or Fertility of Soil. America is one of the Wings upon which the British Eagle has soared to the Skies. I am sanguine, and enthusiastical enough to wish and to hope, that it will be sung that America inter Nubila condit. British Navy will never be able to effect our Destruction. Before the days of Minus, Natives round the Archipelago carried on piratical Wars. The Moors carry on such Wars now, but the Pillars of Hercules are their Ne Plus ultra. We are too far off, for Britain to carry on a Piratical War. We shall sometime or other rise superiour to all the difficulties they may thro in our Way.—I wont say there is none that doeth good in Britain, no not one, but I will say she has not righteous Persons enough to save { 215 } their State. They hold those Things honorable which please em and those for just which profit em.
I know of no Instance where a Colony has revolted and a foreign Nation has interposed to subdue them. But many of the Contrary. If France and Spain should furnish Ships and Soldiers, England must pay them! Where are her Finances. Why should We divert our People from Commerce and banish our Seamen.
Our Petition may be declared to be received graciously, and promised to be laid before Parliament. But We can expect no success from it. Have they ever condescended to take Notice of you. Rapine, Depopulation, Burning, Murder. Turn your Eyes to Concord, Lexington, Charlestown, Bristol, N. York—there you see the Character of Ministry and Parliament.
We shall distress our Enemies by stopping Trade. Granted. But how will the small Quantities we shall be able to export, supply our Enemies. Tricks may be practised.
If desire of Gain prevails with Merchants so does Caution against Risques.
Gadsden. I wish We could keep to a Point. I have heard the two Gentlemen, with a great deal of Pleasure. I have argued for opening our Ports, but am for shutting them untill We hear the Event of our Petition to the King, and longer untill the Congress shall determine otherwise. I am for a Navy too, and I think that shutting our Ports for a Time, will help us to a Navy. If We leave our Ports open, warm Men will have their Ships seized, and moderate ones will be favoured.
Lee. When you hoist out a Glimmering of Hope that the People are to be furnished from abroad, you give a Check to our own Manufactures. People are now everywhere attending to Corn and Sheep and Cotton and Linen.
Chase. A Glove has been offered by the Gentleman from Georgia and I beg leave to discharge my Promise to that Gentleman to answer his Arguments.
My Position was this—that that Gentlemans System would end in the total destruction of American Liberty. I never shall dispute self evident Propositions.
The present State of Things requires Reconciliation, or Means to carry on War. Intelligence We must have. We must have Powder and shot. We must support the Credit of our Money.
You must have a Navy to carry on the War. You cant have a Navy says the Gentleman. What is the Consequence? I say, that We must submit.
{ 216 }
G.B. with 20 ships can distroy all our Trade, and ravage our sea Coast—can block up all your Harbours—prevent your getting Powder. What is the Consequence? That We should submit. You cant trade with nobody, you must trade with Somebody. You cant trade with any Body but G.B.—therefore I say We must submit. We cant trade with foreigners, the Gentleman said. The whole Train of his Reasoning proved that We must break our whole Association as to Exports and Imports. If We trade with G.B. will she furnish us with Powder and Arms.
Our Exports are about 3 Millions. Would B. permit us to export to her, and receive Cash in return? It would impoverish and ruin G.B. They will never permit a Trade on our Side without a Trade on theirs!
Gentn. from N. York, would not permit Tobacco and Naval Stores to be sent to G.B.—nothing that will support their naval Power or Revenue. But will not this break the Union? Would 3 Colonies stop their Staple when the other Colonies exported theirs.
1500 Seamen are employed by the Tobacco Colonies—125 Sail of british Ships.
But you may drop your Staple, your Tobacco. But it is difficult to alter old Habits. We have a great Number of female Slaves, that are best employed about Tobacco. N.C. cannot, will not give up their Staple.
The Gentleman from G. was for trading with G.B. and all the World. He says We cant trade with any Nation but Britain, therefore We must trade with B. alone.
What Trade shall we have, if We exclude B., I., W.I., british and foreign. Eastern Provinces may carry it on with a small Fleet, if their Harbours were fortified. S[outhern] Colonies cannot. Eastern Colonies cant carry on their Trade to that Extent without a naval Power to protect em not only on the Coast but on the Ocean, and to the Port of their Destination. The same force, that would assist the Eastern Colonies, would be of little service to us in summer Time. It must be a small, narrow and limited Trade.
The best Instrument We have is our Opposition by Commerce. If We take into Consideration G.B. in all her Glory—Commons voted 18.18.20 milions1 last War, 80,000 seamen, from her Trade alone. Her strength is all Artificial—from her Trade alone.
Imports from G.B. to the united Colonies are 3 Millions per annum—15 Millions to all the World—1/5th. 3/4 is british Manufactures.
A Thousand british Vessells are employed in American Trade. 12 Thousand Sailors—all out of employ. What a Stroke! I dont take into view I[reland] or W. Indies.
{ 217 }
Colonies generally indebted about one years Importation. The Revenue of Tobacco alone half a Million, if paid. N[orth] Britain enter less than the Quantity and dont pay what they ought. It employs a great Number of Manufacturers. Reexported abroad is a Million. It is more. 80,000 Hdds. are reexported and pays british Debts. The Reexport employs Ships, Sailors, Freight, Commissions, Insurance.
Ireland. The flaxseed 40,000£ st. Linen brought 2,150000£ from I. to England. Yard 200,000. Ireland can raise some flaxseed, but not much.
W. Indies. Glover, Burk, and other Authors. They depend for Indian Corn and Provisions, and Lumber, and they depend upon Us for a great Part of the Consumption of their Produce. Indian Corn and Fish are not to be had but from the Colonies, except Pilchards and Herrings. Jamaica can best provide for her Wants, but not entirely. Ireland can send em Beef and Butter but no Grain. B. can send em Wheat, Oats not Corn, without which they cannot do.
Stop Rum and Sugar, how do you affect the Revenue and the Trade?
They must relax the Navigation Act to enable foreign Nations to supply the W. Indies. This is dangerous as it would force open a Trade between foreigners and them.
Britain can never support a War with Us, at the Loss of such a valuable Trade.
Affrican Trade dependent upon the W. India Trade.—700,000£.
25,000 Hdds. of Sugar are imported directly into these Colonies and as much more, from Britain, manufactured.
Jamaica alone takes 150,000£ st. of our Produce.
National Debt 140,0000,2 ten Millions the Peace Establishment. 20 Million the whole Current Cash of the Nation. Blackstone. I never read any Body that better understood the subject. For the State of the Revenue, He calculates the Taxes of Ireland and England.
Taxes of B. perpetual and annual. Funds three—the Aggregate, general and South Sea. Taxes upon every Article of Luxuries and Necessaries. These funds are mortgaged for the civil List 800,000 as well as the Interest of the Debt.
1. Thus in MS. JA may have meant to write “18 or 20 millions.” The erratic punctuation and capitalization in this paragraph make it impossible to follow Chase's thought with certainty, and the editors' slight regularization of the passage may not be absolutely correct.
2. Thus in MS. CFA corrects to “one hundred and forty millions.”

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0011

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-25

Octr. 25th. 1775. Wednesday.

Mr. Duane told me at the Funeral of our late virtuous and able President1 that he, Mr. Duane, had accustomed him self to read the { 218 } Year Books. Mr. De Lancey who was C[hief] J[ustice] of N. York he said advised him to it, as the best Method of imbibing the Spirit of the Law. De Lancey told him that he had translated a Pile of Cases from the Year Books, altho he was a very lazy Man.
Duane says that Jefferson is the greatest Rubber off of Dust that he has met with, that he has learned French, Italian, Spanish and wants to learn German.2
Duane says, he has no Curiosity at all—not the least Inclination to see a City or a Building &c.
That his Memory fails, is very averse to be burthened. That in his Youth he could remember any Thing. Nothing but what he could learn, but it is very different now.
Last Evening Mr. Hewes of N. Carolina, introduced to my Namesake and me, a Mr. Hog from that Colony, one of the Proprietors of Transylvania, a late Purchase from the Cherokees upon the Ohio. He is an associate with Henderson who was lately one of the Associate Judges of N. Carolina, who is President of the Convention in Transylvania.
These Proprietors have no Grant from the Crown nor from any Colony, are within the Limits of Virginia and North Carolina, by their Charters which bound those Colonies on the South Sea. They are charged with Republican Notions—and Utopian Schemes.3
1. “This Ev'ning the honble. Peyton Randolph Esqr. late President of the Congress died suddenly of a paryletick fit at the house of Mr. Henry Hill near Schuylkill” (R. T. Paine, Diary, MHi, 22 Oct. 1775; see also Samuel Ward to Henry Ward, 24 Oct., in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:240). Next day (Monday) Congress appointed a committee “to superintend the funeral,” which took place on Tuesday the 24th, with Jacob Duché delivering a sermon at Christ Church and the entire Congress attending as mourners.
2. Though this is the first mention of Jefferson in JA's Diary, it by no means implies that the two men were unacquainted. They had served together in Congress for about six weeks in the preceding summer and had been colleagues on one important committee, that which prepared a reply to Lord North's conciliatory proposal in July 1775; see Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:225–233, and notes there. But since JA kept no diary during that session, we do not have his first impressions of the Virginia delegate whose career was to be so closely entwined with his own.
3. James Hogg had just arrived as a “delegate” representing the Transylvania Company, which, having purchased a vast tract of land from the Cherokee Indians, was endeavoring to establish a fourteenth colony in what is now Kentucky and Tennessee. Hogg's very interesting report on his “embassy” to Philadelphia is printed in Force, Archives, 4th ser., 4:543–546; see especially col. 544 on his meeting with “the famous Samuel and John Adams.” See also additional references in a footnote on the present entry as printed by Burnett in Letters of Members, 1:210, under the erroneous date of 28 Sept.—an error that must be nearly unique in this invaluable work but that is attributable to the inconspicuousness of the date headings in JA's Diary as printed by CFA.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0012

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-27

[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1775. Octr. 27.1

R. R. Livingston. Cloathing will rise tho Provisions will fall. Labourers will be discharged. One Quarter Part of R. Island, N. York, and Pensylvania depend upon Trade, as Merchants, Shopkeepers, Shipwrights, Blockmakers, Riggers, Smiths, &c. &c. &c.
The 6 Northern [Colonies]2 must raise 9 millions of Dollars to support the Poor.
This Vote will stop our Trade for 14 months, altho it professes to do it only to the 20th of March. For the Winter when the Men of War cannot cruise upon the Coast is the only Time that We can trade.
Wealthy Merchants, and monied Men cannot get the Interest of Money.
More Virtue is expected from our People, than any People ever had. The low Countries did not reason as We do about speculative opinions, but they felt the oppression for a long Course of Years, rich and poor.
Zubly. Concludes that the Sense and Bent of the People, is vs. stopping Trade by the Eagerness with which they exported before the 10th. of September.
We cant get Intelligence, without Trade. All that are supported by Trade, must be out of Business.
Every Argument which shews that our Association will materially affect the Trade of G.B. will shew that We must be affected too, by a Stoppage of our Trade.
G.B. has many Resources. I have bought 2 Barrells of Rice in Carolina for 15s. and Negro Cloth was 3s. instead of 18d.
The W. Indies will get supplies to keep soul and Body together. The ingenious Dutchmen will smuggle some Indian Corn from America.
Is it right to starve one Man because I have quarelled with another. I have a great Scruple whether it is just, or prudent. In Decr. 1776, We shall owe between 20 and 30 Millions of Money.
J. Rutledge. Am for adhering to the Association and going no further. The Non Export, in Terrorem—and generally agreed.
The Consequences will be dreadfull, if We ruin the Merchants.
Will not the Army be supplied if Vessells go from one Province to another.
We may pass a Resolution that no live Stock shall be exported.3
1. First entry in booklet “25” as numbered by CFA (our D/JA/25). This is a memorandum book with red-brown leather covers containing a handful of scattered entries in 1775–1776, the last being dated 13 Oct. 1776, followed by notes on French grammar and vocabulary and a list of Philadelphia ad• { 220 } dresses of delegates to the Continental Congress.
The present entry concludes JA's notes of debates in committee of the whole on American trade. See 4, 5, 12, 13, 20, 21 Oct., above.
2. MS: “Dollars”—an obvious inadvertence.
3. Congress sat again on 31 Oct. as a committee of the whole on the state of American trade and agreed to “certain resolutions.” Three of these were adopted and the rest deferred on 1 Nov. (JCC, 3:314–315; see also an earlier version of the committee's report, same, p. 292–293).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0013

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-29

1775. Octr. 29. Sunday.

Paine brought in a large Sample of Salt Petre, made in this City, by Mr. Ripsama. It is very good, large and burns off, when laid upon a Coal like moist Powder. I tried it.
Heard Mr. Carmichael, at Mr. Duffils, on “Trust in the Lord and do good, so shall you dwell in the Land and verily thou shallt be fed.”

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0014

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-30

[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1775. Octr. 30th. Monday.1

Ross. We cant get Seamen to man 4 Vessells. We could not get Seamen to mann our Boats, our Gallies.
Wythe, Nelson, and Lee for fitting out 4 Ships.
1. From D/JA/25, which then has a gap until 24 Jan. 1776. The present fragment is from a debate on resolutions, agreed to this day, to fit out four armed vessels for Continental service. Another resolution added JA to the committee to execute this business. See JCC, 3:311–312, and entry of 7 Oct. and note, above.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0005-0001

Author: Smith, William (Philadelphia apothecary)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-11-13

[William Smith's Bill for Sundry Medicines.]1

Mr. John Adams
Bought of William Smith.
 At the Rising Sun in Second Street between Market and Chestnut Streets.  
2 ozs. Cinnamon   £0:   6:   0  
1 oz. Turkey Rhubarb     2:   6  
1 oz. Cloves     2:    
1 oz. Pink Root     1:    
  £    11:   6  
[signed] Recd. the Contents for Dr. Wm. Smith per Malachy Salter Junr.
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. A printed form filled in.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0005-0002

Author: Smith, Ann
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-11-29

[Ann Smith's Bill for Laundry. ]1

John Adams Esqr. to An Smith Dr.
{ 221 }
    £   s   d  
Novr. 29   For washing of Seven doz. and 4 pieces of Lining at 3/6 per doz   1   5   4  
  For mending   0   3   9  
    1   9   1  
[signed] Received the Contents per Me Ann Smith
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. Endorsed by JA.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0005-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-11

[List of Persons Suitable for Naval Commands, November 1775]1

Captn. Isaac Sears
Thos. Randall
John Hanson
Christopher Miller
John Harrison.
Dudley Saltonstall
Eseck Hopkins.
Abraham Whipple.
[]Souther.
James Dougherty
Thomas More.
[]Reed.
Charles Alexander.
Michael Corbitt.
[]Davinson.
Clement Lempriere. S.C.
[]Obrian.
[]Carghill.
John Lawrence.
[]Alexander2
[]Faulkner.
Simeon Sampson. P.3
1. This list, not printed by CFA in his edition of the Diary, was written inside the back cover of D/JA/24. Since the names were obviously put down at different times, the list may be supposed a running memorandum of persons suggested for commands in the naval force for which Congress was being forced to plan in the last months of 1775; see entries of 7 and 30 Oct. and notes, above.
On 2 Nov. Congress voted $100,000 for the work of the committee on armed vessels or “naval committee,” and authorized it “to agree with such officers and seamen, as are proper to man and command said vessels” (JCC, 3:316). Probably the present list of qualified officers was begun at that moment. On 5 Nov.JA wrote to Elbridge Gerry, a member of the Massachusetts House: “I must ... intreat you to let me know { 222 } the Names, Places of Abode, and Characters, of such Persons belonging to any of the seaport Towns in our Province, who are qualified for Officers and Commanders of Armed Vessells” (NHpR). Gerry must have brought this and JA's related inquiries before the House, for a partial copy of his letter is among the papers of that body, docketed “Mr. Speaker Mr. Gerry Colo. Orne,” evidently a committee to whom it was referred (M-Ar: vol. 207). On the same day (5 Nov.) JA had addressed a very similar appeal to James Warren, speaker of the House (MHi; Warren-Adams Letters, 1:174–175), and Warren replied in detail on 14–16 Nov., naming Simeon Sampson and Daniel Souther as good officer candidates (Adams Papers; same, p. 181–186). Souther was well up on JA's list, but Sampson is the last name there and may have been added upon receipt of Warren's letter. If this is so, it fixes an approximate closing date for the list, say soon after 20 November.
On 22 Dec. the committee reported to Congress the names of the officers it had already appointed (JCC, 3:443). Of the five senior officers—Ezek Hopkins, “commander in chief of the fleet,” and Saltonstall, Whipple, Biddle, and John Burroughs Hopkins, captains—three are on JA's list. Others from that list obtained Continental commands later on, and still others served as privateers or in state naval forces, but detailed annotation of these names must be left to naval historians.
2. Doubtless a repeated entry for Charles Alexander, above.
3. An alphabetical arrangement, with the names filled in and corrected and the colonies with which they were associated, follows. Since many of the names are common ones, some of the identifications must be considered tentative: Charles Alexander, Penna. James? Cargill, Mass. Michael Corbet, Mass. Samuel Davison, Penna. James Dougherty, probably Penna. Nathaniel Falconer, Penna. John Hanson, Md. John Harrison, Md. Ezek Hopkins, R.I. John Lawrence, probably Conn. Clement Lempriere, S.C. Christopher Miller, N.Y. Thomas Moore, Md. Jeremiah O'Brien, Mass. Thomas Randall, N.Y. or Penna. Thomas Read, Del. Dudley Saltonstall, Conn. Simeon Sampson, Mass, (the “P.” following his name must stand for Plymouth, his home port.) Isaac Sears, Mass. Daniel Souther, Mass. Abraham Whipple, R.I.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0006-0001

Author: Stille, John
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-06-24
Date: 1775-11-07
Date: 1775-12-07

[John Stille's Bill for Clothing.]1

John Adams Esqr. To John Stille   Dr.  
1775 June 24th.          
 To makeing Suit of Nankeen   0:   6:   0    
 3 3/4 Y[ard]s of Linnen @ 3/6   0:   13:   1   1/2  
 Buttons   0:   2:   7    
 Thread 1/6 Silk 3/ hair 2/ Buckram /3 Staying 1/6   0:   8:   3    
  £2:   9:   11   1/2  
Novem 7th.          
 To makeing 2 pair of Draws   0:   4:   0    
 3 Y[ard]s of Superfine White flannel at 7/   1:   1:      
  £3:   14:   11   1/2  
[signed] John Stille
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. Endorsed by JA.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0006-0002

Author: Aitken, Robert
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-12-08

[Robert Aitken's Bill for Books]1

John Adams Esqr. Bought of R. Aitken        
1775          
Decr. 8   To 3 red Memdm. books @ 1/32     3   9  
  To 2 Sticks Sealing wax 1/     2    
  To Marshall Saxe's Reveries I paid to Mrs. Hall for you     13    
  <To 1 Sett political Disquisitions 3 Vols.>   <1>   <10>   <>  
    0   18   9  
[signed] Frans: Sellers
N.B. I am not certain whither it was the Political Disquisitions or some other book you had from me, when you got them you proposed paying me but for want of Change at that time, it was not done, & I omitted setting any of your Accot. down in my book. I therefore beg you will set the matter right.
[signed] R. Aitken
.3
1. M-Ar: vol. 210.
2. These are doubtless the three booklets in red-brown leather covers (D/JA/23–25) in which, for the most part, JA kept his Diary from Sept. 1775 to Sept. 1776.
3. James Burgh, author of Political Disquisitions ..., London, 1774–1775, had already presented to JA an inscribed set of the first two volumes of this work critical of British political institutions. The inscription is dated 7 March 1774. When the third volume was published in the following year, Burgh sent JA a complete set, inscribing this also. Both sets survive in the Boston Public Library. See JA to Burgh, 28 Dec. 1774 (Adams Papers, an incomplete draft; printed in JA, Works, 9:350–352).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0006-0003

Author: Smith, Daniel
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-12-08

[Daniel Smith's Bill for Entertainment.]1

Jno. Adams     Dr.  
      s   d  
1775   To Club Venison Dinner     10   10  
  2 Bottles Cyder     2    
    S   12   10  
[signed] Danl. Smith
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. Date supplied from an entry in JA's Account with Massachusetts, Aug.–Dec. 1775, above.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0007-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-12-09

1775. Decr. 9th.1

Having Yesterday as[ked and] obtained Leave of Congress to go home, this Morning I mounted, with my own Servant only, about { 224 } twelve O Clock, and reached the red Lyon about two where I dine. The Roads very miry and dirty, the Weather pleasant, and not cold.2
1. This is the first regular entry since 29 Oct. in JA's Diary. Why he failed to keep a record of either personal or congressional affairs during the last six weeks he attended Congress is unexplained except by the number of committees on which he sat and the amount of writing that some of them, notably the so-called naval committee, required. His correspondence also fell off. On 25 Nov. he wrote to Mercy Warren:
“I wish it was in my Power to write to you oftener than I do, but I am really engaged in constant Business [from] seven to ten in the Morning in Committee, from ten to four in Congress and from Six to Ten again in Committee. Our Assembly is scarcly numerous enough for the Business. Every Body is engaged all Day in Congress and all the Morning and evening in Committees” (Adams Papers).
In respect to JA's activities in Congress the gap in the Diary is at least partially supplied by his Autobiography, which states that he sought a leave at this time because he was “worn down with long and uninterrupted Labour.”
2. JA's itinerary and expenses on this return trip from Philadelphia are recorded in meticulous detail in his Account with Massachusetts, Aug.-Dec. 1775, q.v. above. He arrived in Braintree on 21 December.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0007-0002

Author: Yard, Sarah
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-12-09

[Sarah Yard's Bill for Board.]1

John Adams to Mrs. Yard Dr.
To Board from Septr. 12 to Decr. 8 at 30s. per Week   18:   17:   0  
To a Servants Board for same Time at 15s. per Week   9:   8:   6  
To Clubb in Punch and Wine at Dinner and in your own Room   11:   0:   0  
To Sperma Ceti Candles at .05s. per Week   3:   0:   0  
To Firewood for 8 Weeks at 7s: 6 per Week   1:   10:   0  
To Cash paid for the Post   0:   3:   0  
  43:   18:   6  
  20:   0:   0  
  23:   18:   6  
[signed] By Cash recd, the Above in fool Sarah Yard
>
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. In JA's hand except the dated acknowledgment of payment, which was written and signed by Mrs. Yard. At foot of page are some arithmetical calculations by JA, apparently irrelevant, and a highly relevant notation by the legislative committee appointed to report on JA's accounts converting £23 18s. 6d. Philadelphia currency to £19 2s. gd. lawful money; see JA's Account with Massachusetts, Aug.–Dec. 1775, above, and note 3 there.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0007-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1775-12-10

1775. Decr. 10. Sunday.

Rode from Bristol to Trenton, breakfasted, rode to Princetown, and dined with a Captain Flahaven, in Ld. Sterlings Regiment, who has been express to Congress from his Lordship.
{ 225 }
Flahaven's Father lives in this Province. He has lived in Maryland. Says that the Virginia Convention granting the Scotch Petition to be neutral has done all the Mischief and been the Support of Lord Dunmore. He says the Scotch are in some Parts of Virginia powerfull—that in Alexandria he has heard them cursing the Congress and vilifying not only their public Proceedings but their private Characters. He has heard them decrying the Characters of the Maryland Delegates particularly Chase and the Virginia Delegates particularly Lee, Henry and Washington.
Last Evening, when I dismounted at Bristow, the Taverner shewed me into a Room, where was a young Gentleman very elegantly dress'd, with whom I spent the Evening. His name I could not learn. He told me, he had been an Officer in the Army but had sold out. I had much Conversation with him and some of it very free.
He told me, We had two valuable Prizes among the Prisoners, taken at Chambly and St. Johns—a Mr. Barrington Nephew of Lord Barrington, and a Captain Williams who he says is the greatest Officer in the Service. He gives a most exalted Character of Williams as a Mathematician, Phylosopher, Engineer, and in all other Accomplishments of an Officer.
In the Evening Mr. Baldwin came to see me. We waited on Dr. Witherspoon the President of the Colledge where we saw Mr. Smith and two other of the light Horse from Philadelphia going to the Camp with a Waggon.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0007-0004

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Bass, Joseph
Date: 1775-12-21

[Joseph Bass' Bills to John and Samuel Adams.]1

John Adams Esqr. to Joseph Bass Dr.
AD 1775                  
Sepr. 11   For bording at Mr. Dibleys   0:   8:   5          
Oct.   For one pr. of Quality binding   0   4   0          
  Paid to the Sadler   0   2:   3          
  Paid for triming of the horses   0   5:   0          
  For one Quir of paper   0   3:   6          
  For one Dito   0   3:   6          
  For one stick of sealing wax   0:   1:   0          
  For one Comb   0   2   6          
  For one Quier of paper   0   3:   6          
            £   s   d  
  Pen. Curr.   £1   13   8   =   1:   7:   0  
              L.M.    
[signed] Recd. the above Joseph Bass
{ 226 }
Mr. Adamses bill
Mr. Adams Dr. to Joseph Bass
  £   s   d  
To my Wages from 28th. Aug. to 21. Deer. 1775 @ £3 per Month   11:   5:   0  
[signed] Recd. the above in full Joseph Bass
Honl. Samuel Adams, & John Adams Esqr. to Joseph Bass Dr.
AD 1775     £   s   d  
Nor. 8   For travling Charges to Philidelpha   19:   18:   0  
  To one doz of pipes   0:   15:   0  
  For hors hier   1:   3:   9  
Nor. 28   For one doz of pipes   0:   18:   0  
  To half a doz Dito   0:   3:   0  
  To two pound of tobacow   0:   18:   0  
  Old Ten[or]   £23:   15:   9  
Recd. one half of Mr. J. Adams £1:1 is: 6 L.M.
[signed] Joseph Bass
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. Endorsed by JA.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0001-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-01-03

1776 Jany. 3d. Wednesday.1

1. This heading without text is the last entry in D/JA/24.
After a week in Braintree JA resumed his seat, 28 Dec., in the Massachusetts Council, which was sitting in Watertown. A payroll record in the Council Papers (M-Ar: vol. 164) indicates that he attended sixteen days between then and 24 Jan., the day before he set out once more for Congress, and was paid £5 10s. 10d. for travel and services. His work on committees was as intense as it had been in Congress; see the Council Journal for this session as printed in Force, Archives, 4th ser., 4:1219–1312. One of his committee assignments led to a very characteristic composition from JA's pen, a proclamation “By the Great and General Court of the Colony of Massachusetts-Bay,” dated 23 Jan. 1776 and designed to be read “at the opening of the several Courts of Justice through this Colony, and at Town-Meetings” (Ford, Mass. Broadsides, No. 1973, with facsimile facing p. 272; MS in M-Ar: vol. 138; see Council Journal, Force, Archives, 4th ser., 4:12–46, 1268–1270; Mass., House Jour., 1775–1776, 3d sess., p. 189–92). Others took him to headquarters in Cambridge for consultations with Gen. Washington and formal councils of war. His surviving correspondence with Washington, together with the Council Journal, shows that he was repeatedly at headquarters in January, and the next entry in the Diary records that he dined with a party of officers, including the commander in chief, and their ladies at Cambridge on the day before he started for Philadelphia.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0001-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-01-24

1776. January 24. Wednesday.1

Began my Journey to Phildelphia, dined at C[olonel] Mifflins at { 227 } Cambridge with G. Washington, and Gates and their Ladies, and half a Dozen Sachems and Warriours of the french Cocknowaga Tribe, with their Wives and Children. Williams is one, who was captivated in his Infancy, and adopted. There is a Mixture of White Blood french or English in most of them. Louis, their Principal, speaks English and french as well as Indian. It was a Savage feast, carnivorous Animals devouring their Pray. Yet they were wondrous polite. The General introduced me to them as one of the Grand Council Fire at Philadelphia, upon which they made me many Bows, and a cordial Reception.2
1. First entry in D/JA/25 since 30 Oct. 1775. The following entries, through 29 Jan., are from the same booklet.
On 15 Dec. 1775 the General Court elected the two Adamses, Hancock, and Paine to another year's term as delegates to the Continental Congress, but replaced Thomas Cushing with Elbridge Gerry—an action that disturbed conservatives both in Massachusetts and in Congress. See Mass., House Jour, 1775–1776, 3d sess., p. 44; Samuel Adams to James Warren, 8 March 1776, Warren-Adams Letters, 1:211–212. But JA was pleased by it and had the company of Gerry on the road to Philadelphia, where the two arrived on 8 Feb. and took their seats in Congress next day (JA to AA, 11 Feb. 1776, Adams Papers; see also JCC, 4:122).
2. On the Caughnawagas, who had come to offer their services to the Americans, see Washington to Philip Schuyler, 27 Jan. 1776 (Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 4:280–281).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0001-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-01-25

1776. Jany. 25. Thursday.

About 10 Mr. Gerry called me, and we rode to Framingham, where We dined. Coll. Buckminster after Dinner shewed us, the Train of Artillery brought down from Ticonderoga, by Coll. Knox.1 It consists of Iron—9 Eighteen Pounders, 10 Twelves, 6. six, four nine Pounders, Three 13. Inch Mortars, Two Ten Inch Mortars, one Eight Inch, and one six and an half. Howitz,2 one Eight Inch and an half and one Eight.
Brass Cannon. Eight Three Pounders, one four Pounder, 2 six Pounders, one Eighteen Pounder, and one 24 Pounder. One eight Inch and an half Mortar, one Seven Inch and an half Dto. and five Cohorns.
After Dinner, rode to Maynards, and supped there very agreably.
1. The documents relative to Knox's transportation of the great train of artillery from Fort Ticonderoga to the American camp outside Boston are printed by Alexander C. Flick in N.Y. State Hist. Assoc., Quart. Jour., 9:119–135 (April 1928). They include Knox's own inventory of the guns, with which JA's list closely corresponds and which has been helpful in interpreting JA's confusing punctuation in this passage.
2. A singular or plural form according to OED. Knox's list has the more conventional term “Howitzers.”

