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Browsing: Diary of John Adams, Volume 2
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0008
Date: 1775-09-20
1775. Septr. 20. Wednesday.
Took a Walk in Company with Govr. Ward, Mr. Gadsden and his Son, and Mr. S. Adams,
to a little Box in the Country, belonging to old Mr. Marshall, the father of three
Sons who live in the City.1 A fine facetious old Gentleman, an excellent Whigg. There We drank { 177 } Coffee. A fine Garden. A little Box of one Room. Very chearfull and good humoured.
1. This was Christopher Marshall (1709–1797), the well-known Philadelphia diarist and patriot. See Extracts from the Diary of Christopher Marshall, ... 1774–1781, ed. William Duane, Albany, 1877, p. 43.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0009
Date: 1775-09-21
1775. Septr. 21. Thursday.
The famous Partisan Major Rogers came to our Lodgings to make Us a Visit.1 He has been in Prison—discharged by some insolvent or bankrupt Act. He thinks We
shall have hot Work, next Spring. He told me an old half Pay Officer, such as himself,
would sell well next Spring. And when he went away, he said to S.A. and me, if you
want me, next Spring for any Service, you know where I am, send for me. I am to be
sold.—He says the Scotch Men at home, say d——n that Adams and Cushing. We must have
their Heads, &c. Bernard used to d——n that Adams—every dip of his Pen stung like an
horned Snake, &c. Paxton made his Will in favour of Ld. Townsend, and by that Maneuvre
got himself made a Commissioner. There was a great deal of Beauty in that Stroke of
Policy. We must laugh at such sublime Strokes of Politicks, &c. &c. &c.
In the Evening Mr. Jona. Dickinson Sergeant of Prince Town, made a Visit to the Sec.2 and me. He says he is no Idolater of his Name Sake. That he was disappointed when
he first saw him. Fame had given him an exalted Idea: but he came to N. Jersey upon
a particular Cause, and made such a flimsy, effeminate, Piece of Work of it, that
he sunk at once in his Opinion.
Serjeant is sorry to find a falling off in this City—not a third of the Battalion
Men muster, who mustered at first.
D. he says sinks here in the public opinion. That many Gentlemen chime in with a spirited
Publication in the Paper of Wednesday, which blames the conduct of several Gentlemen
of Fortune, D., Cad., R., and J. Allen &c.3
1. On the advent and intentions of Rogers in Philadelphia, see references in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:201, note, and the notice of Rogers in DAB.
2. Samuel Adams had been elected secretary of state by the new Massachusetts government
in August (Wells, Samuel Adams, 2:321).
3. Probably John Dickinson, []Cadwalader, Samuel Rhoads, and James Allen. The “Publication in the Paper of Wednesday”
appeared in the Pennsylvania Journal, 20 Sept., and was a long unsigned account and defense of a demonstration, 6 Sept.,
by a group of “Associators” who wished to punish a tory lawyer, Isaac Hunt, and a
violently tory physician, the younger John Kearsley. Certain “men of fortune” interfered
with these proceedings, and, according to Christopher Marshall, Mayor Samuel Rhoads
ordered out troops to disperse the crowd (Extracts from the Diary of Christopher Marshall, ... 1774–1781, ed. William Duane, Albany, 1877, p. 41–42).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0010
Date: 1775-09-22
1775. Fryday. Septr. 22.
Mr. Gordon spent the Evening here.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0011
Date: 1775-09-23
1775. Saturday. Septr. 23.
Mr. Gordon came and told us News, opened his Budget.—Ethan Allen with 500 green mountain
Boys, were entrenched half Way between St. Johns and Montreal, and had cutt off all
Communication with Carlton, and was kindly treated by the French. A Council of War
had been held, and it was their opinion that it was practicable to take Boston and
Charlestown: but as it would cost many Lives, and expose the Inhabitants of Boston
to destruction it was thought best to postpone it for the present.
Major Rogers came here too this Morning. Said he had a Hand and an Heart: tho he did
not choose by offering himself to expose himself to Destruction.
I walked, a long Time this Morning, backward and forward, in the Statehouse Yard with
Paca, McKean and Johnson. McKean has no Idea of any Right or Authority in Parliament.
Paca contends for an Authority and Right to regulate Trade, &c.
Dyer and Serjeant of Princetown, spent the Evening here. S. says that the Irish Interest
in this City has been the Support of Liberty. Maes [Mease] &c. are leaders in it. The Irish and the Presbyterian Interest coalesce.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0012
Date: 1775-09-23
[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1775. Saturday. Sept. 22d. [i.e. 23d].1
S[amuel] A[dams] moved, upon Mifflins Letter, that a Sum be advanced from the Treasury for Mifflin
and Barrell.2
Mr. E. Rutledge wished the Money might be advanced upon the Credit of the Qr. Mr. General. Wished
that an Enquiry might be made whether Goods had been advanced. If so, it was against
the association.
Lynch wish'd the Letter read.—S. Adams read it.
Jay. Seconded the Motion of E. Rutledge that a Committee be appointed to enquire if Goods
are raised vs. the association.
Gadsden wished the Mo[tion] put off. We had other Matters of more importance.
Willing. Thought that Goods might be purchased upon four Months Credit. We should not intermix
our Accounts.
Paine. We have not agreed to cloath the Soldiers, and the Qr. Mr. { 179 } Genl. has no Right to keep a Slop Shop any more than any Body else. It is a private
Matter. Very indigested Applications are made here for Money.
Deane. The Army must be cloathed, or perish. No preaching vs. a Snow Storm. We ought to
look out, that they be kept warm and that the Means of doing it be secured.
Lynch. We must see that the Army be provided with Cloathing. I intended to have moved this
very day that a Committee be appointed to purchase woolen Goods in this City and N.
York, for the use of the Army.
E. Rutledge. I have no objection to the Committee. I meant only that the poor Soldiers should
be supplied with Goods and Cloathing as cheap as possible.
Lewis. Brown of Boston bought Goods at N. York and sent em up the North River, to be conveyed
by Land to Cambridge.
Dyer. Wanted to know whether the Soldiers would be obliged to take these Goods. Goods cheaper
in York than here.
Sherman. The Sutlers, last War, sold to the Soldiers who were not obliged to take any Thing.
Many will be supplied by Families with their own Manufacture. The Qr. Mr. General
did not apply to Congress, but to his own private Correspondents.
Deane. The Soldiers were imposed on by Sutlers last War. The Soldiers had no Pay to receive.
Lynch. A Soldier without Cloathing is not fit for Service, but he ought to be cloathed,
as well as armed, and we ought to provide as well as it can be done, that he may be
cloathed.
Nelson. Moved that 5000£ st. be advanced to the Qr. Mr. Genl. to be laid out in Cloathing
for the Army.
Langdon. Hoped a Committee would be appointed.
Sherman liked Nelsons motion with an Addition that every Soldier should be at Liberty to
supply himself in any other Way.
Reed. Understood that Mass. Committee of Supplies had a large Store that was very full.
Sherman. For a Committee to enquire what Goods would be wanted for the Army, and at what Prices
they may be had and report.
Gadsden. Liked that best.
Johnson. Moved that the Sum might be limit[ed] to 5000£ st. We dont know what has been supplied by Mass., what from Rhode Island,
what from N. York, and what from Connecticutt.
S. Adams. Liked Nelson's Motion.
Ward. Objected to it, and preferred the Motion for a Committee.
{ 180 } Nelson. The Qr. Mr. is ordered by the General to supply the Soldiers, &c.
Paine. It is the Duty of this Congress to see that the Army be supplied with Cloathing at
a reasonable Rate. I am for a Committee. Qr. Mr. has his Hands full.
Zubly. Would it not be best to publish Proposals in the Papers for any Man who was willing
to supply the Army with Cloathing, to make his offers.
Harrison. The Money ought to be advanced, in all events. Content with a Committee.
R. R. Livingston.
Willing. Proposed that We should desire the Committee of this City, to enquire after these
Goods and this will lead them to an Enquiry, that will be beneficial to America.
Chase. The City of Philadelphia has broke the association by raising the Price of Goods
50 per Cent. It would not be proper to purchase Goods here. The Breach of the association
here is general, in the Price of Goods, as it is in N. York with Respect to Tea. If
We lay out 5000£ here we shall give a Sanction to the Breaches of the association.
The Breach is too general to be punished.
Willing. If the Association is broke in this City, dont let us put the Burden of Examining
into it upon a few, but the whole Committee. N. York have broke it, entirely. 99 in
100 drink Tea. I am not for screening the People of Philadelphia.
Sherman. I am not an Importer, but have bought of N. York Merchants for 20 years, at a certain
Advance on the sterling Cost.
R. R. Livingston. Thought We ought to buy the Goods where they were dearest, because if We bought em
at N. York where they were cheapest, N. York would soon be obliged to purchase in
Phil, where they are dearest and then the loss would fall upon N. York. Whereas in
the other Way the Loss would be general.
Jay. We had best desire the Committee of this City to purchase the Quantity of Goods at
the Price stated by the Association and see if they were to be had here at that Price.
This Debate terminated in a Manner that I did not foresee.—A Committee was appointed
to purchase 5000£ st.s worth of Goods, to be sent to the Qr. Mr. and by him be sold
to the Soldiers at first Cost and Charges. Qr. Mr. to be allowed 5 Pr. Cent for his
Trouble.
Mr. Lynch, and Coll. Nelson and Coll. Harrison indulged their Complaisance and private
Friendship for Mifflin and Washington so far as to carry this.
{ 181 } It is almost impossible to move any Thing but you instantly see private Friendships
and Enmities, and provincial Views and Prejudices, intermingle in the Consultation.
These are degrees of Corruption. They are Deviations from the public Interest, and
from Rectitude. By this Vote however, perhaps the poor Soldiers may be benefited,
which was all I wished, the Interest of Mr. Mifflin being nothing to me.
1. First entry in booklet “23” as labeled by CFA (our D/JA/23), a small memorandum book bound in red-brown leather, containing exclusively
notes on the proceedings of Congress, from the present date through 21 Oct. 1775. All accounts of debates through the latter date derive from this booklet, though
in the present text they have been interspersed chronologically among JA's regular diary entries.
Saturday fell on 23 Sept. 1775, and there is other evidence to show that the debate
recorded here occurred on the 23d. See JCC, 3:260, and Samuel Ward, Diary, 23 Sept., in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:205.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0013
Date: 1775-09-24
1775. Septr. 24. Sunday.
Dyer is very sanguine that the 2 De Witts, one of Windham, the other of Norwich, will
make Salt Petre in large Quantities. He produces a Sample, which is very good.
Harrison is confident that Virginia alone will do great Things from Tobacco Houses.
But my faith is not strong, as yet.
Ld. North is at his old Work again. Sending over his Anodynes to America—deceiving
one credulous American after another, into a Belief that he means Conciliation, when
in Truth he means nothing but Revenge. He rocks the cradle, and sings Lullaby, and
the innocent Children go to Sleep, while he prepares the Birch to whip the poor Babes.
One Letter after another comes that the People are uneasy and the Ministry are sick
of their Systems. But nothing can be more fallacious. Next Spring We shall be jockied
by Negociation, or have hot Work in War. Besides I expect a Reinforcement to Gage
and to Carlton, this fall or Winter.
Heard Mr. Smith of Pequay [Pequea], at about 40 Miles towards Lancaster, a Scotch Clergyman, of great Piety as Coll.
Roberdeau says: The Text was Luke 14:18. And they all with one Consent began to make
excuse.—This was at Duffills Meeting. In the afternoon, heard our Mr. Gordon, in Arch
Street. The Lord is nigh unto all that call upon him.
Call'd upon Stephen Collins who has just returned.
{ 182 } Stephen has a Thousand Things to say to Us, he says. A Thousand observations to make.
One Thing he told me, for my Wife, who will be peeping here, sometime or other, and
come across it. He says when he call'd at my House, an English Gentleman was with
him, a Man of Penetration, tho of few Words. And this silent, penetrating Gentleman
was pleased with Mrs. Adams, and thought her, the most accomplished Lady he had seen
since he came out of England.—Down Vanity, for you dont know who this Englishman is.
Dr. Rush came in. He is an elegant, ingenious Body. Sprightly, pretty fellow. He is
a Republican. He has been much in London. Acquainted with Sawbridge, McCaulay, Burgh,
and others of that Stamp. Dilly sends him Books and Pamphletts, and Sawbridge and
McCaulay correspond with him.1 He complains of D[ickinson]. Says the Committee of Safety are not the Representatives of the People, and therefore
not their Legislators; yet they have been making Laws, a whole Code for a Navy. This
Committee was chosen by the House, but half of them are not Members and therefore
not the Choice of the People. All this is just. He mentions many Particular Instances,
in which Dickenson has blundered. He thinks him warped by the Quaker Interest and
the Church Interest too. Thinks his Reputation past the Meridian, and that Avarice
is growing upon him. Says that Henry and Mifflin both complained to him very much
about him. But Rush I think, is too much of a Talker to be a deep Thinker. Elegant
not great.
In the Evening Mr. Bullock and Mr. Houstoun, two Gentlemen from Georgia, came into
our Room and smoked and chatted, the whole Evening. Houstoun and Adams disputed the
whole Time in good Humour. They are both Dabbs at Disputation I think. H. a Lawyer
by Trade is one of Course, and Adams is not a Whit less addicted to it than the Lawyers.
The Q. was whether all America was not in a State of War, and whether We ought to
confine ourselves to act upon the defensive only. He was for acting offensively next
Spring or this fall if the Petition was rejected or neglected. If it was not answered,
and favourably answered, he would be for acting vs. Britain and Britains as in open
War vs. French and frenchmen. Fit Privateers and take their Ships, any where.
These Gentlemen give a melancholly Account of the State of Georgia and S. Carolina.
They say that if 1000 regular Troops should land in Georgia and their commander be
provided with Arms and Cloaths enough, and proclaim Freedom to all the Negroes who
would join his Camp, 20,000 Negroes would join it from the two Provinces { 183 } in a fortnight. The Negroes have a wonderfull Art of communicating Intelligence among
themselves. It will run severall hundreds of Miles in a Week or Fortnight.
They say, their only Security is this, that all the Kings Friends and Tools of Government
have large Plantations and Property in Negroes. So that the Slaves of the Tories would
be lost as well as those of the Whiggs.
I had nearly forgot a Conversation with Dr. Coombe concerning assassination, Henry
4., Sully, Buckingham &c. &c. Coombe has read Sullys Memoirs with great Attention.
1. See L. H. Butterfield, “The American Interests of the Firm of E. and C. Dilly, with Their
Letters to Benjamin Rush, 1770–1795,” Bibliog. Soc. Amer., Papers, 45 (1951):283–332.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0014
Date: 1775-09-25
1775. Septr. 25. Monday.
Rode out of Town and dined with Mr. Macpherson. He has the most elegant Seat in Pensilvania,
a clever Scotch Wife and two pretty daughters. His Seat is on the Banks of Schuylkill.1
He has been Nine Times wounded in Battle. An old Sea Commander, made a Fortune by
Privateering. An Arm twice shot off, shot thro the Leg. &c—He renews his Proposals
of taking or burning Ships.
Spent the Evening with Lynch at the City Tavern. He thinks the Row Gallies and Vesseau
de Frize inadequate to the Expence.2
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0015
Date: 1775-09-24
[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1775 Monday. Sept. 24[i.e. 25].
An Uneasiness, among some of the Members concerning a Contract with Willing & Morris,
for Powder, by which the House, without any Risque at all will make a clear Profit
of 12,000£ at least.
Dyer and Deane spoke in public, Lewis to me in private about it. All think it exorbitant.
S. Adams desired that the Resolve of Congress, upon which the Contract was founded might be
read: he did not recollect it.1
De Hart. One of the Contractors, Willing, declared to this Congress that he looked upon the
Contract to be that the first Cost should be insured to them, not the 14£ a Barrell
for the Powder.
{ 184 } R. R. Livingston. I never will vote to ratify the Contract in the sense that Morris understands it.
Willing. I am as a Member of the House, a Party to that Contract, but was not privy to the
Bargain. I never saw the Contract, untill I saw it in Dr. Franklins Hand. I think
it ensures only the first Cost. My Partner thinks it ensures the whole. He says that
Mr. Rutledge said at the Time, that Congress should have nothing to do with Sea risque.
The Committee of this City offered 19£. I would wish to have nothing to do with the
Contract: but to leave it to my Partner, who is a Man of Reason and Generosity, to
explain the Contract with the Gentlemen who made it with him.
J. Rutledge. Congress was to run no Risque only vs. Men of War and Customhouse officers. I was
surprized this Morning to hear that Mr. Morris understood it otherwise. If he wont
execute a Bond, such as We shall draw, I shall not be at a loss what to do.
Johnson. An hundred Ton of Powder was wanted.
Ross. In Case of its Arrival Congress was to pay £14. If Men of War, or Custom house officers,
should get it, Congress was to pay first Cost only as I understood it.
Zubly. We are highly favoured. 14£ We are to give if We get the Powder: and 14£ if We dont
get it. I understand Persons enough will contract to supply Powder at 15£ and run
all risques.
Willing. Sorry any Gentleman should be severe. Mr. Morris's Character is such that he cannot
deserve it.
Lynch. If Morris will execute the Bond, well, if not the Committee will report.
Deane. It is very well that this matter has been moved and that so much has been said upon
it.
Dyer. There are not Ten Men in the Colony I come from, who are worth so much Money as will
be made clear2 by this Contract.
Ross. What has this Matter to [do with] the present debate, whether Connecticutt Men are worth much or no. It proves there
are no Men there whose Capital or Credit are equal to such Contracts. That is all.
Harrison. The Contract is made and the Money paid. How can We get it back?
Johnson. Let us consider the Prudence of this Contract. If it had not been made Morris would
have got 19£, and not have set forward a second Adventure.
Gadsden. Understands the Contract as Morris does, and yet thinks it a prudent one, because
Morris would have got 19£.
J. Adams. ——&c. &c. &c.
{ 185 } Cushing. I move that We take into Consideration a Method of keeping up an Army in the Winter.
Gadsden. Seconds the Motion and desires that a Motion made in Writing some days ago, and postponed
may be read as it was. As also Passages of G. Washingtons Letter.
S. Adams. The General has promised another Letter in which We shall have his Sentiments. We
shall have it tomorrow perhaps.
Lynch. If We have, We shall only loose the Writing of a Letter.
J. Adams moved that the Generals Advice should be asked concerning Barracks &c. and that a
Committee be appointed to draught a Letter. Lynch seconded the Motion.
A Committee was appointed. Lynch, J. Adams, and Coll. Lee the Men.3
Sherman moved that a Committee be appointed of one Member from each Colony, to receive, and
examine all Accounts.
S. Adams seconded the Motion.
Harrison asked is this the Way of giving Thanks?
S. Adams. Was decent to the Committee for Rifle Mens Accounts, meant no Reflections upon them,
was sorry that the worthy Gentleman from Virginia, conceived that any was intended.
He was sure there was no foundation for it.
Paine. Thought that Justice and Honour required that We should carefully examine all Accounts,
and see to the Expenditure of all public Monies.
That the Minister would find out our Weakness, and would foment divisions among our
People.
He was sorry that Gentlemen could not hear Methods proposed, to settle and pay Accounts
in a manner that would give Satisfaction to the People, without seeming to resent
them.
Harrison. Now the Gentlemen have explained themselves he had no Objection, but when it was
proposed to appoint a new Committee in the Place of the former one, it implied a Reflection.
Deane. ——.
Willing. These Accounts are for Tents, Arms, Cloathing, &c. as well as Expences of the Riflemen,
&c.
Nelson moved that 20,000 dollars be voted into the Hands of the other Committee to settle
the Accounts.
S. Adams. Seconded the Motion, but still hoped that some time or other, a Committee would be
appointed of one Member from each Colony, to examine all Accounts because he thought
it reasonable.4
{ 186 } 2. “made clear” here means “cleared.”
3. See JCC, 3:261, which indicates that two letters from Washington were involved, apparently
those dated 4 and 31 Aug. (Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 3:390–399, 461–463). The committee reported a draft answer on 26 Sept., which was
agreed to and sent over Pres. Hancock's name the same day (JCC, 3:263; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:207–209).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0016
Date: 1775-09-26
1775 Septr. 26. Tuesday.
Wrote to Mrs. A. and Mr. and Mrs. W.1
1. The letter to AA is in the Adams Papers and is unpublished; those to James and Mercy Warren are in MHi and are printed in Warren-Adams Letters, 1:115–118.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0017
Date: 1775-09-27
1775. Septr. 27. Wednesday.
Mr. Bullock and Mr. Houstoun, the Gentlemen from Georgia, invited S.A. and me to spend
the Evening with them in their Chamber, which We did very agreably and socially. Mr.
Langdon of N. Hampshire was with us.
Mr. Bullock after Dinner invited me to take a ride with him in his Phaeton which I
did. He is a solid, clever Man. He was President of their Convention.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0018
Date: 1775-09-27
[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1775. Septr. 27.
Willing in favour of Mr. Purveyances Petition.1Harrison vs. it.
Willing thinks the Non Exportation sufficiently hard upon the Farmer, the Merchant and the
Tradesman, but will not arraign the Propriety of the Measure.
Nelson. If We give these Indulgences, I know not where they will end. Sees not why the Merchant
should be indulged more than the Farmer.
Harrison. It is the Merchant in England that is to suffer.
Lynch. They meant gain and they ought to bear the Loss.
Sherman. Another Reason. The Cargo is Provisions and will probably fall into the Hands of
the Enemy.
R. R. Livingston. There is no Resolve of Congress vs. exporting to foreign Ports. We shall not give
Licence to deceit, by clearing out for England.
Lynch. Moves that the Committee of this City, be desired to enquire whether Deans Vessell
taken at Block Island and another at Cape Codd, were not sent on Purpose to supply
the Enemy.