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0001-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-01-26

1776 Jany 26. Fryday.

Stopped at Sternes's [Stearns's] in Worcester, and dined with Mr. { 228 } Lincoln at Mr. Jonathan Williams's.1 In Putnams Office where I formerly trimm'd the Midnight Lamp, Mr. Williams keeps Laws Works and Jacob Behmens, with whose Mistical Reveries he is much captivated.2
1. This Jonathan Williams (d. 1780), Harvard 1772, had been a law clerk in JA's office. He was a cousin of the better-known Jonathan Williams (1750–1815), Benjamin Franklin's great-nephew, who a little later crossed JA's path when serving as American agent at Nantes and who became first superintendent of the military academy at West Point; see DAB. On JA's law clerk see “Suffolk Bar Book,” MHS, Procs., 1st ser., 19 (1881–1882):151; Harvard Quinquennial Cat.; John Thaxter to JA, 7 Aug. 1780, Adams Papers.
2. William Law, author of A Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life, 1728, and other religious works, was an English disciple of the German mystic Jakob Boehme or Behmen; see DNB under Law.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0001-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-01-28

1776. Sunday. Jany. 28.

Mr. Upham informs that this Town of Brookfield abounds with a Stone, out of which Allum, Coperas and Sulphur are made. Out of one Bushell of this Stone, he made five Pounds of Coperas. He put the Stone into a Tub, poured Water on it, let it Stand 2 or 3 days, then drew it off, and boiled the Liquor away—let it stand and it shot into a Kind of Christals. Adding Chamberly1 and Alkaline Salts to the Coperas and that makes Allum.
We made some Sulphur, by Sublimation. We put 4 Quarts of the Stone into an Iron Kettle, laid a Wooden Cover over the Kettle leaving an Hole in the Middle. Then We put an Earthern Pot over the Top of the Kettle, and cemented it with Clay—then made a fire under the Kettle, and the Sulphur sublimated. We got about a Spoonfull.2
We have found a Bed of yellow Ocre in this Town. I got 12,00 Wt. We make Spanish Brown by burning the yellow Ocre.
1. Chamber-lye (variously spelled, 1500–1800): “Urine; esp. as used for washing, etc.” (OED).
2. JA could hardly have participated in these experiments, and so it must be assumed that this and the following paragraph are direct discourse by Upham. CFA supplied quotation marks around this passage.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0001-0006

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-01-29

1776 Monday. Jan. 29.

Rode to Springfield, dined at Scotts. Heard that the Cannon at Kingsbridge in N. York were spiked up. That dry Goods, English Goods were sent round to N. York from Boston, and from N. York sold all over N.E. and sent down to Camp. That Tryon has issued Writs for the Choice of a new Assembly, and that the Writs were likely to be obeyed, and the Tories were likely to carry a Majority of Members.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0002-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-02-16

[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1776. Feb.[16]1

In Committee of the whole.
Cant we oblige B. to keep a Navy on foot the Expence of which will be double to what they will take from Us. I have heard of Bullion Sp[anish] Flotas being stoppd least they should be taken—But perishable Commodities never were stopped. Open your Ports to Foreigners. Your Trade will become of so much Consequence, that Foreigners will protect you.2
Wilson. A Gentleman from Mass, thinks that a middle Way should be taken. That Trade should be opened, for some Articles, and to some Places, but not for all Things and to all Places.
I think the Merchants ought to judge for themselves of the danger and Risque. We should be blamed if We did not leave it to them.
I differ from the Gentleman of Massachusetts. Trade ought in War to be carried on with greater Vigour. By what means did B. carry on their Tryumphs last War? The United Provinces their War vs. Spain.
If We determine that our Ports shall not be opened, our Vessells abroad will not return. Our Seamen are all abroad—will not return, unless We open our Trade. I am afraid it will be necessary to invite Foreigners to trade with Us, altho We loose a great Advantage, that of trading in our own Bottoms.
Sherman. I fear We shall maintain the Armies of our Enemies at our own Expence with Provisions. We cant carry on a beneficial Trade, as our Enemies will take our Ships. A Treaty with a foreign Power is necessary, before We open our Trade, to protect it.
Rutledge.3
Harrison. We have hobbled on, under a fatal Attachment to G.B. I felt it as much as any Man but I feel a stronger to my Country.
Wythe. The Ports will be open the 1st. March. The Q. is whether We shall shutt em up. Faece Romuli non Republica Platonis. Americans will hardly live without Trade. It is said our Trade will be of no Advantage to Us, because our Vessells will be taken, our Enemies will be supplied, the W.I. will be supplied at our Expence. This is too true, unless We can provide a Remedy. Our Virginia Convention have resolved, that our Ports be opened to all Nations that will trade with us, except G.B., I. and W.I. If the Inclination of the People, should become universal to trade, We must open our Ports. Merchants will not export our Produce, unless they get a Profit.
{ 230 }
We might get some of our Produce to Markett, by authorizing Adventurers to Arm themselves, and giving Letters of Mark—make Reprisals.
2d. by inviting foreign Powers to make Treaties of Commerce with us.
But other Things are to be considered, before such a Measure is adopted. In what Character shall We treat, as subjects of G.B.—as Rebells? Why should We be so fond of calling ourselves dutifull Subjects.
If We should offer our Trade to the Court of France, would they take Notice of it, any more than if Bristol or Liverpool should offer theirs, while We profess to be Subjects.—No. We must declare ourselves a free People.
If We were to tell them, that after a Season, We would return to our Subjection to G.B., would not a foreign Court wish to have Something permanent.
We should encourage our Fleet. I am convinced that our Fleet may become as formidable as We wish to make it. Moves a Resolution.4
1. First entry in booklet “26” (our D/JA/26), a pocket memorandum book stitched in red-brown leather covers and containing scattered notes of debates in Congress from February to April (possibly early May) 1776.
The day on which the present debate took place can be assigned with some confidence because Richard Smith summarized in his Diary under 16 Feb. a debate of “4 or 5 Hours ... in Grand Comee. [committee of the whole] on Trade,” which corresponds at essential points with JA's fragmentary notes (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:350–52; see JCC, 4:154). See note 4, below.
2. JA does not indicate whose speech this was.
3. Following [Edward] Rutledge's name there is a blank in the MS amounting to two-thirds of a page. JA probably intended to supply notes on Rutledge's speech but failed to do so.
4.
“Wyth ... offered Propositions whereof the first was that the Colonies have a Right to contract Alliances with Foreign Powers, an Objection being offered that this was Independency there ensued much Argument upon that Ground. a leading Question was given Whether this Proposn. shall be considered by the Comee. it was carried in the Affirmative 7 Colonies to 5. then it was debated and postponed” (Richard Smith, Diary, 16 Feb., Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:350–351).
See also JA's Memorandum of Measures to Be Pursued in Congress, Feb.? 1776, following.
From this point until he sailed for France in Feb. 1778, JA's Diary is so fragmentary that it is scarcely practical to indicate, even in summary form, the events in his personal and political life which he failed to record. In compensation, however, one may turn to his Autobiography, where the record for the year 1776 is remarkably full, for when he came to deal with that climactic year he read the published Journals of Congress closely, quoted from them copiously, and commented on them with characteristic freedom. (His own extensive collection of the Journals, Phila., 1777–1788, and early reprints, survives in the Boston Public Library; see Cat. of JA's Library, p. 60–61.) What is more, he occasionally dipped into his files of old correspondence, as he had not done at all up to this point in the Autobiography, to support his commentary. The result is { 231 } that about half of the entire text of Part One of the Autobiography is devoted to the first ten months of 1776 alone, ending with his departure from Congress in October of that year.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0002-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-02

[Memorandum of Measures to Be Pursued in Congress, February? 1776.]1

Mem.
The Confederation to be taken up in Paragraphs.2
An Alliance to be formed with France and Spain.3
Embassadors to be sent to both Courts.
Government to be assumed in every Colony.4
Coin and Currencies to be regulated.5
Forces to be raised and maintained in Canada and New York. St. Lawrence and Hudsons Rivers to be secured.
Hemp to be encouraged and the Manufacture of Duck.6
Powder Mills to be built in every Colony, and fresh Efforts to make Salt Petre.7
An Address to the Inhabitants of the Colonies.8
The Committee for Lead and Salt to be fill'd up, and Sulphur added to their Commission.
Money to be sent to the Paymaster, to pay our Debts, and fullfill our Engagements.
Taxes to be laid, and levied, Funds established. New Notes to be given on Interest, for Bills borrowed.
Treaties of Commerce with F. S. H. D. &c.9
Declaration of Independency, Declaration of War with the Nation, Cruising on the british Trade, their East India Ships and Sugar Ships.10
Prevent the Exportation of Silver and Gold.
1. Regrettably it is impossible to date this important memorandum with certainty. In the MS (D/JA/25) it appears on two facing pages between the entries of 26 and 28 Jan. 1776, which, disregarding other considerations, should indicate that it was written during JA's return journey to Philadelphia. This may be the case, but for reasons pointed out elsewhere the editors have learned to distrust the physical position of undated entries in the Diary as clues to their dates of composition. JA's list displays such familiarity with issues current in Congress that it is extremely doubtful that he could have prepared it on his way back to Philadelphia. It is far more likely that he drew it up after he had resumed his seat on 9 Feb. and had tested the temper of his fellow delegates and, through them, the temper of the country, especially those sections of it beyond New England — which he now felt certain, to use Jefferson's phrase, was ready to fall “from the parent stem” (Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:313). What he found was that, except for Virginia, most of the other colonies were not matured to that point of ripeness, and his task was, in conjunction with others of his mind in Congress, to bring them to that point. As the notes below indicate, many of the measures listed can be identified as resolutions introduced in Congress by JA and other leaders of the independence party during the weeks { 232 } immediately following his return; others were not put forward until late spring or early summer, or at least did not get beyond the talking stage and so are not recorded in the Journal.
The most plausible supposition is that JA compiled his list of agenda, which has the appearance of being composed at one sitting, after conferring with Samuel Adams, Richard Henry Lee, and others with advanced views and agreeing with them on what measures should be pressed, soon after taking his seat, very probably between 10 and 15 Feb. and certainly before 23 Feb. (see note 7, below). If this is a sound conjecture, this paper may be regarded as minutes of a caucus among members who favored American independence.
2. On 21 July 1775 Franklin had laid before Congress a draft plan of “Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union,” but the subject was so touchy that no record of it was made in the official Journal. Copies of Franklin's plan circulated in the colonies and even reached print, but without noticeable effect (Burnett, Continental Congress, p. 91–92; Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:179–180). On 23 Dec. 1775 Jefferson, as chairman of a committee to ascertain the unfinished business before Congress, entered the “Report of the Proposed Articles of Confederation (adjourned from August last)” as the first item, but it was struck from his list, probably by the committee before reporting (JCC, 3:454–456; Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:274–275). According to Richard Smith's Diary there were “considerable Arguments” on the floor of Congress, 16 Jan. 1776, “on the Point Whether a Day shall be fixed for considering the Instrument of Confederation formerly brought in by a Comee. it was carried in the Negative [and so not recorded in the Journal]. Dr. Franklin exerted Himself in Favor of the Confederation as did Hooper, Dickinson and other[s] agt. it” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:313; and see Samuel Adams to JA, 15–16 Jan. 1776, Adams Papers; same, p. 311–312). The Journal of Congress is silent on this subject until 7 June, when the Virginia Resolutions “respecting independency” were brought in, one of which proposed “That a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective Colonies for their consideration and approbation,” and after debate extending over several days a committee was appointed “to prepare and digest the form of a confederation to be entered into between these colonies” (JCC, 5:425, 431, 433). For later developments see entries of 25 July and following, below.
3. A proposal approaching this was made by George Wythe on 16 Feb. 1776; see JA's Notes of Debates of that date, preceding, and note 4 there.
4. JA's main objective (and accomplishment) in the spring of 1776. See his Notes of Debates, 13–15 May, below, and notes there.
5. On 19 April 1776 a committee, of which JA was a member, was appointed by Congress “to examine and ascertain the value of the several species of gold and silver coins, current in these colonies, and the proportions they ought to bear to Spanish milled dollars” (JCC, 4:294). Its report, largely the work of George Wythe, was brought in on 22 May and tabled (same, p. 381–383). For its later history see Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:511–518).
6. This proposal was introduced by JA and adopted by Congress in an enlarged form in March; see JA's Draft Resolutions for Encouraging Agriculture and Manufactures, Feb.–March, below.
7. These proposals, together with the next but one in the present list of agenda, emerged in a series of four important resolutions, adopted by Congress on 23 Feb., to promote the production of military supplies, and ordered to be published (JCC, 4:170–171). Richard Smith in his Diary noted that “these were presented by John Adams” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:361). They were printed in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 28 Feb. 1776.
8. A committee of five members had been appointed on 24 Jan. to draft such an address (JCC, 4:87). All of its members were conservatives (Dickinson, Wilson, Hooper, Duane, and Alexander), and the draft they submitted on 13 Feb., largely the work of Wilson, was a conservative paper that disavowed independence as an American aim (same, p. 134–146; C. Page Smith, James Wilson, Founding Father, 1742–1798, Cha• { 233 } pel Hill, 1956, p. 74–76). This address was in fact part of a campaign by conservative leaders, begun two weeks earlier, to smoke out those in Congress who were secretly working for independence; see Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:304, 311, 326, 334, 348. Proceeding on the assumption that the present notes were the product of a caucus of delegates determined on strong measures, this item could appear among their agenda only because they wished either to alter the proposed address drastically or to suppress it entirely. When it was presented on 13 Feb., they succeeded in tabling it, and it was never resurrected. But while these facts are all consonant with the date of mid-February suggested for JA's memorandum, they do not help to date it any more precisely.
9. France, Spain, Holland, Denmark.
10. On 23 March Congress after some days of debate passed a series of resolutions authorizing “the inhabitants of these colonies ... to fit out armed vessels to cruize on the enemies of these United Colonies” and establishing regulations concerning prizes taken by such privateers (JCC, 4:229–233). The committee that reported a draft of these resolutions (in the form of a “Declaration”) consisted of Wythe, Jay, and Wilson, but their report was amended in Congress, and JA with little doubt contributed to its final form as published (except for a secret paragraph) in the Pennsylvania Gazette, 27 March; see his Autobiography under 19, 22, 23 March 1776. On the day of its adoption JA told a friend that it amounted to at least “three Quarters of a war” against Great Britain (to Horatio Gates, NHi; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:405–406).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0002-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-02

[Draft Resolves Concerning the Secret Committee of Correspondence and a Plan of Confederation, February? 1776.]1

Resolved that the Committee of Secret Correspondence be directed to lay their Letters before this Congress.
Resolved that [] be a Committee to prepare a Draught of firm Confederation, to be reported as soon as may be to this Congress, to be considered and digested and recommended to the several Assemblies and Conventions of these united Colonies, to be by them adopted, ratified and confirmed.
1. It is impossible to date with certainty these draft resolutions, which JA perhaps introduced in an unrecorded session of a committee of the whole. In the MS they follow his notes of debates assigned to 16 Feb. and precede the quotation from Jeremiah which follows the present entry. But it was not until 10 May that Congress “Resolved, That the Committee of Secret Correspondence be directed to lay their proceedings before Congress on Monday next, withholding the names of the persons they have employed, or with whom they have corresponded” (JCC, 4:345). And it was not until 11–12 June (as a result of the Virginia Resolutions of 7 June) that a committee was agreed to and appointed to prepare a plan of confederation (same, 5:431, 433; see Memorandum of Measures to Be Pursued in Congress, preceding, and note 2 there).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0002-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-02

[February? 1776.]

3. Jer. 12. Go proclaim these Words towards the North. Return thou { 234 } backsliding Israel and I will not cause my anger to fall upon you, for I am merciful and will not be angry forever.1
1. On 17 Feb. Congress “Resolved, That a committee of three be chosen to prepare instructions for the committee appointed to go to Canada”; and the members chosen were JA, Wythe, and Sherman (JCC, 4:159). They reported a draft on 9 March, which after amendments and additions was finally adopted and spread on the Journal on 20 March (same, p. 193, 215–219). Doubtless JA recorded this appropriate Scriptural passage while engaged in this assignment, which he considered to be of the utmost importance; see his Autobiography under 17 Feb., 20 March 1776.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0002-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-02

[February? 1776.]

Any Goods or Commodities, except Staves for Sale, may be exported, from the united Colonies to any other Part of the World, not subject to the Crown of G.B.1
1. Written on an otherwise blank front leaf in D/JA/26, this is evidently tentative phrasing for an article in the report of the committee of the whole on American trade. From 16 Feb. on, this committee discussed from time to time the opening of American ports, and on 6 April Congress voted certain regulations including the present one, though in different language (JCC, 4:154, 257).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0003-0001

Author: Adams, John
DateRange: 1776-02 - 1776-03

[Draft Resolutions for Encouraging Agriculture and Manufactures, February–March 1776.]1

Resolved, That it be recommended to the several Assemblies, Conventions, Councils of Safety and Committees of Correspondence and Inspection, that they use their utmost Endeavours, by all reasonable Means to promote die Culture of Flax, Hemp, and Cotton and the Growth of Wool in these united Colonies.
Resolved That it be recommended to the Assemblies, Conventions, and Councils of Safety, that they take the earliest Measures for erecting in each and every Colony a Society for the Encouragement of Agriculture, Arts, Manufactures and Commerce, and that a Correspondence be maintained between such Societies, that the2 numerous natural Advantages of this Country for supporting its Inhabitants may not be neglected.
Resolved that it be recommended to the said Assemblies, Conventions and Councils of Safety that they3 consider of Ways and Means of introducing the Manufactures of Duck and Sail Cloth4 into such Colonies where they are not now understood and of5 increasing and promoting them where they are.
Resolved that [] be a Committee, to receive all Plans and Proposals for encouraging and improving the Agriculture, Arts, Manufactures and Commerce both foreign and domestic of America, to correspond with the several Assemblies, Conventions, Councils and { 235 } Committees of Safety, Committees of Correspondence and of Observation in these united Colonies upon these interesting Subjects.6
That these be published.
1. The first three of these four resolutions were voted by Congress on 21 March and, as JA wished, were ordered to be published (JCC, 4:224). They were printed in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 27 March. In copying them into his Autobiography JA said that these were “three Resolutions, which I claim,” though we have no clue as to when they were written or introduced except for the fact that in the MS they immediately precede the entry that JA himself dated 1 March. It should also be noted that well up on his list of Measures to be Pursued in Congress (Feb.? 1776, above) is the item: “Hemp to be encouraged and the Manufacture of Duck.”
2. The text as adopted by Congress inserts at this point: “rich and.”
3. Text as adopted inserts at this point: “forthwith.”
4. Text as adopted inserts at this point: “and steel”— the only substantive change between the resolutions as drafted and as adopted.
5. Text as adopted inserts at this point: “encouraging.”
6. After reporting the adoption of the first three resolutions above, Richard Smith adds in his Diary that “a Clause was erased for a standing Comee. of Congress to correspond with and assist these Societies” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:402). Thus was defeated the earliest in a long series of proposals by two successive generations of Adamses to associate the American government with the promotion of useful arts.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0004-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-03-01

1776 March 1.

How is the Interest of France and Spain affected, by the dispute between B. and the C[olonies]? Is it the Interest of France [to] stand neuter, to join with B. or to join with the C. Is it not her Interest, to dismember the B. Empire? Will her Dominions be safe, if B. and A[merica] remain connected? Can she preserve her Possessions in the W.I. She has in the W.I. Martinico, Guadaloupe, and one half of Hispaniola. In Case a Reconciliation should take Place, between B. and A. and a War should break out between B. and France, would not all her Islands be taken from her in 6 Months?
The Colonies are now much more warlike and powerfull than they were, during the last War. A martial Spirit has seized all the Colonies. They are much improved in Skill and Discipline. They have now a large standing Army. They have many good officers. They abound in Provisions. They are in the Neighbourhood of the W.I. A British Fleet and Army united with an American Fleet and Army and supplied with Provisions and other Necessaries from America, might conquer all the french Islands in the W.I. in six Months, and a little <less> more Time than that would be required, to destroy all their Marine and Commerce.1
1. This entry and that dated 4 March which follows are presumably private reflections by the diarist. At any rate they have no discernible connection with proceedings in Congress of 1 or 4 March. No committee of the whole sat on either of those days.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0004-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-03-04

Monday March 4. 1776.

Resentment is a Passion, implanted by Nature for the Preservation of the Individual. Injury is the Object which excites it. Injustice, Wrong, Injury excites the Feeling of Resentment, as naturally and necessarily as Frost and Ice excite the feeling of cold, as fire excites heat, and as both excite Pain. A Man may have the Faculty of concealing his Resentment, or suppressing it, but he must and ought to feel it. Nay he ought to indulge it, to cultivate it. It is a Duty. His Person, his Property, his Liberty, his Reputation are not safe without it. He ought, for his own Security and Honour, and for the public good to punish those who injure him, unless they repent, and then he should forgive, having Satisfaction and Compensation. Revenge is unlawfull.
It is the same with Communities. They ought to resent and to punish.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0005-0001

Author: Adams, John
DateRange: 1776-03 - 1776-04

[Notes on Relations with France, March—April 1776.1]

Is any Assistance attainable from F.?
What Connection may We safely form with her?
1 st. No Political Connection. Submit to none of her Authority—receive no Governors, or officers from her.
2d. No military Connection. Receive no Troops from her.
3d. Only a Commercial Connection, i.e. make a Treaty, to receive her Ships into our Ports. Let her engage to receive our Ships into her Ports—furnish Us with Arms, Cannon, Salt Petre, Powder, Duck, Steel.
1. These notes, very likely prepared for a speech in Congress or in committee of the whole, follow the entry of 4 March after a short interval of space in the MS. The subject of overtures to France was recurrently debated throughout March and April.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0005-0002

Author: Adams, John
DateRange: 1776-03 - 1776-04

[Draft Resolution Concerning Instructions to Delegates, March—April 1776.]1

Whereas, the present State of America, and the cruel Efforts of our Enemies, render the most perfect and cordial Union of the Colonies and the utmost Exertions of their Strength, necessary for the Preservation and establishment of their Liberties, therefore
Resolved. That it be recommended to the several Assemblies and Conventions of these united Colonies, who have limited the Powers of their Delegates in this Congress, by any express Instructions, that they repeal or suspend those Instructions for a certain Time, that this Con• { 237 } gress may have Power, without any unnecessary Obstruction or Embarrassment, to concert, direct and order, such further Measures, as may seem to them necessary for the Defence and Preservation, Support and Establishment of Right and Liberty in these Colonies.2
1. This draft follows the preceding entry after a short interval of space and is the last entry in D/JA/26. There is no other clue to its date. CFA suggested that “This is perhaps the first draught of the well known motion made in Committee of the Whole, on the sixth of May, which was reported to the House, on the tenth,” recommending the establishment of governments in the colonies “sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs” (JA, Works, 2:489, note; JCC, 4:342). But it seems to be, rather, a different device to achieve the same end, i.e. to draw the teeth from the instructions still controlling the delegations from the middle colonies. There can be no doubt that JA proposed to introduce it into the debates of the committee of the whole during March or April, but whether he did or not remains a question. For the source of JA's language see the next note.
2. Compare the instructions issued to the Massachusetts delegates by the General Court on 18 Jan. 1776 (while JA was attending as a member of the Council): “Resolved that they or any one or more of them are hereby fully impowered, with the delegates from the other American Colonies to concert, direct and order such further measures as shall to them appear best calculated for the Establishment of Right and Liberty to the American Colonies upon a Basis permanent and secured against the power and arts of the British Administration” (Adams Papers). JA was simply proposing to extend the Massachusetts Instructions throughout the Continent.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0006-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-04

[Residences of Delegates in Philadelphia, April? 1776.]1

Coll. Whipple lodges at Mrs. [] in Walnut Street.
Mr. Hancock, Messrs. Adams's, Paine and Gerry at Mrs. Yards in 2d Street.
Mr. Hopkins at []
Mr. Sherman, Coll. Wolcott and Coll. Huntington at Mr. Duncans in 3d.
Mr. Duane at the Collectors in Markett Street, next door to Coll. Reads.
Gen. Livingston, Mr. De Hart in Second Street.
Mr. Serjeant at Dr. Ewing's.
Mr. Moreton at []
Mr. Wilson at []
Mr. Johnson at []
Mr. Alexander at []
Mr. Goldsborough at []
Mr. Tilghman at his Brothers.
{ 238 }
Coll. R. H. Lee at []
Coll. F. L. Lee at the Corner opposite Mr. George Clymers.
Mr. Wythe in Chesnutt Street.
Coll. Harrison at Randolphs.
Mr. Braxton at []
Mr. Hewes, at, in 3d Street—lives alone.
Mr. Rutledge at Mrs. Yards.
Mr. Lynch at []
Mr. Lynch Junr. at []
1. This imperfect but interesting list, hitherto unpublished, was written in the final leaves of D/JA/25. JA evidently put down all the names at one sitting but left ample space for additional names and addresses to be supplied later. A comparison with the attendance records of members compiled by Burnett (Letters of Members, 1:xli–lxvi) shows that, apart from the (doubtless inadvertent) omission of the Delaware delegation, JA's list closely approximates the membership of Congress known from other evidence to have been present in late April. One could be more confident and precise about the date if the attendance records of certain members of the New York and South Carolina delegations were less obscure.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0007-0001

Author: Adams, John
DateRange: 1776-05-13 - 1776-05-15

[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress, 13–15 May 1776.]1

Mr. Duane moves that the Delegation from N. York might be read.2
When We were invited by Mass. Bay to the first Congress an Objection was made to binding ourselves by Votes of Congress.
Congress ought not to determine a Point of this Sort, about instituting Government. What is it to Congress, how Justice is administered. You have no Right to pass the Resolution—any more than Parliament has.
How does it appear that no favourable Answer is likely to be given to our Petitions? Every Account of foreign Aid, is accompanied with an Account of Commissioners.3
Why all this Haste? Why this Urging? Why this driving?—Disputes about Independence are in all the Colonies. What is this owing to, but our Indiscretion?
I shall take the Liberty of informing my Constituents that I have not been guilty of a Breach of Trust. I do protest vs. this Piece of Mechanism, this Preamble.
If the Facts in this Preamble should prove to be true, there will not be one Voice vs. Independence.
{ 239 }
I suppose the Votes have been numbered and there is to be a Majority.4
McKean. Construes the Instructions from N. York as Mr. Sherman does, and thinks this Measure the best to produce Harmony with G. Britain. There are now 2 Governments in direct Opposition to each other. Dont doubt that foreign Mercenaries are coming to destroy Us. I do think We shall loose our Liberties, Properties and Lives too, if We do not take this Step.
S. Adams. We have been favoured with a Reading of the Instructions from N. York. I am glad of it. The first Object of that Colony is no doubt the Establishment of their Rights. Our Petitions have not been heard—yet answered with Fleets and Armies and are to be answered with Mirmidons from abroad. The Gentleman from N. York, Mr. Duane, has not objected to the Preamble, but this—he has not a Right to vote for it.5 We cant go upon stronger Reasons, than that the King has thrown us out of his Protection. Why should We support Governments under his Authority? I wonder the People have conducted so well as they have.
Mr. Wilson. Was not present in Congress when the Resolution pass'd, to which this Preamble is proposed. I was present and one of the Committee, who reported the Advice to Mass. Bay.6 N. Hampshire, Carolina and Virginia, had the same Advice, and with my hearty Concurrence.
The Claims of Parliament will meet with Resistance to the last Extremity. Those Colonies were Royal Governments. They could not subsist without some Government.
A Maxim, that all Government originates from the People. We are the Servants of the People sent here to act under a delegated Authority. If we exceed it, voluntarily, We deserve neither Excuse nor Justification.
Some have been put under Restraints by their Constituents. They cannot vote, without transgressing this Line. Suppose they should hereafter be called to an Account for it. This Province has not by any public Act, authorized us to vote upon this Question. This Province has done much and asked little from this Congress. The Assembly, largely increased, will [not]7 meet till next Monday. Will the Cause suffer much, if this Preamble is not published at this Time? If the Resolve is published without the Preamble. The Preamble contains a Reflection upon the Conduct of some People in America. It was equally irreconcileable to good Conscience Nine Months ago, to take the Oaths of Allegiance, as it is now. Two respectable Members last Febru• { 240 } ary, took the Oath of Allegiance in our Assembly. Why should We expose any Gentlemen to such an invidious Reflection?
In Magna Charta, there is a Clause, which authorises the People to seize the K[ing]'s Castles, and opposes his Arms when he exceeds his duty.
In this Province if that Preamble passes there will be an immediate Dissolution of every Kind of Authority. The People will be instantly in a State of Nature. Why then precipitate this Measure. Before We are prepared to build the new House, why should We pull down the old one, and expose ourselves to all the Inclemencies of the Season.8
R. H. Lee. Most of the Arguments apply to the Resolve and not to the Preamble.
1. First entry in D/JA/27, a pocket memorandum book stitched into red-brown leather covers and containing scattered notes of proceedings in Congress from this date through 2 Aug. 1776. On the date of the present debate see the next note.
2. That is, the instructions to the New York delegates issued by the New York Provincial Convention, 12 April 1775. The delegates were instructed “to concert and determine upon such measures, as shall be judged most effectual for the preservation and reestablishment of American rights and priviledges, and for the restoration of harmony between Great Britain and the Colonies” (JCC, 2:15–16; italics added). The New York delegates were not released from this instruction until 9 July, after independence had been voted and the Declaration adopted (same, 5:560).
On 10 May, according to the Journal,
“Congress then resumed the consideration of the report from the committee of the whole [on the state of the United Colonies], which being read was agreed to as follows:
Resolved, That it be recommended to the respective assemblies and conventions of the United Colonies, where no government sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs have been hitherto established, to adopt such government as shall, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in general.
Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to prepare a preamble to the foregoing resolution:
“The members chosen, Mr. J[ohn] Adams, Mr. [Edward] Rutledge, and Mr. R[ichard] H[enry] Lee” (same, 4:342).
The resolution for instituting new governments, which JA in his Autobiography pronounced “an Epocha, a decisive Event,” had been debated in committee of the whole for some time, though it is not clear just how long. The assumption, frequently encountered, that it formed part of the report of a committee of the whole on 6 May cannot be verified. As for its authorship, we have the statement by JA in his Autobiography that “In the Beginning of May I procured the Appointment of a Committee, to prepare a resolution recommending to the People of the States to institute Governments. The Committee of whom I was one requested me to draught a resolve which I did and by their Direction reported it.” Though JA was undoubtedly a prime mover of this business, this account, written from memory, misleadingly blends the resolution adopted on the 10th with the preamble adopted on the 15th.
The committee to prepare a preamble reported a draft on 13 May, “which was read, and postponed till to morrow”; two days later it was taken “into consideration [and] agreed to” in the form spread on the Journal (JCC, 4:351, 357–358). Both the resolution and the preamble were published in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 22 May.
The debate recorded in the present { 241 } notes was clearly over the preamble, the language of which was much stronger than that of the resolution it accompanied, since it called for the total suppression “of every land of authority” under the British crown. This debate must have taken place between 13 and 15 May. Carter Braxton, a conservative member from Virginia, wrote on 17 May to Landon Carter that the resolution and preamble, taken together, fall
“little short of Independence. It was not so understood by Congress but I find those out of doors on both sides the question construe it in that manner. The assumption of Governt. was necessary and to that resolution little objection was made, but when the Preamble was reported much heat and debate did ensue for two or three Days” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:453–454).
3. See James Duane to John Jay, 11 May 1776 (same, p. 443).
4. Carter Braxton said on 17 May that the vote on the preamble was “I think ... 6 to 4” (same, p. 454). James Allen, a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly, recorded in his Diary on 15 May that it “was carried by a majority of 7 Colonies to 4” (PMHB, 9:187 [July 1885]). If Allen was right, this would mean that one colony was divided. (Georgia had no delegates present until 20 May.)
5. Dash supplied in this sentence for clarity.
6. “Advice” to throw off royal authority and assume the powers of government, June 1775; see JCC, 2:81, 83–84, and JA's Autobiography under 7 June 1775. Similar advice was given to other colonies when they sought it of Congress later in the same year.
7. Inadvertent omission in the MS.
8. Wilson proved a true prophet. The current measures of Congress effectually destroyed the proprietary government of Pennsylvania, a primary target of the independence party in Congress, and led directly to the formation of a new state government. See J. Paul Selsam, The Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776, Phila., 1936, ch. 3.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0008-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-07-25

[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress on the Articles of Confederation]1 July 25. 1776.2

Art. 14. of the Confederation.3
Terms in this Article, equivocal and indefinite.
Jefferson. The Limits of the Southern Colonies are fixed....4 Moves an Amendment, that all Purchases of Lands, not within the Boundaries of any Colony shall be made by Congress, of the Indians in a great Council.— Sherman seconds the Motion....5
Chase. The Intention of this Article is very obvious, and plain. The Article appears to me to be right, and the Amendment wrong. It is the Intention of some Gentlemen to limit the Boundaries of particular States. No colony has a Right to go to the S[outh] Sea. They never had—they cant have. It would not be safe to the rest. It would be destructive to her Sisters, and to herself.
Art. 16 [i.e. 15]....6
Jefferson. What are reasonable Limits? What Security have We that the Congress will not curtail the present Settlements of the States. I have no doubt, that the Colonies will limit themselves.
Wilson. Every Gentleman has heard much of Claims to the South { 242 } Sea. They are extravagant. The Grants were made upon Mistakes. They were ignorant of the Geography. They thought the S. Sea within 100 Miles of the Atlantic Ocean. It was not conceived that they extended 3000 Miles. Ld. Cambden considers the Claims to the South Sea, as what never can be reduced to Practice. Pensilvania has no Right to interfere in those claims. But she has a Right to say, that she will not confederate unless those Claims are cut off. I wish the Colonies themselves would cutt off those Claims....
Art. 16.7
Chase moves for the Word deputies, instead of Delegates, because the Members of the Maryland Convention are called Delegates, and he would have a Distinction.—Answer. In other Colonies the Reverse is true. The Members of the House are called deputies.
Jefferson objects to the first of November.— Dr. Hall moves for May, for the time to meet.— Jefferson thinks that Congress will have a short Meeting in the Fall and another in the Spring.— Hayward thinks the Spring the best Time.— Wilson thinks the fall—and November better than October, because September is a busy Month, every where.
Dr. Hall. Septr. and Octr. the most sickly and mortal Months in the Year. The Season is forwarder in Georgia in April, than here in May.
Hopkinson moves that the Power of recalling Delegates be reserved to the State not to the Assembly, because that may be changed.
Art. 17.8
Each Colony shall have one Vote.
1. This being the first entry since May, we have nothing in JA's Diary or his notes of proceedings in Congress to indicate the part he played in the final struggle for political independence or the nature of his labors in Congress in the weeks that followed. Among his many assignments that summer, the most taxing was his service at the head of the Board of War and Ordnance, a standing committee appointed on 13 June (JCC, 5:438), to which all routine military business was thereafter referred. In his Autobiography, under date of 15 June 1776, JA lists the duties of the Board, and he did not exaggerate in saying that “From this time, We find in Almost every days Journal References of various Business to the Board of War, or their Reports upon such Things as were referred to them.” The MS reports of the Board of War from the summer of 1776 to Oct. 1777 fill a volume in PCC, No. 147.
2. A summary account of efforts, July 1775—June 1776, to arrive at a plan of confederation has been given above in a note on JA's paper called Measures to be Pursued in Congress, Feb.? 1776. On 12 June a committee consisting of one member (not including JA) from each colony was appointed “to prepare and digest the form of a confederation to be entered into between these colonies”; exactly a month later this committee reported a draft composed by John Dickinson, which was read and ordered to be printed exclusively for the use of members (JCC, 5:433. 546–556). On 22 July the printed draft was taken { 243 } up in a committee of the whole, which debated the articles at intervals from then until 20 Aug., when a revised text or second draft was reported to Congress by the committee and a second confidential printing was ordered for later consideration (same, p. 600, 674–689). JA's Notes of Debates which follow record in a fragmentary way the discussions in committee of the whole from 25 July to 2 Aug., inclusive. They are paralleled and supplemented by similar notes taken by Jefferson on the debates in committee on two critical articles in Dickinson's plan during the three days 30 July—1 Aug. (Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:320–327).
3. Article XIV of the Dickinson draft dealt with the mode of purchasing land from the Indians (JCC, 5:549).
4. The suspension points, both here and below in this series of notes on the debates concerning confederation, are in the MS.
5. For the full text of Jefferson's amendment, written on a slip affixed to the MS of the Dickinson draft, see Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:181–182. The whole of Article XIV was omitted in the revised text, or second draft, of 20 Aug. (JCC, 5:679–680).
6. Article XV dealt with boundaries of colonies or states, but was dependent on a clause in Article XVIII granting Congress the power to fix these boundaries (same, p. 549). Debate on this subject was resumed in committee of the whole on 2 Aug., q.v., below.
7. Article XVI in the Dickinson draft dealt with the mode of choosing and recalling delegates, the times Congress would convene, &c. (JCC, 5:549–550).
8. Article XVII in the Dickinson draft reads: “In determining Questions (in Congress) each Colony shall have one Vote” (same, p. 550). Jefferson's Notes of Proceedings do not indicate that this important article came up at all until 30 July. If it did come up on the 25th, it was quickly passed over, but see 30 July and 1 Aug., below.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0008-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-07-26

[Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued] July. 26.

Rutledge and Linch oppose giving the Power of regulating the Trade and managing all Affairs of the Indians, to Congress.1 The Trade is profitable they say.
Gwinnett is in favour of Congress having such Power.
Braxton is for excepting such Indians as are tributary to any State. Several Nations are tributary to Virginia.
Jefferson explains it to mean the Indians who live in the Colony. These are Subject to the Laws in some degree.
Wilson. We have no Right over the Indians, whether within or without the real or pretended Limits of any Colony.... They will not allow themselves to be classed according to the Bounds of Colonies. Grants made 3000 miles to the Eastward have no Validity with the Indians. The Trade of Pensilvania has been more considerable with the Indians than that of the neighbouring Colonies.
Walton. The Indian Trade is of no essential service to any Colony. It must be a Monopoly. If it is free it produces Jealousies and Animosities, and Wars. Carolina very passionately considers this Trade as contributory to her Grandeur and Dignity. Deerskins are a great Part of the Trade. A great difference between S. Carolina and Georgia. { 244 } Carolina is in no danger from the Indians at present. Georgia is a frontier and Barrier to Car. G. must be overrun and extirpated before Car. can be hurt. G. is not equal to the Expence of giving the Donations to the Indians, which will be necessary to keep them at Peace. The Emoluments of the Trade are not a Compensation for the Expence of donations.
Rutledge differs from Walton in a Variety of Points.—We must look forward with extensive Views. Carolina has been run to an amazing expence to defend themselves vs. Indians. In 1760 &c. fifty thousand Guineas were spent. We have now as many Men on the frontiers, as in Charlestown. We have Forts in the Indian Countries. We are connected with them by Treaties.
Lynch. Congress may regulate the Trade, if they will indemnify Car. vs. the Expence of keeping Peace with the Indians, or defending Us vs. them.
Witherspoon. Here are two adjacent Provinces, situated alike with respect to the Indians, differing totally in their Sentiments of their Interests.
Chase. S. Carolina claims to the S. Sea. So does North, Virginia, and Massachusetts Bay. S. Carolina says they have a Right to regulate the Trade with the Indians. If so 4 Colonies have all the Power of regulating Trade with the Indians. S.C. alone could not stand alone vs. the Indian Nations.
Sherman moves that Congress may have a Superintending Power, to prevent Injustice to the Indians or Colonies.
Willson. No lasting Peace will be with the Indians, unless made by some one Body. No such language as this ought to be held to the Indians. We are stronger, We are better. We treat you better than another Colony. No Power ought to treat, with the Indians, but the united States. Indians know the striking Benefits of Confederation— they have an Example of it in the Union of the Six nations. The Idea of the Union of the Colonies struck them forcibly last Year. None should trade with Indians without a Licence from Congress. A perpetual War would be unavoidable, if every Body was allowed to trade with them.
Stone. This Expedient is worse than either of the Alternatives. What is the meaning of this Superintendency? Colonies will claim the Right first. Congress cant interpose untill the Evil has happened. Disputes will arise when Congress shall interpose.
1. The debate in committee of the whole this day relates to a clause in Article XVIII of the Dickinson draft granting Congress the power of “regulat• { 245 } ing the Trade, and managing all Affairs with the Indians,” which was incorporated in the second draft of 20 Aug. with a minor modification (JCC, 5:550, 682).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0008-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-07-30

[Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued] July 30. 1776.

Dr. Franklin. Let the smaller Colonies give equal Money and Men, and then have an equal Vote. But if they have an equal Vote, without bearing equal Burthens, a Confederation upon such iniquitous Principles, will never last long.1
Dr. Witherspoon. We all agree that there must and shall be a Confederation, for this War. It will diminish the Glory of our Object, and depreciate our Hope. It will damp the Ardor of the People. The greatest danger We have is of Disunion among ourselves. Is it not plausible, that the small States will be oppressed by the great ones. The Spartans and Helotes—the Romans and their Dependents.
Every Colony is a distinct Person. States of Holland.2
Clark. We must apply for Pardons, if We dont confederate....
Wilson.... We should settle upon some Plan of Representation.3
Chase. Moves that the Word, White, should be inserted in the 11. Article. The Negroes are wealth. Numbers are not a certain Rule of wealth. It is the best Rule We can lay down. Negroes a Species of Property—personal Estate. If Negroes are taken into the Computation of Numbers to ascertain Wealth, they ought to be in settling the Representation. The Massachusetts Fisheries, and Navigation ought to be taken into Consideration. The young and old Negroes are a Burthen to their owners. The Eastern Colonies have a great Advantage, in Trade. This will give them a Superiority. We shall be governed by our Interests, and ought to be. If I am satisfied, in the Rule of levying and appropriating Money, I am willing the small Colonies may have a Vote.4
Wilson. If the War continues 2 Years, each Soul will have 40 dollars to pay of the public debt. It will be the greatest Encouragement to continue Slave keeping, and to increase them, that can be to exempt them from the Numbers which are to vote and pay.... Slaves are Taxables in the Southern Colonies. It will be partial and unequal. Some Colonies have as many black as white.... These will not pay more than half what they ought. Slaves prevent freemen cultivating a Country. It is attended with many Inconveniences.5
{ 246 }
Lynch. If it is debated, whether their Slaves are their Property, there is an End of the Confederation. Our Slaves being our Property, why should they be taxed more than the Land, Sheep, Cattle, Horses, &c. Freemen cannot be got, to work in our Colonies. It is not in the Ability, or Inclination of freemen to do the Work that the Negroes do. Carolina has taxed their Negroes. So have other Colonies, their Lands.
Dr. Franklin. Slaves rather weaken than strengthen the State, and there is therefore some difference between them and Sheep. Sheep will never make any Insurrections.
Rutledge.... I shall be happy to get rid of the idea of Slavery. The
Slaves do not signify Property. The old and young cannot work. The Property of some Colonies are to be taxed, in others not. The Eastern Colonies will become the Carriers for the Southern. They will obtain Wealth for which they will not be taxed.
1. The committee of the whole was now debating Article XVII of Dickinson's draft, which provided that each colony or state would have a single vote in Congress. (See entry of 25 July and note 8 there.) Compare Franklin's speech as recorded here and also Witherspoon's (which follows) with Jefferson's report of the same speeches in his Papers, 1:324–325.
2. JA omits but Jefferson reports an important speech by JA himself on this topic this day, immediately following Witherspoon's (same, p. 325–326).
3. Here follows a short interval of space in the MS, the only indication provided by the diarist that in what follows the committee had shifted to a different and equally important issue, namely the provision in Article XI of Dickinson's draft that the money contributions of the states should be “in Proportion to the Number of Inhabitants of every Age, Sex and Quality, except Indians not paying Taxes” (JCC, 5:548).
There is reason to believe that JA failed to note not only a change of subject but also a change in date between what precedes and what follows this break in his MS notes. That the method of establishing tax quotas was debated on 31 as well as 30 July seems clear from Jefferson's Notes (Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:320), but JA passes over the 31st silently. More telling is the reference by Hooper, under 1 Aug., below, to the “Rule that was laid down Yesterday, that the Riches of a Country are in Proportion to the Numbers of Inhabitants.” This almost certainly refers to the opening of JA's own remarks reported by Jefferson; see the following note.
Debate on Article XVII was resumed on 1 Aug., q.v., below.
4. Compare Chase's speech as reported by Jefferson in his Papers, 1:320–321. The Chase amendment was not agreed to by the committee; see entry of 1 Aug., below, and note 2 there.
JA omits but Jefferson reports a speech by JA himself following Chase's (Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:321–322). For reasons mentioned in the preceding note it is likely that this speech was given on 31 July, though since Jefferson divides his report of the debates on confederation by topic rather than by date, this supposition cannot be verified.
5. Compare Wilson's speech as reported by Jefferson in his Papers, 1:322.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0009-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-08-01

[Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued] Aug. 1. 1776.

Hooper.1 N.C. is a striking Exception to the general Rule that was { 247 } laid down Yesterday, that the Riches of a Country are in Proportion to the Numbers of Inhabitants. A Gentleman of 3 or 400 Negroes, dont raise more corn than feeds them. A Labourer cant be hired for less than £24 a Year in Mass. Bay. The neat profit of a Negro is not more than 5 or 6£ pr. An[num]. I wish to see the day that Slaves are not necessary. Whites and Negroes cannot work together. Negroes are Goods and Chattells, are Property. A Negro works under the Impulse of fear—has no Care of his Masters Interest.2
17. Art.
Dr. Franklin moves that Votes should be in Proportion to Numbers.
Mr. Middleton moves that the Vote should be according to what they pay.
Sherman thinks We ought not to vote according to Numbers. We are Rep[resentative]s of States not Individuals. States of Holland. The Consent of every one is necessary. 3 Colonies would govern the whole but would not have a Majority of Strength to carry those Votes into Execution.
The Vote should be taken two Ways. Call the Colonies and call the Individuals, and have a Majority of both.
Dr. Rush. Abbe Reynauld [Raynal] has attributed the Ruin of the united Provinces to 3 Causes. The principal one is that the Consent of every State is necessary. The other that the Members are obliged to consult their Constituents upon all Occasions.
We loose an equal Representation. We represent the People. It will tend to keep up colonial Distinctions. We are now a new Nation. Our Trade, Language, Customs, Manners dont differ more than they do in G. Britain.
The more a Man aims at serving America the more he serves his Colony.
It will promote Factions in Congress and in the States.
It will prevent the Growth of Freedom in America. We shall be loth to admit new Colonies into the Confederation. If We vote by Numbers Liberty will be always safe. Mass, is contiguous to 2 small Colonies, R.[I]. and N.H. Pen. is near N.Y. and D. Virginia is between Maryland and N. Carolina.
We have been to[o] free with the Word Independence. We are dependent on each other—not totally independent States.
Montesquieu pronounced the Confederation of Licea the best that ever was made. The Cities had different Weights in the Scale.
China is not larger than one of our Colonies. How populous.
{ 248 }
It is said that the small Colonies deposit their all. This is deceiving Us with a Word.
I would not have it understood, that I am pleading the Cause of Pensilvania. When I entered that door, I considered myself a Citizen of America.3
Dr. Witherspoon. Rep[resentatio]n in England is unequal. Must I have 3 Votes in a County because I have 3 times as much Money as my Neighbour. Congress are to determine the Limits of Colonies.
G[overnor] Hopkins. A momentous Question. Many difficulties on each Side. 4 larger, 5 lesser, 4 stand indifferent. V. M. P. M.4 make more than half the People. 4 may alw5
C, N.Y., 2 Carolinas, not concerned at all. The dissinterested Coolness of these Colonies ought to determine. I can easily feel the Reasoning of the larger Colonies. Pleasing Theories always gave Way to the Prejudices, Passions, and Interests of Mankind.
The Germanic Confederation. The K. of Prussia has an equal Vote. The Helvetic Confederacy. It cant be expected that 9 Colonies will give Way to be governed by 4. The Safety of the whole depends upon the distinctions of Colonies.
Dr. Franklin. I hear many ingenious Arguments to perswade Us that an unequal Representation is a very good Thing. If We had been born and bred under an unequal Representation We might bear it. But to sett out with an unequal Representation is unreasonable.
It is said the great Colonies will swallow up the less. Scotland said the same Thing at the Union.
Dr. Witherspoon. Rises to explain a few Circumstances relating to Scotland. That was an incorporating Union, not a federal. The Nobility and Gentry resort to England.
In determining all Questions, each State shall have a Weight in Proportion to what it contributes to the public Expences of the united States.
1. Hooper is continuing the discussion of Article XI, on the method of apportioning taxes.
2. In a vote in committee of the whole this day Chase's motion to insert “white” before “Inhabitants” in Article XI lost by seven states to five, the vote being strictly sectional, though Georgia's vote was divided and therefore not counted (Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:323).
After the present paragraph there is an interval of space in the MS amounting to half a page, and thereafter the committee resumed discussion of Article XVII, broken off on 30 July, q.v., above.
3. Compare Rush's speech as reported by Jefferson in his Papers, 1:326.
4. Virginia, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland.
5. Sentence breaks off thus in MS, { 249 } but compare Jefferson's summary of Hopkins' remarks: “the 4. largest ... therefore would govern the others as they should please” (Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:326).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0009-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-08-02

[Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued] Aug. 2d.

Limiting the Bounds of States which by Charter &c. extend to the South Sea.1
Sherman thinks the Bounds ought to be settled. A Majority of States have no Claim to the South Sea. Moves this Amendment, to be substituted in Place of this Clause and also instead of the 15th Article— No Lands to be seperated from any State, which are already settled, or become private Property.
Chase denys that any Colony has a Right, to go to the South Sea....
Harrison. How came Maryland by its Land? but by its Charter: By its Charter Virginia owns to the South Sea. Gentlemen shall not pare away the Colony of Virginia. R. Island has more Generosity, than to wish the Massachusetts pared away. Delaware does not wish to pare away Pensilvania.
Huntington. Admit there is danger, from Virginia, does it follow that Congress has a Right to limit her Bounds? The Consequence is not to enter into Confederation. But as to the Question of Right, We all unite against mutilating Charters. I cant agree to the Principle. We are a Spectacle to all Europe. I am not so much alarmed at the Danger, from Virginia, as some are. My fears are not alarmed. They have acted as noble a Part as any. I doubt not the Wisdom of Virginia will limit themselves. A Mans Right does not cease to be a Right because it is large. The Q[uestion] of Right must be determined by the Principles of the common Law.
Stone. This Argument is taken up upon very wrong Ground. It is considered as if We were voting away the Territory of particular Colonies, and Gentlemen work themselves up into Warmth, upon that Supposition. Suppose Virginia should. The small Colonies have a Right to Happiness and Security. They would have no Safety if the great Colonies were not limited. We shall grant Lands in small Quantities, without Rent, or Tribute, or purchase Money. It is said that Virginia is attacked on every Side. Is it meant that Virginia shall sell the Lands for their own Emolument?
All the Colonies have defended these Lands vs. the K. of G.B., and at the Expence of all. Does Virginia intend to establish Quitrents?
{ 250 }
I dont mean that the united States shall sell them to get Money by them.
Jefferson. I protest vs. the Right of Congress to decide, upon the Right of Virginia. Virginia has released all Claims to the Lands settled by Maryland &c.
1. This is a close paraphrase of a clause in Article XVIII of Dickinson's draft, which listed the powers to be granted to Congress (JCC, 5:550–551). The debate in committee this day actually continued that begun on 25 July (q.v., above) concerning Article XV, further consideration of which was postponed until after discussion of Article XVIII. This controversial clause was omitted in the second draft of the Articles as submitted to Congress on 20 August. See JCC, 5:680 and note 2; p. 682 and note 1.
On 9 Aug. Samuel Chase wrote to Philip Schuyler: “when we shall be confederated States, I know not. I am afraid the Day is far distant, three great Difficulties occur—The Mode of Voting, whether by Colonies, or by an equal Representation; The Rule by which each Colony is to pay its Quota, and the Claim of several Colonies to extend to the South Seas, a considerable Diversity of opinion prevails on each Head” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:44). Congress did not again take up the text of the Articles and attempt to complete them until 8 April 1777 (JCC, 7:240). Their subsequent history to the point of ultimate ratification, 1 March 1781 (see same, 19:208–223), may be best traced in Burnett, Continental Congress, chs. 13, 25, or in the standard work on the subject, Merrill Jensen, The Articles of Confederation, Madison, 1940.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0010-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-09-10

Sept. 10.

Took with me to N.Y. 51 dollars and 5s. 8d. Pen. Currency in Change.1
1. An isolated entry in D/JA/25; an identical entry appears in D/JA/27 and is the last in that booklet.
This is the only allusion in JA's Diary to his journey from Philadelphia to Staten Island and back, in company with Benjamin Franklin and Edward Rutledge, a committee appointed by Congress on 6 Sept. to confer with Admiral Lord Howe in his capacity as a commissioner to accommodate the dispute between Great Britain and America (JCC, 5:728, 730–731, 737–738). The conference took place on 11 Sept. but accomplished nothing because, as the committee reported to Congress on 17 Sept., “it did not appear ... that his Lordship's commission contained any other authority of importance than ... that of granting pardons ... and of declaring America, or any part of it, to be in the king's peace” (same, 5:766). But the circumstances were dramatic, and the incident attracted much attention and comment. JA's account of it in his Autobiography is justly famous (printed in his Works, 3:75–81, without the supporting letters that appear in the MS). Much the fullest account of the conference itself is that by Henry Strachey, secretary to the British commissioners (the Howe brothers), first printed accurately by Paul L. Ford (from a MS now in NN) in an article entitled “Lord Howe's Commission to Pacify the Colonies,” Atlantic Monthly, 77:758–762 (June 1896). See also Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:15 and note, 66 and note; Benjamin Rush, Autobiography, 119–121, 140; Ambrose Serle, American Journal, ed. Edward H. Tatum Jr., San Marino, Calif., 1940, p. 100–101.
On 19 Nov. Congress resolved that there was due to Rutledge, Franklin, and JA, “a committee to Staten Island, for their expences there and back, 71 [and] 30/90 dollars” (JCC, 6:964).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0011-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1776-10-13

1776 Octr. 13. Sunday.

Sat out from Phyladelphia towards Boston, oated at the Red Lyon, dined at Bristol, crossed Trenton ferry, long before Sun set, drank Coffee at the Ferry House on the East Side of Delaware, where I putt up—partly to avoid riding in the Evening Air, and partly because 30 miles is enough for the first day, as my Tendons are delicate, not having been once on Horse back since the Eighth day of last February.1
1. On 25 JulyJA addressed a letter to John Avery, deputy secretary of state, requesting leave of the General Court to return home. “I have attended here, so long and so constantly, that I feel myself necessitated to ask the Favour, on Account of my Health, as well as on many other Accounts” (M-Ar: vol. 195; printed in JA, Works, 9:426–427). He went on to propose to the legislature “an Alteration in their Plan of Delegation in Congress,” the point of which was to have nine members chosen annually, so that “four, or Six, might be at home, at a Time, and every Member might be relieved, once in three or four Months.” Whether or not this plan was adopted, he said, he was obliged to request an immediate replacement for himself. On 24, 26, and 27 July JA wrote three letters to James Warren, speaker of the House, to the same effect, particularizing the ailments of the Massachusetts delegates, discussing eligible replacements, and saying in the last of these letters: “Go home I will, if I leave the Massachusetts without a Member here” (all three letters in MHi and printed in Warren-Adams Letters, 1:263–266). Elbridge Gerry was on leave at this time, and on 12 Aug. Samuel Adams also departed for Massachusetts, leaving only Paine, who was quite ill, and JA on duty until Gerry's return on 2 Sept. (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:li–lii). In letters to his wife and to James Warren during August that are too numerous to list, JA repeatedly implored them to send horses so that he could make his way home. Meanwhile the General Court was in adjournment, and even after it convened on 28 Aug. it took no action on JA's request, service in Congress being relished by none who were eligible to serve (James Warren to JA, 19 Sept., Adams Papers; Warren-Adams Letters, 1:274). And toward the close of August, despite his irritation with his principals at home, JA himself thought it best to stay on in Philadelphia during the military crisis round New York. So it was that, although his old servant Bass arrived on 5 Sept. with horses procured by AA, JA did not apply to Congress for a leave of absence until 10 October. Three days later he set out. See AA to JA, 29 Aug.; JA to AA, 4, 5 Sept., 11 Oct. (all in Adams Papers); JA to Warren, 4 Sept. (MHi; Warren-Adams Letters, 1:273). The date of his arrival in Braintree after an absence of about ten months is not known. On 3 Jan. 1777 the General Court authorized payment to JA of £226 6s. 2d. “in full Satisfaction of his Services & Expences as a Delegate at the Continentale Congress for the Year 1776” (Resolves of 1776–1777, ch. 719; Mass., Province Laws, 19:744).
The present entry is the last in D/JA/25, though there follow in this booklet 37 pages of notes on the French language, copied from an unidentified French grammar. It is possible that these were copied into the Diary in the spring of 1776. An alliance with France was being discussed when JA returned to Congress in February, and on the 18th of that month he wrote to AA: “I wish I understood French as well as you. I would have gone to Canada [on the committee of Congress to visit the army there], if I had”; and he went on to adjure her to teach the children French, which will soon “become a necessary Accomplishment of an American Gentleman and Lady” (Adams Papers; printed in JA-AA, Familiar Letters, p. 136). On the other hand, the exercises may have been copied during the comparative leisure JA enjoyed after his return from Congress in the fall of 1776.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0001-0001

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Massachusetts General Court
DateRange: 1777-01 - 1777-09

[Account with Massachusetts as a Delegate to the Continental Congress, January–September 1777.]1

    £   s   d  
1777. Bought two Horses for my Journey to Baltimore, one of the Honourable Mr. Spooner for £15 another of John Gill for £20—I bought these Horses, because I had none of my own, but one, which I was obliged to leave at home for the Use of my Family, and I thought it would be a Saving to the public to buy a Couple of cheap Horses rather than to hire as I must have done at a dear rate. The public will allow me for the Hire of these Horses what they think just.2   35:   0:   0  
January   Paid Mr. Vesey for shoeing my Horses 8s each   0:   16:   0  
  Paid for a small Pair of Holsters for Pistolls and for Pistol Balls 4s   0:   4:   0  
January 29.   Paid Isaac Greentrees Account at Philadelphia for keeping my Servant and Horses   2:   8:   0  
  Cash paid Mr. Lovell, being Monies advanced by him, for me upon the Road   32:   16:   10  
February 10.   Cash paid the Washerwoman at Baltimore for washing Linnen for me and my Servant one dollar   0:   8:   0  
Feb. 24. 1777.   Cash paid John Turner for his Account £2:15s. 9d Pensilvania Currency   2:   4:   6  
  To cash paid Turner 5s: Pen. Cur.   0:   4:   0  
Feb. 27.   Cash paid Washerwoman for Washing for me and my Man   0:   8:   0  
  28   Cash paid for David Rusks Account, for keeping my Horses, &c. 37 dollars3   11:   2:   0  
Feb. 29.   Cash paid Elizabeth Ross my Landlady in Baltimore for my own and my servants Board £9.12s:6d Pen. Cur.   7:   14:   0  
Feb. 28.   Cash to M. K. Goddard for a Blank Book 25s P. Cur.   1:   0:   0  
  29.   Cash paid for a Quire of Paper 3s Pen. Cur.   0:   2:   6  
{ 253 }
  24   Cash paid Sam. & Robert Purveyance for a Bll. of flour shipped home to my family not to be charged to the public 2:13:1 Pen. cur.4   2:   2:   6  
March 2   To cash paid the Hostler for trimming my Horses &c.   0:   3:   0  
  To cash paid Wadsworth for my share towards Wood, Candles, Wine, cutting Wood &c.   0:   6:   0  
  To cash paid Mrs. Ross for Board since the Date of her Account   0:   6:   0  
    62:   4:   4  
      Cr    
  By Articles in Mr. Lovell's Account which are not to be charged to the public        
   Cash paid for an Hanger   7:   10:   0  
   Cash paid to Turner   3:   12:   0  
   Cash paid for a Pistoll Belt   0:   4:   0  
1777   By a Grant of Cash which I recd. of the Treasury   150:   0:   05  
Feb. 24.   By the Article of a Barrell of flour   2:   2:   6  
Feb. 28.   By an abatement        
1777 March 7.   Cash paid Coll. Whipple, for my share of Expence for myself, my servant and Horses, on our Journey from Baltimore to Philadelphia, crossing the Susquehannah River at the Bald Fryars6£ 7. Pen. cur. 18 dollars & 2/3   5:   12:   0  
  10.   To cash paid the Newspaper Carrier,   0:   2:   0  
  15.   To cash paid John Turner for sundry Necessaries as per Acct.   0:   10:   8  
April   11.   To cash paid for a Box of Dr. Ryans Pills to be sent to my Family, not to be charged to the public   0:   8:   0  
{ 254 }
    Paid John Turner to pay Henry Moses for a Pair of Pistoll Holders   1:   4:   0  
April   15.   Paid Jos. Fox for shoeing two Horses 30s Pen. cur.   1:   4:   0  
    Paid Robertson for a Quart of Spirits 7s:6d Pen. cur.   0:   6:   0  
April   17.   Paid John Turners Account 3 dollars   0:   18:   0  
  24.   Paid for one half Gallon of Wine 3 dollars   0:   18:   0  
  28.   Paid my Washerwoman 3 dollars   0:   18:   0  
  30   Paid Mrs. Yards Account for mine and servants Board7   4:   16:   0  
May   2.   Paid General Wolcot, my Proportion towards four Gallons of Spirit which, he, Coll. Whipple, Mr. Lovell and myself, purchased together.   1:   2:   0  
  5.   Paid for Washing 5s:iod Pen. Cur.   0:   4:   8  
  13   Paid for one Gallon of Rum 40s Pen. Cur.   1:   12:   0  
  15   Paid Thos. Tufts for mending the Lock of my Chest   0:   1:   0  
    Paid for Candles 2s:6d Pen. cur.   0:   2:   0  
  24.   Paid the Washerwoman 4 dollars   1:   4:   0  
  30   Paid John Burn the Barber £3. Pen. Cur.   2:   8:   0  
July   4.   Paid for one Gallon of Rum Six Dollars £2:5s Pen. Cur.   1:   16:   0  
  22   Paid for a Girth of Leather 2 dollars   0:   12:   0  
    Paid for Candles and black ball   0:   5:   0  
      25:   11:   4  
Money Spent in miscellaneous Expenses as on the other Page [i.e. the following memorandum]   7:   7    
      32:   18:   4  
1777 July 23. I cast up the foregoing Account, and found it amounted to £87:15s:8d. At the same Time I counted over all the Money which I had left of the hundred Pounds I brought with me and found it amounted to £4:17s:4d which added to £87:15s: 8d makes £92:13s:od which being deducted from £100:os:od the sum I { 255 } brought with me from Home, (having left £50, with my Family) leaves £7: 7s: od—so that I have spent seven Pounds, seven shillings, which I have kept no Account of—all this is gone in miscellaneous Expences, on Committees, and for a Variety of miscellaneous Articles, without which it is impossible to live and of which it is impossible to account.
    £   s   d  
1777 July 23d.   Paid William Dibley his Account for keeping my Horses £23:125:6 P.C. 63 dollars   18:   18:   0  
July 24.   Paid My Servant John Turners Account for his Wages, and 10 Weeks Board and some Disbursements for me, as per his Acct. and Rect. £31: 6s:6d P. Cur. 83 dollars   24:   18:   0  
  Paid Isaac Shoemakers £2:3s:9d P.C. 5 dollars & 5/6   1:   15:   0  
  Paid Isaac Greentree for Horsekeeping £3:11s:od Pen. cur.   2:   17:   0  
July 25   Paid Wm. Davey for keeping my Horses 6 Weeks £2:5s:od Pen. cur.   1:   16:   0  
Aug. 11.   Paid John Turners Acct. £2:9s:9d Pen. Cur.   2:   2:   0  
  Paid John Coltons Acct. £2:12s:6d   2:   2:   0  
  Paid John Turner towards his Expences home   3:   2:   0  
Aug. 19.   Paid Washerwomans Account for washing for me and my Servant £4:11s:2d P.C. L.M.   3:   13:   0  
Aug. 26.   Paid Byrnes Account £3 P.C.   2:   8:   0  
Aug. 30   Paid Captain Robert Duncans Account for mine and my Servants Board to 31st. Aug. £77.18s:4d P.C.   62:   8:   0  
Sept. 1.   Paid for two Pounds of Candles.   0:   4:   0  
   14.   Paid Mr. Samuel McLane his Account £6:1os P.C.   5:   4:   0  
  Paid for a Pair of Straps   0:   6:   0  
1777 July 22.   By 1000 Dollars reed, of Mr. John Gibson in Part of a Note of Hand from { 256 } £ s d Mr. Hillegas to Mr. Hancock for 25,000 Dollars for which I gave a Rect. on the back of the Note and also a loose Rect. to Mr. Gibson   300:   0:   08  
1. This record of JA's expenses for his service in the Continental Congress during 1777 is in the back pages of one of his letterbooks (Lb/JA/3; Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 91), and is printed here because it is much more complete than an account for the same year, begun on a loose sheet inserted in D/JA/22B but broken off after a few entries. Even the present version is incomplete, extending only to mid-September though JA attended Congress two months longer. The explanation is in a letter from JA to Speaker James Warren, 15 Jan. 1778 (NN: Emmet Coll.). This letter enclosed a summary account of JA's claim against Massachusetts for 1777 and apologized for its want of fullness and lack of supporting vouchers. But, as the writer explained, owing to the sudden departure of Congress from Philadelphia when Howe's army was approaching the city from the Chesapeake, “I was obliged to leave a small Trunk of my Baggage together with my Account Book and all my Receipts behind me, in the Care of a Reverend Gentleman in the City.” See Diary entries of 15, 19 Sept., below.
On 15 Nov. 1776 JA had been elected to serve another year in Congress, together with his colleagues Hancock, Samuel Adams, Paine, and Gerry, and two additional members, James Lovell and Francis Dana (Mass., House Jour., 1776–1777, p. 157). This enlargement of the delegation partly answered JA's pleas of the preceding summer, and a resolution voted by the General Court on 4 Feb. 1777 (laid before Congress on 12 March) went further by declaring that “any two or more of said Delegates, representing this State in Congress, being the major part present, be and hereby are vested with all the powers with which any three ... were vested” previously (enclosure in John Avery to JA, 17 Feb., Adams Papers; full text in JCC, 7:169–170).
2. On 12 Dec. 1776 Congress had adjourned at Philadelphia as Howe's army drove Washington's army through New Jersey to the Delaware, and on 20 Dec. it convened in Baltimore (JCC, 6:1027– 1028). So that when JA set out with James Lovell on 9 Jan. 1777, they took a circuitous, backcountry route. Upon leaving Hartford they crossed the hills of western Connecticut and reached the Hudson at Fishkill “After a March like that of Hannibal over the Alps.” At Fishkill they found they had to travel north in order to cross the ice-choked Hudson, which they did at Poughkeepsie. Traversing Orange co., N.Y., and Sussex co., N.J., they reached Easton at the Forks of the Delaware by 24 January. A day or two later JA had his first view of the Moravian community at Bethlehem, Penna., and he and Lovell arrived at Baltimore on 1 February. JA described the journey in letters to AA dated 9, 13, 14, [17 or 18], 19, 20, 24 Jan.; 2, 7 Feb. 1777 (Adams Papers; printed in JA-AA, Familiar Letters, p. 233–242).
3. In the fragmentary account in D/JA/22B this entry (the last in that fragment) reads: “Cash paid David Rusk for my Board and my servants, and for Stabling for my Horses 37 dollars.” This indicates that JA lodged with Rusk before going to Mrs. Ross's; see Diary entry of 6 Feb., below.
4. A receipt for this purchase from the Purviances is in Adams Papers under this date.
5. This was an advance partial payment to JA for his service in Congress during 1777, authorized by a vote of the House on 4 Jan. (Mass., House Jour., 1776–1777, p. 213).
6. A ford a few miles south of the Pennsylvania-Maryland boundary, near present Conowingo. It is shown on a remarkable MS map of the country between the Chesapeake and Philadelphia { 257 } enclosed in a letter from James Lovell to AA, 29 Aug. (Adams Papers), and is described in The Revolutionary Journal of Baron Ludwig von Closen, 1780–1783, ed. Evelyn M. Acomb, Chapel Hill, 1958, p. 125. Evidently the crossings below this point were ice-bound.
7. JA probably left Baltimore on 2 March and arrived in Philadelphia by the 5th, the day to which Congress had, at its last sitting in Baltimore (27 Feb.), adjourned, though a quorum of members did not assemble until 12 March (JCC, 7:168–169). JA lodged at Mrs. Yard's in Second Street until 14 March, but on that day moved to Capt. Robert Duncan's on the south side of Walnut Street between Second and Third, because he got cheaper terms there; his fellow boarders included William Whipple of New Hampshire and Oliver Wolcott of Connecticut (JA to AA, 14, 16 March, Adams Papers). Here he stayed until 12 Sept.; see Diary, 15 Sept., below.
8. This is a credit item in favor of Massachusetts. John Gibson was auditor general and Michael Hillegas was treasurer of the United States. In his summary account submitted to the General Court, JA's total expenses, together with pay at 24s. a day for 322 days, came to £792 18s. 8d., from which he deducted £450 (£150 advance pay and £300 from the Continental Treasury as here listed), so that the balance due him amounted to £342 18s. 8d. (enclosure in JA to Speaker Warren, 15 Jan. 1778, NN:Emmet Coll.). Payment to him in this amount was authorized by a resolve of 27 Jan. 1778 (Resolves of 1777–1778, ch. 685; Mass., Province Laws, 20:261).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-02-06

1777. Thursday Feby. 6th.1

Lodged last night for the first Time in my new Quarters, at Mrs. Ross'es in Markett Street, Baltimore a few Doors below the fountain Inn.
The Gentlemen from Pensilvania and Maryland, complain of the growing Practice of distilling Wheat into Whisky. They say it will become a Question whether the People shall eat bread or drink Whisky.
The Congress sits in the last House at the West End of Market Street, on the South Side of the Street. A long Chamber, with two fire Places, two large Closets, and two Doors. The House belongs to a Quaker, who built it for a Tavern.2
1. First entry in “Paper book” No. 28 (our D/JA/28), a stitched gathering of leaves without cover containing entries extending to 21 Nov. 1777 but with a gap from the beginning of March to mid-September.
2. A memorial tablet now marks the site of this building at the corner of Liberty and Baltimore (formerly Market) Streets. See Edith Rossiter Bevan, “The Continental Congress in Baltimore, Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777,” Md. Hist. Mag., 42:21–28 (March 1947), a useful compendium of information on Congress' brief stay in Baltimore.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-02-07

7th Fryday.