{ 187 } Recd. The Committee of this City have enquired of the owners of one Vessell. The owners
produc'd their Letter Books, and were ready to swear. The Conduct of the Captain is
yet suspicious. Thinks the other Enquiry very proper.
Lee. Thinks Lynches Motion proper. Thinks the conduct detestible Parricide—to supply those
who have Arms in their Hands to deprive us of the best Rights of human Nature. The
honest Seamen ought to be examined, and they may give Evidence vs. the guilty.
Hancock. Deane belongs to Boston. He came from W. Ind[ies] and was seized here, and released. Loaded with flour and went out.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0003-0019
Date: 1775-09-28
1775. Sept. 28. Thursday.
The Congress, and the Assembly of this Province were invited to make an Excursion
upon Delaware River in the new Row Gallies built by the Committee of Safety of this
Colony. About Ten in the Morning We all embarked. The Names of the Gallies are the
Washington, the Effingham, the Franklin, the Dickenson, the Otter, the Bull Dog, and
one more, whose Name I have forgot. We passed down the River by Glocester where the
Vesseau de Frize are. These a[re] Frames of Timber to be fill'd with Stones and sunk, in three Rowes, in the Channell.1
I went in the Bull Dog Captn. Alexander Commander. Mr. Hillegas, Mr. Owen Biddle,
and Mr. Rittenhouse, and Capt. Faulkner [Falconer] were with me. Hillegas is one of our Continental Treasurers, is a great Musician—talks
perpetually of the Forte and Piano, of Handell &c. and Songs and Tunes. He plays upon
the Fiddle.
Rittenhouse is a Mechannic, a Mathematician, a Philsosopher and an Astronomer.
Biddle is said to be a great Mathematician. Both are Members of the American Philosophical
Society. I mentioned Mr. Cranch to them for a Member.
Our Intention was to have gone down to the Fort2 but the Winds and Tide being unfavourable We returned by the City and went up the
River to Point no Point, a pretty Place.3 On our Return Dr. Rush, Dr. Zubly and Counciller Ross, Brother of George Ross, joined
us.4
Ross is a Lawyer, of great Eloquence, and heretofore of extensive Practice. A great
Tory, they say, but now begins to be converted. He said the Americans were making
the noblest and firmest Resistance to Tyranny that ever was made by any People. The
Acts were founded in { 188 } Wrong, Injustice and Oppression. The great Town of Boston had been remarkably punished
without being heard.
Rittenhouse is a tall, slender Man, plain, soft, modest, no remarkable Depth, or thoughtfullness
in his Face—yet cool, attentive, and clear.
1. JA had furnished a brief description of the “Row Gallies” or “gondolas” in a letter
to Col. Josiah Quincy, 29 July (MHi; printed in JA, Works, 9:362). Immediately after the evacuation of Boston by the British, JA wrote to Cotton Tufts advising that vaisseaux de frise be used to defend Boston Harbor: “They are large Frames of great Timber, loaded with
stone and sunk—great Timbers barbed with Iron, pointed and feathered, are placed in
such a Posture as to intangle a Vessell, and shatter her, and sink her” (29 March 1776, NhHi). See drawings in PMHB, 65 (1941):354; also David B. Tyler, The Bay and River Delaware, Cambridge, Md., 1955, P. 32–33.
2. Later named Fort Mifflin and located on Mud (sometimes called Fort) Island, just below
the mouth of the Schuylkill.
3. Near the mouth of Frankford Creek in the region called Richmond. JA described it in detail in a letter to AA, 25 May 1777 (Adams Papers; printed in JA, Letters, ed. CFA, 1:230–231).
4. Rush gave his recollections of this jaunt on the Delaware in a letter to JA, 13 April 1790 (Adams Papers; printed in Benjamin Rush, Letters, 1:545).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0001
Date: 1775-10-04
[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] Oct. 3 [i.e. 4].1
Johnson. I should be for the Resolutions about Imports and Exports, standing, till further
order.
I should be vs. giving up the Carriage. The Grower, the Farmer gets the same, let
who will be the Exporter. But the Community does not. The Shipwright, Ropemaker, Hempgrower,
all Shipbuilders, the Profits of the Merchant are all lost, if Foreigners are our
sole Carriers, as well as Seamen, &c. I am for the Report standing, the Association
standing.
J. Rutledge. The Question is whether We shall shut our Ports entirely, or adhere to the Association.
The Re[solutions] we come to, ought to be final.
Lee. N. Carolina is absent. They are expected every Hour. We had better suspend a final
Determination. I fear our determination to stop Trade, will not be effectual.
Willing. N.C. promised to put themselves in the same situation with other Colonies.2N. York have done the same. Our Gold is lok'd up, at present. We ought to be decisive.
Interest is near and dear to Men. The Committee of Secrecy3 find Difficulties. Merchants dare not trade.
Deane. Sumptuary Laws, or a Non Imp[ortation] were necessary, if We had not been oppressed. A N[on] Export[ation] was attended with Difficulty. My Colony could do as well as others. We should have
acquiesced in an immediate Non Export. or a partial one. Many voted { 189 } for it as an Object in Terrorem. Merchants, Mechanicks, Farmers, all call for an Establishment.
Whether We are to Trade with all Nations except B[ritain], Ireland and West Indies, or with one or two particular Nations, We cannot get ammunition
without allowing some Exports, for The Merchant has neither Money nor Bills, and our
Bills will not pass abroad.
R. R. Livingston. We should go into a full Discussion of the Subject. Every Gentleman ought to express
his Sentiments. The 1st Q. is how far we shall adhere to our Association—What advantages
we gain, What Disadvantages we suffer, by it. An immediate Stoppage last year would
have had a great Effect: But at that time the Country could not bear it. We are now
out of Debt, nearly.
The high Price of Grain in B. will be an advantage to the Farmer. The Price of Labour
is nearly equal in Europe. The Trade will be continued and G.B. will learn to look
upon America as insignificant. If We export to B. and dont import, they must pay Us
in Money. Of great Importance that We should import. We employ our Ships and Seamen.
We have nothing to fear but Disunion among ourselves. What will disunite us, more
than the Decay of all Business. The People will feel, and will say that Congress tax
them and oppress them worse than Parliament.
Ammunition cannot be had unless We open our Ports. I am for doing away our Non Exportation
Agreement entirely. I see many Advantages in leaving open the Ports, none in shutting
them up. I should think the best way would be to open all our Ports. Let us declare
all those Bonds illegal and void. What is to become of our Merchants, Farmers, Seamen,
Tradesmen? What an Accession of Strength should We throw into the Hands of our Enemies,
if We drive all our Seamen to them.
Lee. Is it proper that Non Export. Ag[reemen]t should continue. For the Interest4 of Americans to open our Ports to foreign Nations, that they should become our Carriers,
and protect their own Vessells.
Johnson. Never had an Idea that We should shut our Export. Agreement closer than it is at
present. If We leave it as it is, We shall get Powder by Way of N. York, the lower
Counties and N. Carolina. In Winter our Merchants will venture out to foreign Nations.
If Parliament should order our Ships to be seized, We may begin a Force in Part to
protect our own Vessells, and invite Foreigners to come here and protect their own
Trade.
J. Rutledge. We ought to postpone it, rather than not come to a decisive Resolution.
{ 190 } Lee. We shall be prevented from exporting if B. Power can do it. We ought to stop our
own Exports, and invite foreign Nations to come and export our Goods for Us.
I am for opening our Exportations to foreigners farther than We have.
Willing. The Gents, favorite Plan is to induce foreigners to come here. Shall We act like
the Dog in the Manger, not suffer N.Y. and the lower Counties and N. Carolina to export
because We cant. We may get Salt and Ammunition by those Ports. Cant be for inviting
foreigners to become our Carriers. Carriage is an amazing Revenue. Holland and England
have derived their maritime Power from their Carriage. The Circulation of our Paper
will stop, and [lose?] its Credit without Trade. 7 Millions of Dollars have been struck by the Continent
and by the separate Colonies.
Lee. The End of Administration will be answered by the Gentns. Plan. Jealousies and Dissensions
will arise and Disunion and Division. We shall become a Rope of Sand.
Zubly. The Q. should be whether the Export should be kept or not.
Chace. I am for adhering to the Association and think that We ought not to determine these
Questions this day. Differ from R. Livingston,5 our Exports are to be relaxed except as to Tobacco and Lumber. This will produce
a Disunion of the Colonies. The Advantage of cultivating Tobacco is very great. The
Planters would complain. Their Negro females would be useless without raising tobacco.
That Country must grow rich that Exports more than they import. There ought not to
be a partial Export to Great Britain. We affect the Revenue and the Remittance, by
stopping our Exports. We have given a deadly Blow to B. and Ireland, by our Non Export.
Their People must murmur, must starve. The Nation must have become Bankrupt before
this day if We had ceased Exports at first. I look upon B., I. and W.I. as our Enemies,
and would not trade with them, while at War.
We cant support the War and our Taxes, without Trade. Emissions of Paper cannot continue.
I dread an Emission for another Campaign. We cant stand it without Trade.
I cant agree that N.Y., the lower Counties and N. Carolina, should carry on Trade.
Upon giving a Bond, and making Oath, they may export. I am vs. these Colonies trading
according to the restraining Act. It will produce Division. A few Weeks will put us
all on a footing. N. York &c. are now all in Rebellion as the Ministry call it, as
much as Mass. Bay.
We must trade with foreign Nations, at the Risque indeed. But We may export our Tobacco
to France, Spain or any other foreign Nation. { 191 } If We treat with foreign Nations, We should send to them as well as they to Us.
What Nation or Countries shall We trade with. Shall We go to there Ports and pay duties,
and let them come here and pay none.
To say you will trade with all the World, deserves Consideration.
I have not absolutely discarded every Glimpse of a Hope of Reconciliation. Our Prospect
is gloomy. I cant agree, that We shall not export our own Produce. We must treat with
foreign Nations upon Trade. They must protect and support Us with their Fleets.
When you once offer your Trade to foreign Nations, away with all Hopes of Reconciliation.
E. Rutledge. Differs with all who think the Non Exportation should be broke, or that any Trade
at all should be carried on.
When a Commodity is out of Port, the Master may carry it where he pleases.
My Colony will receive your Determination upon a general Non Export. The People will
not be restless. Proposes a general Non Export, untill next Congress.
Our People will go into Manufactures, which is a Source of Riches to a Country. We
can take our Men from Agriculture, and employ them in Manufactures.
Agriculture and Manufactures cannot be lost. Trade is precarious.
R. R. Livingston. Not convinced by any Argument. Thinks the exception of Tobacco and Lumber, would
not produce Disunion. The Colonies affected can see the Principles, and their Virtue
is such that they would not be disunited.
The Americans are their own Carriers now, chiefly. A few British Ships will be out
of Employ.
I am vs. exporting Lumber. I grant that if We trade with other Nations, some of our
Vessells will be seized and some taken. Carolina is cultivated by rich Planters—not
so in the northern Colonies. The Planters can bear a Loss and see the Reason of it.
The northern Colonies cant bear it.
Not in our Power to draw People from the Plough to Manufactures.
We cant make Contracts for Powder, without opening our Ports. I am for exporting where
B. will allow Us, to Britain itself. If We shut up our Ports, We drive our Sailors
to Britain. The Army will be supplied, in all Events.
Lee makes a Motion for 2 Resolutions. The Trade of Virginia and Maryland may be stopped
by a very small naval Force. N. Carolina is badly off. The Northern Colonies are more
fortunate.
The Force of G.B. on the Water being exceedingly great, that of { 192 } America, almost nothing—they may prevent allmost all our Trade, in our own Bottoms.
G.B. may exert every Nerve next Year, to send 15, 20, or even 30,000 Men to come here.
The Provisions of America, are become necessary to several Nations. France is in Distress
for them. Tumults and Attempts to destroy the Grain in the Year [Ear], England has turned Arable into Grass—France into Vines. Grain cant be got from Poland,
nor across the Mediterranean. The Dissentions in Poland continue. Spain is at War
with the Algerians, and must have Provisions. It would be much safer for them to carry
our Provisions than for Us. We shall get necessary Manufactures and Money and Powder.
This is only a temporary Expedient, at the present Time, and for a short Duration—to
End when the War ends. I agree We must sell our Produce. Foreigners must come in 3
or 4 Months. The Risque We must pay, in the Price of our Produce. The Insurance must
be deducted. Insurance would not be high to foreigners on account of the Novelty.
It is no new Thing. The B. Cruizers will be the Danger.
1. The debates recorded here, in the next entry, and in others farther on, took place
in a committee of the whole on “the state of the trade of the thirteen Colonies,”
which sat repeatedly during this session to discuss a report of a committee on American
trade appointed 22 September. From time to time the committee of the whole reported
recommendations for action but as late as 23 Dec. had not finished its deliberations.
See JCC, 3:259, 268–269, 276, 291–293, 307–308, 314–315, 361–364, 455. JA's own views on the momentous questions at issue (e.g. the problem of obtaining powder
and other essential munitions, of commercial relations with foreign powers, of building
a navy) do not appear in his notes of the debates, but he wrote frequently to James
Warren about them while the debates were going on; see his letters of 7, 19 (bis), 20, and 28 Oct. (MHi; printed in Warren-Adams Letters, 1:126–129, 145–147, 155–156, 166–167). Since JA took these notes hastily and never revised them, there are passages among them that
remain cryptic. For example, Samuel Chase's rambling speech appears to argue on both
sides of more than one of the questions at issue.
2. The ports of New York, Delaware (“the three lower Counties”), North Carolina, and
Georgia had not been closed by the so-called Restraining Acts of March–April 1775
(15 Geo. 3, chs. 10, 18). But as Chase predicted in the course of this debate, they
were soon to be (by the Prohibitory Act of Dec. 1775; 16 Geo. 3, ch. 5), and all the
mainland colonies “put ... on a footing.” Thus much of the warm discussion in committee
of the whole was irrelevant and immaterial.
4. That is, “It is for the Interest...”
5. Here supply “who holds that” or some equivalent phrase.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0002
Date: 1775-10-05
[Notes of Debates, Continued] Octr. 5.
Gadsden. I wish we may confine ourselves to one Point. Let the { 193 } Point be whether We shall shut up all our Ports, and be all on a footing. The Ministry
will answer their End, if We let the Custom houses be open, in N.Y., N.C., the lower
Counties and Georgia. They will divide us. One Colony will envy another, and be jealous.
Mankind act by their feelings. Rice sold for £3—it wont sell now for 30s. We have
rich and poor there as in other Colonies. We know that the excepted Colonies dont
want to take Advantage of the others.
Zubly. Q. whether the Custom houses be stopped, and the Trade opened to all the World. The
object is so great that I would not discuss it, on Horse back, riding Post haste.
It requires the debate of a Week. We are lifting up a Rod—if you dont repeal the Acts,
We will open our Ports.
Nations as well as Individuals are sometimes intoxicated. It is fair to give them
Notice. If We give them Warning, they will take Warning. They will send Ships out.
Whether they can stop our Trade, is the Question. N. England I leave out of the Question.
N.Y. is stopped by one Ship. Philadelphia says her Trade is in the Power of the fleet.
V[irginia] and Maryland, is within the Capes of Virginia. N. Carolina is accessible. Only one
good Harbour, Cape Fear. In G[eorgia] We have several Harbours, but a small naval Force may oppose or destroy all the naval
Force of Georgia.
The Navy can stop our Harbours and distress our Trade. Therefore it is impracticable,
to open our Ports.
The Q. is whether we must have Trade or not. We cant do without Trade. We must have
Trade. It is prudent not to put Virtue to too serious a Test. I would use American
Virtue, as sparingly as possible lest We wear it out.
Are We sure one Cano will come to trade? Has any Merchant received a Letter from Abroad,
that they will come. Very doubtfull and precarious whether any French or Spanish Vessell
would be cleared out to America. It is a Breach of the Treaty of Peace. The Spaniards
may be too lazy to come to America. They may be supplied from Sicily. It is precarious,
and dilatory—extreamly dangerous—and pernicious.
I am clearly vs. any Proposition to open our Ports to all the World. It is not prudent
to threaten.
The People of England will take it we design to break off, to separate. We have Friends
in Eng. who have taken this up, upon virtuous Principles.
Lee. I will follow Mr. Gadsden and simplify the Proposition, and confine it to the Q.
whether the Custom houses shall be shut? If they are open, the excepted Colonies may
trade, others not, which will be { 194 } unequal. The Consequence Jealousy, Division and Ruin. I would have all suffer equally.
But We should have some Offices, set up, where Bond should be given that Supplies
shall not go to our Enemies.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0003
Date: 1775-10-06
[Notes of Debates, Continued] Octr. 6.
Chase. I dont think the Resolution goes far enough.1 Ld. Dunmore has been many Months committing Hostilities vs. Virginia, and has extended
his Piracies to Maryland.2 I wish he had been seized, by the Colony, Months ago. They would have received the
Thanks of all North America.
Is it practicable now? Have the Committee any naval Force? This order will be a mere
Piece of Paper. Is there a Power in the Committee to raise and pay a naval Force?
Is it to be done at the Expence of the Continent. Have they Ships or Men.
Lee. I wish Congress would advise Virginia and Maryland to raise a Force by Sea to destroy
Ld. Dunmores Power. He is fond of his Bottle and may be taken by Land, but ought to
be taken at all Events.
Zubly. I am sorry to see the very threatening Condition that Virginia is likely to be in.
I look on the Plan We heard of yesterday to be vile, abominable and infernal—but I
am afraid it is practicable. Will these Mischiefs be prevented by seizing Dunmore.
Seizing the K's Representatives will make a great Impression in England, and probably
Things will be carried on afterwards with greater Rage.
I came here with 2 Views. One to secure the Rights of America. 2. A Reconciliation
with G. Britain.
Dyer. They cant be more irritated at home than they are. They are bent upon our Destruction.
Therefore that is no Argument vs. seizing them. Dunmore can do no Mischief in Virginia3—his Connections in England are such that he may be exchanged to Advantage. Wentworth
is gone to Boston. Franklyn is not dangerous. Pen is not. Eden is not.4
Johnson. Dunmore a very bad Man. A defensive Conduct was determined on, in the Convention
of Virginia. I am for leaving it to Virginia.
We ought not to lay down a rule in a Passion. I see less and less Prospect of a Reconciliation
every day. But I would not render it impossible. If We should render it impossible,
our Colony would take it into their own Hands and make Concessions inconsistent with
the Rights of America. N.C., V., P., N. York, at least have strong Parties, each of
them of that Mind. This would make a Disunion. Five or six Weeks will give Us the
final Determination of the People of G. Britain. Not a Governor in the Continent has
the real Power, but some have { [facing 194] } { [facing 195] } { 195 } the Shadow of it. A Renunciation of all Connection with G.B. will be understood by
a step of this Kind. 13 Colonies connected with G.B. in 16 Months have been brought
to an Armed Opposition to the Claims of G.B. The line We have pursued has been the
Line We ought to have pursued. If what we have done had been proposed two Years ago,
4 Colonies would not have been for it.
Suppose we had a dozen Crown Officers in our Possession. Have We determined what to
do with them? Shall we hang them.
Lee. Those who apply general Reasons to this particular Case will draw improper Conclusions.
Those Crown Officers who have advised his Lordship vs. his violent Measures, have
been quarrell'd with by him.
Virginia is pierced in all Parts with navigable Waters. His Lordship knows all these
Waters and the Plantations on them. Shuldam is coming to assist him in destroying
these Plantations. We see his Influence with an abandoned Administration, is sufficient
to obtain what he pleases.
If 6 Weeks may furnish decisive Information, the same Time may produce decisive destruction
to Maryland and Virginia. Did We go fast enough when We suffered the Troops at Boston
to fortify.
Zubly. This is a sudden Motion. The Motion was yesterday to apprehend Govr. Tryon.5 We have not yet conquered the Army or Navy of G.B. A Navy, consisting of a Cutter,
rides triumphant in Virginia. There are Persons in America who wish to break off with
G.B. A Proposal has been made to apply to France and Spain—before I agree to it, I
will inform my Constituents. I apprehend the Man who should propose it would be torn
to pieces like De Wit.
Wythe. It was from a Reverence for this Congress that the Convention of Virginia, neglected
to arrest Lord Dunmore. It was not intended suddenly, to form a Precedent for Govr.
Tryon. If Maryland have a Desire to have a Share in the Glory of seizing this Nobleman,
let them have it.
The 1st. objection is the Impracticability of it.—I dont say that it is practicable,
but the attempt can do no harm.
From seizing Cloathing in Delaware, seizing the Transports &c., the Battles of Lexington,
Charlestown, &c., every Man in Great Britain will be convinced by Ministry and Parliament
that We are aiming at an Independency on G.B. Therefore We need not fear from this
Step disaffecting our Friends in England. As to a Defection in the Colonies, I cant
answer for Maryland, Pensylvania, &c. but I can for Virginia.
Johnson. I am not vs. allowing Liberty to arrest Ld. Dunmore—there { 196 } is Evidence that the Scheme he is executing was recommended by himself. Maryland does
not regard the Connection with G.B. as the first good.
Stone. If We signify to Virginia, that it will not be disagreable to us, if they secure
Ld. Dunmore, that will be sufficient.
Lewis moves an Amendment, that it be recommended to the Council of Virginia, that they
take such Measures to secure themselves, from the Practices of Lord Dunmore, either
by seizing his Person, or otherwise as they think proper.
Hall. A Material Distinction between a peremptory order to the Council of Virginia, to
seize his Lordship, and a Recommendation to take such Measures as they shall judge
necessary, to defend themselves against his Measures.
Motion to export Produce for Powder.6
Sherman. I think We must have Powder, and We may send out Produce for Powder. But upon some
Gentlemens Principles We must have a general Exportation.