Dined, about half a Mile out of Town at Mr. Lux's, with Dr. Witherspoon, Mr. S. Adams, Mr. Lovell, Mr. Hall, Dr. Thornton, a Mr. Harrison, Dr.[] and Mr. George Lux, and two Ladies Mrs. Lux and her Sister. This Seat is named Chatworth, and an elegant one it is. Has a large Yard, inclosed with Stone in Lime, and before { 258 } The Yard two fine Rows of large Cherry Trees, which lead out to the public Road. There is a fine Prospect about it. Mr. Lux and his Son are sensible Gentlemen. I had much Conversation with George about the new form of Government adopted in Maryland.
George is the young Gentleman, by whom I sent Letters to my friends from Philadelphia, when the Army was at Cambridge, particularly to Coll. Warren, whom and whose Lady Lux so much admired.
The whole Family profess great Zeal in the American Cause. Mr. Lux lives like a Prince.1
1. The seat of William Lux, a merchant, shipowner, and Continental marine agent in Baltimore, was called Chatsworth. JA and Samuel Adams had written letters introducing Lux's son George to James Warren in July 1775. See Charles O. Paullin, ed., Out-Letters of the Continental Marine Committee and Board of Admiralty, N.Y., 1914, 1:131; Bevan, “Continental Congress in Baltimore,” p. 27 and note; Warren-Adams Letters, 1:93–94.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-02-08

1777. Feb. 8. Saturday.

Dined at the Presidents, with Mr. Lux, Messrs. Samuel and Robert Purveyance, Capt. Nicholson of the Maryland Frigate,1 Coll. Harrison, Wilson, Mr. Hall—upon New England Salt fish. The Weather was rainy, and the Streets the muddiest I ever saw.—This is the dirtyest Place in the World—our Salem, and Portsmouth are neat in Comparison. The Inhabitants, however, are excusable because they had determined to pave the Streets before this War came on, since which they have laid the Project aside, as they are accessible to Men of War. This Place is not incorporated. It is neither a City, Town, nor Burrough, so that they can do nothing with Authority.
1. JA doubtless means the frigate Virginia, built in Maryland and commanded by James Nicholson; see JCC, 5:423, and the next entry in this Diary. On Nicholson see DAB.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-02-09

1777. Feby. 9. Sunday.

Heard Mr. Allison. In the Evening walked to Fells Point, the Place where the Ships lie, a kind of Peninsula which runs out, into the Bason which lies before Baltimore Town. This Bason 30 Years ago was deep enough for large Tobacco ships, but since then has fill'd up, ten feet. Between the Town and the Point, We pass a Bridge over a little Brook which is the only Stream which runs into the Bason, and the only flux of Water which is to clear away the Dirt which flows into the Bason from the foul streets of the Town and the neighbouring Hills and Fields. There is a breast Work thrown up upon the Point, with a { 259 } Number of Embrasures for Cannon facing the Entrance into the Harbour. The Virginia Frigate Capt. Nickolson, lies off in the Stream. There is a Number of Houses upon this Point. You have a fine View of the Town of Baltimore from this Point.
On my Return, I stopped and drank Tea at Captn. Smiths, a Gentleman of the new Assembly.1
1. William Smith; he was to be elected to Congress on 15 Feb. (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:xlix–l; Biog. Dir. Cong.; entry of 23 Feb., below).
On the following day JA resigned his seat, which he had never been able to occupy, as chief justice of Massachusetts, thus ending a dilemma that had made him uncomfortable for many months. On 28 Oct. 1775 he was notified that the Council had chosen him “to be first or Chief Justice of the Superior Court of Judicature” (Perez Morton to JA, 28 Oct. 1775, Adams Papers). Difficulties in filling up the high court proved insuperable for some time, and there was also much criticism in Congress during 1776 of plural officeholding, which JA found embarrassing. See his Autobiography, where he discusses the matter at length (Works, 3:25–28). His letter of resignation was enclosed in one to John Avery, 10 Feb. 1777 (LbC, Adams Papers; enclosure printed in Works, 3: 25, note).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-02-16

1777 Feb. 16.

Last Evening I supped with my Friends Dr. Rush and Mr. Sergeant at Mrs. Page's over the Bridge. The two Coll. Lees, Dr. Witherspoon, Mr. Adams, Mr. Gerry, Dr. Brownson, made the Company. They have a Fashion in this Town of reversing the Picture of King G. 3d, in such Families as have it. One of these Topsy Turvy Kings was hung up in the Room, where we supped, and under it were written these Lines, by Mr. Throop, as we were told.

Behold the Man who had it in his Power

To make a Kingdom tremble and adore

Intoxicate with Folly, See his Head

Plac'd where the meanest of his Subjects tread

Like Lucifer the giddy Tyrant fell

He lifts his Heel to Heaven but points his Head to Hell.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0006

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-02-17

Feb. 17. Monday.

Yesterday, heard Dr. Witherspoon upon redeeming Time. An excellent Sermon. I find that I understand the Dr. better, since I have heard him so much in Conversation, and in the Senate. But I perceive that his Attention to civil Affairs, has slackened his Memory. It cost him more Pains than heretofore to recollect his Discourse.
Mr. H[ancock] told C.W. [Colonel Whipple?] Yesterday, that he had determined to go to Boston in April. Mrs. H. was not willing to go { 260 } till May, but Mr. H. was determined upon April.—Perhaps the Choice of a Governor, may come on in May.—What aspiring little Creatures we are! how subtle, sagacious and judicious this Passion is! how clearly it sees its Object, how constantly it pursues it, and what wise Plans it devises for obtaining it!

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0007

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-02-21

1777. Feb. 21. Fryday.

Dined Yesterday at Mr. Samuel Purveyances. Mr. Robert his Brother and Lady, the President and Lady, the two Coll. Lees and their Ladies, Mr. Page and his Lady, Coll. Whipple, Mrs. K. Quincy, a young Gentleman and a young Lady made the Company.1 A great Feast. The Virginia Ladies had Ornaments about their Wrists, which I dont remember to have seen before. These Ornaments were like Miniature Pictures, bound round the Arms with some Chains.
This Morning received a long Card from Mr. H. expressing great Resentment about fixing the Magazine at Brookfield, against the Book binder and the General.2 The Complaisance to me and the Jealousy for the Massachusetts in this Message, indicate to me, the same Passion and the same design, with the Journey to B[oston] in April.
1. Samuel and Robert Purviance were prominent merchants who had come to Baltimore from Ireland via Philadelphia in the 1760's and were now engaged in supplying the Continental forces; correspondence on their business activities and especially on Samuel Purviance's leading role in the Baltimore Committee of Correspondence, is printed in Robert Purviance, A Narrative of Events Which Occurred in Baltimore Town during the Revolutionary War, Baltimore, 1849, which is in some sense a family memoir. Among the other guests were Richard Henry and Francis Lightfoot Lee and Mann Page Jr., all delegates in Congress from Virginia; and “Mrs.” (i.e. Mistress, actually Miss) Katherine Quincy, sister of Mrs. President Hancock.
2. Hancock's “long Card” to JA has not been found; “the Book binder” was Henry Knox, recently commissioned brigadier general (DAB). On the controversy over locating the Continental magazines, see Hancock to Washington, 29 Jan. 1777, in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:226, and references there.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0008

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-02-23

1777. Feb. 23.

Took a Walk with Mr. Gerry, down to a Place called Ferry Branch, a Point of Land which is formed by a Branch of the Patapsco on one Side and the Basin before the Town of Baltimore on the other. At the Point is a Ferry, over to the Road which goes to Anapolis. This is a very pretty Walk. At the Point you have a full view of the elegant, splendid Seat of Mr. Carroll Barrister.1 It is a large and elegant House. It stands fronting looking down the River, into the Harbour. It is one Mile from the Water. There is a most beautifull Walk from the House down to the Water. There is a descent, not far from the House. You { 261 } have a fine Garden—then you descend a few Steps and have another fine Garden—you go down a few more and have another. It is now the dead of Winter, no Verdure, or Bloom to be seen, but in the Spring, Summer, and fall this Scaene must be very pretty.
Returned and dined with Mr. William Smith a new Member of Congress. Dr. Lyon, Mr. Merriman, Mr. Gerry, a son of Mr. Smith, and two other Gentlemen made the Company. The Conversation turned, among other Things, upon removing the Obstructions and opening the Navigation of Susquehannah River. The Company thought it might easily be done, and would open an amazing Scaene of Business. Philadelphia will oppose it, but it will be the Interest of a Majority of Pensilvania to effect it.
This Mr. Smith is a grave, solid Gentleman, a Presbyterian by Profession—a very different Man from the most of those We have heretofore had from Maryland.
The Manners of Maryland are somewhat peculiar. They have but few Merchants. They are chiefly Planters and Farmers. The Planters are those who raise Tobacco and the Farmers such as raise Wheat &c. The Lands are cultivated, and all Sorts of Trades are exercised by Negroes, or by transported Convicts, which has occasioned the Planters and Farmers to assume the Title of Gentlemen, and they hold their Negroes and Convicts, that is all labouring People and Tradesmen, in such Contempt, that they think themselves a distinct order of Beings. Hence they never will suffer their Sons to labour or learn any Trade, but they bring them up in Idleness or what is worse in Horse Racing, Cock fighting, and Card Playing.
1. Charles Carroll, “Barrister,” was so designated to distinguish him from his distant relative Charles Carroll of Carrollton; see W. Stull Holt, “Charles Carroll, Barrister: The Man,” Md. Hist. Mag., 31:112–126 (June 1936). Both served as Maryland delegates in Congress, though not concurrently (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:xlv–xlvi). The Barrister's seat was called Mount Clare and is now a museum in Carroll Park, Baltimore. There is an illustrated article by Lilian Giffen, “‘Mount Clare,’ Baltimore,” Md. Hist. Mag., 42:29–34 (March 1947).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0009

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-02-28

1777. Feb. 28. Fryday.

Last Evening had a good deal of free Conversation, with Mr. R. Purveyance. He seems to me to have a perfect Understanding of the affairs of this State. Men and Things are very well known to him.
The object of the Men of Property here, the Planters &c., is universally, Wealth. Every Way in the World is sought to get and save Money. Landjobbers—Speculators in Land—little Generosity to the Public—little public Spirit.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0010

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-02-28

Feb. 29.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-09-15

Septr. 15. 1777. Monday.1

Fryday the 12, I removed from Captn. Duncans in Walnutt Street to the Revd. Mr. Sprouts in Third Street, a few doors from his Meeting House.2 Mr. Merchant from Rhode Island boards here, with me.3 Mr. Sprout is sick of a Fever. Mrs. Sprout, and the four young Ladies her Daughters, are in great Distress on Account of his Sickness, and the Approach of Mr. Howes Army. But they bear their Affliction with Christian Patience and philosophic Fortitude. The young Ladies are Miss Hannah, Olive, Sally and Nancy. The only Son is an Officer in the Army. He was the first Clerk in the American War office.
We live in critical Moments! Mr. Howes Army is at Middleton and Concord. Mr. Washingtons, upon the Western Banks of Schuylkill, a few Miles from him. I saw this Morning an excellent Chart of the Schuylkill, Chester River, the Brandywine, and this whole Country, among the Pensilvania Files. This City is the Stake, for which the Game is playd. I think, there is a Chance for saving it, although the Probability is against Us. Mr. Howe I conjecture is waiting for his Ships to come into the Delaware. Will W. attack him? I hope so—and God grant him Success.
1. In the MS there is only a half-page interval of space between the false entry of “Feb. 29” and the present entry six and a half months later. During that period JA was steadily in attendance at Congress in Philadelphia. His principal work, as in the summer and fall of 1776, was presiding over the Board of War and Ordnance, which handled the lion's share of Congress' routine work. Hundreds of communications, relating to military operations, recruits, defenses, prisoners, supplies, courts martial, and the rank of officers (a perpetual problem, made worse by the influx of foreign volunteers), to mention no others, were referred to the Board for recommendations or action during these months. Although there was discussion throughout the year of converting the Board into a professional body under the supervision of Congress, this step was not taken until after JA had left Congress in November. See Samuel Adams to JA, 9 Jan. 1777, Adams Papers; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:210, and notes and references there.
As early as May JA complained of “drooping” health, a lingering cold, and weakened eyes (to AA, 15, 21 May, Adams Papers). As summer came on, he had a strong additional reason for wishing to visit Braintree: AA was expecting a baby in July. On 11 July she was delivered of a daughter who was to have been named Elizabeth but who “never opened its Eyes in this World.” See JA to AA, 4 June, 28 July; AA to JA, 9, 10–11, 16 July; John Thaxter to JA, 13 July (Adams Papers).
2. This was to be a short stay. The American army had been defeated at Chadd's Ford on the Brandywine, 11 September. See entry of 19 Sept., below.
3. Henry Marchant, of Newport, R.I., a delegate to the Continental Congress, 1777–1780, 1783–1784 (Biog. Dir. Cong. ).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-09-16

1777. Sept. 16. Tuesday.

No Newspaper this Morning. Mr. Dunlap has moved or packed up his Types. A Note from G. Dickinson that the Enemy in N. Jersey are 4000 strong.1 How is about 15 miles from Us, the other Way. The City seems to be asleep, or dead, and the whole State scarce alive. Maryland and Delaware the same.
The Prospect is chilling, on every Side. Gloomy, dark, melancholly, and dispiriting. When and where will the light spring up?
Shall We have good News from Europe? Shall We hear of a Blow struck by Gates? Is there a Possibility that Washington should beat How? Is there a Prospect that McDougal and Dickinson should destroy the Detachment in the Jersies?
From whence is our Deliverance to come? Or is it not to come? Is Philadelphia to be lost? If lost, is the Cause lost? No—the Cause is not lost—but it may be hurt.
I seldom regard Reports, but it is said that How has marked his Course, from Elke, with Depredation. His Troops have plunderd Henroosts, dairy Rooms, the furniture of Houses and all the Cattle of the Country. The Inhabitants, most of whom are Quakers, are angry and disappointed, because they were promised the Security of their Property.
It is reported too that Mr. How lost great Numbers in the Battle of the Brandywine.
1. Gen. Philemon Dickinson, at Trenton, to Congress, 15 Sept. 1777, in PCC, No. 78, VII.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-09-18

1777. Septr. 18. Thursday.

The violent N.E. Storm which began the Day before Yesterday continues. We are yet in Philadelphia, that Mass of Cowardice and Toryism. Yesterday was buryed Monsr. Du Coudray, a French Officer of Artillery, who was lately made an Inspector General of Artillery and military Manufactures with the Rank of Major General. He was drowned in the Schuylkill, in a strange manner. He rode into the Ferry Boat, and road out at the other End, into the River, and was drowned. His Horse took fright. He was reputed the most learned and promising Officer in France. He was carried into the Romish Chappell, and buried in the Yard of that Church.
This Dispensation will save Us much Altercation.1
1. Much altercation had, however, preceded this event. On Philippe Tronson du Coudray, a French artillery officer and prolific writer on artillery science, see Lasseray, Les français sous les treize étoiles, 2:444–454. By agreement with { 264 } Silas Deane in France, Du Coudray expected to be appointed major general and to take command of the Continental artillery upon his arrival in America in April 1777. This prospect outraged Generals Knox, Greene, and Sullivan and led them to threaten resignation of their commands. JA, distressed about what to do with Du Coudray, was much more distressed by the American generals' behavior. See JA to Nathanael Greene, 7 July 1777, LbC, Adams Papers; RC printed by Bernhard Knollenberg, with valuable comments, in R.I. Hist., 1:78–81 (July 1942). Lafayette described Du Coudray's death as “peutetre un heureux accident” (Lasseray, 2:452).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-09-19

1777. Septr. 19. Fryday.

At 3 this Morning was waked by Mr. Lovell, and told that the Members of Congress were gone, some of them, a little after Midnight. That there was a Letter from Mr. Hamilton Aid de Camp to the General, informing that the Enemy were in Poss[essio]n of the Ford and the Boats, and had it in their Power to be in Philadelphia, before Morning, and that if Congress was not removed they had not a Moment to loose.1
Mr. Merchant and myself arose, sent for our Horses, and, after collecting our Things, rode off after the others. Breakfasted at Bristol, where were many Members, determined to go the Newtown Road to Reading. We rode to Trenton where We dined. Coll. Harrison, Dr. Witherspoon, all the Delegates from N.Y. and N.E. except Gerry and Lovell. Drank Tea at Mr. Spencers, lodged at Mr. S. Tuckers, at his kind Invitation.
1. Alexander Hamilton to John Hancock, 18 Sept. 1777 (Hamilton, Works, ed. Hamilton, 1:34–35). Congress had already agreed on the 14th that if it proved necessary to leave Philadelphia, “Lancaster shall be the place at which they shall meet” (JCC, 8:742; see also p. 754). For some further details on JA's departure and his circuitous route to Lancaster in order to avoid British scouting parties, see his letter to AA of 30 Sept. (Adams Papers; JA-AA, Familiar Letters, p. 314–315).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-09-20

Septr. 20. Saturday.

Breakfasted at Mrs. J. B. Smiths. The old Gentleman, his Son Thomas the Loan Officer, were here, and Mrs. Smith's little Son and two Daughters. An elegant Break fast We had of fine Hyson, loaf Sugar, and Coffee &c.
Dined at Williams's, the Sign of the Green Tree. Drank Tea, with Mr. Thompson and his Lady at Mrs. Jacksons. Walked with Mr. Duane to General Dickinsons House, and took a Look at his Farm and Gardens, and his Greenhouse, which is a Scaene of Desolation. The floor of the Greenhouse is dug up by the Hessians, in Search for Money. The Orange, Lemon and Lime Trees are all dead, with the Leaves on. There is a spacious Ball Room, above stairs a drawing { 265 } Room and a whispering Room. In another Apartment, a huge Crash of Glass Bottles, which the Hessians had broke I suppose.—These are thy Tryumphs, mighty Britain.—Mr. Law, Mr. Hancock, Mr. Thompson, Mr.[] were here. Spent the Evening at Williams's and slept again at Tuckers.
Mrs. Tucker has about 1600£ st. in some of the Funds in England, which she is in fear of loosing. She is accordingly, passionately wishing for Peace, and that the Battle was fought once for all &c. Says that, private Property will be plundered, where there is an Army whether of Friends or Enemies. That if the two opposite Armys were to come here alternately ten times, she would stand by her Property untill she should be kill'd. If she must be a Beggar, it should be where she was known &c. This kind of Conversation shews plainly enough, how well she is pleased, with the State of Things.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0006

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-09-21

1777 Septr. 21. Sunday.

It was a false alarm which occasioned our Flight from Philadelphia. Not a Soldier of Howes has crossed the Schuylkill.1 Washington has again crossed it, which I think is a very injudicious Maneuvre. I think, his Army would have been best disposed on the West Side of the Schuylkill. If he had sent one Brigade of his regular Troops to have heald2 the Militia it would have been enough. With such a Disposition, he might have cutt to Pieces, Hows Army, in attempting to cross any of the Fords. How will not attempt it. He will wait for his Fleet in Delaware River. He will keep open his Line of Communication with Brunswick, and at last, by some Deception or other will slip unhurt into the City.
Burgoine has crossed Hudsons River, by which Gen. Gates thinks, he is determined at all Hazards to push for Albany, which G. Gates says he will do all in his Power to prevent him from reaching. But I confess I am anxious for the Event, for I fear he will deceive Gates, who seems to be acting the same timorous, defensive Part, which has involved us in so many Disasters.—Oh, Heaven! grant Us one great Soul! One leading Mind would extricate the best Cause, from that Ruin which seems to await it, for the Want of it.
We have as good a Cause, as ever was fought for. We have great Resources. The People are well tempered. One active masterly Capacity would bring order out of this Confusion and save this Country.
1. The British occupied Philadelphia on 27 September.
2. Thus in MS. CFA corrected to “headed,” which may or may not be what the diarist intended.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0007

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-09-22

1777. Monday. Septr. 22.

Breakfasted at Ringolds in Quaker Town, dined at Shannons in Easton at the Forks, slept at Johnsons in Bethlehem.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0008

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-09

[Travel Expenses, September 1777.]1

pd. at Quaker Town[] 2 1/2 dollars.
pd. at Johnsons at Bethlehem[] 8 dollars
at Hartmans Reading[] 4 dollars
at Parkers[] £4:18s:6d P.C.
1. Fragmentary record of expenses, written on the last leaf of D/JA/28, during JA's journey from Philadelphia to Lancaster via Trenton, Easton, Bethlehem, and Reading.
Congress sat in Lancaster for only one day, 27 Sept., adjourning on that day to meet at York on the 30th, and was able to proceed with business on 1 Oct. (JCC, 8:755–756). Its place of meeting was the York co. courthouse (Robert Fortenbaugh, The Nine Capitals of the United States, York, Penna., 1948, p. 39). JA was at Lancaster by the 27th and at York by the 30th, where he stayed at the house of Gen. Daniel Roberdeau, a Pennsylvania delegate (JA to AA, 9 Oct., Adams Papers).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0009

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-09-23

1777. Tuesday. Septr. 23.

Mr. Okeley [Okely], Mr. Hassey [Hasse] and Mr. Edwine [Ettwein] came to see me. Mr. Edwine shewed Us, the Childrens Meeting at half after 8 o'clock. Musick, consisting of an Organ and Singing in the German Language. Mr. Edwine gave a Discourse in German and then the same in English.1
Mrs. Langley shewed Us the Society of Single Women. Then Mr. Edwine shewed Us the Water Works and the Manufactures. There are six Setts of Works in one Building. An Hemp Mill, an Oil Mill, a Mill to grind Bark for the Tanners.
Then the Fullers Mill, both of Cloth and Leather, the Dyers House, and the Shearers House. They raise a great deal of Madder. We walked among the Rowes of Cherry Trees, with spacious orchards of Apple Trees on each Side of the Cherry Walk. The Society of Single Men have turned out, for the sick.
1. A Moravian account of this visit to Bethlehem by members of the Continental Congress is printed in PMHB, 13:71–73 (April 1889).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0010

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-09-24

1777 Wednesday Sept. 24.

Fine Morning. We all went to Meeting last Evening, where Mr. Edwine gave the People a short discourse in German, and the Congregation sung and the organ playd. There were about 200 Women and as many Men. The Women sat together in one Body and the Men { 267 } in another. The Women dressed all alike. The Womens Heads resembled a Garden of white Cabbage Heads.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0011

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-09-25

1777. Thursday. Septr. 25.

Rode from Bethlehem through Allan Town, Yesterday, to a German Tavern, about 18 Miles from Reading. Rode this Morning to Reading, where We breakfasted, and heard for certain that Mr. Howes Army had crossed the Schuylkill. Coll. Hartley gave me an Account of the late Battle, between the Enemy and General Wayne.1 Hartley thinks that the Place was improper for Battle, and that there ought to have been a Retreat.
1. Grey's surprise of Wayne at Paoli, 20 September.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0004-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-11-15

1777 Saturday Novr. 15th.1

At Willis's at the Log Goal in New Jersey 28 miles from Easton.
1777 Tuesday Novr. 11. Sett off from York Town—reached Lancaster. 12. From Lancaster to Reading. Slept at Gen. Mifflins.2 13. Reached Strickser's. 14. Dined at Bethlehem. Slept at Easton at Coll. Hoopers. Supped at Coll. Deans.
Met Messrs. Elery and Dana and Coll. Brown on the 15 a few miles on this Side of Reading.
We have had 5 days of very severe Weather, raw, cold, frosty, snowy. This cold comes from afar. The Lakes Champlain and George have been boisterous, if not frozen. Will the Enemy evacuate Ti[conderog]a? Are they supplied with Prov[isions] for the Winter? Can they bring em from Canada? by Water or Ice? Can they get them in the Neighbouring Country?
Can We take Mt. Independence in the Winter?
1. In Congress, 7 Nov., “Ordered, That Mr. Samuel Adams, and Mr. J[ohn] Adams, have leave of absence to visit their families” (JCC, 9:880). The Adamses had waited to make this application until they supposed the text of the Articles of Confederation, debate over which had occupied Congress intermittently since early April, was complete. Actually a final text was not agreed to and spread on the Journal until 15 Nov. (same, p. 907–928); in this form it was to be printed and submitted to the states for adoption. Meanwhile, on the nth, the Adamses set off from York, as appears from the retrospective entries incorporated in the present entry.
Some of the varied reasons for JA's retirement from Congress at this time are given in his Autobiography, at the beginning of Part Two, entitled “Travels and Negotiations.” The reasons were largely personal. After four years of almost continuous service in Congress he needed to repair his health; and his business, farm, and family required his attention.
2. At Reading JA paid Gen. Mifflin “92 dollars in Behalf of Mr. Hiltsheimer ... for keeping one Horse to the 11. Aug. and another to the 19. Septr.” This was a charge incurred in Philadelphia which { 268 } JA had failed to pay because of his hurried departure. Mifflin's receipt for this payment, dated 13 Nov. 1777, is in the Adams Papers.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0004-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-11-17

Monday. Novr. 17. 1777.

Rode Yesterday from Logg Jail, Willis's, breakfasted at Hoffmans, at Sussex Ct. House, and supped and lodged at David McCamblys, 34 miles from Willis's.—The Taverners all along are complaining of the Guard of Light Horse which attended Mr. H[ancock]. They did not pay, and the Taverners were obliged to go after them, to demand their Dues. The Expence, which is supposed to be the Countrys, is unpopular. The Torys laugh at the Tavern keepers, who have often turned them out of their Houses for abusing Mr. H. They now scoff at them for being imposed upon by their King, as they call him.—Vanity is allways mean. Vanity is never rich enough to be generous.
Dined at Brewsters, in Orange County, State of New York. Brewsters Grandfather, as he tells me, was a Clergyman and one of the first Adventurers to Plymouth. He died at 95 Years of Age, a Minister on Long Island, left a son, who lived to be above 80 and died leaving my Landlord, a son who is now I believe between 60 and 70. The Manners of this Family are exactly like those of the N.E. People. A decent Grace before and after Meat—fine Pork and Beef and Cabbage and Turnip.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0004-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-11-18

Tuesday Novr. 18. 1777.

Lodged at Brooks's, 5 Miles from the North River. Rode to the Continental Ferry, crossed over, and dined at Fish Kill, at the Drs. Mess, near the Hospital, with Dr. Sam. Adams, Dr. Eustis, Mr. Wells, &c. It was a feast—Salt Pork and Cabbage, roast Beef and Potatoes, and a noble suit Pudding, Grog and a Glass of Port.
Our best Road home is through Litchfield and Springfield.1
Morehouses is a good Tavern, about 24 Miles, 3 or 4 Miles on this Side of Bulls Iron Works. 50 Miles to Litchfield.
Captn. Storms 8 Miles.—Coll. Vandeboroughs 5.—Coll. Morehouses 9.—Bulls Iron Works 4. No Tavern.—Cogswells Iron Works 10—a Tavern.—Litchfield, 8.—Cross Mount Tom to get to Litchfield.
1. The notes on JA's itinerary which follow in this and succeeding entries are not to be taken literally as a record of the places that he passed through or stopped at. With the exception of the places where he states that he “dined,” “lodged,” or “breakfasted,” the notes are simply information—some of it not wholly reliable—that he gathered concerning the distances and inns ahead.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0004-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-11-19

Wednesday Novr. 19. 1777.

Dined at Storms, lodged last night and breakfasted this Morning at Loudouns at Fish Kill. Here We are at Coll. Morehouses's a Member of Assembly for Dutchess County.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0004-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-11-20

Thursday Novr. 20.

To Harrwington [Harwinton], Phillips's 5 Miles.—To Yales in Farmington 5.—To Humphreys in Simsbury 7 miles.—To Owens in Simsbury 7 miles.—To Sheldons in Suffield 10.—Kents in Suffield 5.— To Springfield 10.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0004-0006

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1777-11-21

Novr. 21.

To Hays's, Salmon Brook 5. miles.—To Southwick, Loomis, 6.—To Fowlers 3. miles.—To Westfield, Claps, 4 miles.—To Captn. Claps, 4 miles this Side N.H.—To North Hampton, Lymans or Clarks.1
1. The date of JA's arrival in Braintree, 27 Nov., is recorded in his summary account rendered to the State of Massachusetts, enclosed in a letter to Speaker James Warren, 15 Jan. 1778 (NN:Emmet Coll.).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-02-13

1778 February 13. Fryday.1

Captain Samuel Tucker, Commander of the Frigate Boston, met me, at Mr. Norton Quincy's, where We dined, and after Dinner I sent my Baggage, and walked myself with Captain Tucker, Mr. Griffin a Midshipman, and my eldest Son, John Quincy Adams, between 10 and 11. Years of Age, down to the Moon Head, where lay the Bostons Barge.2 The Wind was very high, and the Sea very rough, but by Means of a Quantity of Hay in the Bottom of the Boat, and good Watch Coats with which We were covered We arrived on board the Boston, about five O Clock, tolerably warm and dry.—On board I found Mr. Vernon, a Son of Mr. Vernon of the Navy Board, a little Son of Mr. Deane of Weathersfield, between 11. and 12. Years of Age, and Mr. Nicholas Noel, a french Gentleman, Surgeon of the Ship, who seems to be a well bred Man.3
Dr. Noel shewed me, a Book, which was new to me. The Title is, Les Elemens de la Langue Angloise, dévélopés d'une maniere nouvelle, facile et très concise, en forme de Dialogue, ou la pronunciation est enseignée par un Assemblage de Lettres qui forme des sons similaires en François, et ou la juste Mesure de chaque Syllable est determinée. Avec un Vocabulaire, des Phrases familieres, et des Dialogues, tres interessans, pour ceux qui souhaitent parler Anglois correctement, { 270 } et en peu de Tems. Nouvelle Edition, revûe, corrigée et enrichè de plusieurs nouvelles Regies et Remarques, servant à écarter les Difficultés qui retardent le Progress des Etrangers. Par V. J. Peyton. Linguarum Diversitas alienat hominem ab homine, et propter solam linguarum diversitatem, nihil potest ad consociandos homines tanta Similitudo naturae. St. August. De Civit. Dei. A Londres, Chez J. Nourse et Paul Vaillant, dans le Strand 1776.
1. First entry in D/JA/47. This is a small quarto volume bound in marbled boards and may well be one of the two “Account Books” or “Memd. Book” purchased by the Navy Board for JA's use on his voyage and mission; see John Bradford to JA, 11? Feb. 1778 and enclosures (Adams Papers); the enclosures are reproduced in this volume List of Stores Sent on Board the Continental Frigate Boston, February 1778 facing page 194. The book contains about a hundred pages of journal entries, 13 Feb. 1778–26 April 1779, and though not nearly filled it was doubtless left home when JA sailed for Europe again in Nov. 1779. Years later the blank leaves were thriftily used for transcripts of JA's earliest Diary booklets, 1755–1761, made under the supervision of JQA; see Introduction.
When JA arrived home from Congress on 27 Nov. 1777, he had every expectation of a long leave and began to pick up the threads of his legal practice. But in York, Penna., on the following day Congress elected him a joint commissioner with Benjamin Franklin and Arthur Lee to represent the United States in France, Silas Deane having been recalled on 21 Nov. (JCC, 9:946–947, 975). JA's commission, erroneously dated 27 (instead of 28) Nov., was enclosed in a letter to him from Richard Henry Lee and James Lovell, “In Committee for foreign Affairs,” York, 3 Dec. (Adams Papers; JA, Works, 7:6–7). “After much Agitation of mind and a thousand reveries,” as he says in his Autobiography, JA announced his acceptance in a letter to President Henry Laurens, 23 Dec. (PCC, No. 84, I; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev. 2:458).
2. In what is now Quincy Bay, though the name “Moon Head” is confusing and has been much disputed. There was and still remains a “Moon Head” on Moon Island off the tip of Squantum, the peninsula that encloses Quincy Bay on the north. But this Moon Head could not have been accessible by foot and is thus ruled out as the place from which JA embarked. Family and local tradition in Quincy long designated a low eminence on the shore near Norton Quincy's house and just opposite Half Moon Island as the spot, but when some antiquarian-minded friends sent CFA a sketch of the ground in 1877 he declined to interpret what JA meant by Moon Head and in effect declared the problem insoluble (Cyrus Woodman to James Baxter, 10 Aug. 1877, enclosed in Baxter to CFA, 13 Aug., Adams Papers; CFA to Baxter, 15 Aug., LbC, Adams Papers). Two bits of evidence, hitherto overlooked, settle the question where JA embarked from, though not why he called it what he did. The first is in a letter from AA to John Thaxter, 15–18 Feb. 1778, in which she says that her husband and son “embarked from this Town, the place you well know, Hofs Neck” (MHi:Waterston Coll.). The second is a passage in JA's Autobiography that was not published by CFA: “In our Way [from Norton Quincy's house] We made an halt of a few minutes at the House of Mr. Seth Spear on Hoffs neck, where some Sailors belonging to our barge had been waiting for us.” He then relates the conversation that passed between him and Mrs. Spear, who predicted an unfavorable voyage. Clearly, then, the party embarked from Hough's Neck, the southern extremity of Quincy Bay. This point was directly on the way to Nantasket Roads, where the Boston was anchored. Capt. Tucker's logbook (see the following paragraph) has this entry for 13 Feb. 1778: “I haveing Some Capital business at Brantre Send my boat on Shore to Georges Island [in Nantasket Roads] and brought { 271 } off a Pilot to Conduct me their att 10 AM Proceeded their finisht my business and Returned on board by 5 PM.”
The original logbook of the Boston, a 24–gun Continental frigate, is in the Samuel Tucker Papers (MH) and forms a valuable supplement to JA's record of this voyage; it is printed with reasonable fidelity as an appendix to Sheppard, Tucker, p. 261–327. Tucker prepared what he called “An Abstract of a Journal Kept ... on Board the Contl. Frigate Boston,” and presented it to JA in 1791 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 342). The “Abstract” differs in many details from the logbook, a fact which accounts for the variations between material quoted from the log in our notes and quotations attributed to it in notes by CFA, who used the “Abstract” when editing JA's Diary (JA, Works, 3:95 ff.).
3. William Vernon Jr., College of New Jersey 1776, was going to France to gain experience in trade; after a brief stay at Bordeaux he entered the house of “Mr. Revellat ainé, one of the Principal Negociants” of Montauban in Guienne, declining an offer by JA to serve as his secretary (entry of 16 Feb., below; Vernon Jr. to JA, 10 April, 16 May, 26 Sept. 1778; JA to Vernon Jr., 12 May, 15 Sept. 1778, both LbC; JA to Vernon Sr., 2 Dec. 1778, LbC; all in Adams Papers). As for Jesse Deane, he was placed with JQA and other young Americans in M. Le Coeur's private boarding school in Passy. He stayed in Europe five years, spending the last two of them with his father in Ghent and London. Returning to America in 1783, he joined a business enterprise in Hartford, but was apparently not successful. See entry of 14 April, note, below; Deane Papers, index, under his name.
On Nicolas Nöel, chirurgien-major in the French army, see Lasseray, Les français sous les treize étoiles, 2:342–345. The official ship's doctor was Benjamin Brown, later a member of Congress from Massachusetts (Sheppard, Tucker, p. 84 and passim).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-02-14

1778. 14. Feb. Saturday.

A very fine Morning, the Wind at Northwest. At Daybreak orders were given for the Ship to unmoor.
My Lodging was a Cott, with a double Mattress, a good Bolster, my own Sheets, and Blanketts enough. My little Son, with me—We lay very comfortably, and slept well. A violent Gale of Wind in the Night.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-02-15

Feb. 15. Sunday.

This Morning weigh'd the last Anchor, and came under Sail, before Breakfast. A fine Wind, and a pleasant Sun, but a sharp cold Air.— Thus I bid farewell to my native Shore.—Arrived, and anchored in the Harbour of Marblehead, about Noon. Major Reed, Captn. Gatchell Father in Law of Capt. Tucker came on board, and a Captain Stevens who came on Board to make me a present of a single Pistol.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-02-16

1778. Feb. 16. Monday.

Another Storm for our Mortification—the Wind at N.E. and the Snow so thick that the Captain thinks he cannot go to Sea. Our Excursion to this Place, was unfortunate, because it is almost impossible, to { 272 } keep the Men on Board. Mothers, Wives, Sisters come on bord, and beg for Leave for their Sons, Husbands, and Brothers to go on Shore for one Hour &c. so that it is hard for the Commander to resist their Importunity.
I am anxious at these Delays. We shall never have another Wind so good as We have lost. Congress, and the Navy Board, will be surprized at these Delays, and yet there is no Fault, that I know of. The Commander of the Ship is active and vigilant, and does all in his Power, but he wants Men—he has very few Seamen indeed. All is as yet Chaos on board. His Men are not disciplined. The Marrines are not. The Men are not exercised to the Guns. They hardly know the Ropes.
My Son is treated very complaisantly by Dr. Noel, and by a Captain and Lieutenant of Artillery, who are on board, all French Gentlemen. They are very assiduous in teaching him French. The Dr. Monsr. Noel, is a genteell well bred Man, and has received somewhere a good Education. He has Wounds on his Forehead, and on his Hands, which he says he received, last War, in the Light Horse Service.
The Name of the Captain of Artillery is Parison,1 and that of the Lieutenant is Begard.
Since my Embarkation, Master Jesse Deane delivered me a Letter, from his Uncle Barnabas Deane dated 10. Feb. recommending to my particular Care and Attention, the Bearer, the only Child of his Brother Silas Deane Esq. now in France, making no doubt, as the Letter adds, that I shall take the same Care of a Child in his Situation, which I would wish to have done to a Child of my own, in the like Circumstance.—It is needless to mention his Youth and Helplessness, also how much he will be exposed to bad Company and to contract bad Habits, without some friendly Monitor to caution and keep him from associating with the common Hands on board.2
About the same Time, another Letter was delivered to me from Wm. Vernon Esq. of the Continental Navy Board, dated Feb. 9.—in these Words “I presume it is unnecessary to say one Word in order to impress your Mind with the Anxiety a Parent is under, in the Education of a Son, more especially when not under his immediate Inspection, and at 3000 Miles distance. Your parental Affection fixes this Principle. Therefore I have only to beg the Favour of you, Sir, to place my Son, in such a Situation, and with such a Gentleman as you would chuse for one of yours, whom you would wish to accomplish for a Merchant. If such a House could be found, either at Bourdeaux or Nantes, of protestant Principles, of general and extensive Business, { 273 } I rather think one of those Cities the best; yet if it should be your Opinion that some other Place might be more advantageous to place him at, or that he can be imployed by any of the States Agents, with a good Prospect of improving himself, in such manner, that he may hereafter be usefull to Society, and in particular to these American States, my Views are fully answered. I have only one Observation more to make, viz. in respect to the AEconomy of this Matter, which I am perswaded will engage your Attention, as the small Fortune that remains with me, I would wish to appropriate for the Education of my Son, which I know must be husbanded, yet I cant think of being rigidly parsimonious, nor must I be very lavish, lest my Money should not hold out.
“I imagine a Gratuity of one hundred Pounds Sterling may be given to a Merchant of Eminence to take him for two or three Years, and perhaps his yearly board paid for. I shall be entirely satisfyed in whatever may seem best for you to do, and ever shall have a gratefull Remembrance of your unmerited Favours, and sincerely hope in future to have it in my Power to make Compensation. I wish you Health and the Utmost Happiness, and am, with the greatest Regards &c.”3
Thus I find myself invested with the unexpected Trust of a Kind of Guardianship of two promising young Gentlemen, besides my own Son. This benevolent office is peculiarly agreable to my Temper. Few Things have ever given me greater Pleasure than the Tuition of Youth to the Bar, and the Advancement of Merit.
1. On “Pondicherry” Parison, “one of General Du Coudrais Captains,” see entry of 19 Feb., below, and JA's Autobiography under date of 24–26 Feb. 1778.
2. Deane's letter, here partly quoted and partly paraphrased, is in the Adams Papers, dated from Boston.
3. This is the full text of Vernon's letter as found in the Adams Papers.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-02-17

17. Tuesday.

I set a Lesson to my Son in Chambauds French Grammar and asked the Favour of Dr. Noel to shew him the precise, critical Pronunciation of all the French Words, Syllables, and Letters, which the Dr. very politely did, and Mr. John is getting his Lessons accordingly, very much pleased.
The Weather is fair, and the Wind right, and We are again weighing Anchor in order to put to Sea.
Captn. Diamond and Captn. Inlaker came on Board, and breakfasted, two Prisoners taken with Manly in the Hancock and lately escaped from Hallifax.
{ 274 }
Our Captn. is an able Seaman, and a brave, active, vigilant officer, but I believe has no great Erudition. His Library consists of Dyche's English Dictionary, Charlevoix's Paraguay, The Rights of the Xtian Church asserted vs. the Romish and other Priests, who claim an independent Power over it, The 2d Vol. of Chubbs posthumous Works, 1. Vol. of the History of Charles Horton, Esq. and 1 Vol. of the delicate Embarrassments a Novell.—I shall at some other Time take more Notice of some of these Books.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0006

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-02-18

1778. Feb. 18. Wednesday.

Last night, about Sunsett We sailed out of Marblehead Harbour, and have had a fine Wind, from that time to this, 24. Hours. The constant Rolling and Rocking of the Ship, last night made Us all sick —half the Sailors were so. My young Gentlemen, Jesse and Johnny, were taken about 12 O Clock last night and have been very seasick ever since. I was seized with it myself this Forenoon. My Servant Joseph Stevens1 and the Captns. Will have both been very bad.
1. Joseph Stephens (as he himself wrote his name), a former soldier and seaman, served JA in Europe in all kinds of capacities from 1778 to 1783, but was lost on a voyage home to America in the latter year.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0007

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-02-19

Feb. 19. Thursday.

Arose at 4 O Clock. The Wind and Weather still fair. The Ship rolls less than Yesterday, and I have neither felt, nor heard any Thing of Sea Sickness, last night nor this Morning.
Monsr. Parison, one of General Du Coudrais Captains, dined with us, Yesterday, and made me a present of a Bottle of a nice French Dram, a Civility which I must repay. He seems a civil and sensible Man.
The Mal de Mer seems to be merely the Effect of Agitation. The Smoke and Smell of Seacoal, the Smell of stagnant, putrid Water, the Smell of the Ship where the Sailors lay, or any other offensive Smell, will increase the Qualminess, but do not occasion it.
C[aptain] Parison says, that the Roads from Nantes to Paris are very good, no Mountains, no Hills, no Rocks—all as smooth as the Ships Deck and a very fine Country: But the Roads from Bourdeaux to Paris, are bad and mountainous.
In the Morning We discovered three Sail of Vessells ahead. We went near enough to discover them to be Frigates, and then put away. We soon lost sight of two of them: but the third chased Us the whole Day. Sometimes We gained upon her, and sometimes she upon Us.1
{ 275 }
1.
Tucker, Log (MH), 19 Feb.:
“Att 6 A.M. Saw three Large Ships bearing East they Standing to the Northward I mistrusted they where a Cruizeing for me. I hauld my wind to the southward found they did not Persue. I then Consulted my Offercers to stand to the Northward after them. We agreed in opinions. Wore Ship Run one hour to the Northward then I Discoverd that one was a ship Not Less than ourselfs, one out of sight to the Northward and the other appeared to me and offercers to be a twenty gun ship. The man att the mast head Cauld out a ship on the weather Quarter—at that time the other two Under our Lee and Under short Sail. I then Consulted the Honble. John Addams Esq. and my offercers what was best to do not knowing how my ship may Sail. One and all Consented to stand to the southward from them. Att 10 A.M. I then wore ship to the southward and stood from them. The two that was Under my Lee before I wore Imediately wore and stood affter me. Att 12 on Meridian Lost sigh[t] of the small ship and the other was about three Leagues Under my Lee Quarter.”
The vessel in pursuit was the Apollo (Ambrose Serle, American Journal, ed. Edward H. Tatum, Jr., San Marino, Calif., 1940, p. 315).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0008

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-02-20

Feb. 20. Fryday.

In the Morning nothing to be seen, but soon after another Sail discovered ahead, which is supposed to be the same.1
1.
Tucker, Log (MH), 20 Feb.:
“This 24 hours begins Very Pleasant the Ship Still in Chase. I being Poorly mand dare not attactk her and many other Principal Reasons. Att 2 P.M. Satt fore and main topmast stearing Sails found I Left the Ship att 6 P.M. It being dark Lost sight of the Ship in Small Sails and hauld my wind. The Cruizer supposing I bore away to stear the Course I was going When she saw me first Bore away and run ESE while I for six or Eight hours had being [been] Runing four Points more southerly att the Rate of seven knots brought her in my oppinion to bear of me ENE Distance about Eleven and half Leagues. Then the wind headed me. I fell off to ENE then Runing att the Rate of 6 knots for three hours. Saw the Same Ship Direct a head standing to southward & westward about 5 Leagues Distance. Hove in stays after makeing of her Plain and stood to the westward because I Could not Weather her on the former tack after Runing three hours to the westward. The wind favoured me. I then hove in Stays and Came to windward of the frigate about four miles and was Intirely Sattisfyd it was the Same Ship about four Miles Under my Lee Quarter. They again Tackt ship and Continued Chaseing that day—but I found I rather Left my Enemy.”

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0009

Author: Adams, John
DateRange: 1778-02-21 - 1778-02-23

Feb. 21. Saturday, 22. Sunday, and 23d. Monday.

Exhibited such Scaenes as were new to me. We lost Sight of our Enemy it is true but We found our selves in the Gulph Stream, in the Midst of an epouvantable Orage, the Wind N.E. then N., and then North West.
It would be fruitless to attempt a Description of what I saw, heard and felt, during these 3 days and nights. To describe the Ocean, the Waves, the Winds, the Ship, her Motions, Rollings, Wringings and Agonies—the Sailors, their Countenances, Language and Behaviour, is impossible. No Man could keep upon his Legs, and nothing could { 276 } be kept in its Place—an universal Wreck of every Thing in all Parts of the Ship, Chests, Casks, Bottles &c. No Place or Person was dry.
On one of these Nights, a Thunder bolt struck 3 Men upon deck and wounded one of them a little, by a Scorch upon his Shoulder. It also struck our Main Topmast.1
1.
Tucker, Log (MH), 22 Feb.:
“... heavy gales and a Dangerous Sea Runing; one thing or another Continually giving away on board Ship.... Att half Past 3 A.M. Discoverd our fore sail was split in the Larbourd Leach but Could not Prevent it att that time for the Distress we wear at that time in; I Little Expected but to be Dismasted as I was almost Certain I heard the mainmast spring below the Deck. Afterwards Discoverd the truth of it. Still Continues an Extremity of Weather. So Ends this day. Pray god Protect Us and Carry Us through our Various troubles.”
As for the seaman struck by lightning, “he lived three days and died raving mad” (William Jennison Jr., “Journal,” PMHB, 15: 102 [April 1891]). Jennison was a lieutenant of marines aboard the Boston, and his journal adds a few details concerning this voyage not found elsewhere. See also JA's Autobiography under 20 Feb. 1778.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0010

Author: Adams, John
DateRange: 1778-02-24 - 1778-02-26

Tuesday 24. Wednesday 25. Thursday 26.

Tuesday We spyd a Sail and gave her Chase. We overhawled her, and upon firing a Gun to Leeward, and hoisting American Colours, she fired a friendly Gun and Hoisted the French Colours of the Province of Normandy. She lay to for us, and We were coming about to speak to her, when the Wind sprung up fresh of a sudden and carryed away our Main top Mast. We have been employed ever since in getting in a New one, repairing the Sails and Rigging much damaged in the late Storm, and in cleaning the Ship and putting her in order. From the 36 to the 39. deg[rees] of Lat. are called the Squawly Latitudes, and We have found them to answer their Character.
I should have been pleased to have kept a minute Journal of all that passed, in the late Chases and turbulent Weather, but I was so wet, and every Thing and Place was so wett—every Table and Chair was so wrecked that it was impossible to touch a Pen, or Paper.
It is a great Satisfaction to me however, to recollect, that I was myself perfectly calm during the whole. I found by the Opinion of the People aboard, and of the Captain himself that We were in Danger, and of this I was certain allso from my own Observation, but I thought myself in the Way of my Duty, and I did not repent of my Voyage.
I confess I often regretted that I had brought my son. I was not so clear that it was my Duty to expose him, as myself, but I had been led to it by the Childs Inclination and by the Advice of all my Friends. Mr. Johnnys Behaviour gave me a Satisfaction that I cannot express— fully sensible of our Danger, he was constantly endeavouring to bear { 277 } it with a manly Patience, very attentive to me and his Thoughts constantly running in a serious Strain.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0011

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-02-26

1778. Feb. 26. Thursday.

I have made many Observations, in the late bad Weather, some of which I do not think it prudent to put in writing—a few I will set down. 1st. I have seen the inexpressible Inconvenience of having so small a Space between Decks, as there is in the Boston. As the main Deck was almost constantly under Water, the Sea rolling in and out at the Ports and Scuppers, We were obliged to keep the Hat[ch]ways down—whereby the Air became so hot and so dry in the 'Tween decks that for my own Part, I could not breathe, or live there. Yet the Water would pour down when ever an hatchway was opened, so that all was afloat. 2. The Boston is over metalled. Her Number of Guns and the Weight of their Metal is too great for her Tonnage. She has 5 Twelve Pounders, and 19. Nines. We were obliged to sail, day and Night during a Chaise with the Guns out, in order to be ready, and this exposed Us to certain Inconvenience and great Danger. They made the Ship labour and roll, so as to oblige Us to keep the Chain Pumps as well as the Hand Pumps, almost constantly going. Besides they Wring, and twist the Ship in such a Manner as to endanger the starting of a Butt, but still more to endanger the Masts and Rigging. 3. The Ship is furnished with no Pistolls, which she ought to be, with at least as many as there are Officers, because there is nothing but the Dread of a Pistoll will keep many of the Men to their Quarters in Time of Action. 4. This Ship is not furnished with good Glasses, which appears to me of very great Consequence. Our Ships ought to be furnished with the best Glasses that Art affords. Their Expence would be saved a Thousand Ways.
5. There is the same general Inattention, I find on Board the Navy to Oeconomy that there is in the Army. 6. There is the same general Relaxation of order and Discipline. 7. There is the same Inattention to the Cleanliness of the Ship and the Persons and Health of the Sailors, as there is at land of the Cleanness of the Camp and the Health, and Cleanness of the soldiers. 8. The Practice of profane Cursing and Swearing, so silly as well as detestable, prevails in a most abominable Degree. It is indulged and connived at by Officers, and practised too in such a Manner that there is no Kind of Check against it. And I take upon me to say that order of every Kind will be lax as long as this is so much the Case.
This Morning Captn. Tucker made me a Present of Charlevoix's { 278 } History of Paraguay.1 Yesterday Dr. Noel put into my Hand, a Pockett Volume, intituled, Le Geographe manuel, contenant La Description de tous les Pays du Monde, leurs qualités, leur climat, le caractère de leurs Habitans, leur Villes capitales, avec leur distances de Paris, et des Routes qui y menent tant par terre que par Mer; les Changes, et les Monnoies des principales Places de 1'Europe, en Correspondance avec Paris; la manière de tenir les Ecritures de chaque Nation; la Reduction de toutes espèces de l'Europe au pied courant de France, &c. Par M. l'Abbé Expilly, de la Société royale des Sciences et belles Lettres de Nancy.2 These manuals come out annually, and are to be had in any of the great Towns in France.
1. Pierre FranÇois Xavier de Charlevoix, The History of Paraguay, Dublin, 1769, 2 vols., survives among JA's books in the Boston Public Library (Catalogue of JA's Library').
2. Abbe Jean Joseph Expilly's Géographe manuel, Paris, 1765, is also among the numerous European guidebooks and similar works among JA's books in the Boston Public Library (same).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0012

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-02-27

Feb. 27. Fryday.

A Calm. As soft and warm as Summer. A Species of black Fish, which our officers call Beneaters,1 appeared about the Ship.
One Source of the Disorders in this Ship, is the Irregularity of Meals. There ought to be a well digested System, for Eating, Drinking and sleeping. At Six, all Hands should be called up. At Eight, all Hands should breakfast. At one all Hands should dine. At Eight again all Hands should sup. It ought to be penal for the Cook to fail of having his Victuals ready punctually.—This would be for the Health, Comfort and Spirits of the Men, and would greatly promote the Business of the Ship.
I am constantly giving Hints to the Captain concerning Order, Œconomy and Regularity, and he seems to be sensible of the Necessity of them, and exerts himself to introduce them.—He has cleared out the Tween Decks, ordered up the Hammocks to be aired, and ordered up the sick, such as could bear it, upon Deck for sweet Air. This Ship would have bred the Plague or the Goal Fever, if there had not been great Exertions, since the storm, to wash, sweep, Air and purify, Cloaths, Cots, Cabins, Hammocks and all other Things, Places and Persons.
The Captn. Yesterday went down into the Cock Pit, and ordered up every Body from that Sink of Devastation and Putrefaction— ordered up the Hamocks &c. This was in Pursuance of the Advice I { 279 } gave him in the Morning, “if you intend to have any Reputation for Œconomy, Discipline or any Thing that is good, look to your Cock Pit.”
Yesterday the Captn. brought in a Curiosity which he had drawn up over the Side in a Buckett of Water, which the Sailors call a Portuguese Man of War, and to day I have seen many of them sailing by the Ship. They have some Appearances of Life and Sensibility. They spread a curious Sail and are wafted along very briskly. They have something like Gutts, hanging down, which are said to be in a degree poisonous to human Flesh. The Hulk is like blue Glass. I pierced it with the sharp Point of my Pen Knife and found it empty. The Air came out, and the Thing shrunk up almost to nothing.
1. CFA silently corrects this word to “bonitos.”

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0013

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-02-28

1778. Feb. 28. Saturday.

Last Night and this Day We have enjoyed a fine easy Breeze. The Ship has had no Motion but directly forward. I slept as quietly and as soundly as in my own Bed at home. Dr. Noel gave me a Phial of Balsamum fioraventi, for an Inflammation in my Eyes, which seems to be very good for them. It is very much compounded. It is very subtle and penetrating. Pour a few Drops into the Palms of your Hands, rub it over the Palm and the Fingers, and then hold the Insides of your Hands before your Eyes, and the Steam which evaporates enters the Eyes, and works them clear. This Balsam derives its Name from its Author.
The Ship is now in very good order, cleaned out, between Decks, on the Main Deck, in the Cabin and Quarter Deck. The Masts, Yards, Sails and Rigging are well repaired.
The Captn. has just now sent written Orders to the Steward of the Ship, to make weekly Returns to him of the State of Provisions and to be very frugal of Provisions and Candles, which appeared to be very necessary as near one half of the Ships Stores of Candles are expended.
This is Saturday Night: a Fortnight Yesterday, since I took Leave of my Family.—What Scaenes have I beheld since?—What Anxiety have my Friends on Shore suffered on my Account? during the N.E. Storm which they must have had at Land!
What is this Gulph Stream? What is the Course of it? From what Point and to what Point does it flow? How broad is it? How far distant is it from the Continent of America? What is the Longitude and Latitude of it.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-01

1778. March 1. Sunday.

Discovered that our Mainmast was sprung in two Places—one beneath the Main Deck, where if the Mast had wholly failed in the late Storm it must have torn up the main Deck and the Ship must have foundered. This is one among many Instances, in which it has already appeared that our Safety has not depended on ourselves.
A fine Wind, all day and night. Somewhat Sea Sick. The Ship was very quiet and still—no Disturbance—little noise.
I hope for the future We shall carry less Sail, especially of nights, and at all Times when We are not in Chase.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-02

March 2. Monday.

A fine Wind still and a pleasant Morning. The Colour of the Water which is green, not blue as it has been for many Days past, the Appearance of large Flocks of Gulls, and various other Birds, convinced the knowing ones, to say that We were not far from the Grand Bank of N. Foundland. The Captain however thinks it 35 Leagues to the N. West of Us.—Our Mast was Yesterday repaired with two large Fishes, as they call em, i.e. large oaken Planks cutt for the Purpose and put on. It seems now as firm as ever.—The Sailors are very superstitious. They say the Ship has been so unfortunate that they really believe there is some Woman on board.—Women are the unluckyest Creatures in the World at Sea &c.
This Evening the Wind is very fresh, and the Ship sails at a great Rate. We are out of the Reach I hope of the Gulph Stream and of British Cruizers, two Evils, which I have a great Aversion to.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-03

1778. March 3. Tuesday.

Our Wind continued brisk and fresh all the last Night, and this Morning. Our Course is about N.E. Showers in the Night and this Morning. The Flocks of Gulls, still pursuing Us.
This Morning, Mr. Parison breakfasted with Us. Our Captn. in gay Spirits, chattering in French, Spanish, Portuguese, German, Dutch, Greek, and boasting that he could speak some Words in every Language. He told Us he had ordered two more Fishes upon the Mainmast to cover the Flaws, above Deck.
The Captain, Lieutenants, Master, Mates and Midshipmen, are now making their Calculations, to discover their Longitude, but I conjecture they will be very wild.
{ 281 }
The Life I lead is a dull Scaene to me. No Business; No Pleasure; No Study....1 Our little World is all wet and damp: there is nothing
I can eat or drink without nauseating. We have no Spirits for Conversation, nor any Thing to converse about. We see nothing but Sky, Clouds and Sea, and then Seas, Clouds and Sky.
I have often heard of learning a Language as French or English on the Passage, but I believe very little of any Thing was ever learned on a Passage. There must be more Health and better Accommodations.
My young Friend, Mr. Vernon, has never had the least Qualm of the Sea Sickness, since We came aboard. I have advised him to begin the Study of the French Tongue methodically, by reading the Grammar through. He has begun it accordingly, and we shall see his Patience and Perseverance.
Dr. Noel shewed me, “Dictionaire geographique portatif,” which is a Translation of Echards Gazetteer, into French Par Monsr. Vosgien, Chanoine de Vaucouleurs.2
1. Suspension points in MS.
2. The Dictionnaire géographique portatif ... par Monsieur Vosgien [actually Jean Baptiste Ladvocat] went through many editions, as had its English original—Laurence Eachard, The Gazetteer's: or, Newsman's Interpreter: Being a Geographical Index of All the Considerable Cities, Bishopricks, Universities ... in Europe; see BM, Catalogue. The French extracts in the immediately following Diary entries are taken from this Dictionnaire. Except for copying errors they correspond quite closely with the text of the Paris edition of 1749.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-04

1778. March 4. Wednesday.

Fair Weather, but an Adverse Wind, from the N.E., which ob[liges] Us to go to the Southward of the S.E. which is out of our Course.
Nantes, ancienne, riche, et tres considerable Ville de Fran[ce,] la seconde de la Bretagne, avec un riche Evêché suffrag[an] de Tours, une Université, et un Hôtel des Monnoies. C'[est] une de Villes les plus commercantes du Royaulme. Les Marchands ont une Sociéte avec ceux de Bilbao, appellee la Contractation, et un Tribunal reciproque [en] forme de Jurisdiction consulaire. Ce fut dans cette Ville que Henri 4th. donna, en 1598, le celebre Edit [de] Nantes, revoqué en 1685. Elle est sur la Rive droit de la Loire, à 15. lieus S.O. d'Angers, 27. N. Par O. de [La] Rochelle, 87. S.O. de Paris, 23. S. de Rennes. Long. 16.6.12. Lat. 47.13.7. Le Païs Nantois, ou le C. de Nantes, est [une] Contree des deux côtés de la Loire. On y fait du S[el,] et il y a beaucoup de Bestiaux.1
1. Text defective because the outer edge of a leaf, loosened from the binding, is badly chipped.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-05

March 5. Thursday.

This Morning We have the pleasantest Prospect [we] have yet seen —a fine easy Breeze, from the Southward, w[hich] gives us an Opportunity of keeping our true Course—a so[ft], clear, warm Air—a fair Sun—no Sea. We have a g[reat] Number of Sails spread and We go at the Rate of 9 Kno[ts.] Yet the Ship has no perceptible Motion, and makes no N[oise.] My little Son is very proud of his Knowledge of all the Sails, and last Night the Captn. put him [to learn the Mariners Compass.]1
Oh that We might make Prize to day of an English Vessell, lately from London, with all the Newspapers, and Magazines on board, that We might obtain the latest Intelligence, and discover the Plan of Operations for the ensuing Campaign.
Whenever I arrive at any Port in Europe, whether in Spain or France, my first Enquiry should be concerning the Designs of the Enemy.—What Force they mean to send to America? Where they are to obtain Men? What is the State of the British Nation? What the State of Parties? What the State of Finances, and of Stocks?
Then the State of Europe, particularly France and Spain? What the real Designs of those Courts? What the Condition of their Finances? What the State of their Armies, but especially of their Fleets. What No. of Ships they have fitted for the Sea—what their Names, Number of Men and Guns, weight of Metal &c—where they lie? &c.
The Probability or Improbability of a War, and the Causes and Reasons for and against each supposition.
The Supplies of Cloathing, Arms, &c. gone to America, during the past Winter. The State of American Credit in France. What Remittances have been made from America, in Tobacco, Rice, Indigo, or any other Articles?
We are now supposed to be nearly in the Lat. of Cape Finisterre, so that We have only to sail an Easterly Course.
Finistere, Finis Terrae; c'est le Cap, le plus occid. non seulement de la Galice et de L'Esp., mais encore de l'Europe; ce qui fait que les Anc. qui ne connoissoient rien au-dela, lui ont donné son nom, qui signifie l'Extrêmitéde la Terre, ou le bout du monde. Il y a une Ville de mesme nom.
This Day, We have enjoyed the clearest Horison, the softest Weather, the best Wind, and the smoothest Sea, that We have seen since We [came] on board. All Sails are spread and We have gone [ten Knots upon an Avarage the whole day.]
{ 283 }
1. Here and below, the missing fragments of text have been supplied from parallel passages in JA's Autobiography.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0006

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-06

1778. March 6. Fryday.

The Wind continued in the same Point, about S[outh] all Night, and the Ship has gone 9 Knotts upon an Average. This is great Favour.
I am now reading the Amphitrion of Moliere, which is his 6. Volume.1 revaije? do I dream?—have I dreamed?—I have I been in a dream?2J'ai revé. I have been in a dream. It is in the Preterit.
We shall pass to the Northward of the Western Islands, and are now supposed to be as near them as We shall be. They all belong to Portugal.
Açores, lies sit. entre l'Afr. et l'Amer. environ a 200 li. O. de Lisbonne; Gonzalo Vello les decouvrit vers le milieu du 15 Siecle, et les nomma Açores, mot qui signifie des Eperviers, parce qu'on y rem. beaucoup de ces Oiseaux. II y en a neuf. Angra, dans l'ile de Tercere, est la Capital de Toutes. Ortelius assure que ceux partent de l'Europe, pour aller en Amer., sont delivres de toute Sorte de Vermine, aussitot qu'ils ont passe les Acores, ce qu'on doit attribuer a la qualite de l'Air, qui y e[s]t tres salubre. Le ble, les Vignes, les Arbres fruitiers, et le betail, y sont en abond. Elles appart. aux Port.—long. 346–354. Lat. 39.
1. In a bilingual edition which JA had purchased “Many Years before” and made his first use of on this voyage (Autobiography under this date).
2. Thus in MS.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0007

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-07

March 7. Saturday.

The same prosperous Wind, and the same beautifull Weather continue. We proceed in our Course at the Rate of about 200 Miles in 24 Hours. We have passed all the Dangers of the American Coast. Those of the Bay of Biscay, remain. God grant Us, an happy Passage through them all.
Yesterday, the Ship was all in an Uproar, with Laughter. The Boatswains Mate asked one of his superiour Officers, if they might have a Frolick.—The Answer was, Yes.—Jere. accordingly, with the old Sailors, proposed to build a Galley, and all the raw Hands to the Number of 20 or 30 were taken in, and suffered themselves to be tyed together, by their Legs. When all of a sudden, Jere. and his knowing ones, were found handing Bucketts of Water over the Sides and pouring them upon the poor Dupes, untill they were wet to the Skin.—The Behaviour of the Gullies,1 their Passions and Speeches and Actions, were { 284 } diverting enough.—So much for Jere's Fun. This Frolick, I suppose, according to the Sailors Reasoning, is to conjure up a Prize.
This Morning the Captain ordered all Hands upon Deck and took an account of the Number of Souls on board which amounted to 172. Then he ordered the Articles of War to be read to them—after which he ordered all Hands upon the Forecastle and then all Hands upon the Quarter deck, in order to try Experiments, for determining whether any difference was made in the Ships sailing, by the Weight of the Men being forward or abaft. Then all Hands were ordered to their Quarters to exercise them at the Guns. Mr. Barron2 gave the Words of Command and they spent an Hour perhaps in the Exercise, at which they seemed tolerably expert. Then the Captain ordered a Dance, upon the Main Deck, and all Hands, Negroes, Boys and Men were obliged to dance. After this the old Sailors set on Foot another Frolic, called the Miller, or the Mill. I will not spend Time to describe this odd Scaene: but it ended in a very high frolic, in which almost all the Men were powdered over, with Flour, and wet again to the Skin.—Whether these whimsical Diversions are indulged, in order to make the Men wash themselves, and shift their Cloaths, and to wash away Vermin I dont know. But there is not in them the least Ray of Elegance, very little Wit, and a humour of the coarsest Kind. It is not superiour to Negro and Indian Dances.
1. Thus in MS. The meaning is clear, but there is no lexicographical authority for this word.
2. William Barron, of a Virginia family that furnished a number of American naval officers, was first lieutenant of the Boston (Sheppard, Tucker, p. 280; VMHB, 1:66 [July 1893]). For his tragic fate, see entries of 14 and 27 March below.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0008

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-08

1778. March 8. Sunday.

The same Wind and Weather continues, and We go at 7 and 1/2 and 8 Knots. We are supposed to be past the Western Islands.
Mr. Barrons our first Lt. appears to me to be an excellent Officer— very dilligent, and attentive to his Duty—very thoughtfull and considerate about the Safety of the Ship, and about order, Oeconomy and Regularity, among the officers, and Men. He has great Experience at Sea. Has used the Trade to London, Lisbon, Affrica, West Indies, Southern States &c.
This Morning, the Captain ordered all Hands upon Quarter Deck to Prayers. The Captains Clerk, Mr. Wm. Cooper, had prepared a Composition of his own, which was a very decent, and comprehensive Prayer, which he delivered, in a grave and proper manner. The Of• { 285 } ficers and Men all attended, in clean Cloaths, and behaved very soberly.
The Weather has been cloudy all Day. Towards night it became rainy and windy, and now the Ship rolls, a little in the old Fashion.— We are about 2000 Miles from Boston.
The late Storm shewed the Beauty of Boileaus Description d'une Tempête.