Paine. From the observations some Gentlemen have made I think this Proposition of more Importance
than it appeared at first. In Theory I could carry it further, even to Exportation
and Importation to G.B. A large Continent cant Act upon Speculative Principles, but
must be govern'd by Rules. Medicines, We must have—some Cloathing, &c. I wish We could
enter upon the Question at large, and agree upon some System.
Chase. By that Resolution We may send to G.B., Ireland and W. Indies.
Lee. Suppose Provisions should be sold in Spain for Money, and Cash sent to England for
Powder.
Duane. We must have Powder. I would send for Powder to London, or any where. We are undone
if We hant Powder.
Dean. I hope the Words “Agreable to the Association” will be inserted. But I would import
from G.B. Powder.
R. R. Livingston. We are between Hawk and Buzzard. We puzzle ourselves between the commercial and warlike
opposition.
Rutledge. If Ammunition was to be had from England only, there would be W[eigh]t in the Gentlemans Arg[ument].—The Captn. Reed7 told us Yesterday that he might have bro't 1000 Blls. of Powder. Why? Because he
was not searched. But if he had attempted to bring Powder, he would have been search'd.—I
would let the Ass[ociation] stand as it is, and order the Committee to export our Provisions consistent with
it.
{ 197 } Lee. When a Vessell comes to England vs. our Association, she must be observed and watched.
They would keep the Provisions, but not let us have the Powder.
Deane. I have not the most distant Idea of infringing the Association.
Duane. The Resolution with the Amendment amounts to nothing. The Committee may import now
consistent with the Association. I apprehend that by breaking the Association We may
import Powder, without it not. We must have Powder. We must fight our Battles in two
or three Months, in every Colony.
J. Rutledge. They may export to any other Place and thence send Money to England.
New York Letter, concerning a Fortification on the high Lands, considered.8
Dyer. Cant say how far it would have been proper to have gone upon Romains Plan in the
Spring, but thinks it too late now. There are Places upon that River, that might be
thrown up in a few days, that would do. We must go upon some Plan that will be expeditious.
Lee. Romain says a less or more imperfect Plan would only be beginning a Strong hold for
an Enemy.
Deane. An order went to N. York. They have employed an Engineer. The People and he agree
in the Spot and the Plan. Unless We rescind the whole, We should go on. It ought to
be done.
1.
“Resolved, That it be recommended to the several provincial Assemblies or Conventions, and
councils or committees of safety, to arrest and secure every person in their respective
colonies, whose going at large may, in their opinion, endanger the safety of the colony,
or the liberties of America” (JCC, 3:280).
2. The activities of John Murray, 4th Earl of Dunmore, last royal governor of Virginia, after his expulsion from Williamsburg in June 1775,
are documented in Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, vol. 1; see the index under Dunmore.
3. This passage is cryptic. Dyer may have said (or meant) that Dunmore could do no more mischief in Virginia in consequence of an order to seize him than he was already
doing.
4. John Wentworth, governor of New Hampshire; Sir William Franklin, governor of New Jersey; John Penn, lieutenant governor of Pennsylvania; Robert Eden, governor of North Carolina.
5. William Tryon, of New York Province.
7. Probably Thomas Read, brother of the Delaware delegate George Read and a naval officer in the service
of Pennsylvania. See Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:216 and note.
8. The letter was from the New York Committee of Safety, 19 September. The New York Provincial
Congress had engaged the engineer and cartographer Bernard Romans to draw plans for
fortifications on the Hudson at the Highlands above New York City. See JCC, 2:59–60; 3:280–282; Force, Archives, { 198 } 4th ser., 3:732, 1279–1280; Romans' plans are reproduced in same, following col. 736.
See also JA's Notes of Debates, 7 Oct., below.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0004
Date: 1775-10-07
[Notes of Debates, Continued] Octr. 7.
Chase. It is the maddest Idea in the World, to think of building an American Fleet.1 Its Latitude is wonderfull. We should mortgage the whole Continent. Recollect the
Intelligence on your Table—defend N. York—fortify upon Hudsons River.
We should provide for gaining Intelligence—two swift sailing Vessells.
Dyer. The Affair of Powder from N. York should be referr'd to the Committee.
Hopkins. No Objection to putting off the Instruction from Rhode Island, provided it is to
a future day.
Paine. Seconds Chace's Motion, that it be put off to a future day Sine die.
Chace. The Gentleman from Maryland never made such a Motion. I never used the Copulative.
The Gentleman is very sarcastic, and thinks himself very sensible.
Zubly. If the Plans of some Gentlemen are to take Place, an American Fleet must be a Part
of it—extravagant as it is.
Randolph moves that all the orders of the day should be read every Morning.
Deane. I wish it may be seriously debated. I dont think it romantic, at all.
J. Rutledge. Move that some Gentn. be appointed to prepare a Plan and Estimate of an American
Fleet.
Zubly seconds the Motion.
Gadsden. I am against the Extensiveness of the Rhode Island Plan, but it is absolutely necessary
that some Plan of Defence by Sea should be adopted.
J. Rutledge. I shall not form a conclusive opinion till I hear the Arguments. I want to know how
many Ships are to be built and what they will cost.
S. Adams. The Committee cant make an Estimate untill they know how many Ships are to be built.
Zubly. Rhode Island has taken the lead. I move that the Delegates of R.I. prepare a Plan,
give us their opinion.
J. Adams. The Motion is entirely out of order. The Subject is put off for a Week, and now a
Motion is to appoint a Committee to consider the whole subject.
{ 199 } Zubly, Rutledge, Paine, Gadsden, lightly skirmishing.
Deane. It is like the Man that was appointed to tell the Dream and the Interpretation of
it. The Expence is to be estimated, without knowing what Fleet there shall be, or
whether any att all.
Gadsden. The design is to throw it into Ridicule. It should be considered out of Respect to
the Colony of R. Island who desired it.
Determined against the appointment of a Committee.
Report of the Committee for fortifying upon Hudsons River considered.
J. Rutledge. I think We should add to the Report, that they take the most effectual Measures to
obstruct the Navigation of Hudsons River by Booms or otherwise.
Gadsden seconds the Motion.
Deane doubts the Practicability of obstructing it with Booms, it is so wide.
The Committee said 4 or 5 Booms chained together, and ready to be drawn across, would
stop the Passage.2
The Congress of N.Y. is to consult the Assembly of Connecticutt and the Congress of
N. Jersey, the best Method of taking Posts and making Signals, and assembling Forces
for Defence of the River.
Gadsden. Moves that all the Letters, laid before us from England, should be sent to the Convention
of N. York. Tryon is a dangerous Man, and the Convention of that Colony should be
upon their guard.
Lee. I think the Letters should by all means be sent.
Rutledge. Dr. F. desired they might not be printed. Moves that Gen. Wooster with his Troops
may be ordered down to N. York.
Duane. Moves that Woosters Men may be employed in building the Fortifications.
Dyer 2ds the Motion allowing the Men what is usual.
Sherman. Would have the order conditional, if Schuyler dont want them. Understands that N.Y.
has the best Militia upon the Continent.
R. Livingston. They will be necessary at the Highlands.
Dyer thinks they ought to have the usual allowance for Work.
S. Adams. Understands that the Works at Cambridge was done without any Allowance, but that
G[eneral] W[ashington] has ordered that for future works they be allowed half a Pistareen a day.
Langdon would not have the order to Wooster, but to Schuyler for he would not run any risque
of the northern Expedition.
{ 200 } Rutledge thinks Schuyler cant want them. He waited only for Boats to send 500 Men more.
Sherman. Would it not be well to inform Schuyler of our endeavours to take the Transports
and desire him to acquaint Coll. Arnold of it.
Rutledge. He may cooperate with Arnold in taking the Transports. I hope he is in Possession
of Montreal before now.
Deane. I wish that whatever Money is collected, may be sent along to Schuyler.
E. Rutledge. We have been represented as beggarly fellows, and the first Impressions are the strongest.
If We eat their Provisions and dont pay, it will make a bad Impression.
Ross. Produces a Resolve of the Assembly of Pensylvania that their Delegates lay the Connecticutt
Intrusion before Congress, that something may be done to quiet the Minds.3
J. Rutledge moves that the Papers be referr'd to the Delegates of the two Colonies.
Willing. Thinks them Parties and that they must have an Umpire.
Sherman. Thinks they may agree on a temporary Line.
Lee. Moves that Parliamentary or ministerial Post may be stopp'd, as a constitutional
Post is now established from N.H. to G.4
Langdon 2d[s] the Motion.
Willing. Thinks it is interfering with that Line of Conduct which we have hitherto prescribed
to ourselves—it is going back beyond the Year 1763.
Lee. When the Ministry are mutilating our Correspondence in England, and our Enemies here
are corresponding for our ruin, shall We not stop the ministerial Post.
Willing. Looks upon this to be one of the offensive Measures which are improper at this Time—it
will be time enough to throw this aside when the Time comes that we shall throw every
Thing aside—at present We dont know but there may be a Negociation.
Dyer. We have already superceeded the Act of Parliament effectually.
Deane is for a Recommendation to the People to write by the constitutional Post, not forbid
a Man to ride.
S. Adams thinks it a defensive Measure, and advising People not to write by it, looks too
cunning for me. I am for stopping the Correspondence of our Enemies.
{ 201 } Langdon. Administration are taking every Method to come at our Intentions, why should not
we prevent it.
Duane. I shall vote vs. it. It may be true that We are come to the Time when We are to lay
aside all. I think there should be a full Representation of the Colonies. N.C. should
be here.
Deane 2d[s] the Motion for postponing it.
Zubly. The Necessity of this Measure does not appear to me. If We have gone beyond the Line
of 1763 and of defence without apparent Necessity it was wrong, if with Necessity
right. I look upon the Invasion of Canada [as] a very different Thing. I have a Right to defend myself vs. Persons who come vs.
me, let em come from whence they will. We in G. have gain[ed] Intelligence by the K's Post that We could not have got any other Way. Some Gentlemen
think all Merit lies in violent and unnecessary Measures.
S. Adams. The Gentlemans Argument would prove that We should let the Post go into Boston.
Moreton. Would not this stop the Packett. Would it not be ordered to Boston. Does the Packett
bring any Intelligence to Us that is of Use?
Lee. No Intelligence comes to Us, but constant Intelligence to our Enemies.
Stone. Thinks it an innocent Motion, but is for postponing it, because he is not at present
clear. He thinks that the setting up a new Post has already put down the old one.
Paine. My opinion was that the Ministerial Post will die a natural death. It has been under
a Languishment a great while. It would be Cowardice to issue a Decree to kill that
which is dying. It brought but one Letter last time, and was obliged to retail Newspapers,
to bear its Expences. I am very loath to say that this Post shall not pass.
Lee. Is there not a Doctor Ld. North who can keep this Creature alive.
R. R. Livingstone. I dont think that Tory Letters are sent by the Royal Post. I consider it rather as
a Convenience than otherwise. We hear 5 times a Week from N.Y.
The Letters upon our Table advise us to adopt every conciliatory Measure, that we
may secure the Affections of the People of England.
1. On 3 Oct. “One of the Delegates for Rhode Island laid before the Congress a part of
the Instructions given them by the House of Magistrates, Aug. 26, 1775,” stating that
“this Assembly is persuaded, that the building and equipping an American fleet, as
soon as possible, would greatly and essentially conduce to the preservation of the
lives, liberty and property of the good people of these Colonies,” and urging, therefore,
that such a fleet be built “at the Continental expence” (JCC, 3:274). This momentous proposal was debated for the first time on 7 Oct., and in
the present notes JA has recorded the earli• { 202 } est formal discussion of the idea of an American navy. The time not yet being quite
ripe, Congress deferred further discussion until the 16th, and continued to postpone
action until mid-December (same, p. 281, 420). Meanwhile a very urgent practical problem
arose, and though it bore directly on the question of establishing a naval armament,
Congress for a time kept the general and the particular problems strictly separate.
The particular problem sprang from the news, received 5 Oct., that two vessels loaded
with powder and munitions had sailed from England for Quebec. A committee of three
was immediately appointed “to prepare a plan for intercepting” these valuable prizes;
it brought in recommendations which were adopted the same day; and next day it brought
in further recommendations (for a pair of swift armed vessels) which were adopted
on 13 Oct. (same, p. 276–279, 293–294). Still no “navy”! The Journal does not name
the members of the committee that prepared these reports, but in his Autobiographyand
elsewhere JA says they were Silas Deane, John Langdon, and himself; see especially JA to Langdon, 24 Jan. 1813 (LbC, Adams Papers; printed in JA, Works, 10:27–28). A new committee was appointed on the 13th to carry out the resolutions
adopted that day; it consisted of Deane, Langdon, and Gadsden (JCC, 3:294). But on the 30th Congress enlarged both the membership and duties of the
committee and named JA as one of the additional members (same, p. 311–312). At first called the committee
to fit out armed vessels, it was soon referred to as “the naval committee,” because
it was actually organizing a naval force; see List of Persons Suitable for Naval Commands,
Nov. 1775, below, and note there. In his Autobiography JA left a graphic account of the sessions of this committee, held every evening “in
a public house in the City” and constituting, JA thought, “the pleasantest part of my Labours for the four Years I spent in Congress.”
Early in 1776 the nominally limited functions of this special committee were absorbed
by the new and permanent Marine Committee, which in December had developed out of
the Rhode Island instruction quoted at the beginning of this note. The Marine Committee
consisted of one member from each colony, and since JA was absent when it was formed he was not a member.
Dry as these details are, they are essential for understanding and correcting JA's various accounts of the origins of the American navy and for filling in the gaps
left by the meager record in the Journal. For further clarification and references
see Charles O. Paullin, The Navy of the American Revolution, Cleveland, 1906, chs. 1 and 3; and two exhaustively documented notes in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:216, and 2:318. The pertinent documents will be published in The Naval Documents of the American Revolution, in preparation by the Office of Naval History of the United States Navy, under the
editorship of William Bell Clark.
3. The Pennsylvania Assembly's resolve, 30 Sept. 1775, is printed in JCC, 3:283. It was at first referred to the Pennsylvania and Connecticut delegates in
Congress, but nothing conclusive came of it. On the Wyoming Valley controversy at
this stage, see Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:248, and references there.
4. Nothing on this subject appears in the Journal under this date, but just possibly
(as suggested by CFA) the discussion arose in connection with a paragraph in the report of the committee
on fortifying the Hudson recommending the establishment of posts “to be ready to give
intelligence to the country, in case of any invasion” (JCC, 3:282).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0005
Date: 1775-10-10
[Notes of Debates, Continued] Octr. 10.
Who shall have the Appointment of the Officers in the 2 Battallions to be raised in
New Jersey?1
{ 203 } Sherman. Best to leave it to the Provincial Conventions.
Ward seconds the Motion.
Chace. This is persisting in Error in Spight of Experience. We have found by Experience
that giving the Choice of Officers to the People, is attended with bad Consequences.
The French Officers are allowed to exceed any in Europe, because a Gentleman is hardly
entituled to the Smiles of the Ladies without serving a Campaign. In my Province,
We want Officers. Gentlemen have recommended Persons from personal Friendships, who
were not suitable. Such Friendships will have more Weight, in the Colonies.
Dyer. We must derive all our Knowledge, from the Delegates of that Colony. The Representatives
at large are as good Judges and would give more Satisfaction. You cant raise an Army
if you put Officers over the Men whom they dont know. It requires Time to bring People
off from ancient Usage.
E. Rutledge. We dont mean to break in upon what has been done. In our Province we have raised
our Compliment of Men in the Neighbouring Colonies. I am for it that We may have Power
to reward Merit.
Ward. The Motion is intended for a Precedent. In the Expedition to Carthagena and Canada,
the Crown only appointed a Lieutenant in my Colony. The Men will not enlist. When
the Militia Bill was before Us. I was vs. giving the Choice to the Men. I dont know
any Man in the Jerseys.
Duane. A Subject of Importance—a Matter of Delicacy. We ought to be all upon a Footing.
We are to form the grand Outlines of an American Army—a general Regulation. Will such
a Regulation be salutary? The public Good alone, will govern me. If We were to set
out anew, would the same Plan be pursued. It has not been unprecedented, in this Congress.
Mr. Campbell, Allen, Warner, were promoted here. We ought to insist upon it. We shall
be able to regulate an Army better. Schuyler and Montgomery would govern my Judgment.
I would rather take the opinion of Gen. Washington than of any Convention. We can
turn out the unworthy and reward Merit. The Usage is for it.
Governors used to make Officers—except in Con. and Rhode Island. But We cant raise
an Army? We are then in a deplorable Situation indeed. We pay. Cant We appoint with
the Advice of our Generals.
Langdon. Looks upon this [as] a very extraordinary Motion, and big with many Mischiefs.
Deane. It is the Peoples Money, not ours. It will be fatal. We cant sett up a Sale for Offices,
like Lord Barrington.
{ 204 } E. Rutledge. The appointment hitherto has been as if the Money belonged to particular Provinces
not to the Continent. We cant reward Merit. The Governor appointed Officers with Us.
Ross. My Sentiments coincide with those of the Gentlemen from N.Y. and C[arolina] and would go farther and appoint every Officer, even an Ensign. We have no Command
of the Army! They have different Rules and Articles.
Jay. Am of opinion with the Gentleman who spoke last. The Union depends much upon breaking
down provincial Conventions. The whole Army refused to be mustered by your Muster
Master.
1. On 9 Oct. Congress recommended to the New Jersey Convention that it immediately raise
two battalions “at the expence of the Continent,” but did not mention the appointment
of any field officers. During the two following days the question was debated whether
New Jersey or the Continental Congress should appoint these officers. The matter was
finally settled on 7 Nov., when Congress elected precisely the officers nominated
by the Convention. See JCC, 3:285–286, 287, 288, 335; William Livingston to Alexander Stirling, 8 Nov. 1775
(Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:250).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0006
Date: 1775-10-12
[Notes of Debates, Continued] Oct. 12.
Report, on Trade, considered in a Committee of the whole.1
Lee. It has been moved to bring the debate to one Point, by putting the Q. whether the
Custom houses shall be shut up, and the officers discharged from their several Functions.
This would put N. York, N.C., lower Counties and Georgia upon the same Footing with
the other Colonies.
I therefore move you, that the C[ustom] Houses be shut, and the officers discharged. This will remove Jealousies and Divisions.
Zubly. The Measure, We are now to consider, extreamly interesting. I shall offer my Thoughts.
If We decide properly, I hope We shall establish our Cause—if improperly, We shall
overthrow it, altogether.
1st Prop[osition]. Trade is important. 2. We must have a Reconciliation with G.B. or the Means of carrying
on the War. An unhappy day when We shall2
A Republican Government is little better than Government of Devils. I have been acquainted
with it from 6 Years old.
We must regulate our Trade so as that a Reconciliation be obtained or We enable[d] to carry on the War.
Cant say, but I do hope for a Reconciliation, and that this Winter may bring it. I
may enjoy my Hopes for Reconciliation, others may enjoy theirs that none will take
Place.
A Vessell will not go, without Sails or Oars. Wisdom is better than { 205 } Weapons of War. We dont mean to oppose G.B. merely for Diversion. If it is necessary
that We make War, and that we have the Means of it, This Continent ought to know what
it is about. The Nation dont. We ought to know what they mean to be about. We ought
to have Intelligence of the Designs. K. of Prussia and Count Daune march'd and counter
march'd untill they could not impose upon Each other any more. Every Thing We want
for the War are Powder and Shot.
2d Thing necessary that We have Arms and Ammunition.
3. We must have Money. The Cont[inent']s Credit must be supported. We must keep up a Notion that this Paper is good for Something.
It has not yet a general Circulation. The Mississippi Scheme in France and the South
Sea Scheme in England were written for our Learning. An hundred Million fell in one
day. 20 Men of War may block up the Harbour of N. York, Del[aw]are River, Cheasapeak Bay, the Carolinas and Georgia.
Whether We can raise a Navy is an important Question. We may have a Navy—and to carry
on the War We must have a Navy. Can We do this without Trade? Can we gain Intelligence
without Trade. Can We get Powder without Trade? Every Vessell you send out is thrown
away. N. England where the War is may live without Trade. [The?] Money circulates there—they may live. Without Trade our People must starve. We cannot
live. We cannot feed or cloath our People. My Resolution was that I would do and suffer
any Thing rather than not be free. But I resolved not to do impossible Things.
If We must trade, We must trade with Somebody, and with Somebody that will trade with
us, either with foreigners or G.B. If with foreigners, We must either go to them or
they must come to us. We cant go to them if our Harbours are shut up. I look upon
the Trade with foreigners as impracticable. St. Lawrence being open is a Supposition.
N. England People last War went to C[ape] Francois.
Spaniards are too lazy to come to Us.
If We cant trade with foreigners we must trade with G. Britain. Is it practicable.
Will it quit cost. Will it do more hurt than good. This is breaking our Association.
Our People will think We are giving Way and giving all up. They will say one mischivous
Man has overset the whole Navigation. I speak from Principle. It has been said here
that the Association was made in terrorem.
Gadsden. 2ds. Lees Motion, and affirms that We can carry on Trade from one End of the Continent
to the other.
Deane. Custom house Officers discharged! Were they ever in our { 206 } Pay, in our service. Let em stand where they are. Let this Congress establish what
Offices they please. Let the others die. I think that all the Colonies ought to be
upon a footing. We must have Trade. I think We ought to apply abroad. We must have
Powder and Goods. We cant keep our People easy without.
Lee. The Gentleman agrees that all ought to be upon a Footing. Let him shew how this can
be done without shutting the Customhouses.
Jay. This should be the last Business We undertake. It is like cutting the Foot to the
shoe, not making a shoe for the Foot. Let Us establish a System first.
I think We ought to consider the whole, before We come to any Resolutions. Now Gentlemen
have their Doubts whether the N. Exportation was a good Measure. I was last Year,
clear vs. it. Because the Enemy have burn'd Charlestown, would Gentlemen have Us burn
N. York? Let us lay every Burden as equal on all the Shoulders that We can. If Prov[idence] or Ministry inflict Misfortunes on one, shall We inflict the same on all? I have
one Arm sore—why should not the other Arm be made sore too? But Jealousies will arise.
Are these reasonable? Is it politick? We are to consult the general Good of all America.
Are We to do hurt to remove unreasonable Jealousies. Because Ministry have imposed
hardships on one, shall We impose the same on all. It is not from affection to N.
York, that I speak. If a Man has lost his Teeth on one side of his Jaws, shall he
pull out the Teeth from the other that both sides may be upon a Footing? Is it not
realizing the Quarrell of the Belly and the Members? The other Colonies may avail
themselves of the Custom houses in the exempted Colonies.
Lee. All must bear a proportional share of the Continental Expence. Will the exempted
Colonies take upon themselves the whole Expence. V. pays a sixth Part, the lower Counties
an 80th.—yet lower Counties may trade, V. not. The Gentleman exercised an Abundance
of Wit to shew the Unreasonableness of Jealousies. If this ministerial Bait is swallowed
by America another will be thrown out.
Jay. Why should not N.Y. make Money, and N. Jersey not. One Colony can cloath them.
McKean. I have 4 Reasons for putting the favoured Colonies upon a footing with the rest.
1st. is to disappoint the Ministry. Their design was insidious. 2. I would not have
it believed by Ministry or other Colonies that those Colonies had less Virtue than
others. 3. I have a Reconciliation in View, it would be in the Power of those Colonies,
it might become their Interest to prolong the War. 4. I believe Parlia• { 207 } ment has done or will do it for us, i.e. put us on the same footing. I would choose
that the exempted Colonies should have the Honour of it. Not clear that this is the
best Way of putting them upon a Footing. If We should be successfull in Canada, I
would be for opening our Trade to some Places in G.B., Jamaica, &c.
J. Rutledge. Wonders that a Subject so clear, has taken up so much Time. I was for a general Non
Exportation. Is it not surprizing, that there should so soon be a Motion for breaking
the Association. We have been reproached for our Breach of Faith in breaking the Non
Imp[ortation]. I have the best Authority to say that if We had abided by a former Non Imp. We should
have had redress. We may be obliged hereafter to break the Association, but why should
We break it before We feel it. I expected the Delegates from the exempted Colonies
would have moved to be put upon the same footing.
Dont like shutting the C. Houses and discharging the Officers—but moves that the Res[olution] be, that People in York, N. Car., Georgia and lower Counties dont apply to the Custom
house.
Zubly. Georgia is settled along Savanna River, 200 miles in Extent, and 100 mile the other
Way. I look upon it the Association alltogether will be the Ruin of the Cause. We
have 10,000 fighting Indians near us. Carolina has already smuggled Goods from Georgia.
Chase. I will undertake to prove that if the Revd. Gentlemans Positions are true and his
Advice followed, We shall all be made Slaves. If he speaks the Opinion of Georgia
I sincerely lament that they ever appeared in Congress. They cannot, they will not
comply!—Why did they come here? Sir We are deceived. Sir We are abused! Why do they
come here? I want to know why their provinc[ial] Congress came to such Resolutions. Did they come here to ruin America. That Gentlemans
Advice will bring Destruction upon all N. America. I am for the Resolution upon the
Table. There will be Jealousies, if N.Y. and the other exempted Colonies are not put
upon a footing.
It is not any great Advantage to the exempted Colonies. What can they export that
will not be serviceable to G.B. and the West Indies.
The exports of N. Car. are of vast Importance to G.B. If these Colonies are in Rebellion,
will not their Effects be confiscated, and seized even upon the Ocean.
Arms and Ammunition must be obtained by what is call'd Smuggling. I doubt not We shall
have the Supply. Leaving open N. York &c. will prevent our getting Arms and Ammunition.
Houstoun. Where the Protection of this Room did not extend, I would not set very tamely.
{ 208 } Chase. I think the Gentleman ought to take offence at his Brother Delegate.
Wythe. Agrees with the Gentleman from N. York that We dont proceed regularly. The Safety
of America depends essentially on a Union of the People in it. Can We think that Union
will be preserved if 4 Colonies are exempted. When N. York Assembly did not approve
the Procedings of the Congress it was not only murmured at, but lamented as a Defection
from the public Cause. When Attica was invaded by the Lacedemonians, Pericles ordered
an Estate to be ravaged and laid waste because he tho't it would be exempted, by the
Spartan King.
Nothing was ever more unhappily applied, than the fable of the Stomach and the Limbs.
Sherman. Another Argument for putting [sentence unfinished]
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0007
Date: 1775-10-13
[Notes of Debates, Continued] Octr. 13.
R. Livingston. Hopes the whole Matter will be putt off. Is willing as it seems the general sense,
that all should be put upon a Footing.
Gadsden. Hopes it will not be putt off. S. Carolina will be in the utmost Confusion if this
matter is not decided. Let the Continent determine.
Stone. Can see no particular Inconvenience to Carolina. 2ds. the Motion of Mr. Livingston,
for postponing the Question, and gives his Reasons.—The Powder Committee must take
Clearances. If they are allowed to take Clearances, and no other, then whenever they
take a Clearance it will be known, that it is for Powder, and the Vessell will be
watched.
Lee. I see very clearly, that the best Time for putting a Question is when it is best
understood. That Time is the present. As to Powder, Time may be allowed for the Committee
to clear Vessells.
J. Rutledge. Thinks this Motion extraordinary. This Subject has been under Consideration 3 Weeks.
It is really trifling. The Committee may have Time allowed to clear Vessells for Powder.
But I had rather the Continent should run the Risque of sending Vessells without clearances.
What Confusion would ensue if Congress should break up without any Resolution of this
sort. The Motion seems intended to defeat the Resolution entirely. Those who are against
it, are for postponing.
{ 209 } Jay. We have complied with the restraining Act. The Question is whether we shall have
Trade or not? And this is to introduce a most destructive Scheme, a scheme which will
drive away all your Sailors, and lay up all your Ships to rot at the Wharves.1
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0008
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-10-16
[John Tyler's Bill for Repairing A Pistol.]1
| To Cleaning a pistol | 0: | 2: | 0 |
| To one side pin | 0: | 0: | 9 |
| To two small screws to the Lock | 0: | 1: | 0 |
| To a new tumbler to ..... Do. | 0: | 3: | 0 |
| £0: | 6: | 9 |
[dateline] [16 October 1775] Reed of Mr. Jno. Adams the Contents in full of all Demands
[signed] Pr me Jno. Tyler
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. Endorsed by JA. Date supplied from an entry in JA's Account with Massachusetts, Aug.-Dec. 1775, above.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0009
Date: 1775-10-20
[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] Oct. 20.1
Deane. Their Plunder only afforded one Meal of fresh meat for the privates. All the rest
was reserved for the Officers and their Friends among the Inhabitants. I would have
Traders prohibited from importing unnecessary Articles, and from exporting live Stock,
except Horses.
Gadsden. If we give one leave when there is 100 who have an equal Right, it will occasion
Jealousy. Let each Colony export to the Amount of so many thousand Pounds, and no
more.
Chase. We have Letters, from Guadaloupe, Martinique and the Havanna that they will supply
us with Powder for Tobacco.
Gadsden. France and Spain would be glad to see G.B. despotic in America. Our being in a better
State than their Colonies, occasions complaints among them, Insurrections and Rebellions,
but these Powers would be glad We were an independent State.
Chase. The Proposition is for exporting for a special Purpose, importing Powder. I would
not permit our Cash to go for Rum. Live Stock is an inconsiderable Part of our Cargoes.
{ 210 } I dont wish to intermix any Thing in this debate. I would restrain the Merchant from
importing any Thing but Powder &c.
Molasses was an Article of importance in the Trade of the Northern Colonies. But now
they cant carry on the African Trade, and the Rum is pernicious. If you give a Latitude
for any Thing but Arms and Ammunition, We shant agree what Articles are necessary
and what unnecessary. Each Colony should carry on this Trade, not individuals. I would
not limit the Quantity of Ammunition to be imported by each Colony. An 100 Ton a Colony
would supply the W. Indies mediately and the Army and Navy. 20 Ton would be a considerable
Adventure for a Colony. Debts are due from the B[ritish] W. India Islands to the Inhabitants of these Colonies. I am not for permitting Vessells
to go in Ballast and fetch Cash. I wish to import Cash from every Place as much as
possible.
Deane. It cannot be done with secrecy or dispatch. I rather think it would be as well to
leave it to Traders.
Zubly. It is of great Weight that there be no favourites.
Dyer. There will be such continual Applications to the Assemblies, by their Friends among
the Traders, it will open a compleat Exportation. It would compleatly supply the W.
Indies.
Jay. We have more to expect from the Enterprise, Activity and Industry of private Adventurers,
than from the Lukewarmness of Assemblies. We want French Woolens, dutch Worsteds,
Duck for Tents, German Steel, &c. Public Virtue is not so active as private Love of
Gain. Shall We shutt the Door vs. private Enterprise.
Lee. The Gentleman may move for those Things as Exceptions to the general Rule.
Randolph. We are making Laws contradictory in Terms. We say nobody shall export and yet Somebody
shall. Against all Rule.
Lee. It is a common Rule in making Laws, to make a Rule and then make a Proviso for special
Cases.
Dyer. The Rule and the Proviso are passed at once in the same Act, 'tho. If I give my Voice
for an Unconditional Proposition, what security have I that the Condition or Proviso
will be added afterwards. The greatest Impropriety, in the World.
Chase. Both Sides are right, and it arises from this, that one Proposition is to be made
public the other kept secret. We have very little Confidence in each other.
Zubly. If half the Law is to be public and the other half secret, will not half the People
be governed by one half and the other half by the other. Will they not clash?
{ 211 } Jay. Least your Produce falls into the Hands of your Enemies, you publish a Law that none
go from the Continent. Yet to get Powder, We keep a secret Law that Produce may be
exported. Then comes the Wrangles among the People. A Vessell is seen loading. A fellow
runs to the Committee.
Lee. The Inconvenience may arise in some Measure, but will not the People be quieted,
by the Authority of the Conventions. If We give public Notice, our Enemies will be
more active to intercept Us. On the Contrary the People may be quieted by the Committees
of Safety.
Wythe. The only Persons who can be affected by this Resolution are those, whom on the other
side the Water will be called Smugglers. Consider the danger these Smugglers will
run—lyable to seizure by C. House officers, by Men of War at Sea, and by Custom house
officers in the Port they go to. What can they bring. Cash, Powder, or foreign Manufactures.
Cant see the least Reason for restraining our Trade, as little can be carried on.
My Opinion is We had better open our Trade altogether. It has long been my Opinion,
and I have heard no Arguments vs. it.
Zubly. We cant do without Trade. To be, or not to be is too tariffing a Question for many
Gentlemen. All that Wise Men can do among many Difficulties, is to choose the least.
Stone. Cannot agree to the Proposition made by the gentleman from Maryland. Not for binding
the People closer, than they are bound already. The Proposition is the same with that
which was made that our Vessells should be stopp'd and foreigners invited to come
here for our Produce and protect their own Trade. This appears to be a destructive
System.
It was a laborious Task to get America into a general Non Exportation to G.B., I.,
and W. Indies.
Shall We now combine with Britain, to distress our People in their Trade, more than
by the Association. People have look'd up to this, and are unwilling to go further.
The restraining Bill a most cruel, unjust, unconstitutional Act: Yet We are going
to greater Cruelties than they. We are all to be in the same Circumstances of Poverty
and Distress. Will the West Indies be supplied by a circuitous Trade. I think not.
How can the West Indies get Supplies from France, Holland or Spain? The whole Produce
will not be carried. It is said the Men of War will take the Produce. This Argument
will operate against exporting for Powder. The Army will be supplied. It is impossible
to prevent their getting Supplies at least of Bread. It appears to me, this is not
a temporary Expedient, but will have a perpetual Influence. It is { 212 } a destructive, ruinous Expedient and our People never will bear it. Under the faith
that your Ports would be kept open to foreigners, People have made Contracts with
foreigners. You are giving a Sanction to the Act of Parliament, and going further.
Under such a Regulation We never can exist.
I would export Produce to foreign W. Indies, or any where for Powder. But the Mode
of doing it, will defeat it. The Assemblies never will turn Merchants successfully.
I would have private Adventurers give Bond, to return Powder, or the Produce itself.
Chase. Differs from his Colleague. A different Proposition from that for restraining our
People and inviting foreigners. This Proposition invites your People.
If you carry on your Exports, without the Protection of a foreign Power you destroy
America.
If you Stop Provisions and not other Produce you create a Jealousy. If you export
Provisions and not other Produce you create a Jealousy. Dont think the Risque will
prevent Supplies to the W. I. Islands.
We must prevent em Lumber as well as Provisions. Great Quantities will be exported,
notwithstanding the Risque. All the fleet of B. cannot stop our Trade. We can carry
it all on. We must starve the W. I. Islands and prevent em exporting their Produce
to G.B. There will be great Quantities of Provisions and Lumber exported. It will
enhance the Expence to carry em to Spain or France first and thence to the W. Indies,
but the Price will be such that the W. Indies will get em.—I hold it clearly We can
do without Trade. This Country produces all the Necessaries, many of the Conveniences
and some of the Superfluities of Life. We cant grow rich. Our Provisions will be cheap.
We can maintain our Army and our Poor. We shant loose our Sailors —The Fishermen will
serve in another Capacity. We must defend the Lakes, and Cities.
Merchants will not grow rich—there is the Rub. I have too good an opinion of the Virtue
of our People to suppose they will grumble.
If We drop our commercial System of Opposition We are undone.— We must fail.—We must
give up the Profits of Trade or loose our Liberties.
Let the Door of Reconciliation be once shutt, I would trade with foreign Powers and
apply to them for Protection.
Leave your Ports open, and every Man that can will adventure. The Risque will not
prevent it.
It was strongly contended at the first Congress that Trade should be stopp'd to all
the World, that all Remittances should cease. You would have saved a civil War if
you had, but it could not be carried—the Gen• { 213 } tleman from S. Carolina could not prevail to stop our Exports to B., I. and W.I.
Our Vessells will all be liable to Seizure—our Trade must be a smuggling Trade. Yet
We can trade considerably, and many Vessells will escape. No Vessell can take a Clearance.
Many Vessells will go out unless you restrain them. All America is in suspence. The
common sense of the People have pointed out this Measure. They have stopped their
Vessells.
Lee. We possess a fine Climate and a fertile Soil. Wood, Iron, Sheep &c. We make 11. or
12,00000 thousand2 Pounds Worth of Provisions more than is necessary for our own Consumption. Dont think
it necessary to combat the Opinion of some Gentlemen that We cannot live without Trade.
Money has debauched States as well as Individuals, but I hope its Influence will not
prevail over America vs. her Rights and dearest Interests.
We shall distress the W. Indies so as immediately to quit Coin for Corn. 4 Millions
go yearly from the W. Indies to B. and a Million at least returns. If our Provisions
go from these Shores, then they will go where the best Price is to be had. W. Indies
and our Enemies will get em.
If it was not proper a year ago, it may be now. This Proposition is not perpetual.
When We get Powder We may make ourselves strong by sea and carry on Trade.
J. Rutledge. A Question of the greatest Magnitude that has come before this Congress. If it is
necessary to do without Trade our Constituents will submit to it. The Army will be
supplied with Flower from England, where it is now cheaper than here. But they would
be supplied here, if they were to demand it, upon Pain of destroying our Towns. W.
Indies are supplied and have laid up Stores, and some of them have been raising Provisions
on their own Lands. It will bear hard upon the Farmer as well as the Merchant. Dont
think the Reasons the same now as last Year. It would then have destroyed the Linen
Manufactory, and the W.I.—but now they have had Notice of it they are prepared against
it.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0010
Date: 1775-10-21
[Notes of Debates, Continued] Octr. 21.
Zubly. We cant do without Powder, Intelligence, Druggs. Georgia { 214 } must have an Indian War, if they cant supply the Indians. The Creeks and Cherrokees
are in our Province. We must have Indian Trade. Four Millions have been spent in 6
Months. We have been successfull. But We have gain'd little. All the Power of G.B.
it is true, has gained very little. N. England has been at great Expence, so has N.
York. Pensylvania has spent hundred thousand Pounds of their Money to fortify their
River. Virginia as much. N. Carolina a great deal. S. Carolina have issued a Million.
18 Millions of Dollars is an enormous Sum of Money. Whenever your Money fails, you
fail too. We are to pay Six Millions, now, 12 Millions more presently, and have no
Trade. I would bear the Character of a Madman, or that of an Emissary of Lord North,
rather than believe it possible to pay 18 Millions of Dollars without Trade. Can We
make bricks without Straw? We can live upon Acorns, but will We?
Wythe. The Rule that the Question should be put upon the last Motion that is made and seconded—this
is productive of great Confusion in our Debates—6 or 7 Motions at once.
Commerce, whether we consider it, in an Economical, a moral, or political Light appears
to be a great Good. Civility and Charity, as well as Knowledge are promoted by it.
The Auri Sacra Fames is a fine Subject for Philosophers and Orators to display themselves
upon. But the abuse of a Thing is not an Argument vs. it. If the Gentleman was possessed
of Philosophers Stone or Fortunatus's Cap, would he not oblige the Continent with
the Use of it.
Why should not America have a Navy? No maritime Power, near the Sea Coast, can be
safe without it. It is no Chimaera. The Romans suddenly built one in their Carthaginian
War. Why may We not lay a Foundation for it. We abound with Furs [Firs], Iron ore, Tar, Pitch, Turpentine. We have all the materials for construction of
a Navy. No Country exceeds us in Felicity of Climate or Fertility of Soil. America
is one of the Wings upon which the British Eagle has soared to the Skies. I am sanguine,
and enthusiastical enough to wish and to hope, that it will be sung that America inter
Nubila condit. British Navy will never be able to effect our Destruction. Before the
days of Minus, Natives round the Archipelago carried on piratical Wars. The Moors
carry on such Wars now, but the Pillars of Hercules are their Ne Plus ultra. We are
too far off, for Britain to carry on a Piratical War. We shall sometime or other rise
superiour to all the difficulties they may thro in our Way.—I wont say there is none
that doeth good in Britain, no not one, but I will say she has not righteous Persons
enough to save { 215 } their State. They hold those Things honorable which please em and those for just which
profit em.
I know of no Instance where a Colony has revolted and a foreign Nation has interposed
to subdue them. But many of the Contrary. If France and Spain should furnish Ships
and Soldiers, England must pay them! Where are her Finances. Why should We divert
our People from Commerce and banish our Seamen.
Our Petition may be declared to be received graciously, and promised to be laid before
Parliament. But We can expect no success from it. Have they ever condescended to take
Notice of you. Rapine, Depopulation, Burning, Murder. Turn your Eyes to Concord, Lexington,
Charlestown, Bristol, N. York—there you see the Character of Ministry and Parliament.
We shall distress our Enemies by stopping Trade. Granted. But how will the small Quantities
we shall be able to export, supply our Enemies. Tricks may be practised.
If desire of Gain prevails with Merchants so does Caution against Risques.
Gadsden. I wish We could keep to a Point. I have heard the two Gentlemen, with a great deal
of Pleasure. I have argued for opening our Ports, but am for shutting them untill
We hear the Event of our Petition to the King, and longer untill the Congress shall
determine otherwise. I am for a Navy too, and I think that shutting our Ports for
a Time, will help us to a Navy. If We leave our Ports open, warm Men will have their
Ships seized, and moderate ones will be favoured.
Lee. When you hoist out a Glimmering of Hope that the People are to be furnished from
abroad, you give a Check to our own Manufactures. People are now everywhere attending
to Corn and Sheep and Cotton and Linen.
Chase. A Glove has been offered by the Gentleman from Georgia and I beg leave to discharge
my Promise to that Gentleman to answer his Arguments.
My Position was this—that that Gentlemans System would end in the total destruction
of American Liberty. I never shall dispute self evident Propositions.
The present State of Things requires Reconciliation, or Means to carry on War. Intelligence
We must have. We must have Powder and shot. We must support the Credit of our Money.
You must have a Navy to carry on the War. You cant have a Navy says the Gentleman.
What is the Consequence? I say, that We must submit.
{ 216 } G.B. with 20 ships can distroy all our Trade, and ravage our sea Coast—can block up
all your Harbours—prevent your getting Powder. What is the Consequence? That We should
submit. You cant trade with nobody, you must trade with Somebody. You cant trade with
any Body but G.B.—therefore I say We must submit. We cant trade with foreigners, the
Gentleman said. The whole Train of his Reasoning proved that We must break our whole
Association as to Exports and Imports. If We trade with G.B. will she furnish us with
Powder and Arms.
Our Exports are about 3 Millions. Would B. permit us to export to her, and receive
Cash in return? It would impoverish and ruin G.B. They will never permit a Trade on
our Side without a Trade on theirs!
Gentn. from N. York, would not permit Tobacco and Naval Stores to be sent to G.B.—nothing
that will support their naval Power or Revenue. But will not this break the Union?
Would 3 Colonies stop their Staple when the other Colonies exported theirs.
1500 Seamen are employed by the Tobacco Colonies—125 Sail of british Ships.
But you may drop your Staple, your Tobacco. But it is difficult to alter old Habits.
We have a great Number of female Slaves, that are best employed about Tobacco. N.C.
cannot, will not give up their Staple.
The Gentleman from G. was for trading with G.B. and all the World. He says We cant
trade with any Nation but Britain, therefore We must trade with B. alone.