Comme l'on voit les flots, soûlevez par l'orage,

Fondre sur un Vaisseau qui s'oppose a leur rage,

Le Vent avec fureur dans les voiles frêmit;

La mer blanchit d'écume et l'air au loin gémit;

Le matelot troublè, que son Art abandonne,

Croit voir dans chaque flot la mort qui l'environne.

Trad. de Longin.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0009

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-09

1778. March 9. Monday.

Last Night the Wind shifted to the N. West, and blew fresh. It is now still fairer for Us than before. The Weather is fine, and We go on our Voyage at a great Rate. Some Officers think We shall reach our Port by Thursday night: others by Saturday night: But these make no Account of Chases and Cruises, and make no Allowance for the Variability of the Winds.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0010

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-14

Saturday. March 14.

I have omitted inserting the Occurrences of this Week, on Account of the Hurry and Confusion, We have been in. Tuesday We spied a Sail, and gave her Chase. We soon came up with her, but as We had bore directly down upon her, she had not seen our broadside, and knew not her [i.e. our] Force. She was a Letter of Mark with 14 Guns, 8 Nines and 6 sixes. She fired upon Us, and one of her shot went thro our Mizen Yard. I happened to be upon the Quarter deck, and in the Direction from the Ship to the Yard so that the Ball went directly over my Head. We, upon this, turned our broadside which the instant she saw she struck. Captn. Tucker very prudently, ordered his officers not to fire.
The Prize is the Ship Martha, Captn. McIntosh from London to New York, loaded with a Cargo of great Value. The Captn. told me that Seventy thousand Pounds sterling was insured upon her at Lloyds, and that She was worth 80 thousands.1
The Captain is very much of a Gentleman. There are two Gentle• { 286 } men with him Passengers, the one Mr. R. Gault, the other Mr. Wallace of N. York. Two young Jews were on board.
That and the next day was spent in dispatching the Prize, under the Command of the 3d Lt. Mr. Welch to Boston.2
After that We fell in Chase of another Vessell, and overtaking her, found her to be a french Snow, from Bourdeaux to Miquelon.
We then saw another Vessell, chased and came up with her which proved to be a French Brig from Marseilles to Nantes. This last cost Us very dear. Mr. Barrons our 1st. Lt. attempting to fire a Gun, as a signal to the Brig, the Gun burst, and tore the right Leg of this excellent Officer, in Pieces, so that the Dr. was obliged to amputate it, just below the Knee.
I was present at this affecting Scaene and held Mr. Barron in my Arms while the Doctor put on the Turnequett and cutt off the Limb.
Mr. Barrons bore it with great Fortitude and Magnanimity—thought he should die, and frequently intreated me, to take Care of his Family. He had an helpless Family he said, and begged that I would take Care of his Children. I promised him, that by the first Letters I should write to America, I would earnestly recommend his Children to the Care of the Public, as well as of Individuals. I cannot but think the Fall of this Officer, a great Loss to the united States....3 His Prudence, his Moderation, his Attention, his Zeal, were Qualities much wanted in our Navy. He is by Birth a Virginian.4
1. See also the entry in Tucker's Log, 11 March, which is, however, not very informative, being largely given over to a list of the prisoners taken in the Martha (printed in Sheppard, Tucker, p. 273–275). JA elaborates a little on the incident in his Autobiography under date of 10 March.
Various romanticized versions of JA's part in the action were widely circulated after his death. CFA cites one of these in a note on this passage (JA, Works, 3:109), taken from Peleg Sprague's Eulogy on John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, Hallowell, Maine, 1826. Samuel Tucker was still living at this time; Sprague's fanciful narrative came to Tucker's attention, and he put the matter straight in a letter to James Hovey of Bristol, Maine, 22 Aug. 1826, which has come to rest in the Adams Papers:
“About the 20th of March I fell in with a very large Ship—armed but not a cruiser, but however she soon appeared in a posture of engageing, my Ship in readiness and men at their quarters, it became my duty to give Mr. Adams such information as was necessary. He followed me on deck, where we expostulated a few minutes on the subject of taking the Ship, finally after listening a minute or two, to my entreaties he took me by the hand, with a god bless you, and descended the gangway ladder into the cockpit, I stept aft and came alongside the Ship I hailed, his answer was a broadside and immediately struck his coulours, before I could, to a good advantage discharge a broadside into him, being very near and in such a position the smoke blew over my ship, and looking round on the Quarter deck and observing the Damage I had received from his fire, I discovered Mr. Adams Among my marines accoutred as one of them, and in the act of defence. I then went unto him and Said my dear Sir, how came you here, and with a smile { 287 } he replied; I ought to do my Share of fighting. This was Sufficient for me to judge of the bravery of my venerable and patriotic Adams and the foregoing is all that ever I related on that Subject to anyone and quite enough to convince them of the bravery of Such a Man, please to have this inserted in the Bath Maine Gazette, and in Compliance Youll Much oblige Yours with Respect,
[signed] []Samuel Tucker
“N.B. You may Shew this to any American Republican or whomsoever you please.”
2. Tucker's orders to Hezekiah Welch, 11 March 1778, are printed in Sheppard, Tucker, p. 83.
3. Suspension points in MS.
4. Lt. Barron died eleven or twelve days later; see entry of 27 March, below, and Jennison, “Journal,” PMHB, 15:103 (April 1891). There is evidence that JA kept his pledge to write on behalf of Barron's family: In Congress, 27 Nov. 1778, “A letter from Hon. J. Adams, Esq. respecting the late Lieutenant Barron's family, was read: Ordered, That it be referred to the Marine Committee” (JCC, 12:1165). No trace of this letter has so far been found, either in the Papers of the Continental Congress or in the pension application filed in 1837 by his only daughter and surviving heir, Ann Mortimer Barron of Norfolk, Va. (DNA:RG 15, R 1065). The pension claim was rejected, but Congress had already (30 June 1834) granted Ann Barron the half pay of a first lieutenant of a frigate for seven years (letters from General Reference Branch, National Archives, to the editors, 13 Jan., 16 May 1959). There is also evidence that JA endeavored to do something in behalf of Barron's orphaned children during his brief return to Massachusetts in 1779; see William Vernon Sr. to AA, 4 Feb. 1780 (Adams Papers). But in his Autobiography JA expressed regret that he had not done more.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0011

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-19

1778. March 19. Thursday.

I have scarcely been able to stand, or sit, without holding fast, with both my Hands, upon some lashed Table, some lashed Gun, the Side, or Beams of the Ship, or some other fixed Object: such has been the perpetual Motion of the Ship arising from violent Gales, and an heavy Sea.
In the Course of the last 5 days, We have seen a great Number of Vessells, two of which at least, if not four were supposed to be Cruizers. But here We are—at Liberty, as yet.
The Wind has been directly against Us, but this Morning has veered and We now steer, at least our Head lies by the Compass, South East. —Who knows but Providence has favoured Us by the last Gale, as it seemed to do by the first.—By the last Gale We have already escaped Cruizers as We did by the first—and possibly this violent Gale from the south East may have driven all the Cruizers from the Coast of Spain and the Southerly Part of the Bay of Biscay, and by this Means have opened a clear Passage for Us to Bourdeaux. This is possible— and so is the contrary. God knows—

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0012

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-20

March 20 Fryday.

Yester Afternoon, the Weather cleared up, and the Wind came { 288 } about very fair. We had a great Run, last Night. This Morning spyed a Sail, under our leward Bow, chased and soon came up with her, a Snow from Amsterdam to Demarara, and Essequibo.
I made Enquiry to day of our Prisoner Captn. McIntosh, concerning the Trinity House. He says it is the richest Corporation in the Kingdom. That Lord Sandwich is an elder Brother of it. That any Master of a Vessell may be made a younger Brother of it, if he will. That there are many Thousands of younger Brothers. That this House gives permission to every Vessell to take out or to take in Ballast, and that a few Pence 6d. perhaps per Ton are paid them for such Licence. That they have the Care of all Lighthouses &c.
My principal Motive for omitting to keep a regular and particular Journal, has been the Danger of falling into the Hands of my Enemies, and an Apprehension that I should not have an Opportunity of destroying these Papers in such a Case.
We have now so fine a Wind, that a very few days will determine, whether We shall meet any capital Disaster, or arrive safe at Port.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0013

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-21

21. Saturday.

Five Weeks Yesterday, since my Embarkation. This Morning an heavy Wind, and high Sea. We go E.S.E.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0014

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-27

27. Fryday.

On Wednesday Evening Mr. Barons died, and Yesterday was committed to the Deep, from the Quarter Deck.
He was put into a Chest, and 10 or 12, twelve Pounds shot put in with him, and then nailed up. The Fragment of the Gun, which destroyed him was lashed on the Chest, and the whole launched overboard through one of the Ports, in Presence of all the Ships Crew, after the Buryal service was read by Mr. Cooper.1
In the Course of the last Week We have had some of the Worst Winds, that We have felt yet.
Monday last We made the Land upon the Coast of Spain.
Tuesday We run into the Bay of St. Anthonio. 4 or 5 Boats with 15 or 16 Men in each came to Us, out of which We took a Pilot.
Upon sight of the Spanish Shore, which I viewed as minutely as possible through the Glasses, I had a great Curiosity to go on Shore. There was a fine Verdure, near the sea, altho the Mountains were covered with Snow. I saw one Convent, but We did not come in Sight of the Town. The Moment we were about turning the Point of the { 289 } Rock to go into the Harbour, a Sail appeared. We put out to see who she was, found her a Spanish Brig, and after this upon repeated Efforts found it impracticable to get into the Harbour. In the Night the Wind caught us suddenly at N.W. and We were obliged to make all the Sail We could and put to sea. We steered our Course for Bourdeaux.
Yesterday was a Calm, the little Wind there was, directly against Us. This Morning the Wind is a little better. We are supposed to be within 30 Leagues of Bourdeaux River.
1. See Tucker, Log, entry of 26 April (printed in Sheppard, Tucker, p. 280).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0015

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-28

March 28. Saturday.

Last night and this Morning We were in the thoroughfare of all the Ships from Bourdeaux. We had always a great Number in Sight. By Obs[ervation] to day, our Lat. is 46D.:3M. North, about 7 Minutes South of the Middle of the Isle of Rea. We are therefore about 20 Leagues from the Tower of Cordoan. We have no Wind, and nothing can be more tedious and disagreable to me, than this idle Life.
Last Evening We had two little Incidents which were disagreable. One was, the French Barber attempting to go below, contrary to orders, the Centinell cutt off his great Toe with his Cutlass, which raised at first a little, ill blood in the French People, who are on board, but on Enquiry finding the fellow deserved it, they acquiesced. The other unpleasant Incident was that one of our Prisoners of War, a little more elevated than usual grew out of Temper, and was very passionate with Mr. Vernon and afterwards, with C. Palmes—but it has all subsided.1
Mr. McIntosh is of North Britain, and appears to be very decided vs. America in this Contest, and his Passions are so engaged that they easily inkindle....2
Mr. Gault is an Irish Gentleman and as decided vs. America, in her Claims of Independance at least, as the other. Mr. Wallace is more reserved, cautious, silent and secret.
Jealousies arise among our Men, that the Prisoners are plotting with some of our profligate People: but I believe this Jealousy is groundless.
All Day Yesterday, and all the forenoon of this Day We have been looking out for Land—about 4 o Clock We found it—the Isles of Rhee and Oleron, between which two is the Entrance into the Harbour of Rochelle, which is about half Way between Bourdeaux and Nantes.
... The Land is extremely flat and low. We see the Tower.... The Water is shoal, 25 or 30 Fathoms, the bottom Sand—the Reverse of the Spanish Coast on the other Side of the Bay of Biscay.
{ 290 }
This Afternoon, a clock calm, and Mr. Goss played upon his Fiddle the whole Afternoon, and the Sailors danced, which seemed to have a very happy Effect upon their Spirits and good Humour.
Numbers of small Birds from the Shore, came along to day, some of them fatigued, allighted on our Rigging, Yards &c. and one of them We caught. A little Lark he was called. These Birds loose the Shore and get lost, and then fly untill they are so fatigued that the instant they allight upon a Ship they drop to sleep.
1. Richard Palmes, captain of marines on the Boston; see Sheppard, Tucker, p. 93–94; Warren-Adams Letters, 1:372. The incident is elaborated in JA's Autobiography under this date.
2. Suspension points here and below in this entry are in the MS.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0016

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-29

1778. March 29. Sunday.

Becalmed all last Night. This Morning a vast Number of Sails in Sight. St. Martins, and Oleron in Sight, many Towers and Windmills —Land very low and level.
A Pilot Boat, with two Sails and 4 Men, came on Board, and the Pilot instantly undertook to pilot Us to Bourdeaux. He says this ship may go up quite to the City, if she draws 20 feet of Water, at high Water.—We are now sailing very agreably towards our Port.
The Pilot says War is declared, last Wednesday, and that the Pavillions were hoisted Yesterday at every Fort and Light House.—Quaere.1
There is a civil Frenchman on board, whose Name I never asked untill to day. His Name is Quillau, Fourier des Logis de Mr. Le Ct. D'Artois. He was not of M. De Coudrays Corps.
The French Gentlemen on board can scarcely understand our new Pilot. He speaks Gascoine, the Dialect of Bourdeaux, they say, which is not good French.
This Day Six Weeks We sailed from Nantaskett Road. How many Dangers, Distresses and Hairbreadth Scapes have We seen?
A Story.—Garrick had a Relation, convicted of a capital Offence. He waited on his Majesty, to beg a Pardon. The K. asked what was the Crime?—He has only taken a Cup too much, says Garrick, may it please your Majesty.—Is that all? said the K. Let him be pardoned.—Gault.
A Story. A Frenchman in London advertised an infallible Remedy against Fleas. The Ladies all flocked to purchase the Powder. But after they had bought it, one of them asked for Directions to Use it.—Madam says the Frenchman you must catch the Flea, and squese him between your Fingers untill he gape, then you must put a little of this Powder in his Mouth, and I will be responsible he never will bite you again.— { [facing 290] } { [facing 291] } { 291 } But says the Lady, when I have him between my Fingers, why may I not rub him to death?—Oh Madam dat will do just as well den!—Tucker.
We have been becalmed all day in Sight of Oleron. The Village of St. Dennis was in Sight, and Multitudes of Wind Mills and Sand Hills all along the shore. Multitudes of Vessells in sight, French, Spanish, Dutch Vessells, and English Smugglers.
I feel a Curiosity to visit this Island of Oleron so famous in Antiquity for her Sea Laws, at least I take this to be the Place.
1. A very proper query. France had recognized and formed an alliance with the United States by treaties of alliance and commerce signed at Versailles on 6 Feb.; the French ambassador in London, the Marquis de Noailles, had so notified the British government on 13 March; and diplomatic relations were at once broken off. But war was never formally declared between the two powers.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0017

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-30

March 30. Monday.

This Morning at 5, the Officer came down and told the Captain that a lofty Ship was close by Us, and had fired two heavy Guns. All Hands called. She proved to be an heavy loaded Snow.
The Weather cloudy, but no Wind. Still—except a small Swell.
The Tour of Cordovan, or in other Words Bourdeaux Lighthouse in Sight, over our larbord Bow.
The Captn. is now cleaning Ship and removing his Warlike Appearances.
This Day has been hitherto fortunate and happy.—Our Pilot has brought us safely into the River, and We have run up, with Wind and Tide as far as Pouliac, where We have anchored for the Night, and have taken in another Pilot.
This forenoon a Fisherman came along Side, with Hakes, Skates, and Gennetts. We bought a few, and had an high Regale.
This River is very beautifull—on both Sides the Plantations are very pleasant. On the South Side especially, We saw all along Horses, Oxen, Cowes, and great Flocks of Sheep grazing, the Husbandmen ploughing &c. and the Women, half a Dozen in a Drove with their Hoes. The Churches, Convents, Gentlemens seats, and the Villages appear very magnificent.
This River seldom Swells with Freshes, for the rural Improvements and even the Fishermens Houses, are brought quite down to the Waters Edge. The Water in the River is very foul to all Appearance, looking all the Way like a Mud Puddle. The Tide setts in 5 Knots. We outrun every Thing in sailing up the River.
{ 292 }
The Buildings public and private, are of Stone, and a great Number of beautifull Groves, appear between the grand Seats, and best Plantations. A great Number of Vessells lay in the River....1
The Pleasure resulting from the Sight of Land, Cattle, Houses, &c. after so long, so tedious, and dangerous a Voyage, is very great: It gives me a pleasing Melancholly to see this Country, an Honour which a few Months ago I never expected to arrive at.—Europe thou great Theatre of Arts, Sciences, Commerce, War, am I at last permitted to visit thy Territories.—May the Design of my Voyage be answered.
1. Suspension points in MS.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0018

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-03-31

March 31. Tuesday.

Lying in the River of Bourdeaux, near Pouliac. A 24 Gun Ship close by Us, under French Colours, bound to St. Domingue.—A dark, misty Morning.
My first Enquiry should be, who is Agent for the united States of America at Bourdeaux, at Blaye, &c—who are the principal Merchants on this River concerned in the American Trade? What Vessells French or American, have sailed or are about sailing for America, what their Cargoes, and for what Ports? Whether on Account of the united States, of any particular State, or of private Merchants french or American?
This Morning the Captain and a Passenger came on board the Boston, from the Julie, a large Ship bound to St. Domingue, to make Us a Visit. They invited Us on Board to dine. Captn. Palmes, M[aste]rs Jesse and Johnny and myself, went. We found half a Dozen genteel Persons on Board, and found a pretty ship, an elegant Cabin, and every Accommodation. The white Stone Plates were laid, and a clean Napkin placed in each, and a Cut of fine Bread. The Cloth, Plates, Servants, every Thing was as clean, as in any Gentlemans House. The first Dish was a fine french Soup, which I confess I liked very much.—Then a Dish of boiled Meat.—Then the Lights of a Calf, dressed one Way and the Liver another.—Then roasted Mutton then fricaseed Mutton. A fine Sallad and something very like Asparagus, but not it. —The Bread was very fine, and it was baked on board.—We had then Prunes, Almonds, and the most delicate Raisins I ever saw.—Dutch Cheese—then a Dish of Coffee—then a french Cordial—and Wine and Water, excellent Claret with our Dinner.—None of us understood French—none of them English: so that Dr. Noel stood Interpreter. While at Dinner We saw a Pinnace go on board the Boston with several, half a Dozen, genteel People on board.
{ 293 }
On the Quarter Deck, I was struck with the Hens, Capons, and Cocks in their Coops—the largest I ever saw.
After a genteel Entertainment, Mr. Griffin, one of our petty Officers, came with the Pinnace, and C. Tuckers Compliments desiring to see me. We took Leave and returned where We found very genteel Company consisting of the Captn. of another Ship bound to Martinique and several Kings Officers, bound out. One was the Commandant.
C. Palmes was sent forward to Blaye, in the Pinnace to the Officer at the Castle in order to produce our Commission and procure an Entry, and pass to Bourdeaux. Palmes came back full of the Compliments of the Broker to the Captn. and to me. I shall not repeat the Compliments sent to me, but he earnestly requested that C. Tucker would salute the Fort with 13 Guns, &c.—which the Captn. did.
All the Gentlemen We have seen to day agree that Dr. Franklin has been received by the K[ing] in great Pomp and that a Treaty is concluded, and they all expect War, every Moment....1
This is a most beautifull River, the Villages, and Country Seats appear upon each Side all the Way. We have got up this Afternoon within 3 Leagues of the Town.
1. Suspension points in MS.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-01

1778 April 1. Wednesday.

This Morning Mr. J. C. Champagne, negociant and Courtier de Marine, at Blaye, came on board, to make a Visit and pay his Compliments.
He says, that of the first Grouths of Wine, in the Province of Guienne, there are four Sorts, Chateau Margeaux, Hautbrion, La Fitte, and Latour.
This Morning I took Leave of the Ship, and went up to Town with my Son, and servant, Mr. Vernon, Mr. Jesse, and Dr. Noel, in the Pinnace. When We came up to the Town We had the Luck to see Mr. McClary,1 and Major Fraser [Frazer], on the Shore. Mr. McClary came on board our Boat, and conducted Us up to his Lodgings. Mr. Pringle was there. We dined there, in the Fashion of the Country. We had fish and Beans, and Salad, and Claret, Champain and Mountain Wine. After Dinner Mr. Bondfield, who is Agent here, invited me to take a Walk, which We did to his Lodgings, where We drank Tea.2 Then We walked about the Town, and to see the new Comedie. After this We went to the Opera, where the Scenery, the Dancing, the Music, afforded to me a very chearfull, sprightly Amusement, having { 294 } never seen any Thing of the Kind before. After this We returned to Mr. McClarys Lodgings, where We supped.
1. That is, William McCreery, evidently from Baltimore, whom JA had known in America and who had recently “Setled in Bordeaux in the mercantile way” (AA to JA, 18 May 1778; JA, Autobiography, under the present date). JA and McCreery corresponded on commercial subjects for some years, though at first their letters rather amusingly centered on a pair of homespun breeches, lost by JQA in Bordeaux, that contained eight guineas sewed into the waistband. McCreery returned to America in 1781 (Franklin, Writings, ed. Smyth, 7:261, note). If he is the William McCreery who became a U.S. representative and senator from Maryland, the notice of him in Biog. Dir. Cong, is inadequate.
2. John Bondfield was a merchant who served for many years as U.S. commercial agent at Bordeaux and whose surviving correspondence with JA and other American ministers in France is voluminous. JA says in his Autobiography under the present date that he had also known Bondfield in America, but his background is obscure. For a high opinion of his mercantile character see JA to William Vernon Jr., 12 May 1778 (LbC, Adams Papers). As late as 15 May 1789 Bondfield could write JA from Bordeaux: “I remain as when I had the Honor to see you at Bordeaux honor'd by the [American] Gentlemen at Paris with their Correspondence and publick and private Commissions and in my steddy Attention to every thing in my power to serve the States” (Adams Papers).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-02

1778 April 2. Thursday.

Walked round the Town, to see the Chamber and Council of Commerce, the Parliament which was sitting, where We heard the Council. Then We went round to the Ship Yards &c. Made many Visits—dined at the Hotel D'Angleterre. Visited the Customhouse, the Post office—visited the Commandant of the Chateau Trompette, a Work of Vaubans—visited the Premiere President of the Parliament of Bourdeaux. Went to the Coffee house. Went to the Commedie—saw Les deux Avares. Supped at Messrs. Reuiles De Basmarein and Raimbaux.1
1. The firm of Recules de Basmarein et Raimbaux of Bordeaux were the “outstanding shipowners of France,” and from them Lafayette had purchased the Victoire, in which he sailed to America just a year earlier (Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1:87–88, and ch. 7, passim)

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-03

April 3. Fryday.

Waited on the Intendant, dined at Mr. Bondfields and supped at Mr. Le Texiers.—Our Company, on Thursday Evening, at Mr. Basmarains were—The Count of Virelade the Son of the Premiere President, Le Moine first Commissary of the Navy, Le Moine the Son, Commissary of the Navy, Cornie, Captain of a Frigate, Knight of St. Lewis, Jn. Bt. Nairac former Deputy of Commerce from La Rochelle, Paul Nairac, a Merchant, Elisee Nairac a Merchant, La tour Feger Esq. a Merchant, Menoire, Esq. a Merchant, Coutourier Esq. a Merchant, { 295 } Mr. Bondfield and Major Fraser. The Toasts were announced by 13 Shots, in honour of the 13 States. The K. of France 21 Shots. The Congress 13. G. Washington 3. Mr. De Sartine 3.1G[eneral] Gates 3. Marshall Broglie 3. The Count of Brolie his Brother 3. The Marquis De la Fayette 3. The Glory and Prosperity of the 13 united States 13. The Prosperity of France 3. Eternal Concord between the two Nations, now Friends and Allies, 3. The State of Massachusetts Bay and Mr. Adams its Representative. Mr. Destaing Vice Admiral. The City of Bourdeaux. Mrs. Adams 3. The French and American Ladies 21. The Departure of Mr. Adams, when he mounted his Coach, was saluted by 13. Shots. The Garden was beautifully illuminated, with an Inscription, God Save the Congress, Liberty and Adams.2
1. Antoine Raymond Jean Gualbert Gabriel de Sartine, Comte d'Alby (1729–1801), French minister of marine, 1774–1780 (Hoefer, Nouv. Biog. Générale), with whom JA was to have extensive correspondence in his capacity as a joint commissioner to France.
2. On this occasion JA learned something of the freedom of conversation between the sexes in France, and held his own, though not without a sense of shock; see his Autobiography under 2 April 1778.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-04

1778 April 4. Saturday.

About 10 O Clock We commenced our Journey to Paris, and went about 50 miles.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-05

April 5. Sunday.

Proceeded on our Journey, more than 100 Miles.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0006

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-06

April 6. Monday.

Arrived at Poictiers, the City so famous, for the Battle which was fought here. It is a beautifull situation and the Cultivation of the Plains about it is exquisite. The Houses are old and poor and the Streets very narrow. Afternoon passed thro Chatelerault, another City, nearly as large as Poictiers, and as old, and the Streets as narrow. When We stopped at the Post to change our Horses, about 20 young Women came about the Chaise, with their elegant Knives, scissors, tooth Picks &c. to sell. The Scaene was new to me, and highly diverting. Their eagerness to sell a Knife, was as great, as that of some Persons I have seen in other Countries to get Offices. We arrived in the Evening at Ormes, the magnificent Seat of the Marquis D'Argenson.— It is needless to make particular Remarks upon this Country. Every Part of it, is cultivated. The Fields of Grain, the Vineyards, the Castles, { 296 } the Cities, the Parks, the Gardens, every Thing is beautifull: yet every Place swarms with Beggars.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0007

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-07

1778. April 7. Tuesday.

Travelled from Les Ormes, the splendid Seat of the Marquis D'Argenson, to Mer. We went through Tours, and Amboise, and several other smaller Villages. Tours is the most elegant Place We have yet seen. It stands upon the River Loire, which empties itself at Nantes. We rode upon a Causey, made in the River Loire, for a great Number of Miles. The Meadows and River Banks were extremely beautifull.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0008

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-08

April 8. Wednesday.

Rode through Orleans, &c. and arrived at Paris, about 9 O Clock. For 30 Miles from Paris or more the Road is paved, and the Scaenes extreamly beautifull.
At Paris We went to several Hotels which were full—particularly the Hotell D'Artois, and the Hotell Bayonne. Then We were advised to the Hotell de Valois, where We found entertainment. But We could not have it without taking all the Chambers upon the floor which were four in Number, very elegant and richly furnished, at the small Price of two Crowns and an Half a Day, without any Thing to eat or drink. We send for Victuals to the Cooks. I took the Apartments only for two or three days.
At our Arrival last Night at a certain Barrier, We were stopped and searched, and paid the Duties for about 25 Bottles of Wine which we had left of the generous Present of Mr. Delap at Bourdeaux.
My little Son has sustained this long Journey of near 500 Miles at the Rate of an hundred Miles a day with the Utmost Firmness, as he did our fatiguing and dangerous Voyage.
Immediately on our Arrival, We were called upon for our Names, as We were at Mrs. Rives's at Bourdeaux.
We passed the Bridge, last Night over the Seine, and passed thro the Louvre. The Streets were crowded with Carriages, with Livery Servants.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0009

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-09

1778 April 9. Thursday.

This Morning the Bells, and Carriages, and various Cries in the Street make Noise enough, yet the City was very still last Night towards the Morning.
{ 297 }
Le Hotell de Valois, en Rue de Richlieu, is the Name of the House and Street where I now am. Went to Passy, in a Coach, with Dr. Noel, and my Son.
Dr. Franklin presented to me the Compliments of Mr. Turgot, lately Comptroller of the Finances, and his Invitation to dine with him.1 Went with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Lee and dined in Company with the Dutchess D'Anville, the Mother of the Duke De Rochefoucault, and twenty of the great People of France.—It is in vain to Attempt a Description of the Magnificence of the House, Gardens, Library, Furniture, or the Entertainment of the Table. Mr. Turgot has the Appearance of a grave, sensible and amiable Man. Came home and supped with Dr. Franklin on Cheese and Beer.2
1. Anne Robert Jacques Turgot, Baron de l'Aulne (1727–1781), French statesman and philosophe (Hoefer, Nouv. Biog. Générale). It was a letter of Turgot's to Richard Price, concerning the new American state constitutions, written in 1778 and published in Price's Observations on the Importance of the American Revolution, London, 1784, that prompted JA to write a gigantic rebuttal entitled JA, Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, London, 1787–1788; 3 vols. The personal and intellectual relations of JA and Turgot have been described, and JA's marginalia on Turgot's letter of 1778 printed, in Haraszti, JA and the Prophets of Progress, ch. 8, “Turgot's Attack on the American Constitutions.” On the more immediate origins of JA's Defence see note on entry of 29 [i.e. 28] July 1786, below.
2. This is the only intimation in the Diary that JA and JQA had joined Franklin's already numerous household in Passy, but a memorandum in JA's copy of the American Commissioners' accounts, 1777–1779 (in Lb/JA/35, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 123), dated “Passi September 27 1778,” states: “I arrived at Paris in the Evening of the 8th of April, and the next Morning, waited on Dr. Franklin at Passi, where I have resided from that Time.”
Franklin's lodgings were in a separate building on the extensive grounds of the Hôtel de Valentinois, named for a former owner but acquired in 1776 by M. Le Ray de Chaumont (see next entry in this Diary), on the heights of Passy close to the Bois de Boulogne and overlooking the Seine and Paris to the east. The once semirural suburb of Passy is now engulfed by Paris, and blocks of apartments shut off the view that Franklin and his colleagues enjoyed; but see a plan of “Franklin's Passy,” with explanatory text, in Bernard Faÿ, Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times, Boston, 1929, facing p. 452, and a detail from an 18th-century map of the neighborhood in Howard C. Rice Jr., The Adams Family in Auteuil, 1784–1785, Boston, 1956. A contemporary description of the Valentinois gardens will be found in Dezallier, Environs de Paris, 1779, p. 16–18. The building occupied by Franklin and his entourage and by JA in succession to Silas Deane was variously called the “pavilion,” the “basse cour,” and the “petit hôtel”; a tablet now marks its site on a building at the corner of Rue Reynouard and Rue Singer. The American headquarters at Passy have been described by nearly all of Franklin's biographers, but perhaps in most detail by John Bigelow (who as American minister in Paris at one time hoped to acquire the site for a United States legation), in an article entitled “Franklin's Home and Host in France,” Century Mag., 35:741–754 (March 1888). The “petit hôtel” survived until at least 1866.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0010

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-10

April 10. Fryday.

Dined at Monsr. Brillon's, with many Ladies and Gentlemen...1 Madam Brillon is a Beauty, and a great Mistress of Music, as are her two little Daughters... The Dinner was Luxury as usual—a Cake was brought in, with 3 Flaggs, flying. On one, Pride subdued—on another, Haec Dies, in qua fit Congressus, exultemus et potemus in ea. Supped in the Evening, at Mr. Chamonts.2 In the evening 2 Gentlemen came in, and advised me, to go to Versailles tomorrow. One of them was the Secretary to the late Ambassador in London, the Count De Noailles.3
1. Suspension points, here and below, in MS. The Brillons and particularly Mme. Brillon were among Franklin's most intimate French friends; see Bernard Faÿ, Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times, Boston, 1929, p. 463–468.
2. Jacques Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont the elder (1725–1803), capitalist, holder of numerous government sinecures, enthusiast in the American cause, and a heavy speculator in contracts for supplying the Continental army and outfitting American naval vessels. Upon Franklin's arrival in France in Dec. 1776 Chaumont offered him accommodations rent-free at the Hotel de Valentinois, and there Franklin maintained his headquarters until he returned to America in 1785. JA's relations with Chaumont during his shorter stay in Passy were more troubled, as will appear from their correspondence and other evidence. On Chaumont and his family, which was to have continuing connections with America, see John Bigelow's article cited in note on preceding entry, and T. Wood Clarke, Emigré's in the Wilderness, N.Y., 1941, especially chs. 2–3.
3. Emmanuel Marie Louis, Marquis de Noailles (1743–1822), uncle of the Marquise de Lafayette; he had returned from London after notifying the British government of the Franco-American alliance (Hoefer, Nouv. Biog. Générale). His secretary in London, previously chargé d'affaires there, was Charles Jean Gamier (1738–1783?), a rather shadowy figure but one who, from several of JA's allusions to him, was regarded as influential in the French foreign office and an expert on British affairs. He was well known to English sympathizers with the American cause, and in 1779 JA thought he would be sent as a successor to Gérard, the first French minister in Philadelphia. See entries of 21 April, 8 May 1778, 9 Feb., 2 July 1779, below; also Doniol, Histoire, 5:658, and references there; R. H. Lee, Arthur Lee, 2:87. (Garnier's forenames and dates have been furnished by the Service des Archives Diplomatiques et de la Documentation, Paris.)