What Trade shall we have, if We exclude B., I., W.I., british and foreign. Eastern
Provinces may carry it on with a small Fleet, if their Harbours were fortified. S[outhern] Colonies cannot. Eastern Colonies cant carry on their Trade to that Extent without
a naval Power to protect em not only on the Coast but on the Ocean, and to the Port
of their Destination. The same force, that would assist the Eastern Colonies, would
be of little service to us in summer Time. It must be a small, narrow and limited
Trade.
The best Instrument We have is our Opposition by Commerce. If We take into Consideration
G.B. in all her Glory—Commons voted 18.18.20 milions1 last War, 80,000 seamen, from her Trade alone. Her strength is all Artificial—from
her Trade alone.
Imports from G.B. to the united Colonies are 3 Millions per annum—15 Millions to all
the World—1/5th. 3/4 is british Manufactures.
A Thousand british Vessells are employed in American Trade. 12 Thousand Sailors—all
out of employ. What a Stroke! I dont take into view I[reland] or W. Indies.
{ 217 } Colonies generally indebted about one years Importation. The Revenue of Tobacco alone
half a Million, if paid. N[orth] Britain enter less than the Quantity and dont pay what they ought. It employs a great
Number of Manufacturers. Reexported abroad is a Million. It is more. 80,000 Hdds.
are reexported and pays british Debts. The Reexport employs Ships, Sailors, Freight,
Commissions, Insurance.
Ireland. The flaxseed 40,000£ st. Linen brought 2,150000£ from I. to England. Yard
200,000. Ireland can raise some flaxseed, but not much.
W. Indies. Glover, Burk, and other Authors. They depend for Indian Corn and Provisions,
and Lumber, and they depend upon Us for a great Part of the Consumption of their Produce.
Indian Corn and Fish are not to be had but from the Colonies, except Pilchards and
Herrings. Jamaica can best provide for her Wants, but not entirely. Ireland can send
em Beef and Butter but no Grain. B. can send em Wheat, Oats not Corn, without which
they cannot do.
Stop Rum and Sugar, how do you affect the Revenue and the Trade?
They must relax the Navigation Act to enable foreign Nations to supply the W. Indies.
This is dangerous as it would force open a Trade between foreigners and them.
Britain can never support a War with Us, at the Loss of such a valuable Trade.
Affrican Trade dependent upon the W. India Trade.—700,000£.
25,000 Hdds. of Sugar are imported directly into these Colonies and as much more,
from Britain, manufactured.
Jamaica alone takes 150,000£ st. of our Produce.
National Debt 140,0000,2 ten Millions the Peace Establishment. 20 Million the whole Current Cash of the Nation.
Blackstone. I never read any Body that better understood the subject. For the State
of the Revenue, He calculates the Taxes of Ireland and England.
Taxes of B. perpetual and annual. Funds three—the Aggregate, general and South Sea.
Taxes upon every Article of Luxuries and Necessaries. These funds are mortgaged for
the civil List 800,000 as well as the Interest of the Debt.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0011
Date: 1775-10-25
Octr. 25th. 1775. Wednesday.
Mr. Duane told me at the Funeral of our late virtuous and able President1 that he, Mr. Duane, had accustomed him self to read the { 218 } Year Books. Mr. De Lancey who was C[hief] J[ustice] of N. York he said advised him to it, as the best Method of imbibing the Spirit of
the Law. De Lancey told him that he had translated a Pile of Cases from the Year Books,
altho he was a very lazy Man.
Duane says that Jefferson is the greatest Rubber off of Dust that he has met with,
that he has learned French, Italian, Spanish and wants to learn German.2
Duane says, he has no Curiosity at all—not the least Inclination to see a City or
a Building &c.
That his Memory fails, is very averse to be burthened. That in his Youth he could
remember any Thing. Nothing but what he could learn, but it is very different now.
Last Evening Mr. Hewes of N. Carolina, introduced to my Namesake and me, a Mr. Hog
from that Colony, one of the Proprietors of Transylvania, a late Purchase from the
Cherokees upon the Ohio. He is an associate with Henderson who was lately one of the
Associate Judges of N. Carolina, who is President of the Convention in Transylvania.
These Proprietors have no Grant from the Crown nor from any Colony, are within the
Limits of Virginia and North Carolina, by their Charters which bound those Colonies
on the South Sea. They are charged with Republican Notions—and Utopian Schemes.3
1. “This Ev'ning the honble. Peyton Randolph Esqr. late President of the Congress died
suddenly of a paryletick fit at the house of Mr. Henry Hill near Schuylkill” (R. T.
Paine, Diary, MHi, 22 Oct. 1775; see also Samuel Ward to Henry Ward, 24 Oct., in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:240). Next day (Monday) Congress appointed a committee “to superintend the funeral,”
which took place on Tuesday the 24th, with Jacob Duché delivering a sermon at Christ
Church and the entire Congress attending as mourners.
2. Though this is the first mention of Jefferson in JA's Diary, it by no means implies that the two men were unacquainted. They had served
together in Congress for about six weeks in the preceding summer and had been colleagues
on one important committee, that which prepared a reply to Lord North's conciliatory
proposal in July 1775; see Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:225–233, and notes there. But since JA kept no diary during that session, we do not have his first impressions of the Virginia
delegate whose career was to be so closely entwined with his own.
3. James Hogg had just arrived as a “delegate” representing the Transylvania Company, which, having
purchased a vast tract of land from the Cherokee Indians, was endeavoring to establish
a fourteenth colony in what is now Kentucky and Tennessee. Hogg's very interesting
report on his “embassy” to Philadelphia is printed in Force, Archives, 4th ser., 4:543–546; see especially col. 544 on his meeting with “the famous Samuel and John Adams.” See also additional references in a footnote on the present entry as printed by Burnett
in Letters of Members, 1:210, under the erroneous date of 28 Sept.—an error that must be nearly unique
in this invaluable work but that is attributable to the inconspicuousness of the date
headings in JA's Diary as printed by CFA.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0012
Date: 1775-10-27
[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1775. Octr. 27.1
R. R. Livingston. Cloathing will rise tho Provisions will fall. Labourers will be discharged. One Quarter
Part of R. Island, N. York, and Pensylvania depend upon Trade, as Merchants, Shopkeepers,
Shipwrights, Blockmakers, Riggers, Smiths, &c. &c. &c.
The 6 Northern [Colonies]2 must raise 9 millions of Dollars to support the Poor.
This Vote will stop our Trade for 14 months, altho it professes to do it only to the
20th of March. For the Winter when the Men of War cannot cruise upon the Coast is
the only Time that We can trade.
Wealthy Merchants, and monied Men cannot get the Interest of Money.
More Virtue is expected from our People, than any People ever had. The low Countries
did not reason as We do about speculative opinions, but they felt the oppression for
a long Course of Years, rich and poor.
Zubly. Concludes that the Sense and Bent of the People, is vs. stopping Trade by the Eagerness
with which they exported before the 10th. of September.
We cant get Intelligence, without Trade. All that are supported by Trade, must be
out of Business.
Every Argument which shews that our Association will materially affect the Trade of
G.B. will shew that We must be affected too, by a Stoppage of our Trade.
G.B. has many Resources. I have bought 2 Barrells of Rice in Carolina for 15s. and
Negro Cloth was 3s. instead of 18d.
The W. Indies will get supplies to keep soul and Body together. The ingenious Dutchmen
will smuggle some Indian Corn from America.
Is it right to starve one Man because I have quarelled with another. I have a great
Scruple whether it is just, or prudent. In Decr. 1776, We shall owe between 20 and
30 Millions of Money.
J. Rutledge. Am for adhering to the Association and going no further. The Non Export, in Terrorem—and
generally agreed.
The Consequences will be dreadfull, if We ruin the Merchants.
Will not the Army be supplied if Vessells go from one Province to another.
We may pass a Resolution that no live Stock shall be exported.3
1. First entry in booklet “25” as numbered by CFA (our D/JA/25). This is a memorandum book with red-brown leather covers containing
a handful of scattered entries in 1775–1776, the last being dated 13 Oct. 1776, followed
by notes on French grammar and vocabulary and a list of Philadelphia ad• { 220 } dresses of delegates to the Continental Congress.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0013
Date: 1775-10-29
1775. Octr. 29. Sunday.
Paine brought in a large Sample of Salt Petre, made in this City, by Mr. Ripsama.
It is very good, large and burns off, when laid upon a Coal like moist Powder. I tried
it.
Heard Mr. Carmichael, at Mr. Duffils, on “Trust in the Lord and do good, so shall
you dwell in the Land and verily thou shallt be fed.”
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0004-0014
Date: 1775-10-30
[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1775. Octr. 30th. Monday.1
Ross. We cant get Seamen to man 4 Vessells. We could not get Seamen to mann our Boats,
our Gallies.
Wythe, Nelson, and Lee for fitting out 4 Ships.
1. From D/JA/25, which then has a gap until 24 Jan. 1776. The present fragment is from
a debate on resolutions, agreed to this day, to fit out four armed vessels for Continental
service. Another resolution added JA to the committee to execute this business. See JCC, 3:311–312, and entry of 7 Oct. and note, above.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0005-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-11-13
[William Smith's Bill for Sundry Medicines.]1
[dateline] Philadelphia Novr. 13th.[1775]
| At the Rising Sun in Second Street between Market and Chestnut Streets. | |||
| 2 ozs. Cinnamon | £0: | 6: | 0 |
| 1 oz. Turkey Rhubarb | 2: | 6 | |
| 1 oz. Cloves | 2: | ||
| 1 oz. Pink Root | 1: | ||
| £ | 11: | 6 | |
[signed] Recd. the Contents for Dr. Wm. Smith per Malachy Salter Junr.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0005-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-11-29
[Ann Smith's Bill for Laundry. ]1
| { 221 } | ||||
| £ | s | d | ||
| Novr. 29 | For washing of Seven doz. and 4 pieces of Lining at 3/6 per doz | 1 | 5 | 4 |
| For mending | 0 | 3 | 9 | |
| 1 | 9 | 1 |
[signed] Received the Contents per Me Ann Smith
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0005-0003
Date: 1775-11
[List of Persons Suitable for Naval Commands, November 1775]1
Captn. Isaac Sears
Thos. Randall
John Hanson
Christopher Miller
John Harrison.
Dudley Saltonstall
Eseck Hopkins.
Abraham Whipple.
[]Souther.
James Dougherty
Thomas More.
[]Reed.
Charles Alexander.
Michael Corbitt.
[]Davinson.
Clement Lempriere. S.C.
[]Obrian.
[]Carghill.
John Lawrence.
[]Alexander2
[]Faulkner.
Simeon Sampson. P.3
1. This list, not printed by CFA in his edition of the Diary, was written inside the back cover of D/JA/24. Since
the names were obviously put down at different times, the list may be supposed a running
memorandum of persons suggested for commands in the naval force for which Congress
was being forced to plan in the last months of 1775; see entries of 7 and 30 Oct. and notes, above.
On 2 Nov. Congress voted $100,000 for the work of the committee on armed vessels or
“naval committee,” and authorized it “to agree with such officers and seamen, as are
proper to man and command said vessels” (JCC, 3:316). Probably the present list of qualified officers was begun at that moment.
On 5 Nov.JA wrote to Elbridge Gerry, a member of the Massachusetts House: “I must ... intreat
you to let me know { 222 } the Names, Places of Abode, and Characters, of such Persons belonging to any of the
seaport Towns in our Province, who are qualified for Officers and Commanders of Armed
Vessells” (NHpR). Gerry must have brought this and JA's related inquiries before the House, for a partial copy of his letter is among the
papers of that body, docketed “Mr. Speaker Mr. Gerry Colo. Orne,” evidently a committee
to whom it was referred (M-Ar: vol. 207). On the same day (5 Nov.) JA had addressed a very similar appeal to James Warren, speaker of the House (MHi; Warren-Adams Letters, 1:174–175), and Warren replied in detail on 14–16 Nov., naming Simeon Sampson and Daniel Souther as good officer candidates (Adams Papers; same, p. 181–186). Souther was well up on JA's list, but Sampson is the last name there and may have been added upon receipt of
Warren's letter. If this is so, it fixes an approximate closing date for the list,
say soon after 20 November.
On 22 Dec. the committee reported to Congress the names of the officers it had already
appointed (JCC, 3:443). Of the five senior officers—Ezek Hopkins, “commander in chief of the fleet,”
and Saltonstall, Whipple, Biddle, and John Burroughs Hopkins, captains—three are on
JA's list. Others from that list obtained Continental commands later on, and still others
served as privateers or in state naval forces, but detailed annotation of these names
must be left to naval historians.
2. Doubtless a repeated entry for Charles Alexander, above.
3. An alphabetical arrangement, with the names filled in and corrected and the colonies
with which they were associated, follows. Since many of the names are common ones,
some of the identifications must be considered tentative: Charles Alexander, Penna.
James? Cargill, Mass. Michael Corbet, Mass. Samuel Davison, Penna. James Dougherty,
probably Penna. Nathaniel Falconer, Penna. John Hanson, Md. John Harrison, Md. Ezek
Hopkins, R.I. John Lawrence, probably Conn. Clement Lempriere, S.C. Christopher Miller,
N.Y. Thomas Moore, Md. Jeremiah O'Brien, Mass. Thomas Randall, N.Y. or Penna. Thomas
Read, Del. Dudley Saltonstall, Conn. Simeon Sampson, Mass, (the “P.” following his
name must stand for Plymouth, his home port.) Isaac Sears, Mass. Daniel Souther, Mass.
Abraham Whipple, R.I.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0006-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-06-24
Date: 1775-11-07
Date: 1775-12-07
[John Stille's Bill for Clothing.]1
| John Adams Esqr. To John Stille | Dr. | |||
| 1775 June 24th. | ||||
| To makeing Suit of Nankeen | 0: | 6: | 0 | |
| 3 3/4 Y[ard]s of Linnen @ 3/6 | 0: | 13: | 1 | 1/2 |
| Buttons | 0: | 2: | 7 | |
| Thread 1/6 Silk 3/ hair 2/ Buckram /3 Staying 1/6 | 0: | 8: | 3 | |
| £2: | 9: | 11 | 1/2 | |
| Novem 7th. | ||||
| To makeing 2 pair of Draws | 0: | 4: | 0 | |
| 3 Y[ard]s of Superfine White flannel at 7/ | 1: | 1: | ||
| £3: | 14: | 11 | 1/2 | |
[dateline] Received December 7th: 1775 the Above Contents in full
[signed] John Stille
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0006-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-12-08
[Robert Aitken's Bill for Books]1
| John Adams Esqr. Bought of R. Aitken | ||||
| 1775 | ||||
| Decr. 8 | To 3 red Memdm. books @ 1/32 | 3 | 9 | |
| To 2 Sticks Sealing wax 1/ | 2 | |||
| To Marshall Saxe's Reveries I paid to Mrs. Hall for you | 13 | |||
| <To 1 Sett political Disquisitions 3 Vols.> | <1> | <10> | < > | |
| 0 | 18 | 9 | ||
[dateline] Decr. 8th. 1775 Recd. of the Above account in full For Robt. Aitken
[signed] Frans: Sellers
N.B. I am not certain whither it was the Political Disquisitions or some other book
you had from me, when you got them you proposed paying me but for want of Change at
that time, it was not done, & I omitted setting any of your Accot. down in my book.
I therefore beg you will set the matter right.
[signed] R. Aitken
.3
3. James Burgh, author of Political Disquisitions ..., London, 1774–1775, had already presented to JA an inscribed set of the first two volumes of this work critical of British political
institutions. The inscription is dated 7 March 1774. When the third volume was published
in the following year, Burgh sent JA a complete set, inscribing this also. Both sets survive in the Boston Public Library.
See JA to Burgh, 28 Dec. 1774 (Adams Papers, an incomplete draft; printed in JA, Works, 9:350–352).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0006-0003
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-12-08
[Daniel Smith's Bill for Entertainment.]1
| Jno. Adams | Dr. | |||
| s | d | |||
| 1775 | To Club Venison Dinner | 10 | 10 | |
| 2 Bottles Cyder | 2 | |||
| S | 12 | 10 | ||
[dateline] [8 December 1775] Recd. the Contents
[signed] Danl. Smith
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. Date supplied from an entry in JA's Account with Massachusetts, Aug.–Dec. 1775, above.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0007-0001
Date: 1775-12-09
1775. Decr. 9th.1
1. This is the first regular entry since 29 Oct. in JA's Diary. Why he failed to keep a record of either personal or congressional affairs
during the last six weeks he attended Congress is unexplained except by the number
of committees on which he sat and the amount of writing that some of them, notably
the so-called naval committee, required. His correspondence also fell off. On 25 Nov. he wrote to Mercy Warren:
“I wish it was in my Power to write to you oftener than I do, but I am really engaged
in constant Business [from] seven to ten in the Morning in Committee, from ten to four in Congress and from Six
to Ten again in Committee. Our Assembly is scarcly numerous enough for the Business.
Every Body is engaged all Day in Congress and all the Morning and evening in Committees”
(Adams Papers).
In respect to JA's activities in Congress the gap in the Diary is at least partially supplied by his
Autobiography, which states that he sought a leave at this time because he was “worn
down with long and uninterrupted Labour.”
2. JA's itinerary and expenses on this return trip from Philadelphia are recorded in meticulous
detail in his Account with Massachusetts, Aug.-Dec. 1775, q.v. above. He arrived in Braintree on 21 December.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0007-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1775-12-09
[Sarah Yard's Bill for Board.]1
| To Board from Septr. 12 to Decr. 8 at 30s. per Week | 18: | 17: | 0 |
| To a Servants Board for same Time at 15s. per Week | 9: | 8: | 6 |
| To Clubb in Punch and Wine at Dinner and in your own Room | 11: | 0: | 0 |
| To Sperma Ceti Candles at .05s. per Week | 3: | 0: | 0 |
| To Firewood for 8 Weeks at 7s: 6 per Week | 1: | 10: | 0 |
| To Cash paid for the Post | 0: | 3: | 0 |
| 43: | 18: | 6 | |
| 20: | 0: | 0 | |
| 23: | 18: | 6 |
[signed] By Cash recd, the Above in fool Sarah Yard
>
[dateline] December 9th 1775
Philad
1. M-Ar: vol. 210. In JA's hand except the dated acknowledgment of payment, which was written and signed by
Mrs. Yard. At foot of page are some arithmetical calculations by JA, apparently irrelevant, and a highly relevant notation by the legislative committee
appointed to report on JA's accounts converting £23 18s. 6d. Philadelphia currency to £19 2s. gd. lawful money;
see JA's Account with Massachusetts, Aug.–Dec. 1775, above, and note 3 there.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0007-0003
Date: 1775-12-10
1775. Decr. 10. Sunday.
Rode from Bristol to Trenton, breakfasted, rode to Princetown, and dined with a Captain
Flahaven, in Ld. Sterlings Regiment, who has been express to Congress from his Lordship.
{ 225 } Flahaven's Father lives in this Province. He has lived in Maryland. Says that the
Virginia Convention granting the Scotch Petition to be neutral has done all the Mischief
and been the Support of Lord Dunmore. He says the Scotch are in some Parts of Virginia
powerfull—that in Alexandria he has heard them cursing the Congress and vilifying
not only their public Proceedings but their private Characters. He has heard them
decrying the Characters of the Maryland Delegates particularly Chase and the Virginia
Delegates particularly Lee, Henry and Washington.
Last Evening, when I dismounted at Bristow, the Taverner shewed me into a Room, where
was a young Gentleman very elegantly dress'd, with whom I spent the Evening. His name
I could not learn. He told me, he had been an Officer in the Army but had sold out.
I had much Conversation with him and some of it very free.
He told me, We had two valuable Prizes among the Prisoners, taken at Chambly and St.
Johns—a Mr. Barrington Nephew of Lord Barrington, and a Captain Williams who he says
is the greatest Officer in the Service. He gives a most exalted Character of Williams
as a Mathematician, Phylosopher, Engineer, and in all other Accomplishments of an
Officer.
In the Evening Mr. Baldwin came to see me. We waited on Dr. Witherspoon the President
of the Colledge where we saw Mr. Smith and two other of the light Horse from Philadelphia
going to the Camp with a Waggon.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0005-0007-0004
Recipient: Bass, Joseph
Date: 1775-12-21
[Joseph Bass' Bills to John and Samuel Adams.]1
| AD 1775 | ||||||||
| Sepr. 11 | For bording at Mr. Dibleys | 0: | 8: | 5 | ||||
| Oct. | For one pr. of Quality binding | 0 | 4 | 0 | ||||
| Paid to the Sadler | 0 | 2: | 3 | |||||
| Paid for triming of the horses | 0 | 5: | 0 | |||||
| For one Quir of paper | 0 | 3: | 6 | |||||
| For one Dito | 0 | 3: | 6 | |||||
| For one stick of sealing wax | 0: | 1: | 0 | |||||
| For one Comb | 0 | 2 | 6 | |||||
| For one Quier of paper | 0 | 3: | 6 | |||||
| £ | s | d | ||||||
| Pen. Curr. | £1 | 13 | 8 | = | 1: | 7: | 0 | |
| L.M. |
[signed] Recd. the above Joseph Bass
Mr. Adamses bill
| £ | s | d | |
| To my Wages from 28th. Aug. to 21. Deer. 1775 @ £3 per Month | 11: | 5: | 0 |
[signed] Recd. the above in full Joseph Bass
| AD 1775 | £ | s | d | |
| Nor. 8 | For travling Charges to Philidelpha | 19: | 18: | 0 |
| To one doz of pipes | 0: | 15: | 0 | |
| For hors hier | 1: | 3: | 9 | |
| Nor. 28 | For one doz of pipes | 0: | 18: | 0 |
| To half a doz Dito | 0: | 3: | 0 | |
| To two pound of tobacow | 0: | 18: | 0 | |
| Old Ten[or] | £23: | 15: | 9 |
Recd. one half of Mr. J. Adams £1:1 is: 6 L.M.
[signed] Joseph Bass
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0001-0001
Date: 1776-01-03
1776 Jany. 3d. Wednesday.1
1. This heading without text is the last entry in D/JA/24.
After a week in Braintree JA resumed his seat, 28 Dec., in the Massachusetts Council, which was sitting in Watertown.
A payroll record in the Council Papers (M-Ar: vol. 164) indicates that he attended sixteen days between then and 24 Jan., the
day before he set out once more for Congress, and was paid £5 10s. 10d. for travel
and services. His work on committees was as intense as it had been in Congress; see
the Council Journal for this session as printed in Force, Archives, 4th ser., 4:1219–1312. One of his committee assignments led to a very characteristic
composition from JA's pen, a proclamation “By the Great and General Court of the Colony of Massachusetts-Bay,”
dated 23 Jan. 1776 and designed to be read “at the opening of the several Courts of
Justice through this Colony, and at Town-Meetings” (Ford, Mass. Broadsides, No. 1973, with facsimile facing p. 272; MS in M-Ar: vol. 138; see Council Journal, Force, Archives, 4th ser., 4:12–46, 1268–1270; Mass., House Jour., 1775–1776, 3d sess., p. 189–92). Others took him to headquarters in Cambridge for
consultations with Gen. Washington and formal councils of war. His surviving correspondence
with Washington, together with the Council Journal, shows that he was repeatedly at
headquarters in January, and the next entry in the Diary records that he dined with
a party of officers, including the commander in chief, and their ladies at Cambridge
on the day before he started for Philadelphia.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0001-0002
Date: 1776-01-24
1776. January 24. Wednesday.1
Began my Journey to Phildelphia, dined at C[olonel] Mifflins at { 227 } Cambridge with G. Washington, and Gates and their Ladies, and half a Dozen Sachems
and Warriours of the french Cocknowaga Tribe, with their Wives and Children. Williams
is one, who was captivated in his Infancy, and adopted. There is a Mixture of White
Blood french or English in most of them. Louis, their Principal, speaks English and
french as well as Indian. It was a Savage feast, carnivorous Animals devouring their
Pray. Yet they were wondrous polite. The General introduced me to them as one of the
Grand Council Fire at Philadelphia, upon which they made me many Bows, and a cordial
Reception.2
1. First entry in D/JA/25 since 30 Oct. 1775. The following entries, through 29 Jan.,
are from the same booklet.
On 15 Dec. 1775 the General Court elected the two Adamses, Hancock, and Paine to another
year's term as delegates to the Continental Congress, but replaced Thomas Cushing
with Elbridge Gerry—an action that disturbed conservatives both in Massachusetts and
in Congress. See Mass., House Jour, 1775–1776, 3d sess., p. 44; Samuel Adams to James Warren, 8 March 1776, Warren-Adams Letters, 1:211–212. But JA was pleased by it and had the company of Gerry on the road to Philadelphia, where
the two arrived on 8 Feb. and took their seats in Congress next day (JA to AA, 11 Feb. 1776, Adams Papers; see also JCC, 4:122).
2. On the Caughnawagas, who had come to offer their services to the Americans, see Washington
to Philip Schuyler, 27 Jan. 1776 (Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 4:280–281).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0001-0003
Date: 1776-01-25
1776. Jany. 25. Thursday.
About 10 Mr. Gerry called me, and we rode to Framingham, where We dined. Coll. Buckminster
after Dinner shewed us, the Train of Artillery brought down from Ticonderoga, by Coll.
Knox.1 It consists of Iron—9 Eighteen Pounders, 10 Twelves, 6. six, four nine Pounders,
Three 13. Inch Mortars, Two Ten Inch Mortars, one Eight Inch, and one six and an half.
Howitz,2 one Eight Inch and an half and one Eight.
Brass Cannon. Eight Three Pounders, one four Pounder, 2 six Pounders, one Eighteen
Pounder, and one 24 Pounder. One eight Inch and an half Mortar, one Seven Inch and
an half Dto. and five Cohorns.
After Dinner, rode to Maynards, and supped there very agreably.
1. The documents relative to Knox's transportation of the great train of artillery from
Fort Ticonderoga to the American camp outside Boston are printed by Alexander C. Flick in N.Y. State Hist. Assoc., Quart. Jour., 9:119–135 (April 1928). They include Knox's own inventory of the guns, with which
JA's list closely corresponds and which has been helpful in interpreting JA's confusing punctuation in this passage.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0001-0004
Date: 1776-01-26
1776 Jany 26. Fryday.
1. This Jonathan Williams (d. 1780), Harvard 1772, had been a law clerk in JA's office. He was a cousin of the better-known Jonathan Williams (1750–1815), Benjamin Franklin's great-nephew, who a little later crossed JA's path when serving as American agent at Nantes and who became first superintendent
of the military academy at West Point; see DAB. On JA's law clerk see “Suffolk Bar Book,” MHS, Procs., 1st ser., 19 (1881–1882):151; Harvard Quinquennial Cat.; John Thaxter to JA, 7 Aug. 1780, Adams Papers.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0001-0005
Date: 1776-01-28
1776. Sunday. Jany. 28.
Mr. Upham informs that this Town of Brookfield abounds with a Stone, out of which
Allum, Coperas and Sulphur are made. Out of one Bushell of this Stone, he made five
Pounds of Coperas. He put the Stone into a Tub, poured Water on it, let it Stand 2
or 3 days, then drew it off, and boiled the Liquor away—let it stand and it shot into
a Kind of Christals. Adding Chamberly1 and Alkaline Salts to the Coperas and that makes Allum.
We made some Sulphur, by Sublimation. We put 4 Quarts of the Stone into an Iron Kettle,
laid a Wooden Cover over the Kettle leaving an Hole in the Middle. Then We put an
Earthern Pot over the Top of the Kettle, and cemented it with Clay—then made a fire
under the Kettle, and the Sulphur sublimated. We got about a Spoonfull.2
We have found a Bed of yellow Ocre in this Town. I got 12,00 Wt. We make Spanish Brown
by burning the yellow Ocre.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0001-0006
Date: 1776-01-29
1776 Monday. Jan. 29.
Rode to Springfield, dined at Scotts. Heard that the Cannon at Kingsbridge in N. York
were spiked up. That dry Goods, English Goods were sent round to N. York from Boston,
and from N. York sold all over N.E. and sent down to Camp. That Tryon has issued Writs
for the Choice of a new Assembly, and that the Writs were likely to be obeyed, and
the Tories were likely to carry a Majority of Members.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0002-0001
Date: 1776-02-16
[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress] 1776. Feb.[16]1
In Committee of the whole.
Cant we oblige B. to keep a Navy on foot the Expence of which will be double to what
they will take from Us. I have heard of Bullion Sp[anish] Flotas being stoppd least they should be taken—But perishable Commodities never were
stopped. Open your Ports to Foreigners. Your Trade will become of so much Consequence,
that Foreigners will protect you.2
Wilson. A Gentleman from Mass, thinks that a middle Way should be taken. That Trade should
be opened, for some Articles, and to some Places, but not for all Things and to all
Places.
I think the Merchants ought to judge for themselves of the danger and Risque. We should
be blamed if We did not leave it to them.
I differ from the Gentleman of Massachusetts. Trade ought in War to be carried on
with greater Vigour. By what means did B. carry on their Tryumphs last War? The United
Provinces their War vs. Spain.
If We determine that our Ports shall not be opened, our Vessells abroad will not return.
Our Seamen are all abroad—will not return, unless We open our Trade. I am afraid it
will be necessary to invite Foreigners to trade with Us, altho We loose a great Advantage,
that of trading in our own Bottoms.
Sherman. I fear We shall maintain the Armies of our Enemies at our own Expence with Provisions.
We cant carry on a beneficial Trade, as our Enemies will take our Ships. A Treaty
with a foreign Power is necessary, before We open our Trade, to protect it.
Rutledge.3
Harrison. We have hobbled on, under a fatal Attachment to G.B. I felt it as much as any Man
but I feel a stronger to my Country.
Wythe. The Ports will be open the 1st. March. The Q. is whether We shall shutt em up. Faece
Romuli non Republica Platonis. Americans will hardly live without Trade. It is said
our Trade will be of no Advantage to Us, because our Vessells will be taken, our Enemies
will be supplied, the W.I. will be supplied at our Expence. This is too true, unless
We can provide a Remedy. Our Virginia Convention have resolved, that our Ports be
opened to all Nations that will trade with us, except G.B., I. and W.I. If the Inclination
of the People, should become universal to trade, We must open our Ports. Merchants
will not export our Produce, unless they get a Profit.
{ 230 } We might get some of our Produce to Markett, by authorizing Adventurers to Arm themselves,
and giving Letters of Mark—make Reprisals.
2d. by inviting foreign Powers to make Treaties of Commerce with us.
But other Things are to be considered, before such a Measure is adopted. In what Character
shall We treat, as subjects of G.B.—as Rebells? Why should We be so fond of calling
ourselves dutifull Subjects.
If We should offer our Trade to the Court of France, would they take Notice of it,
any more than if Bristol or Liverpool should offer theirs, while We profess to be
Subjects.—No. We must declare ourselves a free People.
If We were to tell them, that after a Season, We would return to our Subjection to
G.B., would not a foreign Court wish to have Something permanent.
We should encourage our Fleet. I am convinced that our Fleet may become as formidable
as We wish to make it. Moves a Resolution.4
1. First entry in booklet “26” (our D/JA/26), a pocket memorandum book stitched in red-brown
leather covers and containing scattered notes of debates in Congress from February
to April (possibly early May) 1776.
The day on which the present debate took place can be assigned with some confidence
because Richard Smith summarized in his Diary under 16 Feb. a debate of “4 or 5 Hours
... in Grand Comee. [committee of the whole] on Trade,” which corresponds at essential points with JA's fragmentary notes (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:350–52; see JCC, 4:154). See note 4, below.
4.
See also JA's Memorandum of Measures to Be Pursued in Congress, Feb.? 1776, following.
“Wyth ... offered Propositions whereof the first was that the Colonies have a Right
to contract Alliances with Foreign Powers, an Objection being offered that this was
Independency there ensued much Argument upon that Ground. a leading Question was given
Whether this Proposn. shall be considered by the Comee. it was carried in the Affirmative
7 Colonies to 5. then it was debated and postponed” (Richard Smith, Diary, 16 Feb.,
Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:350–351).
From this point until he sailed for France in Feb. 1778, JA's Diary is so fragmentary that it is scarcely practical to indicate, even in summary
form, the events in his personal and political life which he failed to record. In
compensation, however, one may turn to his Autobiography, where the record for the
year 1776 is remarkably full, for when he came to deal with that climactic year he
read the published Journals of Congress closely, quoted from them copiously, and commented on them with characteristic freedom.
(His own extensive collection of the Journals, Phila., 1777–1788, and early reprints, survives in the Boston Public Library; see
Cat. of JA's Library, p. 60–61.) What is more, he occasionally dipped into his files of old correspondence,
as he had not done at all up to this point in the Autobiography, to support his commentary.
The result is { 231 } that about half of the entire text of Part One of the Autobiography is devoted to
the first ten months of 1776 alone, ending with his departure from Congress in October
of that year.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0002-0002
Date: 1776-02
[Memorandum of Measures to Be Pursued in Congress, February? 1776.]1
Mem.
The Confederation to be taken up in Paragraphs.2
An Alliance to be formed with France and Spain.3
Embassadors to be sent to both Courts.
Government to be assumed in every Colony.4
Coin and Currencies to be regulated.5
Forces to be raised and maintained in Canada and New York. St. Lawrence and Hudsons
Rivers to be secured.
Hemp to be encouraged and the Manufacture of Duck.6
Powder Mills to be built in every Colony, and fresh Efforts to make Salt Petre.7
An Address to the Inhabitants of the Colonies.8
The Committee for Lead and Salt to be fill'd up, and Sulphur added to their Commission.
Money to be sent to the Paymaster, to pay our Debts, and fullfill our Engagements.
Taxes to be laid, and levied, Funds established. New Notes to be given on Interest,
for Bills borrowed.
Treaties of Commerce with F. S. H. D. &c.9
Declaration of Independency, Declaration of War with the Nation, Cruising on the british
Trade, their East India Ships and Sugar Ships.10
Prevent the Exportation of Silver and Gold.
1. Regrettably it is impossible to date this important memorandum with certainty. In
the MS (D/JA/25) it appears on two facing pages between the entries of 26 and 28 Jan. 1776, which, disregarding other considerations, should indicate that it was
written during JA's return journey to Philadelphia. This may be the case, but for reasons pointed out
elsewhere the editors have learned to distrust the physical position of undated entries
in the Diary as clues to their dates of composition. JA's list displays such familiarity with issues current in Congress that it is extremely
doubtful that he could have prepared it on his way back to Philadelphia. It is far
more likely that he drew it up after he had resumed his seat on 9 Feb. and had tested
the temper of his fellow delegates and, through them, the temper of the country, especially
those sections of it beyond New England — which he now felt certain, to use Jefferson's
phrase, was ready to fall “from the parent stem” (Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:313). What he found was that, except for Virginia, most of the other colonies
were not matured to that point of ripeness, and his task was, in conjunction with
others of his mind in Congress, to bring them to that point. As the notes below indicate,
many of the measures listed can be identified as resolutions introduced in Congress
by JA and other leaders of the independence party during the weeks { 232 } immediately following his return; others were not put forward until late spring or
early summer, or at least did not get beyond the talking stage and so are not recorded
in the Journal.
The most plausible supposition is that JA compiled his list of agenda, which has the appearance of being composed at one sitting,
after conferring with Samuel Adams, Richard Henry Lee, and others with advanced views
and agreeing with them on what measures should be pressed, soon after taking his seat,
very probably between 10 and 15 Feb. and certainly before 23 Feb. (see note 7, below). If this is a sound conjecture, this paper may be regarded as minutes of
a caucus among members who favored American independence.
2. On 21 July 1775 Franklin had laid before Congress a draft plan of “Articles of Confederation
and Perpetual Union,” but the subject was so touchy that no record of it was made
in the official Journal. Copies of Franklin's plan circulated in the colonies and
even reached print, but without noticeable effect (Burnett, Continental Congress, p. 91–92; Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:179–180). On 23 Dec. 1775 Jefferson, as chairman of a committee to ascertain the
unfinished business before Congress, entered the “Report of the Proposed Articles
of Confederation (adjourned from August last)” as the first item, but it was struck
from his list, probably by the committee before reporting (JCC, 3:454–456; Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:274–275). According to Richard Smith's Diary there were “considerable Arguments”
on the floor of Congress, 16 Jan. 1776, “on the Point Whether a Day shall be fixed
for considering the Instrument of Confederation formerly brought in by a Comee. it
was carried in the Negative [and so not recorded in the Journal]. Dr. Franklin exerted
Himself in Favor of the Confederation as did Hooper, Dickinson and other[s] agt. it”
(Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:313; and see Samuel Adams to JA, 15–16 Jan. 1776, Adams Papers; same, p. 311–312). The Journal of Congress is silent on this subject until 7 June,
when the Virginia Resolutions “respecting independency” were brought in, one of which
proposed “That a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective
Colonies for their consideration and approbation,” and after debate extending over
several days a committee was appointed “to prepare and digest the form of a confederation
to be entered into between these colonies” (JCC, 5:425, 431, 433). For later developments see entries of 25 July and following, below.
5. On 19 April 1776 a committee, of which JA was a member, was appointed by Congress “to examine and ascertain the value of the
several species of gold and silver coins, current in these colonies, and the proportions
they ought to bear to Spanish milled dollars” (JCC, 4:294). Its report, largely the work of George Wythe, was brought in on 22 May and
tabled (same, p. 381–383). For its later history see Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:511–518).
6. This proposal was introduced by JA and adopted by Congress in an enlarged form in March; see JA's Draft Resolutions for Encouraging Agriculture and Manufactures, Feb.–March, below.
7. These proposals, together with the next but one in the present list of agenda, emerged
in a series of four important resolutions, adopted by Congress on 23 Feb., to promote
the production of military supplies, and ordered to be published (JCC, 4:170–171). Richard Smith in his Diary noted that “these were presented by John
Adams” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:361). They were printed in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 28 Feb. 1776.
8. A committee of five members had been appointed on 24 Jan. to draft such an address
(JCC, 4:87). All of its members were conservatives (Dickinson, Wilson, Hooper, Duane,
and Alexander), and the draft they submitted on 13 Feb., largely the work of Wilson,
was a conservative paper that disavowed independence as an American aim (same, p.
134–146; C. Page Smith, James Wilson, Founding Father, 1742–1798, Cha• { 233 } pel Hill, 1956, p. 74–76). This address was in fact part of a campaign by conservative leaders,
begun two weeks earlier, to smoke out those in Congress who were secretly working
for independence; see Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:304, 311, 326, 334, 348. Proceeding on the assumption that the present notes were
the product of a caucus of delegates determined on strong measures, this item could
appear among their agenda only because they wished either to alter the proposed address
drastically or to suppress it entirely. When it was presented on 13 Feb., they succeeded
in tabling it, and it was never resurrected. But while these facts are all consonant
with the date of mid-February suggested for JA's memorandum, they do not help to date it any more precisely.
9. France, Spain, Holland, Denmark.
10. On 23 March Congress after some days of debate passed a series of resolutions authorizing
“the inhabitants of these colonies ... to fit out armed vessels to cruize on the enemies
of these United Colonies” and establishing regulations concerning prizes taken by
such privateers (JCC, 4:229–233). The committee that reported a draft of these resolutions (in the form
of a “Declaration”) consisted of Wythe, Jay, and Wilson, but their report was amended
in Congress, and JA with little doubt contributed to its final form as published (except for a secret
paragraph) in the Pennsylvania Gazette, 27 March; see his Autobiography under 19, 22, 23 March 1776. On the day of its adoption JA told a friend that it amounted to at least “three Quarters of a war” against Great
Britain (to Horatio Gates, NHi; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:405–406).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0002-0003
Date: 1776-02
[Draft Resolves Concerning the Secret Committee of Correspondence and a Plan of Confederation, February? 1776.]1
Resolved that the Committee of Secret Correspondence be directed to lay their Letters
before this Congress.
Resolved that [] be a Committee to prepare a Draught of firm Confederation, to be reported as soon
as may be to this Congress, to be considered and digested and recommended to the several
Assemblies and Conventions of these united Colonies, to be by them adopted, ratified
and confirmed.
1. It is impossible to date with certainty these draft resolutions, which JA perhaps introduced in an unrecorded session of a committee of the whole. In the MS they follow his notes of debates assigned to 16 Feb. and precede the quotation from Jeremiah which follows the present entry. But it was not until 10 May that Congress “Resolved, That the Committee of Secret Correspondence be directed to lay their proceedings
before Congress on Monday next, withholding the names of the persons they have employed,
or with whom they have corresponded” (JCC, 4:345). And it was not until 11–12 June (as a result of the Virginia Resolutions
of 7 June) that a committee was agreed to and appointed to prepare a plan of confederation
(same, 5:431, 433; see Memorandum of Measures to Be Pursued in Congress, preceding, and note 2 there).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0002-0004
Date: 1776-02
[February? 1776.]
1. On 17 Feb. Congress “Resolved, That a committee of three be chosen to prepare instructions for the committee appointed
to go to Canada”; and the members chosen were JA, Wythe, and Sherman (JCC, 4:159). They reported a draft on 9 March, which after amendments and additions was
finally adopted and spread on the Journal on 20 March (same, p. 193, 215–219). Doubtless
JA recorded this appropriate Scriptural passage while engaged in this assignment, which
he considered to be of the utmost importance; see his Autobiography under 17 Feb., 20 March 1776.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0002-0005
Date: 1776-02
[February? 1776.]
Any Goods or Commodities, except Staves for Sale, may be exported, from the united
Colonies to any other Part of the World, not subject to the Crown of G.B.1
1. Written on an otherwise blank front leaf in D/JA/26, this is evidently tentative phrasing
for an article in the report of the committee of the whole on American trade. From
16 Feb. on, this committee discussed from time to time the opening of American ports,
and on 6 April Congress voted certain regulations including the present one, though
in different language (JCC, 4:154, 257).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0003-0001
DateRange: 1776-02 - 1776-03
[Draft Resolutions for Encouraging Agriculture and Manufactures, February–March 1776.]1
Resolved, That it be recommended to the several Assemblies, Conventions, Councils
of Safety and Committees of Correspondence and Inspection, that they use their utmost
Endeavours, by all reasonable Means to promote die Culture of Flax, Hemp, and Cotton
and the Growth of Wool in these united Colonies.
Resolved That it be recommended to the Assemblies, Conventions, and Councils of Safety,
that they take the earliest Measures for erecting in each and every Colony a Society
for the Encouragement of Agriculture, Arts, Manufactures and Commerce, and that a
Correspondence be maintained between such Societies, that the2 numerous natural Advantages of this Country for supporting its Inhabitants may not
be neglected.
Resolved that it be recommended to the said Assemblies, Conventions and Councils of
Safety that they3 consider of Ways and Means of introducing the Manufactures of Duck and Sail Cloth4 into such Colonies where they are not now understood and of5 increasing and promoting them where they are.
Resolved that [] be a Committee, to receive all Plans and Proposals for encouraging and improving
the Agriculture, Arts, Manufactures and Commerce both foreign and domestic of America,
to correspond with the several Assemblies, Conventions, Councils and { 235 } Committees of Safety, Committees of Correspondence and of Observation in these united
Colonies upon these interesting Subjects.6
That these be published.