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0011

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-11

April 11. Saturday.

Went to Versailles, with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Lee—waited on the Count De Vergennes, the Secretary of foreign Affairs—was politely received.—He hoped I should stay long enough to learn French perfectly—assured me, that every Thing should be done to make France agreable to me—hoped the Treaty would be agreable, and the Alliance lasting.—I told him I thought the Treaty liberal, and generous—and doubted not of its speedy Ratification. I communicated to him the Resolutions of Congress respecting the Suspension of Burgoines Embarkation, which he read through, and pronounced Fort bon.1
{ 299 }
I was then conducted to the Count Maurepas, the Prime Minister, was introduced by Dr. F. as his new Colleague and politely received.
I was then shewn the Palace of Versailles, and happened to be present when the King passed through, to Council. His Majesty seeing my Colleagues, graciously smiled, and passed on. I was then shewn the Galleries, and Royal Apartments, and the K's Bedchamber. The Magnificence of these Scaenes, is immense. The Statues, the Paintings, the every Thing is sublime.
We then returned, went into the City, and dined with the Count []where was the Count De Noailles, his Secretary, and 20 or 30 others, of the Grandees of France. After Dinner, We went in the Coach, to see the Royal Hospital of Invalids, the Chappell of which is immensely grand, in Marble and Paintings and Statuary.
After this We went to the Ecole militaire, went into the Chapell and into the Hall of Council &c. Here We saw the Statues of the great Conde, Turenne, Luxembourg, and Saxe. Returned and drank Tea, at Mm. Brillons, who lent me Voyage picturesque de Paris,2 and entertained Us, again, with her Music, and her agreable Conversation.
1. These resolves, voted 8 Jan. 1778, are in JCC, 10:29–35.
2. [Antoine Nicolas Dezallier d'Argenville,] Voyage pittoresque de Paris, ou indication de tout ce qu'il y a de plus beau dans cette ville, en peinture, sculpture & architecture, par M. D***. JA acquired a copy of the 6th edition of this useful work when he returned to Paris in 1780; it is among his books in the Boston Public Library and has proved useful in annotating his Diary.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0012

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-12

1778 April 12. Sunday.

The Attention to me, which has been shewn, from my first Landing in France, at Bourdeaux, by the People in Authority of all Ranks and by the principal Merchants, and since my Arrival in Paris by the Ministers of State, and others of the first Consideration has been very remarkable, and bodes well to our Country. It shews in what Estimation the new Alliance with America is held.
On Fryday last, I had the Honour of a Visit from a Number of American Gentlemen—Mr. James Jay of New York Brother of the C[hief] Justice, Mr. Johnson Brother of Governor of Maryland,1 Mr.[], Mr. Amiel, Mr. Livingston, from Jamaica, Mr. Austin from Boston,2 Dr. Bancroft. Mr. R. Issard [Izard] should be [sentence unfinished]
I must return the Visits of these Gentlemen.
This Day I had the Honour to dine with the Prince De Tingry, Le Duke De Beaumont, of the illustrious House of Montmorency, the Duke and Dutchess of [sentence unfinished]
{ 300 }

Edisti satis, lusisti satis, atque bibisti

Tempus est abire tibi.—

Written under the Picture of Sir Rob. Walpole. Some one made an amendment of Bribisti instead of Bibisti.
1. Joshua Johnson (1742–1802), born in Calvert co., Md., brother of Gov. Thomas Johnson of Maryland, was employed in London as factor of an Annapolis shipping firm until the Revolution. He then crossed to France en route to America, but having several small children he was discouraged by the prospect of a long sea voyage and settled as a merchant at Nantes, where he undertook various commissions for both Congress and the State of Maryland. JA and JQA visited the Johnsons in Nantes before returning to America in 1779. Johnson returned to London after the war and served as first U.S. consul there, 1790–1797. While on diplomatic service in London, JQA courted Johnson's daughter Louisa Catherine (1775–1852), and was married to her in 1797. See JA, Autobiography, under the present date; entry of 14 April 1779, below; Md. Hist. Mag., 42:214–215 (Sept. 1947); JCC, 15:1126; Archives of Maryland, Baltimore, 1883–, 21:7, 140; 43:225; 47:79; Edward S. Delaplaine, The Life of Thomas Johnson, N.Y., 1927, p. 14; Bemis, JQA, 1:79–82; letter of Julia B. Carroll, Foreign Affairs Branch, The National Archives, to the editors, 22 Oct. 1959.
2. Jonathan Loring Austin, Harvard 1766, who had brought the news of Burgoyne's surrender to France the previous fall and then served Franklin in various capacities; during the summer of 1778 he acted as secretary to JA (JA, Autobiography, under the present date; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 1:620–621, 630–631; JA–Austin correspondence in Adams Papers).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0013

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-13

1778. Monday. April 13.

This Morning the Dutchess Dayen, and M. le Marquise De Fayette,1 came to visit me, and enquire after the Marquise [Marquis].
Went to Versailles, was introduced, to the Levee of Mr. de Sartine, the Minister. A vast Number of Gentlemen were attending in one Room after another, and We found the Minister at last, entrenched as deep as We had formerly seen the Count Maurepas. The Minister politely received Us, and shewed Us, into his Cabinet, where were all the Books and Papers of his office.—After he had finished the Business of his Levee, he came into the Cabinet to Us, and asked whether I spoke French, and whether I understood French? The Answer was, un Peu, and Si on parle lentement, ou doucement.2 He then made an Apology, to each of Us seperately, in the Name of his Lady, for her Absence, being gone into Paris to see a sick Relation. After this We were conducted down to dinner, which was as splendid as usual. All Elegance and Magnificence, a large Company, four Ladies only...3 During Dinner Time many Gentlemen came in, and walked the Room, and leaned over the Chairs of the Ladies and Gentlemen, and conversed with them while at Table. After Dinner the Company all arose as usual, went into another Room, where a great { 301 } Additional Number of Gentlemen came in.—After some Time We came off, and went to make a Visit to Madam Maurepas, the Lady of the Prime Minister, but she was out and We left a Card. We then went to the office of the Secretary4 of Mr. Vergennes and delivered him a Copy of my Commission—then went and made a Visit to Madam Vergennes, who had her Levee, and returned to Passi.
1. The Duchesse d'Ayen and her daughter, Adrienne de Noailles, Marquise de Lafayette.
2. According to JA's Autobiography under this date, the answer was made by Franklin.
3. Suspension points in MS.
4. Joseph Mathias Gerard de Rayneval (1746–1812), usually called Rayneval by JA, brother of Conrad Alexandre Gerard (1729–1779), the first French minister to the United States. The younger brother had just succeeded the elder as premier commis or secretary in the French foreign office, a circumstance that has led to their often being confused with each other. See Despatches and Instructions of Conrad Alexandre Gerard, ed. John J. Meng, Baltimore, 1939, p. 35, note, and passim.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0014

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-14

Avril 14. Mardi.

Yesterday Morning sent for the Master of the Accademy in this Place, who came and shewed me his Conditions. [He] agreed to take my Son: who accordingly packed up his Things and went to School, much pleased with his Prospect because he understood that Rewards were given to the best Schollars, which he said was an Encouragement. Dancing, Fencing, Musick, and Drawing, are taught at this School, as well as French and Latin.1
1. In a letter to his “Hond. Mamma,” 20 April (Adams Papers), JQA described the regimen of M. Le Coeur's private boarding school. Among his American schoolmates were Jesse Deane, “Benny” Bache (Franklin's grandson), and Charles B. Cochran, the last of whom wrote JQA from Charleston, S.C., 5 June 1809, in a reminiscent vein about their school “Sur La Montagne de Créve-Coeur” (Adams Papers). JQA replied from Ghent, 18 July 1814, with his recollections (RC, privately owned, printed in AHR, 15:572–574 [April 1910]).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0015

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-15

Avril 15. Mecredi.

Went Yesterday to return the Visits, made me by American Gentlemen.
Dined this Day, with Madam Helvetius, one Gentleman, one Lady, Dr. F., his G. Son1 and myself made the Company—an elegant Dinner. Mm. is a Widow—her Husband was a Man of Learning and wrote several Books. She has erected a Monument to her Husband, a Model of which she has. It is herself, weeping over his Tomb, with this Inscription. Toi dont L'Ame sublime et tendre, a fait ma Gloire, et mon Bonheur, J t'ai perdu: pres de ta Cendre, Je viens jouer de ma Douleur.
Here I saw a little Book of Fenelons, which I never saw before— { 302 } Directions pour la Conscience D'une Roi, composees pour l'lnstruction du Louis de France, Due de Bourgogne.
At Mm. Helvetius's, We had Grapes, preserved entire. I asked how? She said “Sans Air.”—Apples, Pairs &c. are preserved here in great Perfection.
1. William Temple Franklin (1762–1823), natural son of Benjamin Franklin's natural son William (Franklin, Papers, ed. Labaree and Bell, 1:lxii–lxiii). Temple, as he was usually called, was serving as his grandfather's secretary.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0016

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-16

April 16. Jeudi.

Dr. F. is reported to speak French very well, but I find upon attending to him that he does not speak it Grammatically, and indeed upon enquiring, he confesses that he is wholly inattentive to the Grammar. His Pronunciation too, upon which the French Gentlemen and Ladies compliment him, and which he seems to think is pretty well, I am sure is very far from being exact.
Indeed Dr. Franklin's Knowledge of French, at least his Faculty of speaking it, may be said to have begun with his Embassy to this Court. ...1 He told me that when he was in France before, Sir John Pringle was with him, and did all his Conversation for him as Interpreter, and that he understood and spoke French with great Difficulty, untill he came here last, altho he read it.
Dined, at Mr. La Fretés. The Magnificence of the House, Garden and Furniture is astonishing. Saw here an History of the Revolution in Russia in the Year 1762.2
This Family are fond of Paintings. They have a Variety of exquisite Pieces, particularly a Storm and a Calm.3
1. Suspension points in MS.
2. See entry of 29 May, below.
3. This dinner party at Suresnes is described much more fully in JA's Autobiography under this date.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0017

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-17

April 17. Vendredi.

Dined at home with Company—Mr. Platt and his Lady—Mr. Amiel and his Lady—Mr. Austin—Mr. Alexander &c.
After Dinner, went to the long Champ, where all the Carriages in Paris were paraded which it seems is a Custom on good Fryday.1
1. See, further, JA's Autobiography under the present date.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0018

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-18

1778 April 18. Samedi.

This Morning the Father of General Conway came to visit me, and { 303 } enquire after his Son as well as American Affairs. He seems a venerable Personage.
Dined at Mr. Bouffets, who speaks a little English. Mr. Bouffetts Brother, Mr. Veillard, M. Le Fevre, L'Abbe des Prades, Mr. Borry, &c. were there.
Called and drank Tea at Mm. Brillons. Then made a Visit to M. Boullainvilliers, and his Lady, who is a kind of Lord of the Manor of Passi, and is just now come out to his Country Seat.1
1. “Le Château de M. le Marquis de Boulainviller, Prévôt de Paris, est la premiere maison considerable qui se trouve sur le chemin de Versailles” (Dezallier, Environs de Paris, p. 14, followed by a detailed description). The Boulainvilliers were close neighbors of the American Commissioners; see plan of “Franklin's Passy” in Bernard Faÿ, Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times, Boston, 1929, facing p. 452.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0019

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-19

Ap. 19. Dimanche.

Dined at home, with Mr. Grand our Banker, his Lady, Daughter and Sons,1 Mr. Austin, Mr. Chaumont, and a great deal of other Company.
Mr. David Hartley, a Member of the B[ritish] House of Commons came to visit Dr. F., a Mr. Hammond with him.2
Went with Mr. Chaumont in his Carriage to the Concert Spirituel. A vast Croud of Company of both Sexes, a great Number of Instruments. A Gentleman sung and then a young Lady.3
1. The Grands, originally a Swiss family, were bankers in Paris and Amsterdam. In his Autobiography under the present dateJA says that it was through the influence of Vergennes, Sartine, and Chaumont that Ferdinand Grand of Paris “obtained the Reputation and Emoluments of being the Banker to the American Ministers.” The Grands had a country seat near the Hotael de Valentinois in Passy and were hospitable to JA and particularly kind to JQA.
2. David Hartley the younger (1732–1813), M.P. for Hull, was acting as an unofficial agent for Lord North; he had known Franklin intimately in England and was a tireless opponent of the American war, in Parliament and out (DNB). In his Autobiography under this dateJA gives an unfavorable view of “This mysterious Visit” to Passy by the two Englishmen, the other of whom was William Hammond, father of George Hammond, later to be the first British minister to the United States. In 1783 Hartley was appointed by the Fox-North Coalition commissioner to negotiate and sign the Definitive Treaty; see entry of 27 April 1783 and notes, below.
3. For an account of the concerts spirituels see Thiéry, Almanach du voyageur à Paris, 1784, p. 212.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0020

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-20

Ap. 20. Lundi.

My Son has been with me since Saturday.—The Concert Spirituel is in the Royal Garden, where was an infinite Number of Gentlemen and Ladies walking.
{ 304 }
Dined with the Dutchess D'Anville, at her House with her Daughter and Granddaughter, Dukes, Abbotts, &c. &c. &c.1
Visited Mr. Lloyd and his Lady, where We saw Mr. Digges.2
1. Including the philosopher Condorcet; see JA's Autobiography under this date.
2. Thomas Digges (1742–1821) of Maryland, prior to the Revolution London agent for various shipping firms and afterward one of those colonial residents in London who worked, in greater or lesser measure, for the American cause. His recent arrival in Paris was for the purpose of presenting to the Commissioners David Hartley's five point proposal for a peace conference. See William Bell Clark, “In Defense of Thomas Digges,” PMHB, 77:381–438 (Oct. 1953), for a partial restoration of Digges' somewhat tarnished character. Among the eleven known pseudonyms used by Digges in his voluminous correspondence with JA were such diverse signatures as William Singleton Church, Alexr. Hamilton, T. Dundas, Wm. Fitzpatrick, and Timothy D. Ross.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0021

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-21

1778 April 21. Mardi.

Dined, this Day, at Mr. Chaumonts, with the largest Collection of great Company that I have yet seen. The Marquis D Argenson, the Count De Noailles, the Marshall de Maillebois, the Brother of the Count de Vergennes, and a great many others, Mr. Foucault and Mm., Mr. Chaumonts Son in Law and Daughter, who has a Fortune of 4 or 5000£ st. in St. Domingo, Mr. Chaumonts own Son and Miss Chaumont. Mr.1[] the first officer under Mr. Sartine.
It is with much Grief and Concern that I have learned from my first landing in France, the Disputes between the Americans, in this Kingdom. The Animosities between Mr. D[eane] and Mr. L[ee]—between Dr. F[ranklin] and Mr. L.—between Mr. Iz[ard] and Dr. F.—between Dr. B[ancroft] and Mr. L.—between Mr. C.2 and all. It is a Rope of Sand....3
I am at present wholly untainted with these Prejudices, and will endeavour to keep myself so. Parties and Divisions among the Americans here, must have disagreable if not pernicious Effects.
Mr. D. seems to have made himself agreable here to Persons of Importance and Influence, and is gone home in such Splendor, that I fear, there will be Altercations, in America about him.4 Dr. F., Mr. D. and Dr. Bancroft, are Friends. The L's and Mr. Iz. are Friends. Sir J[ames] J[ay] insinuated that Mr. D. had been at least as attentive to his own Interest, in dabbling in the English Funds, and in Trade, and fitting out Privateers, as to the Public, and said he would give Mr. D. fifty thousand Pounds for his Fortune, and said that Dr. B. too had made a Fortune. Mr. McC[reery] insinuated to me, that the L's were selfish, and that this was a Family Misfortune. What shall I say? What shall I think?
{ 305 }
It is said that Mr. L. has not the Confidence of the Ministry, nor of the Persons of Influence here—that he is suspected of too much Affection for England, and of too much Intimacy with Ld. Shel[burne]—that he has given offence, by an unhappy disposition, and by indiferent Speeches before Servants and others, concerning the French Nation and Government, despising and cursing them.—I am sorry for these Things, but it is no Part of my Business to quarrell with any Body without Cause. It is no Part of my Duty to differ with one Party or another, or to give offence to any Body. But I must do my duty to the Public, let it give offence to whom it will.
The public Business has never been methodically conducted. There never was before I came, a minute Book, a Letter Book or an Account Book—and it is not possible to obtain a clear Idea of our Affairs.5
Mr. D. lived expensively, and seems not to have had much order in his Business, public or private: but he was active, dilligent, subtle, and successfull, having accomplished the great Purpose of his Mission, to Advantage.... Mr. Gerard is his Friend, and I find that Dr. B. has the Confidence of Persons about the Ministry, particularly of the late Secretary to the Embassader to G.B.6
1. CFA supplies, probably correctly, the name M. de Vilevault for the blank left by the diarist. See Almanach royal, 1778, p. 191.
2. The Autobiography indicates that this was William Carmichael, a Marylander who had acted informally as secretary and performed other services for the American Commissioners in Europe before his return to America in Feb. 1778; he was later a member of the Continental Congress and American chargé d'affaires at Madrid (DAB).
3. Suspension points, here and below, are in MS.
4. Deane sailed for America from Toulon on 13 March with Gérard, the new minister to the United States, in the flagship of the Comte d'Estaing's squadron (Gérard, Despatches and Instructions, p. 41, note, 89–90).
5. In a household account book of the American Commissioners, kept by Franklin's cook or major-domo at Passy, 1776– 1778 (CtHi), the following entry appears at 30 May 1778: “achêté deux livres a Ecrire pour Monsieur Adam.”
6. JA's Autobiography under this date greatly elaborates on the characters and contentions of the persons spoken of here.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0022

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-22

1778. Ap. 22. Wednesday.

Dined at home and spent the day with Mr. Lee.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0023

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-23

Ap. 23. Thursday.

Dined at home with Company.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0024

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-24

Ap. 24. Fryday.

Dined at Mr. Buffauts, with much Company.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0025

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-25

Ap. 25. Saturday.

Dined at Mr. Chaumonts with Company.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0026

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-26

Sunday [26 April].

Dined at home.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0027

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-27

Monday. 27.

Dined with Mr. Boulainvilliers, at his House in Passi, with Generals and Bishops and Ladies &c—In the Evening went to the French Comedy, and happened to be placed in the first Box, very near to the celebrated Voltaire who attended the Performance of his own Alzire. Between the Acts the Audience called out Voltaire and clapped and applauded him, the whole Time. The old Poet arose and bowed respectfully to the Audience. He has yet much Fire in his Eyes and Vigour in his Countenance, altho very old. After the Tragedy, the[y] Acted the Tuteur, a Comedy or a Farce of one Act. This Theatre does not exceed that at Bourdeaux.
I will attempt to keep my Journal in French, in order to familiarise myself to that Language.1
1. In his Autobiography under this dateJA says that he attended the theater primarily in order to improve his French. Another measure to the same end was, as he says here, to keep his journal in French, but “I found it took up too much of my time.” The French entries that follow have been kept as literal as possible. They were omitted in CFA's text of the Diary because “not sufficiently good to merit publication” (Works, 3: 145, note). When JA set out seriously to learn French, he called on the services of the two inseparable French clerics Arnoux and Chalut; see entry of 4 July, below.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0028

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-28

1778. Avril Vingt-Huit. Mardi.

Dejeunois, chez nous, avec Messrs. Chaumont, Dubourg,1 Chaumont le jeune, Franklin, Grandpere et Grandfils.
M. Dubourg disoit un Conte, touchant, C. Mazarine. Un Officier demandoit, de lui, de le faire un Capitaine, d'une Guarde de <son> sa Vie. Le Card, repondoit, qu'il n'avoit pas Besoin d'autre Guarde que de son Ange tutelaire.—Ah Monsr. dit rofficier—on, le poussera, avec, un peu de l'au benit.—Oh Monsr. repondoit, le Cardinal Je ne crains point cette eau benite.
Je crois qu'on riroit, si on verroit, mon francois.
Je dinai Aujourdhui, chez moi, avec Mr. Lee.—Apres diner, Mr. L. et moi, allames, a la Comedie itallien, ou nous avons vu Monsieur Harlequin, &c.
1. Franklin's friend and editor, the physician Jacques Barbeu Dubourg (1709– { 307 } 1779). JA tells more of Dubourg and of his anecdotes in his Autobiography under this date; see also Benjamin Rush, Letters, 1:77, note, and references there.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0029

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-29

Avril Vingt Neuf. Mercredi.

J'ai bien dormi, le derniere Soir. J'avois diné chez Le Marrechal De Maillebois avec Baucoup du Monde. Apres diner, went to the Accademy of Sciences and heard Mr. D'Alembert pronounce Eulogies upon divers Members deceased.1
1. On this occasion occurred the famous encounter—and embrace—between Voltaire and Franklin, described more fully in JA's Autobiography under this date. Voltaire, who was 84, died on 30 May 1778.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0030

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-04-30

Ap. 30. Jeudi.

Dined with the Mareschall De Mouchy—with the Duke and Duchess D'Ayen, their Daughter the Marquise De la Fayette, the Viscountess De Maillbois, her sister, another sister unmarried, the Prussian Ambassador, an Italien Embassador, and a great deal of other great Company. The Nobleman with whom We dined is Phillip de Noailles, Marechal Due De Mouchy, Grand d'Espagne de la premiere Classe, Chevalier des ordres du Roi et de la Toison D'or, Grand Croix de l'ordre de Malte, nominé Lieutenant General de Guienne en 1768 et Commandant en Chef dans le Gouvernement de ladite Province en 1775.
His being Commander in Chief in the Province of Guienne was the Cause of a great Compliment to me. He asked me how I liked Bourdeaux. I told him [I] found it a rich, elegant, Town flourishing in Arts and Commerce. He asked whether I was content with my Reception there. I said they had done me too much Honour. He replied he wished he had been there, to have joined them in doing me Honour.
He lives in all the Splendor and Magnificence of a Viceroy, which is little inferiour to that of a King.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-01

1778 May 1. Vendredi.

Aujourdhui J'ai été diner, chez Monsieur Le Duke D'Ayen, le Pere de Mm. Le Ms. [Madame la Marquise] De la Fayette. La Maison, Le Jardin, Les Promenades, Les Tableau's, Les Garnitures, son tres magnifiques.
Les Tableaux de la Famille de Noailles sont anciens, et nombreux.
Mm. la Dutchess D'Ayen, a cinque ou Six Enfans, contre la Coutume de ce Pays ci.
We were shewn, into the Library, and all the Rooms and first Suite { 308 } of Chambers in the House. The Library is very large, and the Rooms very elegant and the Furniture very rich.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-02

May 2. Saturday.

Dined at Mr. Izzards, with Mr. Lloyd and his Lady, Mr. Francois and much other Company. After Dinner went to the Comedie Francoise, and saw the Brutus of Voltaire and after it, the Cocher Supposé. —As I was coming out of the Box, a Gentleman seized me by the Hand.—I looked.—Governer Wentworth, Sir, says he.— Asked Questions about his Father and Friends in America &c.1
1. John Wentworth, JA's Harvard classmate and former royal governor of New Hampshire, had arrived in Europe from Nova Scotia early in 1778 (Lawrence Shaw Mayo, John Wentworth, Cambridge, 1921, p. 164–167). His encounter with JA and its aftermath are amplified in JA's Autobiography under the present date, q.v. also on “Mr. Francois,” i.e. Francès.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-03

May 3. Sunday.

Mr. Izzard and Lady, Mr. Lloyd and Lady, Dr. Bancroft and much other Company dined, with Dr. Franklin and me at Passi. Mrs. Izzard at my particular Desire brought her little Son and two little Daughters. We had all our young Gentlemen, from the Accademy, which made a pretty Shew of young Americans.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-04

May 4. Monday.

Dined at Mr. Chaumonts, with his Family, and some other Company.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-05

May 5. Tuesday.

Am to dine at home—a great Rarity and a great Blessing!
At Dinner, alone, my Servant brought me a Letter, A Messieurs, Messieurs, Franklin, Lée, et Adams, Deputés des Etats unies de l'Amerique a Passy. De Vergennes.—I opened, and found it in these Words
J'ai pris les ordres du Roy, Messieurs, au Sujet de la presentation de M. Adams votre nouveau Collegue, et Sa Majesté le verra vendredi prochain, 8 de ce mois. J'espere que vous voudres bien me faire l'honneur de dinér ce jour la, chez moi; je serai ravi d'avoir cette Occasion de passer quelques Heures avec Vous, et de vous renouveller l'Assurance de la tres parfaite Consideration avec Laquelle jai l'honneur d'etre, Messieurs, Votre tres humble et tres obeissant Serviteur
[signed] De Vergennes

[addrLine] Mrs. Francklin, Lee et Adams.1

{ 309 }
J'ai passé le tout de ce Jour, chez moi. Monsieur Lee vint chez moi, l'apres midi, et nous travaillions dans 1'Examen du Papiers publiques. —En la Soiree Monsieur Chaumont, vint chez moi, et m'avertit de la Destination d'une Frigatte de trente deux Canons de Marseilles a Boston, et que Je puis ecrire, si Je voulois.
1. RC not located. JA inserted an English translation in his Autobiography under the present date.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0006

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-06

May 6. Wednesday.

A Spanish Writer of certain Vissions of Hell, relates that a certain Devil who was civil and well bred, shewed him all the Departments, in the Place—among others the Department of deceased Kings. The Spaniard was much pleased at so illustrious a Sight, and after viewing them for some time, said he should be glad to see the Rest of them.—The Rest? said the Daemon. Here are all the Kings, that ever reigned upon Earth from the Creation of it to this day, what the Devil would the Man have?—F[ranklin].
This was not so charitable as Dr. Watts, who in his view of Heaven says “here and there I see a King.”—This seems to imply that K's are as good as other Men, since it is but here and there that We see a King upon Earth.
After Dinner went to the Review, where the King reviewed his Guards, French and Swiss, about 8000 of them. The Shew was splendid, as all other Shews are, in this Country. The Carriages of the Royal Family, were magnificent beyond my Talent at Description.—Returned and drank Coffee with Mr. Lee, walked home and drank Tea with Mr. Chaumonts Family, and spent the Rest of the Evening in reading Cardinal Richelieu.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0007

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-07

1778. May. 7. Thursday.

J'allai, hier, apres midi, a la Revue, ou Le Roy, a fait une Revue de ses Guardes de Suiss et de francoise.
Ce Matin, [sentence unfinished]

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0008

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-08

May 8. Fryday.

This Morning Dr. Franklin, Mr. Lee, and Mr. Adams, went to Versailles, in Order that Mr. Adams might be presented to the King.—Waited on the Count De Vergennes, at his office, and at the Hour of Eleven the Count conducted Us, into the Kings Bed Chamber where { 310 } he was dressing—one officer putting on his Sword, another his Coat &c.
The Count went up to the King, and his Majesty turned about, towards me, and smiled. Ce est il Monsieur Adams, said the King and then asked a Question, very quick, or rather made an Observation to me which I did not fully understand. The Purport of it was that I had not been long arrived.—The Count Vergennes then conducted me to the Door of another Room, and desired me to stand there which I did untill the King passed.—The Count told the King, that I did not yet take upon me to speak French. The King asked, whether I did not speak at all as yet—and passed by me, into the other Room.
This Monarch is in the 24th. Year of his Age, having been born the 23d of Aug. 1754. He has the Appearances of a strong Constitution, capable of enduring to a great Age. His Reign has already been distinguished, by an Event that will reflect a Glory upon it, in future Ages I mean, the Treaty with America.1
We afterwards made a Visit to Count Maurepas, to Mr. Sartine, to the Chancellor,2 to Mr. Bertin &c.
The Chancellor, has the Countenance of a Man worn with severe Studies. When I was introduced to him he turned to Dr. F. and said Mr. Adams est un Person celebre en Amerique et en Europe.
We went afterwards to Dinner, with the Count de Vergennes. There was a full Table—no Ladies but the Countess. The Counts Brother, the Ambassador who lately signed the Treaty with Swisserland, Mr. Gamier the late Secretary to the Embassy in England, and many others, Dukes and Bishops and Counts &c.
Mr. Garnier and Mr.[] asked me, with some Appearance of Concern, whether there was any foundation for the Reports which the Ministry had spread in England, of a Dispute between Congress and Gen. Washington. A Letter they say has been printed, from an officer in Phila. to that Purpose.
Mr. Garnier is the 1st. french Gentleman who has begun a serious political Conversation with me of any length. He is a sensible Man.
1. There are more details and reflections concerning this first audience with Louis XVI in JA's Autobiography under the present date.
2. The Autobiography supplies the Chancellor's name, Miromenil (i.e. Miromesnil).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0009

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-09

May 9. Saturday.

This Morning Mr. Joy, Mr. Johonnot, and Mr. Green, came to visit me—Joy who lived at Weymouth, Green Son of Mr. Rufus Green.1
Dined with Madam Bertin.2
{ 311 }
1. Michael Joy, Francis Johonnot, and William Greene, formerly of Massachusetts but more lately of London, who were traveling together in France (see note on the following entry). Greene kept a journal of this trip, in which he wrote of this visit to Passy:
“Saturday, May 9, morning we took coach for Passy for which [we] gave six livres, we waited first on Mr. Adams, who receiv'd us very genteelly, but he has not wore off the natural restraint which always was in his behaviour, we tarried with him half an hour, from him we went to Dr. Franklin's apartment, he receiv'd us like children, and behaved to us with all the complaisance and tenderness imaginable, we were above half an hour in free discourse with this venerable man on our departure he desired our company to dinner the next day being Sunday” (MHS, Procs., 54 [1920–1921]:103).
2. JA's Autobiography under this date more discreetly says, “The American Ministers dined with Madam Bertin, at Passi,” and then goes on to tell more about their hostess.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0010

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-10

1778. May. 10. Sunday.

Messieurs Brattle, Waldo, Joy, Johonnot, Green and Austin dined with Us, at Passi.1 After dinner We walked in the Bois du Boulogne, as far as the new Seat of the Count D'Artois, where We saw Mr. Turgot, Mr. and Mm. La Fréte, and much other Company. Sunday in this Country is devoted to Amusements and Diversions. There are more Games, Plays, and Sports of every Kind on this day, than on any other, in the Week.
1. The additional guests were Thomas Brattle (Harvard 1760), son of JA's old antagonist Gen. William Brattle, and Joseph Waldo (Harvard 1741); both had left Boston for England about the time hostilities broke out. (On Brattle see Sabine, Loyalists; on Waldo see Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, vol. 11 [in press].) A passage in JA's Autobiography under the present date makes clear why he received these former American acquaintances, and especially Waldo, with reserve: now that war between England and France was imminent, some if not all of them were suffering from second thoughts and would have been glad to accept appointments under Congress or the Commissioners, for which JA doubted their qualifications.
William Greene in his travel journal gives an entertaining account of this day which is too long to quote here. It is particularly revealing of Franklin's way of life at Passy and suggests why JA soon grew impatient with his colleague's habits. “In the afternoon,” Greene remarks, “a number of ladies from the neighbourhood came in, and took us all to walk, in the Bois Boulogne. The old Doctor still so fond of the fair sex, that one was not enough for him but he must have one on each side, and all the ladies both old and young were ready to eat him up” (MHS, Procs., 54 [1920–1921]: 104).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0011

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-11

May 11. Monday.

Dined at Mr. Sorins, at Passi.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0012

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-12

May 12. Tuesday.

Dined, at Mr. Dupré's, at the [] Montagne. The Gardens and the Prospect are very fine. It lies adjoining to the Seat of the President of the Parliament of Paris. We met his Lady, who desired { 312 } the Gentlemen to shew Us the Place, but not the Whole, for she wished to enjoy our Company, there, at her own Invitation, and she chose to reserve a Part of the Curiosities of the Place as an Inducement to Us to accept it.
From this Hill, We have a fine View of the Country, and of the Kings Castle at Vincennes. My little Son, and the other young Americans, at the Pension, dined with Us.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0013

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-13

May 13. Wednesday.

Dined at M. Chaumonts, with a great deal of Company. After Dinner took a Walk to Chaillot to see Mr. Lee, who had a large Company of Americans to dine with him, among the rest Mr. Fendell of Maryland and Dr. Smith Brother of Mr. Smith of N. York the Historian.1
1. James Smith (1738–1812), College of New Jersey 1757; M.D., Leyden 1764; first professor of chemistry and materia medica at King's College (Princeton Univ., Alumni Records; Thomas, Columbia Univ. Officers and Alumni). JA later said that Smith, whose political position was ambiguous, gave the American Commissioners “a great deal of Vexation” and that he afterward furnished materials for one of the most unbridled published attacks on JA's career as a public man, namely John Wood's History of the Administration of John Adams ... , N.Y., 1802 (JA, Autobiography, under dates of 12, 21 April, 9 May 1778).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0014

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-14

1778 May 14. Thursday.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0015

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-15

May 15 Fryday.

Dined at Mr. Grands, with all the Americans, in Paris.1
1. William Greene gives in his travel journal a detailed account of this “very jovial” dinner, a list of the “brilliant company” present, and even an explanation of the name of the Grands' residence in Passy, La Chaise:
“One time when [Louis XV] was a hunting, he had occasion to ease himself, a person brought him a necessary chair, he said that house shou'd be called la Chaise, which it has been ever since, and the statue of Louis 15th on horse back stands always in the garden, the place where this happened, it is copper and small, it was put in the middle of the table” (MHS, Procs., 54 [1920–1921]:108).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0016

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-17

May 17 Sunday.