1. The first three of these four resolutions were voted by Congress on 21 March and,
as JA wished, were ordered to be published (JCC, 4:224). They were printed in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 27 March. In copying them into his Autobiography JA said that these were “three Resolutions, which I claim,” though we have no clue as
to when they were written or introduced except for the fact that in the MS they immediately precede the entry that JA himself dated 1 March. It should also be noted that well up on his list of Measures to be Pursued in Congress
(Feb.? 1776, above) is the item: “Hemp to be encouraged and the Manufacture of Duck.”
2. The text as adopted by Congress inserts at this point: “rich and.”
3. Text as adopted inserts at this point: “forthwith.”
4. Text as adopted inserts at this point: “and steel”— the only substantive change between
the resolutions as drafted and as adopted.
5. Text as adopted inserts at this point: “encouraging.”
6. After reporting the adoption of the first three resolutions above, Richard Smith adds
in his Diary that “a Clause was erased for a standing Comee. of Congress to correspond
with and assist these Societies” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:402). Thus was defeated the earliest in a long series of proposals by two successive
generations of Adamses to associate the American government with the promotion of
useful arts.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0004-0001
Date: 1776-03-01
1776 March 1.
How is the Interest of France and Spain affected, by the dispute between B. and the
C[olonies]? Is it the Interest of France [to] stand neuter, to join with B. or to join with the C. Is it not her Interest, to dismember
the B. Empire? Will her Dominions be safe, if B. and A[merica] remain connected? Can she preserve her Possessions in the W.I. She has in the W.I.
Martinico, Guadaloupe, and one half of Hispaniola. In Case a Reconciliation should
take Place, between B. and A. and a War should break out between B. and France, would
not all her Islands be taken from her in 6 Months?
The Colonies are now much more warlike and powerfull than they were, during the last
War. A martial Spirit has seized all the Colonies. They are much improved in Skill
and Discipline. They have now a large standing Army. They have many good officers.
They abound in Provisions. They are in the Neighbourhood of the W.I. A British Fleet
and Army united with an American Fleet and Army and supplied with Provisions and other
Necessaries from America, might conquer all the french Islands in the W.I. in six
Months, and a little <less> more Time than that would be required, to destroy all their Marine and Commerce.1
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0004-0002
Date: 1776-03-04
Monday March 4. 1776.
Resentment is a Passion, implanted by Nature for the Preservation of the Individual.
Injury is the Object which excites it. Injustice, Wrong, Injury excites the Feeling
of Resentment, as naturally and necessarily as Frost and Ice excite the feeling of
cold, as fire excites heat, and as both excite Pain. A Man may have the Faculty of
concealing his Resentment, or suppressing it, but he must and ought to feel it. Nay
he ought to indulge it, to cultivate it. It is a Duty. His Person, his Property, his
Liberty, his Reputation are not safe without it. He ought, for his own Security and
Honour, and for the public good to punish those who injure him, unless they repent,
and then he should forgive, having Satisfaction and Compensation. Revenge is unlawfull.
It is the same with Communities. They ought to resent and to punish.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0005-0001
DateRange: 1776-03 - 1776-04
[Notes on Relations with France, March—April 1776.1]
Is any Assistance attainable from F.?
What Connection may We safely form with her?
1 st. No Political Connection. Submit to none of her Authority—receive no Governors,
or officers from her.
2d. No military Connection. Receive no Troops from her.
3d. Only a Commercial Connection, i.e. make a Treaty, to receive her Ships into our
Ports. Let her engage to receive our Ships into her Ports—furnish Us with Arms, Cannon,
Salt Petre, Powder, Duck, Steel.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0005-0002
DateRange: 1776-03 - 1776-04
[Draft Resolution Concerning Instructions to Delegates, March—April 1776.]1
Whereas, the present State of America, and the cruel Efforts of our Enemies, render
the most perfect and cordial Union of the Colonies and the utmost Exertions of their
Strength, necessary for the Preservation and establishment of their Liberties, therefore
Resolved. That it be recommended to the several Assemblies and Conventions of these
united Colonies, who have limited the Powers of their Delegates in this Congress,
by any express Instructions, that they repeal or suspend those Instructions for a
certain Time, that this Con• { 237 } gress may have Power, without any unnecessary Obstruction or Embarrassment, to concert,
direct and order, such further Measures, as may seem to them necessary for the Defence
and Preservation, Support and Establishment of Right and Liberty in these Colonies.2
1. This draft follows the preceding entry after a short interval of space and is the
last entry in D/JA/26. There is no other clue to its date. CFA suggested that “This is perhaps the first draught of the well known motion made in
Committee of the Whole, on the sixth of May, which was reported to the House, on the
tenth,” recommending the establishment of governments in the colonies “sufficient
to the exigencies of their affairs” (JA, Works, 2:489, note; JCC, 4:342). But it seems to be, rather, a different device to achieve the same end,
i.e. to draw the teeth from the instructions still controlling the delegations from
the middle colonies. There can be no doubt that JA proposed to introduce it into the debates of the committee of the whole during March
or April, but whether he did or not remains a question. For the source of JA's language see the next note.
2. Compare the instructions issued to the Massachusetts delegates by the General Court
on 18 Jan. 1776 (while JA was attending as a member of the Council): “Resolved that they or any one or more
of them are hereby fully impowered, with the delegates from the other American Colonies
to concert, direct and order such further measures as shall to them appear best calculated
for the Establishment of Right and Liberty to the American Colonies upon a Basis permanent
and secured against the power and arts of the British Administration” (Adams Papers). JA was simply proposing to extend the Massachusetts Instructions throughout the Continent.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0006-0001
Date: 1776-04
[Residences of Delegates in Philadelphia, April? 1776.]1
Coll. Whipple lodges at Mrs. [] in Walnut Street.
Mr. Hancock, Messrs. Adams's, Paine and Gerry at Mrs. Yards in 2d Street.
Mr. Hopkins at []
Mr. Sherman, Coll. Wolcott and Coll. Huntington at Mr. Duncans in 3d.
Mr. Duane at the Collectors in Markett Street, next door to Coll. Reads.
Gen. Livingston, Mr. De Hart in Second Street.
Mr. Serjeant at Dr. Ewing's.
Mr. Moreton at []
Mr. Wilson at []
Mr. Johnson at []
Mr. Alexander at []
Mr. Goldsborough at []
Mr. Tilghman at his Brothers.
{ 238 } Coll. R. H. Lee at []
Coll. F. L. Lee at the Corner opposite Mr. George Clymers.
Mr. Wythe in Chesnutt Street.
Coll. Harrison at Randolphs.
Mr. Braxton at []
Mr. Hewes, at, in 3d Street—lives alone.
Mr. Rutledge at Mrs. Yards.
Mr. Lynch at []
Mr. Lynch Junr. at []
1. This imperfect but interesting list, hitherto unpublished, was written in the final
leaves of D/JA/25. JA evidently put down all the names at one sitting but left ample space for additional
names and addresses to be supplied later. A comparison with the attendance records
of members compiled by Burnett (Letters of Members, 1:xli–lxvi) shows that, apart from the (doubtless inadvertent) omission of the Delaware
delegation, JA's list closely approximates the membership of Congress known from other evidence
to have been present in late April. One could be more confident and precise about
the date if the attendance records of certain members of the New York and South Carolina
delegations were less obscure.
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DateRange: 1776-05-13 - 1776-05-15
[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress, 13–15 May 1776.]1
Mr. Duane moves that the Delegation from N. York might be read.2
When We were invited by Mass. Bay to the first Congress an Objection was made to binding
ourselves by Votes of Congress.
Congress ought not to determine a Point of this Sort, about instituting Government.
What is it to Congress, how Justice is administered. You have no Right to pass the
Resolution—any more than Parliament has.
How does it appear that no favourable Answer is likely to be given to our Petitions?
Every Account of foreign Aid, is accompanied with an Account of Commissioners.3
Why all this Haste? Why this Urging? Why this driving?—Disputes about Independence
are in all the Colonies. What is this owing to, but our Indiscretion?
I shall take the Liberty of informing my Constituents that I have not been guilty
of a Breach of Trust. I do protest vs. this Piece of Mechanism, this Preamble.
If the Facts in this Preamble should prove to be true, there will not be one Voice
vs. Independence.
{ 239 } I suppose the Votes have been numbered and there is to be a Majority.4
McKean. Construes the Instructions from N. York as Mr. Sherman does, and thinks this Measure
the best to produce Harmony with G. Britain. There are now 2 Governments in direct
Opposition to each other. Dont doubt that foreign Mercenaries are coming to destroy
Us. I do think We shall loose our Liberties, Properties and Lives too, if We do not
take this Step.
S. Adams. We have been favoured with a Reading of the Instructions from N. York. I am glad
of it. The first Object of that Colony is no doubt the Establishment of their Rights.
Our Petitions have not been heard—yet answered with Fleets and Armies and are to be
answered with Mirmidons from abroad. The Gentleman from N. York, Mr. Duane, has not
objected to the Preamble, but this—he has not a Right to vote for it.5 We cant go upon stronger Reasons, than that the King has thrown us out of his Protection.
Why should We support Governments under his Authority? I wonder the People have conducted
so well as they have.
Mr. Wilson. Was not present in Congress when the Resolution pass'd, to which this Preamble is
proposed. I was present and one of the Committee, who reported the Advice to Mass.
Bay.6 N. Hampshire, Carolina and Virginia, had the same Advice, and with my hearty Concurrence.
The Claims of Parliament will meet with Resistance to the last Extremity. Those Colonies
were Royal Governments. They could not subsist without some Government.
A Maxim, that all Government originates from the People. We are the Servants of the
People sent here to act under a delegated Authority. If we exceed it, voluntarily,
We deserve neither Excuse nor Justification.
Some have been put under Restraints by their Constituents. They cannot vote, without
transgressing this Line. Suppose they should hereafter be called to an Account for
it. This Province has not by any public Act, authorized us to vote upon this Question.
This Province has done much and asked little from this Congress. The Assembly, largely
increased, will [not]7 meet till next Monday. Will the Cause suffer much, if this Preamble is not published
at this Time? If the Resolve is published without the Preamble. The Preamble contains
a Reflection upon the Conduct of some People in America. It was equally irreconcileable
to good Conscience Nine Months ago, to take the Oaths of Allegiance, as it is now.
Two respectable Members last Febru• { 240 } ary, took the Oath of Allegiance in our Assembly. Why should We expose any Gentlemen
to such an invidious Reflection?
In Magna Charta, there is a Clause, which authorises the People to seize the K[ing]'s Castles, and opposes his Arms when he exceeds his duty.
In this Province if that Preamble passes there will be an immediate Dissolution of
every Kind of Authority. The People will be instantly in a State of Nature. Why then
precipitate this Measure. Before We are prepared to build the new House, why should
We pull down the old one, and expose ourselves to all the Inclemencies of the Season.8
R. H. Lee. Most of the Arguments apply to the Resolve and not to the Preamble.
1. First entry in D/JA/27, a pocket memorandum book stitched into red-brown leather covers
and containing scattered notes of proceedings in Congress from this date through 2
Aug. 1776. On the date of the present debate see the next note.
2. That is, the instructions to the New York delegates issued by the New York Provincial
Convention, 12 April 1775. The delegates were instructed “to concert and determine
upon such measures, as shall be judged most effectual for the preservation and reestablishment
of American rights and priviledges, and for the restoration of harmony between Great Britain and the Colonies” (JCC, 2:15–16; italics added). The New York delegates were not released from this instruction
until 9 July, after independence had been voted and the Declaration adopted (same,
5:560).
On 10 May, according to the Journal,
“Congress then resumed the consideration of the report from the committee of the whole
[on the state of the United Colonies], which being read was agreed to as follows:
“Resolved, That it be recommended to the respective assemblies and conventions of the United
Colonies, where no government sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs have been
hitherto established, to adopt such government as shall, in the opinion of the representatives
of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular,
and America in general.
“Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to prepare a preamble to the foregoing resolution:
“The members chosen, Mr. J[ohn] Adams, Mr. [Edward] Rutledge, and Mr. R[ichard] H[enry]
Lee” (same, 4:342).
The resolution for instituting new governments, which JA in his Autobiography pronounced “an Epocha, a decisive Event,” had been debated in
committee of the whole for some time, though it is not clear just how long. The assumption,
frequently encountered, that it formed part of the report of a committee of the whole
on 6 May cannot be verified. As for its authorship, we have the statement by JA in his Autobiography that “In the Beginning of May I procured the Appointment of
a Committee, to prepare a resolution recommending to the People of the States to institute
Governments. The Committee of whom I was one requested me to draught a resolve which
I did and by their Direction reported it.” Though JA was undoubtedly a prime mover of this business, this account, written from memory,
misleadingly blends the resolution adopted on the 10th with the preamble adopted on
the 15th.
The committee to prepare a preamble reported a draft on 13 May, “which was read, and
postponed till to morrow”; two days later it was taken “into consideration [and] agreed
to” in the form spread on the Journal (JCC, 4:351, 357–358). Both the resolution and the preamble were published in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 22 May.
The debate recorded in the present { 241 } notes was clearly over the preamble, the language of which was much stronger than
that of the resolution it accompanied, since it called for the total suppression “of
every land of authority” under the British crown. This debate must have taken place
between 13 and 15 May. Carter Braxton, a conservative member from Virginia, wrote
on 17 May to Landon Carter that the resolution and preamble, taken together, fall
“little short of Independence. It was not so understood by Congress but I find those
out of doors on both sides the question construe it in that manner. The assumption
of Governt. was necessary and to that resolution little objection was made, but when
the Preamble was reported much heat and debate did ensue for two or three Days” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 1:453–454).
3. See James Duane to John Jay, 11 May 1776 (same, p. 443).
4. Carter Braxton said on 17 May that the vote on the preamble was “I think ... 6 to
4” (same, p. 454). James Allen, a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly, recorded in
his Diary on 15 May that it “was carried by a majority of 7 Colonies to 4” (PMHB, 9:187 [July 1885]). If Allen was right, this would mean that one colony was divided.
(Georgia had no delegates present until 20 May.)
5. Dash supplied in this sentence for clarity.
6. “Advice” to throw off royal authority and assume the powers of government, June 1775;
see JCC, 2:81, 83–84, and JA's Autobiography under 7 June 1775. Similar advice was given to other colonies when they sought it of Congress later
in the same year.
8. Wilson proved a true prophet. The current measures of Congress effectually destroyed
the proprietary government of Pennsylvania, a primary target of the independence party
in Congress, and led directly to the formation of a new state government. See J. Paul Selsam, The Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776, Phila., 1936, ch. 3.
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Date: 1776-07-25
[Notes of Debates in the Continental Congress on the Articles of Confederation]1 July 25. 1776.2
Art. 14. of the Confederation.3
Terms in this Article, equivocal and indefinite.
Jefferson. The Limits of the Southern Colonies are fixed....4 Moves an Amendment, that all Purchases of Lands, not within the Boundaries of any
Colony shall be made by Congress, of the Indians in a great Council.— Sherman seconds the Motion....5
Chase. The Intention of this Article is very obvious, and plain. The Article appears to
me to be right, and the Amendment wrong. It is the Intention of some Gentlemen to
limit the Boundaries of particular States. No colony has a Right to go to the S[outh] Sea. They never had—they cant have. It would not be safe to the rest. It would be
destructive to her Sisters, and to herself.
Art. 16 [i.e. 15]....6
Jefferson. What are reasonable Limits? What Security have We that the Congress will not curtail
the present Settlements of the States. I have no doubt, that the Colonies will limit
themselves.
Wilson. Every Gentleman has heard much of Claims to the South { 242 } Sea. They are extravagant. The Grants were made upon Mistakes. They were ignorant
of the Geography. They thought the S. Sea within 100 Miles of the Atlantic Ocean.
It was not conceived that they extended 3000 Miles. Ld. Cambden considers the Claims
to the South Sea, as what never can be reduced to Practice. Pensilvania has no Right
to interfere in those claims. But she has a Right to say, that she will not confederate
unless those Claims are cut off. I wish the Colonies themselves would cutt off those
Claims....
Art. 16.7
Chase moves for the Word deputies, instead of Delegates, because the Members of the Maryland
Convention are called Delegates, and he would have a Distinction.—Answer. In other
Colonies the Reverse is true. The Members of the House are called deputies.
Jefferson objects to the first of November.— Dr. Hall moves for May, for the time to meet.— Jefferson thinks that Congress will have a short Meeting in the Fall and another in the Spring.—
Hayward thinks the Spring the best Time.— Wilson thinks the fall—and November better than October, because September is a busy Month,
every where.
Dr. Hall. Septr. and Octr. the most sickly and mortal Months in the Year. The Season is forwarder
in Georgia in April, than here in May.
Hopkinson moves that the Power of recalling Delegates be reserved to the State not to the Assembly,
because that may be changed.
Art. 17.8
Each Colony shall have one Vote.
1. This being the first entry since May, we have nothing in JA's Diary or his notes of proceedings in Congress to indicate the part he played in
the final struggle for political independence or the nature of his labors in Congress
in the weeks that followed. Among his many assignments that summer, the most taxing
was his service at the head of the Board of War and Ordnance, a standing committee
appointed on 13 June (JCC, 5:438), to which all routine military business was thereafter referred. In his Autobiography,
under date of 15 June 1776, JA lists the duties of the Board, and he did not exaggerate in saying that “From this
time, We find in Almost every days Journal References of various Business to the Board
of War, or their Reports upon such Things as were referred to them.” The MS reports of the Board of War from the summer of 1776 to Oct. 1777 fill a volume in
PCC, No. 147.
2. A summary account of efforts, July 1775—June 1776, to arrive at a plan of confederation
has been given above in a note on JA's paper called Measures to be Pursued in Congress, Feb.? 1776. On 12 June a committee
consisting of one member (not including JA) from each colony was appointed “to prepare and digest the form of a confederation
to be entered into between these colonies”; exactly a month later this committee reported
a draft composed by John Dickinson, which was read and ordered to be printed exclusively
for the use of members (JCC, 5:433. 546–556). On 22 July the printed draft was taken { 243 } up in a committee of the whole, which debated the articles at intervals from then
until 20 Aug., when a revised text or second draft was reported to Congress by the
committee and a second confidential printing was ordered for later consideration (same,
p. 600, 674–689). JA's Notes of Debates which follow record in a fragmentary way the discussions in committee of the whole
from 25 July to 2 Aug., inclusive. They are paralleled and supplemented by similar notes taken by Jefferson
on the debates in committee on two critical articles in Dickinson's plan during the
three days 30 July—1 Aug. (Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:320–327).
5. For the full text of Jefferson's amendment, written on a slip affixed to the MS of the Dickinson draft, see Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:181–182. The whole of Article XIV was omitted in the revised text, or second draft,
of 20 Aug. (JCC, 5:679–680).
8. Article XVII in the Dickinson draft reads: “In determining Questions (in Congress) each Colony shall have one Vote” (same, p. 550). Jefferson's Notes of Proceedings
do not indicate that this important article came up at all until 30 July. If it did
come up on the 25th, it was quickly passed over, but see 30 July and 1 Aug., below.
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Date: 1776-07-26
[Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued] July. 26.
Rutledge and Linch oppose giving the Power of regulating the Trade and managing all Affairs of the Indians,
to Congress.1 The Trade is profitable they say.
Gwinnett is in favour of Congress having such Power.
Braxton is for excepting such Indians as are tributary to any State. Several Nations are
tributary to Virginia.
Jefferson explains it to mean the Indians who live in the Colony. These are Subject to the
Laws in some degree.
Wilson. We have no Right over the Indians, whether within or without the real or pretended
Limits of any Colony.... They will not allow themselves to be classed according to
the Bounds of Colonies. Grants made 3000 miles to the Eastward have no Validity with
the Indians. The Trade of Pensilvania has been more considerable with the Indians
than that of the neighbouring Colonies.
Walton. The Indian Trade is of no essential service to any Colony. It must be a Monopoly.
If it is free it produces Jealousies and Animosities, and Wars. Carolina very passionately
considers this Trade as contributory to her Grandeur and Dignity. Deerskins are a
great Part of the Trade. A great difference between S. Carolina and Georgia. { 244 } Carolina is in no danger from the Indians at present. Georgia is a frontier and Barrier
to Car. G. must be overrun and extirpated before Car. can be hurt. G. is not equal
to the Expence of giving the Donations to the Indians, which will be necessary to
keep them at Peace. The Emoluments of the Trade are not a Compensation for the Expence
of donations.
Rutledge differs from Walton in a Variety of Points.—We must look forward with extensive Views.
Carolina has been run to an amazing expence to defend themselves vs. Indians. In 1760
&c. fifty thousand Guineas were spent. We have now as many Men on the frontiers, as
in Charlestown. We have Forts in the Indian Countries. We are connected with them
by Treaties.
Lynch. Congress may regulate the Trade, if they will indemnify Car. vs. the Expence of keeping
Peace with the Indians, or defending Us vs. them.
Witherspoon. Here are two adjacent Provinces, situated alike with respect to the Indians, differing
totally in their Sentiments of their Interests.
Chase. S. Carolina claims to the S. Sea. So does North, Virginia, and Massachusetts Bay.
S. Carolina says they have a Right to regulate the Trade with the Indians. If so 4
Colonies have all the Power of regulating Trade with the Indians. S.C. alone could
not stand alone vs. the Indian Nations.
Sherman moves that Congress may have a Superintending Power, to prevent Injustice to the
Indians or Colonies.
Willson. No lasting Peace will be with the Indians, unless made by some one Body. No such
language as this ought to be held to the Indians. We are stronger, We are better.
We treat you better than another Colony. No Power ought to treat, with the Indians,
but the united States. Indians know the striking Benefits of Confederation— they have
an Example of it in the Union of the Six nations. The Idea of the Union of the Colonies
struck them forcibly last Year. None should trade with Indians without a Licence from
Congress. A perpetual War would be unavoidable, if every Body was allowed to trade
with them.