Dined at home. Dr. Dubourg, and Mr. Parker and another Gentleman dined with me.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0017

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-18

May 18 Monday.

Dined at Mr. La Frété's Country Seat, at the Foot of Mount Calvare. The House, Gardens, and Walks are very spacious. It lies upon the Seine—nearly opposite to that Castle whimsically called Madrid, built { 313 } by Francis I.1—The Company Yesterday, were all single Personnes, except Mr. and Mm. La Frété and myself.
1. Mont Calvaire, also called Mont Valérien, rises above the village of Suresnes, west of the Seine and across from the Bois de Boulogne. For a contemporary view of Mont Calvaire see Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 12: facing p. 482, with descriptive information and references in same, p. xxxv–xxxvi. Francis I's Madrid is described in Dezallier, Environs de Paris, 1779, p. 21–22. See also JA's Autobiography under this date.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0018

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-19

May 19. Tuesday.

Dined with Mr. Challut, one of the Farmers General.1 We were shewn into the superbest Gallery that I have yet seen. The Paintings, Statues and Curiosities were innumerable. The old Marshall Richlieu dined there, and a vast Number of other great Company.
After dinner, M. Challut invited Dr. F. and me, to go to the Opera, and take a Seat in his Logis. We did. The Musick and dancing were very fine.
1. M. Chalut de Vérin, brother of the Abbé Chalut with whom JA was to become very friendly (Almanach royal, 1778, p. 474; note on entry of 4 July, below; JA, Autobiography, under the present date).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0019

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-20

1778 May 20. Wednesday.

The french Opera is an Entertainment, which is very pleasing, for a few Times. There is every Thing, which can please the Eye, or the Ear. But the Words are unintelligible, and if they were not, they are said to be very insignificant. I always wish, in such an Amusement to learn Something. The Imagination, the Passions and the Understanding, have too little Employment, in the opera.
Dined at Dr. Dubourgs, with a small Company, very handsomely; but not amidst those Signs of Wealth and Grandeur, which I see every where else.
I saw however more of Sentiment, and therefore more of true Taste than I have seen in other Places, where there was ten times the Magnificence.—Among his Pictures were these.
Les Adieux D'Hector et D'Andromaque, in which the Passions were strongly marked.
La Continence de Scipio.
Le Medicin Erasistrate, decouvre L'Amour D'Antiochus.
Devellopement de la Decoration interieure et des Peintures des Plafonds de la Gallerie de Versailles.
We went and drank Tea, with Mm. Foucault, and took a View of Mr. Foucaults House—a very grand Hotell it is—and the Furniture is { 314 } vastly rich. The Beds, the Curtains, the every Thing is as rich as Silk and Gold can make it.
I am wearied to death with gazing wherever I go, at a Profusion of unmeaning Wealth and Magnificence. The Adieu of Hector and Andromache gave me more Pleasure than the Sight of all the Gold of Ophir would. Gold, Marble, Silk, Velvet, Silver, Ivory, and Alabaster, make up the Shew everywhere.
A certain Taylor once stole an Horse, and was found out and committed to Prison, where he met another Person who had long followed the Trade of Horse Stealing. The Taylor told the other, his Story. The other enquired why he had not taken such a Road and assumed such a Disguise, and why he had not disguised the Horse?—I did not think of it.—Who are you? and what has been your Employment?—A Taylor. —You never stole a Horse before, I suppose in your Life.—Never.—G—d d—n you what Business had you with Horse stealing? Why did not you content your Self with your Cabbage?—F[ranklin].

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0020

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-21

May 21. Thursday.

Dined at home.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0021

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-22

22 Fryday.

Dined at home with a great deal of Company. Went after Dinner to see the Misanthrope of Moliere, with Mr. Amiel. It was followed by the Heureusement.—Called at the Microcosme. Called at Mr. Amiels at the Pension.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0022

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-23

1778. May 23. Saturday.

Dined at Home with Company.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0023

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-24

Sunday 24.

Dined at Home.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0024

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-25

Monday [25 May].

Dined at Home.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0025

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-26

May 26. Tuesday.

Dined at Mr. Bertins the Secretary of State at his Seat in the Country. Dr. F., his G. Son and I rode with Mm. Bertin, the Niece of the { 315 } Minister, in her Voiture with 4 Horses. This was one of the pleasantest Rides yet. We rode near the back side of Mount Calvare, which is perhaps the finest Height near Paris. Mount Martre is another very fine Elevation. The Gardens, Walks and Water Works of Mr. Bertin are very magnificent. He is a Batchelor. His House and Gardens are situated upon the River Seine. He has at the End of his Garden a Collection of Rocks, drawn together at a vast Expense, some Thousands of Guineas. I told him I would sell him a Thousand times as many for half a Guinea.
His Water Works are very curious. 4 Pumps, going by Means of two Horses. The Mechanism is simple and ingenious. The Horses go round as in a Mill. The four Pumps empty themselves into a square Pond which contains an Acre. From this Pond the Water flows through Pipes down to every Part of the Garden.
I enquired of a certain Abbe, who sat next me at Dinner, who were the purest Writers of french. He gave me in writing, L'Histoire universell du Bossuet. La Fontaine. Moliere. Racine. Rousseau. Le petit caerene [carême] de Massillon. Les sermons de Bourdaloue.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0026

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-29

1778. May 29. Fryday.

Dined again at Monsieur La Fretes at the Foot of Calvare. Madam La Fretes four Sisters dined with Us.
Monsr. Rulier [Rulhière], who has always dined with me at that House, dined there to day—the same Gentleman who wrote the History of the Revolution in Russia. He has also written the Revolutions of Poland. I asked him who was the best Historian of France. He said Mezeray. He added, that the Observations upon the History of France by the Abby de Mably were excellent.1 He told me I might read his History of the Revolution in Russia, when I would.
The Inclination and the Apparatus in this Country for Amusements is worthy of observation. There is scarcely a genteel House but is furnished with Accommodations for every Sort of Play. Every fashionable House at least has a Billiard Table, a Backgammon Table, a Chess Board, a Chequer Board, Cards &c.
1. Gabriel Bonnot, Abbé de Mably (1709–1785), historian and philosopher, with whom the Adams family were to become very friendly later and whose Observations sur le gouvernement et les loix des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, Amsterdam, 1784, was addressed to JA. For an account of Mably's career and for JA's marginalia in his De la législation, ou principes des loix, Amsterdam, 1776, see Haraszti, JA and the Prophets of Progress, ch. 7, “The Communism of the Abbé de Mably.” See, further, entry of 5 Jan. 1783 and note, below.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0027

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-05-30

May 30. Saturday.

Dined at home with only Dr. F.'s new french Clerk. He has a smattering of Italian, German and English. He says that the best Italien Dictionary and Grammar are those of Veneroni. The best German Grammar and Dictionary are those of Gottsched.
The best french Prosody is the Poetique francoise de Marmontel.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0005-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-06-02

1778. June 2d. Tuesday.

Went to Versailles, and found it deserted, the Court being gone to Marli.
We went to Marli, <waited on> met the Compte De Vergennes, and did some Business, then went to Mr. De Sartine, and dined with him. His Lady was at home, and dined with the Company. The Prince de Montbarry dined there.—Went with Madam Sartine to the Count D'Arandas, the Spanish Ambassadors Coffee, as they call it, where he gives Ice Cream and Cakes to all the World.
Marli is the most curious and beautifull Place I have yet seen. The Water Works here, which convey such a great Body of Water from the Seine to Versailles, and through the Gardens at Marli, are very magnificent. The Royal Palace here is handsome, the Gardens before it are grand. There are six Pavillions on each Side of the Garden, that is six Houses, for the Use of the Kings Ministers, while the Royal Family is at Marli, which is only for 3 Weeks. There is nothing prettier than the Play of the Fountains in the Garden. I saw a Rainbeau in all its Glory in one of them.
The Shades, the Walks, the Trees, are the most charming, that I have seen.1
1. For a contemporary description of Marly and its grounds see Dezallier, Environs de Paris, 1779, p. 162–178.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0005-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-06-07

1778 June 7.

Went to Versailles in Company with Mr. Lee, Mr. Izzard and his Lady, Mr. Lloyd and his Lady and Mr. Francis. Saw the grand Procession of the Knights du St. Esprit or de le Cordon blue.
At 9 O Clock at Night went to the grand Couvert, and saw the King, Queen and Royal Family at Supper. Had a fine Seat and Situation close by the Royal Family, and had a distinct and full View of the royal Pair.1
1. JA's narrative of and reflections on this visit to Versailles are greatly elaborated in his Autobiography under the present date. His personal accounts (printed at the end of 1778, below) show that the entertainment cost him 12 livres.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0005-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-06-08

June 8

Dined with Mr. Alexander, and went to the Concert.1
1. From this point until the following spring the Diary entries are very sporadic. In his Autobiography JA says that after residing a few months at Passy he grew “afraid to keep any Journal at all: For I had reason to believe, that the house was full of Spies, some of whom were among my own Servants, and if my Journal should fall into the hands of the Police, full of free remarks as it must be, to be of any value, it might do more Injury to my Country than mischief to me.” When, however, JA reached the present point in composing his Autobiography, he filled the gaps in the Diary record to some extent by copying in letters from both the Commissioners' and his own letterbooks and by adding explanatory comments thereon. The inserted letters have been included in the text of the Autobiography in the present edition. His personal accounts in France, printed at the end of 1778, below, also give glimpses of his activities—sightseeing, attending court, book-buying, and the like—in the following months.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0006-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-07-04

1778 July [4].

The Anniversary of the Declaration of American Independence. We had the Honour of the Company of all the American Gentlemen and Ladies, in and about Paris to dine, with Dr. Franklin and me, at Passi, together with a few of the French Gentlemen in the Neighbourhood, Mr. Chaumont, Mr. Brillon, Mr. Vaillard, Mr. Grand, Mr. Beaudoin, Mr. Gerard, the Abbys Challut and Arnold &c.1
I have omitted to keep any Journal for a long Time, in which I have seen a great many curious Things.
1. On the inseparable Abbés Arnoux and Chalut, elderly but spritely enthusiasts for the American cause, who helped teach JA French and later became friendly with all the Adamses in France, see JA's Autobiography under date of 16 April 1778; AA to Mary (Smith) Cranch, 5 Sept. 1784 (MWA; AA, Letters, ed. CFA, 1848, p. 189–190). JA and other Americans seldom succeeded in spelling the Abbés' names correctly.
The cost of this Fourth of July celebration, 600 livres and 7 sous, is entered in JA's retained record of the expenses of the American Commissioners in France, 1777–1779 (Lb/JA/35, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 123).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0006-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-07-06

6.

Dined with the Abby's Chaillut and Arnaud. The Farmer General, Mr. and Mrs. Izzard, Mr. Lee, Mrs. Gibbs and Mrs. Stevens, and Mr. and Mrs. Lloyd were there. After dinner the Abby invited Us to the French Comedy, where We saw the Malheureux imaginary and the Parti de Chasse d'Henri quatre.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0006-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-07-07

7. Mardi.

Dined at St. Lu, with the Farmer general Challut. The Marshall Richelieu, and many Abbes, Counts, Marquisses &c.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0006-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-07-14

14.

Dined at Chatou, with Mr. Bertine, Ministre D'Etat. Went to see the Park, where We rambled, untill We were weary.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0006-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-07-25

1778 July 25.

It is an Amusement among some People, here, who understand a little English, to give Samples of English Sentences, hard to be pronounced.—“What think the chosen Judges? Thrust this Thistle through this Thumb. An Apple in each Hand and a third in my Mouth.”—&c.1
1. See further, on the difficulties of the French in pronouncing the name “Washington,” JA's Autobiography under this date.
At this point, 25 July 1778, the second part of JA's Autobiography, entitled “Travels and Negotiations,” breaks off.
The third part, entitled “Peace,” does not resume the narrative of his life until 29 Sept. 1779, the date of JA's commissions from the Continental Congress to negotiate treaties of peace and commerce with Great Britain.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0007-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-08-16

August 16.

Went to Church, to the Chappell of the Duch Embassador in Paris, where We had Prayer Books, Psalme Books in french and a Sermon. The Preacher spoke good French, I being judge, and with much grace. I shall go again.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0007-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-08-17

17.

Dined at Chatou, with Mr. Bertin. After dinner went to view the Machine of Marli, which forces up from the River Seine, all the Water at Versailles and Marli. We walked up the Mountain to the Pavillion, and Dwelling House of Madam de Barry.1 The Situation is one of the most extensive and beautiful, about Paris. The Pavillion is the most elegantly furnished of any Place I have seen. The House, Garden and Wallks are very magnificent. Mm. Barry was walking in the Garden. She sent Us word she should be glad to see Us—but We answered it was too late, We had so far to go.—Mr. Le Roy, of the Academie of Sciences was with Us. As We returned We had an agreable Conversation, upon philosophical Subjects.
1. Louvecienne (or Louveciennes), nearly adjoining but east of Marly. See Dezallier, Environs de Paris, 1779, p. 178–181.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0007-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-08-18

18.

Went to Paris, with the Abbees Chalut and Arnaut. Went to see the { 319 } Church of St. Roche, the Splendor and Magnificence of which, is very striking to me.1
There I saw the Monument of the famous Mesnager. The Pomp of these Churches, I think exceeds the Magnificence of the Royal Palaces.
Mr. Challut says that the Rent of this Church is Eighty thousand Livres a Year, barely the Rent of the Pews and Chairs, and perhaps the Cellars. Out of this they maintain the officers of the Church, and the Servants and Labourers that attend it, and the organist &c.—but what becomes of the Remainder he did not say.
1. A contemporary description of St. Roch will be found in Thiery, Almanac du voyageur à Paris, 1784, p. 544–549.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0007-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-08-30

Aug. 30. 1778. Sunday.

This Evening had the English Gazette extraordinary, containing Extracts from Letters from Ld. How and Gen. Clinton—the first containing an account of the Arrival of the Toulon Fleet, and anchoring without Sandy Hook—the other, a Relation of the Action of the 28. June in the Jerseys. There are Letters in London, as M. J. Wharton1 says, as late as the 14. July.
Elements of Spanish Grammar by Del Pino, and Dictionary of the Same.2
1. Joseph Wharton of Philadelphia, who, according to his own testimony in an autobiographical letter written years later, had been supplying confidential information from London to Dr. Bancroft in Paris, and had fled to Paris this very month to avoid arrest by the British (Joseph Wharton to JA, 4 June 1798, Adams Papers).
2. This note cannot be dated. In the MS it follows the entry of 30 Aug. quite closely and is in turn followed by a half-page interval of space preceding the entry of 7 October.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0008-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-10-07

1778 Oct. 7.

Captain Richard Grinnell of Newport Rhode Island says, that the English have this Year 17 Vessells, in the Brazil Whale Fishery off the River Plate, in S.A. in the Lat. 35 South and from thence to 40. just on the Edge of Soundings off and on, about the Longitude of 651 from London. That they sail in the Months of September and October.
Almost all the Officers and Men, belonging to these 17 Vessells are Americans from Nantuckett and Cape Cod, two or 3 from Rhode Island and Longisland.
The Names of the Captains are Aaron Sheffield of Newport R.I., [] Goldsmith Long Island, Richard Holmes New York, John Chadwick Nantucket, Francis Macy Nantucket, Reuben Macy Nan• { 320 } tucket, John Meader Nantucket, Jonathan Meader Dto., Elisha Clarke Nantucket, Benjamin Clark Nantucket, William Ray Nantucket, Paul Pease Nantucket, Bunker Fitch Nantucket, Reuben Fitch Nantucket, Zebeda Coffin Nantucket, another Coffin Dto., John Lock Cape Codd,[] Delano Nantucket, Andrew Swain Nantucket, William Ray Nantucket.—Holmes and Chadwick are returned home.
Some of these Vessells 4 or 5 go to Greenland.
The fleet sails to Greenland, the last of February or the Beginning of March.
There is another Whale Fishery discovered lately, in the Meditarranean on the Coast of Barbary, where they catch many fish.
There was last Year and this Year, a Publication made by the Ministry, A Letter from the Lords of the Admiralty to Mr. Dennis du Bert in Coleman Street, informing Mr. De Bert that there should be a Convoy appointed to convoy the Brazil fleet. But this is a Sham—a Deception. There was no Convoy last Year nor this. If a Convoy was to be appointed she could be of no service, as the Vessells are continually changing their Courses in Chase of Whales. That she would not go further than the Line as they would then judge themselves clear of American Privateers.
One Privateer from 12 to 20 Guns [and] 100 Men would be sufficient to take and destroy this whole Fleet.2
The Beginning of December would be the best Time to proceed from Hence—the same Time from Boston.
1. Overwritten; perhaps “63.”
2. JA proposed precisely this project of Capt. Grinnell's to Capt. Daniel McNeill of the General Mifflin privateer, then apparently at Lorient, in writing him, 9 Oct., to find a place on his ship for Grinnell (LbC, Adams Papers). The Commissioners conducted a lengthy correspondence with the French ministry on this subject.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0008-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-10-08

1778 Oct. 8. Thursday

Captain Richard Grinnell was taken and carried into Guernsey by the Speedwell Cutter Captain Abraham Bushell of 12 Guns pierced for 14.
The Town of Guernsey the Capital of the Island, is fortified with one Fort upon an Island called Castle Island, within a Quarter of a Mile of the Town, right before it. There are between Eighty and an hundred Pieces of Cannon, in the Fort, but both Guns and Fort in bad Condition and Repair. Not more than 50 Soldiers at a Time in the Fort.
There are only five hundred Soldiers, highlanders, on the whole { 321 } Island. They have wrote to Scotland for another Regiment, which they say is coming.
The Militia keep watch round the Island. They are well armed, but are not exercised.
They have lately built new Batteries of four and six Guns in Places where Boats can land, and block Houses all round the Island, where Boats can Land.
The Island is not more than Ten Leagues from Cape La Hague, the french Coast. About five Thousand Souls, on the Island, very bitter against the French: but treat American Prisoners very well—more like Brothers than Prisoners.
There is a forty Gun Ship and two Frigates of 28 or 30 Guns in the Harbour before the Town of Guernsey, and several cruising round the Island as they say. Two Kings Cutters of 12 and 14 Guns, are here also.
They say there are forty six Privateers, from 8 to Twenty Guns belonging to this Island—about twenty more belonging to Jersey, Alderney and Sark.
The Proper Place to station a Frigate to intercept the Prizes, would be about 30 Leagues to the Westward of the Island, out of sight. Here a Frigate that could sail fast enough might retake many Prizes.
Captain Peter Collass of Boston, taken on board of Barns, by the Speedwell of Guernsey.1
Guernsey is about 20 miles in Circumference, 7 or 8 long and about 3 or 4 wide. There are breast Works all round the Island, and wherever there is a Cove or Bay where it is possible for Boats or Ships to come in there is a Battery of [2?] or 4 Guns, and they say they are building blockhouses all round the Island. They reckon they can muster between four and five Thousand Militia. They have five hundred Highlanders, all green, just off the Mountains. They have a Number of Invalids besides perhaps three or four hundred.
The Fort in the Harbour is on a Rock a Musquet shot from the Town, Eighty six Guns in the Fort, 42, 32, down to Twelves. Every Parish has a Field Piece or two. Of late they have received a No. of Field Pieces of a new Construction, 3 pounders, to be drawn by Men over Gutters, Ditches, &c. Guernsey, Jersey and Alderney have between fifty and sixty Privateers, small and great.
There is a Forty Gun Ship, a Frigate of 28 or 30 Guns, and two Cutters, of 10 or 12.
A 36 Gun Frigate to cruise about 10 or 12 Leagues to the Westward of the Island of Guernsey, might intercept their Prizes going in, pro• { 322 } vided she was a fast Sailer. She should keep out of Sight of the Island. The Guernsey Men boasted that all the Islands had taken Prizes this War to an amount between three and four Millions.
1. Capt. Peter Collas was a son-in-law of Franklin's favorite sister, Jane (Franklin) Mecom. He was captured by the British no less than five times during the war (The Letters of Benjamin Franklin and Jane Mecom, ed. Carl Van Doren, Princeton, 1950, p. 23–24). What follows is his testimony, as that above is Grinnell's, on the defenses of the Channel Islands. CFA silently supplied quotation marks around each of their statements.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0008-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-10-12

Monday. Oct. 12.

Samuel Harding of Welfleet Cape Cod says that Mr. Robert Bartholomew or Bartlemé, and Incleby of London, are largely concerned in the Whale Fishery. Richard Coffyn and Shubael Gardiner of Nantuckett are concerned with them. Dennis Debert carries on the Business for Mr. Bartholomew. Mr. Nath. Wheatly of Boston is in Partnership with Mr. Bartholomew.—One Ship of forty Guns, or 20 Guns, would take all the Fishery.
There are about three Boats Crews on each Ship, which are twenty four Men.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0008-0004

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-10-22

1778 Octr. 22. Thursday.

William Whitmarsh Jur., born in Braintree, maried and living in Marblehead, was taken Prisoner on board the Yankee Privateer, Captain Johnson. After having taken two Ships, the Prisonors rose upon them, and carried [them] to England. Carried to Chatham and put on board the Ardent 64 Gun Ship, Captn. Middleton. Next put on board the Mars 74, from thence on board the Vultur sloop for Spithead. At Spithead put on Board the Balfleur 90.—11 Oct. 1776 put on board the Rippon of 60 Guns Commodore Vernum [Vernon], bound to the East Indies. Sailed 24 Novr. from Spithead and arrived at Madrass 8 June 1777.—11 Aug. I left the Ship, and went Upon the Malabar Coast —from thence to a danish Island—thence to Bengal—thence to a danish Factory. Discharged from the danish Snow. In Novr. 17. I shipped on Board an East India man, homeward bound. Sailed in December to Madrass. Arrived in Jany. 1778–sailed 6th. February—arrived at Spithead 6 of Aug.—17 impressed. All the Men on board the Fleet were pressed, Midshipmen, Quarter Masters and all.—27. had a ticket of Liberty for 14 days.—11 September left London for Flushing. Arrived 27.—7 Oct. at Dunkirk.—Never entered, and never would.
{ [facing 322] } { [facing 323] }

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0008-0005

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-10-30

1778 Octr. 30. Fryday.

Last Saturday I dined with Mr. Grand in Company with Mr. Gebelin Author of the Monde Primitif.1
1. Antoine Court de Gébelin (1725–1784) was the author of Monde pritnitif, analysé et comparé avec le monde moderne, a vast and learned but unfinished work on mythology and language of which JA owned a copy (9 vols., Paris, 1775–1782) that he read and heavily annotated in old age. See Catalogue of JA's Library, p. 65; Alfred Iacuzzi, John Adams, Scholar, N.Y., 1952, p. 230–232. Court de Gebelin is said to have served as one of the editors of the Affaires de l'Angleterre et de l'Amérique, a vehicle of American propaganda in which Franldin and JA were much interested (Hoefer, Nouv. Biog. Générale; see notes on entries of 11 Feb. and 3 March 1779, below).

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0009-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-11-09

Nov. 9.

Mr. Lee read me a Paragraph of a Letter, from London, “that Mr. D. Hartley would probably be here, in the Course of this Month.”
At Dinner I repeated this Paragraph to Dr. Franklin, and said that I thought “Mr. H's Journey ought to be forbidden.” The Dr. said “he did not see how his coming could be forbid.” I replied “We could refuse to see him,” and that I thought We ought to see nobody from England, unless they came with full Powers....1 That little Emmissarys were sent by the King only to amuse a certain Sett of People, while he was preparing for his designs. That there had been enough of this.... The Dr. sayd “We could decline having any private Conversation with him.” ...
1. Suspension points, here and below, in MS.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0009-0002

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-11-26

1778. Novr: 26 Jeudi.

Went to see the Palace of Bourbon, belonging to the Prince of Condé. It is a City. The Apartements of the Prince, are very rich, and elegant. The Gallery has many fine Paintings. But I have no Taste for ringing the Changes of Mirrors, Gold, Silver, Marble, Glass, and Alabaster.—For myself I had rather live in this Room at Passy than in that Palace, and in my Cottage at Braintree than in this Hotel at Passy.
An unlucky Accident befell my Servant Stevens in falling from the Coach, and being dragged by the foot upon the Pavement. He was in great Danger but happily was not essentially hurt.
Dined with the Abbes C[halut] and A[rnoux]. Returned at Night and found M. Turgot, Abbe Condilac, Mad. Helvetius, and the Abbe &c.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0009-0003

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-11-30

Novr. 30. 1778.

Orthodoxy is my Doxy, and Heterodoxy is your Doxy.—Definitions. F[ranklin].

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0010-0001

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1778-12-02

Decr. 2.

Captn. Bernard. Says There are Two hundred and Thirty Sail of Merchand Ships lying at the Mother Bank, near Spithead, ready to sail to the West Indies, loaded with all Kinds of Provisions and dry Goods, and Warlike Stores. They are to be joined by about Thirty Sail that now lay in the Downs. They are to sail the first Wind after the two Fleets join. The Wind must be easterly. They all go to the Barbadoes, where the Fleet for the Windward Islands, seperates from that to the Leward Islands. They are to be convoyed out of the Channell by Twelve Ships of the Line, Six of them to go through the Voyage to the W.I. Islands.—As they commonly exagerate, it is probable, that not so many Men of War will go. There may be 8 or 9 Men of War, go out of the Channell and perhaps two or three, go thro the Voyage. They cannot probably spare 6 Vessells of the Line without leaving the French Masters of the Seas.

Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0011-0001

Author: Adams, John
DateRange: 1778-02 - 1779-08

[Personal Receipts and Expenditures, 1778–1779.]1

Account of Monies received   Account of Monies expended  
  £   s   d     £   s   d  
1778. Feb. 12. Recd, of the Hon. the Navy Board at Boston, in Sterling.   100:   0:   0   1778 Feb. To Sundry Expences at Boston, in making the necessary Preparations for my Voyage exclusive of the Articles furnished me by the Navy Board2—in Sterling.   10:   0:   0  
  2400:   Liv.            
        Livres   240:   0:   0  
<April Recd, of Mr. Bondfield at Bourdeaux>3         < To Cash expended, at Bourdeaux, and on the Journey from thence to Paris near 500 Miles, in which is included the Expences of my self, Captain Palmes, sent to Paris by Captn. Tucker to receive the orders of the Commissioners, of Dr. Noel a French Surgeon of the Boston who went [as] our Interpreter, of Master Jesse Deane, and of my little Son, and my Domestic Servant>   <45:>   <0:>   <0>4  
<Feb.> Ap. 18. <drew an order on Mr. Grand, the Banker, in favour of Dr. Noel for two hundred and thirty one Livres and Six Sous, being the Ballance of Expences on the Road from Bourdeaux to Paris.> transferred to Pages 9 and 10.5         <Feb.> April 18. <Paid Dr. Noel by an orderon the Banker 231 Livres and Six Sous, being for the Ballance of Expences on the Road from Bourdeaux to Paris.> transferred to Pages 9 and 10.6        
{ 326 }
        paid for Padlocks and a few other little Necessaries, 7s. Sterling   0:   7:   0  
        Liv.   8      
April 22. Recd. of Mr. Franklin twenty Louis D'ors   480   Liv.     Ap. 22. paid my Servant Joseph Stephens five Louis D'ors, as Per Rect.   120:   0:   0  
        1778. Ap. 23. paid for French Dictionaries & Grammars   1:   10:   0  
        Liv.   36      
        Ap. 25. paid the Barber for a Wigg, one Louis D'or and 2 Crowns.   1:   10:   0  
        Liv.   36      
        and half a Crown for a Bagg.   0:   2:   6  
        Liv.   3      
        Ap. 27. Paid Joseph Stevens, 2 Louis D'ors        
        Livres   48:   0:   0  
        To 8 English Guineas, lost in a Garment which was stole on the Road bet. Bourdeaux and Paris,—the Guineas were sewn up in the Garment, to conceal them from the Enemy in Case of Capture at Sea—sterling   8:   8:   07  
        Livres   192:   0:   0  
        Decr. 19. Paid to Mr. Jonathan Williams for a Bill of Exchange, drawn by Mrs. { 327 } A. in favr. of Codman and Smith, indorsed to Mr. Williams 50£ sterling   50:   0:   0  
        Liv.   1200      
        In Livres, Sous and Deniers.8        
        Ap. 30. Paid the Washerwoman   7:   6:   0  
        Paid for a Tickett.   6:   0:   0  
        May 1. & 2. Paid for two Ticketts and some Pamphlets   14:   0:   0  
        May 5. Paid Joseph Stevens for Sundry small Articles as per Rect.   44:   12:   0  
1778. May 6. Reed, of Mr. W. T. Franklin 20 Louis D'ors   480:   0:   0          
        May 7. Paid Joseph Stevens 2 Louis D'ors equal to 48 Livres. Pr. Rect.   48:   0:   0  
        8. paid Mr. W. T. Franklin a Louis D'or to pay for Horses, servants &c. at the Hotell, where they dined when I was at Versailles to be presented to the K[ing]   24:   0:   0  
        May 9. Paid for two blank Paper Books9   16:   4:   0  
        10 pd. Washerwoman   4:   2:   0  
        paid Mr. Lee a Cm. borrowed of him in Paris   6:   0:   0  
        May 14. Paid Mr. J. Hochereau his Account10   40:   0:   0  
        ditto for Almanack Royal11   6:   0:   0  
        1778. May 15. paid Mr. Hochereau another Acct.   42:   0:   0  
{ 328 }
        paid Mr. Lee 4 Louis D'ors for Articles of Dress purchased for me   96:   0:   0  
        May 18. Paid for Pencils   3:   0:   0  
        May 22. paid for a Tickett   6:   0:   0  
        May 23 paid for a few necessary Books, And for some transient Expences 4. Louis D'ors   96:   0:   0  
        May 31. paid for Tickett and transient Expences   24:   0:   0  
        June 7 paid for Expences at Versailles, at the Ceremony of the Knights De St. Esprit and Seeing the King, Queen and Royal Family at the Grand Couvert   12:   0:   0  
        June 16 Paid Denis Account two Louis D'ors.   48:   0:   0  
        paid Mr. J. Williams for La Fontaines Works in 7 Vol.   24:   0:   0  
        paid Joseph Stevens's Account   28:   9:   0  
        17 paid for a Trunk a Louis   24:   0:   0  
        paid the Comis for bringing it   0:   12:   0  
        19 paid Chaubert the Shoemaker his Account 33 Livres.   33:   0:   0  
1778. May 25. By Cash & Payments made to and for me at Bourdeaux, by Mr. Bondfield, according to his Account, exhibited to me, in his Letter of 26 May.12         1778 May 25. To my Expences at Bourdeaux, and from thence to Paris in the { 329 } Hire of Carriages Horses and all other Expences for Captn. Palmes, Dr. Noel, and Jesse Deane, as well as my son, servant and self.   1404:   0:   0  
Livres   1404:   0:   0          
Nota. B. this Article is to be substituted instead of the 2d Article in the first and 2 Pages of this Account, which is to be erased.13                
Ap. 18. By an order drawn by me on Mr. Grand the Banker, in favour of Dr. Noel for Two hundred and thirty one Iivres and Six Sous, being the Ballance of Expences from Bourdeaux to Paris.   0231:   6:   0   Ap. 18. To Cash paid Dr. Noel by an order on the Banker for £231. 6s. od. being for the Ballance of Expences upon the Road from Bourdeaux to Paris.   0231:   6:   0  
N.B. this Article is transfered from the two first Pages of this Book in order to have the whole of this Affair in one View.14                
1778. May 25. By Sundry Articles, shipped by Mr. Bondfield for my Family according to his Account, for which I am accountable.   888:   12:   0   1778 May 25. Paid Mr. Bondfield, for the Articles shipped by him, as on the left Hand Page   888:   12:   0  
June 11. By an order drawn by me alone on Mr. Grand in favour of Mr. Le Cour for   365:   5:   0   June 11. Paid Mr. Le Coeur, by an order as on the left Hand Page   365:   5:   0  
June 12 By an order drawn by me alone on Mr. Grand in favour of Mr. Denis Hill   663:   5:   0   12 Paid Dennis Hill by an order as on the left Hand Page   663:   5:   0  
{ 330 }
July15 16. drew an order on Mr. Grand, in these Words viz. Mr. Grand, after considering of your Question concerning the Furniture which was made for Mr. Deane, and which he had used for Upwards of a Year, before I came into this Kingdom and after considering the Nature of the Contract, which Mr. Deane made, according to which fifteen hundred Livres I think are to be paid for the Use of them for the first Year: I have concluded, upon the whole that it is most for the Interest of the public, to pay for the Purchase than for the Loan: You will therefore be so good, as to pay for them as soon as you please. But I have one Request to make, which is, that in the Charge you make of this Article in the public Accounts, you would mention the Contract made with Mr. Deane, that I may not appear to be accountable, for more than my share of this Expence. I am &c.         16 Paid for Mr. Deanes Furniture as on the left Hand Page   4294:   0:   0  
Livres.   4294:   0:   0          
1778 June 16. Reed, of Mr. Grand the { 331 } Banker for which I singly gave a Rect. 100 Louis   2400:   0:   0          
        1778 June 22 paid for two Pamphlets   3:   0:   0  
        paid for Ticketts and Coach hire   15:   0:   0  
        24 paid the Peruquiers Account   39:   12:   0  
        25 paid Expences at Paris and at the Comedy   18:   0:   0  
        28 Paid Expences at Paris and at the Comedy   18:   0:   0  
        29 Paid Joseph Stevens his Account as pr his Rect.   96:   0:   0