Stone. This Expedient is worse than either of the Alternatives. What is the meaning of this
Superintendency? Colonies will claim the Right first. Congress cant interpose untill
the Evil has happened. Disputes will arise when Congress shall interpose.
1. The debate in committee of the whole this day relates to a clause in Article XVIII
of the Dickinson draft granting Congress the power of “regulat• { 245 } ing the Trade, and managing all Affairs with the Indians,” which was incorporated
in the second draft of 20 Aug. with a minor modification (JCC, 5:550, 682).
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Date: 1776-07-30
[Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued] July 30. 1776.
Dr. Franklin. Let the smaller Colonies give equal Money and Men, and then have an equal Vote. But
if they have an equal Vote, without bearing equal Burthens, a Confederation upon such
iniquitous Principles, will never last long.1
Dr. Witherspoon. We all agree that there must and shall be a Confederation, for this War. It will
diminish the Glory of our Object, and depreciate our Hope. It will damp the Ardor
of the People. The greatest danger We have is of Disunion among ourselves. Is it not
plausible, that the small States will be oppressed by the great ones. The Spartans
and Helotes—the Romans and their Dependents.
Every Colony is a distinct Person. States of Holland.2
Clark. We must apply for Pardons, if We dont confederate....
Wilson.... We should settle upon some Plan of Representation.3
Chase. Moves that the Word, White, should be inserted in the 11. Article. The Negroes are
wealth. Numbers are not a certain Rule of wealth. It is the best Rule We can lay down.
Negroes a Species of Property—personal Estate. If Negroes are taken into the Computation
of Numbers to ascertain Wealth, they ought to be in settling the Representation. The
Massachusetts Fisheries, and Navigation ought to be taken into Consideration. The
young and old Negroes are a Burthen to their owners. The Eastern Colonies have a great
Advantage, in Trade. This will give them a Superiority. We shall be governed by our
Interests, and ought to be. If I am satisfied, in the Rule of levying and appropriating
Money, I am willing the small Colonies may have a Vote.4
Wilson. If the War continues 2 Years, each Soul will have 40 dollars to pay of the public
debt. It will be the greatest Encouragement to continue Slave keeping, and to increase
them, that can be to exempt them from the Numbers which are to vote and pay.... Slaves
are Taxables in the Southern Colonies. It will be partial and unequal. Some Colonies
have as many black as white.... These will not pay more than half what they ought.
Slaves prevent freemen cultivating a Country. It is attended with many Inconveniences.5
{ 246 } Lynch. If it is debated, whether their Slaves are their Property, there is an End of the
Confederation. Our Slaves being our Property, why should they be taxed more than the
Land, Sheep, Cattle, Horses, &c. Freemen cannot be got, to work in our Colonies. It
is not in the Ability, or Inclination of freemen to do the Work that the Negroes do.
Carolina has taxed their Negroes. So have other Colonies, their Lands.
Dr. Franklin. Slaves rather weaken than strengthen the State, and there is therefore some difference
between them and Sheep. Sheep will never make any Insurrections.
Rutledge.... I shall be happy to get rid of the idea of Slavery. The
Slaves do not signify Property. The old and young cannot work. The Property of some
Colonies are to be taxed, in others not. The Eastern Colonies will become the Carriers
for the Southern. They will obtain Wealth for which they will not be taxed.
1. The committee of the whole was now debating Article XVII of Dickinson's draft, which
provided that each colony or state would have a single vote in Congress. (See entry
of 25 July and note 8 there.) Compare Franklin's speech as recorded here and also Witherspoon's (which
follows) with Jefferson's report of the same speeches in his Papers, 1:324–325.
3. Here follows a short interval of space in the MS, the only indication provided by the diarist that in what follows the committee had
shifted to a different and equally important issue, namely the provision in Article
XI of Dickinson's draft that the money contributions of the states should be “in Proportion
to the Number of Inhabitants of every Age, Sex and Quality, except Indians not paying
Taxes” (JCC, 5:548).
There is reason to believe that JA failed to note not only a change of subject but also a change in date between what
precedes and what follows this break in his MS notes. That the method of establishing tax quotas was debated on 31 as well as 30
July seems clear from Jefferson's Notes (Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:320), but JA passes over the 31st silently. More telling is the reference by Hooper, under 1 Aug., below, to the “Rule that was laid down Yesterday, that the Riches of a Country are
in Proportion to the Numbers of Inhabitants.” This almost certainly refers to the
opening of JA's own remarks reported by Jefferson; see the following note.
Debate on Article XVII was resumed on 1 Aug., q.v., below.
4. Compare Chase's speech as reported by Jefferson in his Papers, 1:320–321. The Chase amendment was not agreed to by the committee; see entry of
1 Aug., below, and note 2 there.
JA omits but Jefferson reports a speech by JA himself following Chase's (Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:321–322). For reasons mentioned in the preceding note it is likely that this speech
was given on 31 July, though since Jefferson divides his report of the debates on
confederation by topic rather than by date, this supposition cannot be verified.
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Date: 1776-08-01
[Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued] Aug. 1. 1776.
Hooper.1 N.C. is a striking Exception to the general Rule that was { 247 } laid down Yesterday, that the Riches of a Country are in Proportion to the Numbers
of Inhabitants. A Gentleman of 3 or 400 Negroes, dont raise more corn than feeds them.
A Labourer cant be hired for less than £24 a Year in Mass. Bay. The neat profit of
a Negro is not more than 5 or 6£ pr. An[num]. I wish to see the day that Slaves are not necessary. Whites and Negroes cannot work
together. Negroes are Goods and Chattells, are Property. A Negro works under the Impulse
of fear—has no Care of his Masters Interest.2
17. Art.
Dr. Franklin moves that Votes should be in Proportion to Numbers.
Mr. Middleton moves that the Vote should be according to what they pay.
Sherman thinks We ought not to vote according to Numbers. We are Rep[resentative]s of States not Individuals. States of Holland. The Consent of every one is necessary.
3 Colonies would govern the whole but would not have a Majority of Strength to carry
those Votes into Execution.
The Vote should be taken two Ways. Call the Colonies and call the Individuals, and
have a Majority of both.
Dr. Rush. Abbe Reynauld [Raynal] has attributed the Ruin of the united Provinces to 3 Causes. The principal one is
that the Consent of every State is necessary. The other that the Members are obliged
to consult their Constituents upon all Occasions.
We loose an equal Representation. We represent the People. It will tend to keep up
colonial Distinctions. We are now a new Nation. Our Trade, Language, Customs, Manners
dont differ more than they do in G. Britain.
The more a Man aims at serving America the more he serves his Colony.
It will promote Factions in Congress and in the States.
It will prevent the Growth of Freedom in America. We shall be loth to admit new Colonies
into the Confederation. If We vote by Numbers Liberty will be always safe. Mass, is
contiguous to 2 small Colonies, R.[I]. and N.H. Pen. is near N.Y. and D. Virginia is between Maryland and N. Carolina.
We have been to[o] free with the Word Independence. We are dependent on each other—not totally independent
States.
Montesquieu pronounced the Confederation of Licea the best that ever was made. The
Cities had different Weights in the Scale.
China is not larger than one of our Colonies. How populous.
{ 248 } It is said that the small Colonies deposit their all. This is deceiving Us with a
Word.
I would not have it understood, that I am pleading the Cause of Pensilvania. When
I entered that door, I considered myself a Citizen of America.3
Dr. Witherspoon. Rep[resentatio]n in England is unequal. Must I have 3 Votes in a County because I have 3 times as
much Money as my Neighbour. Congress are to determine the Limits of Colonies.
G[overnor] Hopkins. A momentous Question. Many difficulties on each Side. 4 larger, 5 lesser, 4 stand
indifferent. V. M. P. M.4 make more than half the People. 4 may alw5
C, N.Y., 2 Carolinas, not concerned at all. The dissinterested Coolness of these Colonies
ought to determine. I can easily feel the Reasoning of the larger Colonies. Pleasing
Theories always gave Way to the Prejudices, Passions, and Interests of Mankind.
The Germanic Confederation. The K. of Prussia has an equal Vote. The Helvetic Confederacy.
It cant be expected that 9 Colonies will give Way to be governed by 4. The Safety
of the whole depends upon the distinctions of Colonies.
Dr. Franklin. I hear many ingenious Arguments to perswade Us that an unequal Representation is
a very good Thing. If We had been born and bred under an unequal Representation We
might bear it. But to sett out with an unequal Representation is unreasonable.
It is said the great Colonies will swallow up the less. Scotland said the same Thing
at the Union.
Dr. Witherspoon. Rises to explain a few Circumstances relating to Scotland. That was an incorporating
Union, not a federal. The Nobility and Gentry resort to England.
In determining all Questions, each State shall have a Weight in Proportion to what
it contributes to the public Expences of the united States.
1. Hooper is continuing the discussion of Article XI, on the method of apportioning taxes.
2. In a vote in committee of the whole this day Chase's motion to insert “white” before
“Inhabitants” in Article XI lost by seven states to five, the vote being strictly
sectional, though Georgia's vote was divided and therefore not counted (Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:323).
4. Virginia, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Maryland.
5. Sentence breaks off thus in MS, { 249 } but compare Jefferson's summary of Hopkins' remarks: “the 4. largest ... therefore
would govern the others as they should please” (Papers, ed. Boyd, 1:326).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0009-0002
Date: 1776-08-02
[Notes of Debates on the Articles of Confederation, Continued] Aug. 2d.
Limiting the Bounds of States which by Charter &c. extend to the South Sea.1
Sherman thinks the Bounds ought to be settled. A Majority of States have no Claim to the
South Sea. Moves this Amendment, to be substituted in Place of this Clause and also
instead of the 15th Article— No Lands to be seperated from any State, which are already
settled, or become private Property.
Chase denys that any Colony has a Right, to go to the South Sea....
Harrison. How came Maryland by its Land? but by its Charter: By its Charter Virginia owns to
the South Sea. Gentlemen shall not pare away the Colony of Virginia. R. Island has
more Generosity, than to wish the Massachusetts pared away. Delaware does not wish
to pare away Pensilvania.
Huntington. Admit there is danger, from Virginia, does it follow that Congress has a Right to
limit her Bounds? The Consequence is not to enter into Confederation. But as to the
Question of Right, We all unite against mutilating Charters. I cant agree to the Principle.
We are a Spectacle to all Europe. I am not so much alarmed at the Danger, from Virginia,
as some are. My fears are not alarmed. They have acted as noble a Part as any. I doubt
not the Wisdom of Virginia will limit themselves. A Mans Right does not cease to be
a Right because it is large. The Q[uestion] of Right must be determined by the Principles of the common Law.
Stone. This Argument is taken up upon very wrong Ground. It is considered as if We were
voting away the Territory of particular Colonies, and Gentlemen work themselves up
into Warmth, upon that Supposition. Suppose Virginia should. The small Colonies have
a Right to Happiness and Security. They would have no Safety if the great Colonies
were not limited. We shall grant Lands in small Quantities, without Rent, or Tribute,
or purchase Money. It is said that Virginia is attacked on every Side. Is it meant
that Virginia shall sell the Lands for their own Emolument?
All the Colonies have defended these Lands vs. the K. of G.B., and at the Expence
of all. Does Virginia intend to establish Quitrents?
{ 250 } I dont mean that the united States shall sell them to get Money by them.
Jefferson. I protest vs. the Right of Congress to decide, upon the Right of Virginia. Virginia
has released all Claims to the Lands settled by Maryland &c.
1. This is a close paraphrase of a clause in Article XVIII of Dickinson's draft, which
listed the powers to be granted to Congress (JCC, 5:550–551). The debate in committee this day actually continued that begun on 25 July (q.v., above) concerning Article XV, further consideration of which was postponed
until after discussion of Article XVIII. This controversial clause was omitted in
the second draft of the Articles as submitted to Congress on 20 August. See JCC, 5:680 and note 2; p. 682 and note 1.
On 9 Aug. Samuel Chase wrote to Philip Schuyler: “when we shall be confederated States,
I know not. I am afraid the Day is far distant, three great Difficulties occur—The
Mode of Voting, whether by Colonies, or by an equal Representation; The Rule by which
each Colony is to pay its Quota, and the Claim of several Colonies to extend to the
South Seas, a considerable Diversity of opinion prevails on each Head” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:44). Congress did not again take up the text of the Articles and attempt to complete
them until 8 April 1777 (JCC, 7:240). Their subsequent history to the point of ultimate ratification, 1 March
1781 (see same, 19:208–223), may be best traced in Burnett, Continental Congress, chs. 13, 25, or in the standard work on the subject, Merrill Jensen, The Articles of Confederation, Madison, 1940.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0010-0001
Date: 1776-09-10
Sept. 10.
Took with me to N.Y. 51 dollars and 5s. 8d. Pen. Currency in Change.1
1. An isolated entry in D/JA/25; an identical entry appears in D/JA/27 and is the last
in that booklet.
This is the only allusion in JA's Diary to his journey from Philadelphia to Staten Island and back, in company with
Benjamin Franklin and Edward Rutledge, a committee appointed by Congress on 6 Sept.
to confer with Admiral Lord Howe in his capacity as a commissioner to accommodate
the dispute between Great Britain and America (JCC, 5:728, 730–731, 737–738). The conference took place on 11 Sept. but accomplished
nothing because, as the committee reported to Congress on 17 Sept., “it did not appear
... that his Lordship's commission contained any other authority of importance than
... that of granting pardons ... and of declaring America, or any part of it, to be
in the king's peace” (same, 5:766). But the circumstances were dramatic, and the incident
attracted much attention and comment. JA's account of it in his Autobiography is justly famous (printed in his Works, 3:75–81, without the supporting letters that appear in the MS). Much the fullest account of the conference itself is that by Henry Strachey, secretary
to the British commissioners (the Howe brothers), first printed accurately by Paul
L. Ford (from a MS now in NN) in an article entitled “Lord Howe's Commission to Pacify the Colonies,” Atlantic Monthly, 77:758–762 (June 1896). See also Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:15 and note, 66 and note; Benjamin Rush, Autobiography, 119–121, 140; Ambrose Serle, American Journal, ed. Edward H. Tatum Jr., San Marino, Calif., 1940, p. 100–101.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0006-0011-0001
Date: 1776-10-13
1776 Octr. 13. Sunday.
Sat out from Phyladelphia towards Boston, oated at the Red Lyon, dined at Bristol,
crossed Trenton ferry, long before Sun set, drank Coffee at the Ferry House on the
East Side of Delaware, where I putt up—partly to avoid riding in the Evening Air,
and partly because 30 miles is enough for the first day, as my Tendons are delicate,
not having been once on Horse back since the Eighth day of last February.1
1. On 25 JulyJA addressed a letter to John Avery, deputy secretary of state, requesting leave of
the General Court to return home. “I have attended here, so long and so constantly,
that I feel myself necessitated to ask the Favour, on Account of my Health, as well
as on many other Accounts” (M-Ar: vol. 195; printed in JA, Works, 9:426–427). He went on to propose to the legislature “an Alteration in their Plan
of Delegation in Congress,” the point of which was to have nine members chosen annually,
so that “four, or Six, might be at home, at a Time, and every Member might be relieved,
once in three or four Months.” Whether or not this plan was adopted, he said, he was
obliged to request an immediate replacement for himself. On 24, 26, and 27 July JA wrote three letters to James Warren, speaker of the House, to the same effect, particularizing
the ailments of the Massachusetts delegates, discussing eligible replacements, and
saying in the last of these letters: “Go home I will, if I leave the Massachusetts
without a Member here” (all three letters in MHi and printed in Warren-Adams Letters, 1:263–266). Elbridge Gerry was on leave at this time, and on 12 Aug. Samuel Adams
also departed for Massachusetts, leaving only Paine, who was quite ill, and JA on duty until Gerry's return on 2 Sept. (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:li–lii). In letters to his wife and to James Warren during August that are too
numerous to list, JA repeatedly implored them to send horses so that he could make his way home. Meanwhile
the General Court was in adjournment, and even after it convened on 28 Aug. it took
no action on JA's request, service in Congress being relished by none who were eligible to serve
(James Warren to JA, 19 Sept., Adams Papers; Warren-Adams Letters, 1:274). And toward the close of August, despite his irritation with his principals
at home, JA himself thought it best to stay on in Philadelphia during the military crisis round
New York. So it was that, although his old servant Bass arrived on 5 Sept. with horses
procured by AA, JA did not apply to Congress for a leave of absence until 10 October. Three days later
he set out. See AA to JA, 29 Aug.; JA to AA, 4, 5 Sept., 11 Oct. (all in Adams Papers); JA to Warren, 4 Sept. (MHi; Warren-Adams Letters, 1:273). The date of his arrival in Braintree after an absence of about ten months
is not known. On 3 Jan. 1777 the General Court authorized payment to JA of £226 6s. 2d. “in full Satisfaction of his Services & Expences as a Delegate at
the Continentale Congress for the Year 1776” (Resolves of 1776–1777, ch. 719; Mass., Province Laws, 19:744).
The present entry is the last in D/JA/25, though there follow in this booklet 37 pages
of notes on the French language, copied from an unidentified French grammar. It is
possible that these were copied into the Diary in the spring of 1776. An alliance
with France was being discussed when JA returned to Congress in February, and on the 18th of that month he wrote to AA: “I wish I understood French as well as you. I would have gone to Canada [on the committee of Congress to visit the army there], if I had”; and he went on to adjure her to teach the children French, which will
soon “become a necessary Accomplishment of an American Gentleman and Lady” (Adams Papers; printed in JA-AA, Familiar Letters, p. 136). On the other hand, the exercises may have been copied during the comparative
leisure JA enjoyed after his return from Congress in the fall of 1776.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0001-0001
Recipient: Massachusetts General Court
DateRange: 1777-01 - 1777-09
[Account with Massachusetts as a Delegate to the Continental Congress, January–September 1777.]1
| £ | s | d | ||
| 1777. Bought two Horses for my Journey to Baltimore, one of the Honourable Mr. Spooner for £15 another of John Gill for £20—I bought these Horses, because I had none of my own, but one, which I was obliged to leave at home for the Use of my Family, and I thought it would be a Saving to the public to buy a Couple of cheap Horses rather than to hire as I must have done at a dear rate. The public will allow me for the Hire of these Horses what they think just.2 | 35: | 0: | 0 | |
| January | Paid Mr. Vesey for shoeing my Horses 8s each | 0: | 16: | 0 |
| Paid for a small Pair of Holsters for Pistolls and for Pistol Balls 4s | 0: | 4: | 0 | |
| January 29. | Paid Isaac Greentrees Account at Philadelphia for keeping my Servant and Horses | 2: | 8: | 0 |
| Cash paid Mr. Lovell, being Monies advanced by him, for me upon the Road | 32: | 16: | 10 | |
| February 10. | Cash paid the Washerwoman at Baltimore for washing Linnen for me and my Servant one dollar | 0: | 8: | 0 |
| Feb. 24. 1777. | Cash paid John Turner for his Account £2:15s. 9d Pensilvania Currency | 2: | 4: | 6 |
| To cash paid Turner 5s: Pen. Cur. | 0: | 4: | 0 | |
| Feb. 27. | Cash paid Washerwoman for Washing for me and my Man | 0: | 8: | 0 |
| 28 | Cash paid for David Rusks Account, for keeping my Horses, &c. 37 dollars3 | 11: | 2: | 0 |
| Feb. 29. | Cash paid Elizabeth Ross my Landlady in Baltimore for my own and my servants Board £9.12s:6d Pen. Cur. | 7: | 14: | 0 |
| Feb. 28. | Cash to M. K. Goddard for a Blank Book 25s P. Cur. | 1: | 0: | 0 |
| 29. | Cash paid for a Quire of Paper 3s Pen. Cur. | 0: | 2: | 6 |
| { 253 } | ||||
| 24 | Cash paid Sam. & Robert Purveyance for a Bll. of flour shipped home to my family not to be charged to the public 2:13:1 Pen. cur.4 | 2: | 2: | 6 |
| March 2 | To cash paid the Hostler for trimming my Horses &c. | 0: | 3: | 0 |
| To cash paid Wadsworth for my share towards Wood, Candles, Wine, cutting Wood &c. | 0: | 6: | 0 | |
| To cash paid Mrs. Ross for Board since the Date of her Account | 0: | 6: | 0 | |
| 62: | 4: | 4 | ||
| Cr | ||||
| By Articles in Mr. Lovell's Account which are not to be charged to the public | ||||
| Cash paid for an Hanger | 7: | 10: | 0 | |
| Cash paid to Turner | 3: | 12: | 0 | |
| Cash paid for a Pistoll Belt | 0: | 4: | 0 | |
| 1777 | By a Grant of Cash which I recd. of the Treasury | 150: | 0: | 05 |
| Feb. 24. | By the Article of a Barrell of flour | 2: | 2: | 6 |
| Feb. 28. | By an abatement |
| 1777 March 7. | Cash paid Coll. Whipple, for my share of Expence for myself, my servant and Horses, on our Journey from Baltimore to Philadelphia, crossing the Susquehannah River at the Bald Fryars6£ 7. Pen. cur. 18 dollars & 2/3 | 5: | 12: | 0 | |
| 10. | To cash paid the Newspaper Carrier, | 0: | 2: | 0 | |
| 15. | To cash paid John Turner for sundry Necessaries as per Acct. | 0: | 10: | 8 | |
| April | 11. | To cash paid for a Box of Dr. Ryans Pills to be sent to my Family, not to be charged to the public | 0: | 8: | 0 |
| { 254 } | |||||
| Paid John Turner to pay Henry Moses for a Pair of Pistoll Holders | 1: | 4: | 0 | ||
| April | 15. | Paid Jos. Fox for shoeing two Horses 30s Pen. cur. | 1: | 4: | 0 |
| Paid Robertson for a Quart of Spirits 7s:6d Pen. cur. | 0: | 6: | 0 | ||
| April | 17. | Paid John Turners Account 3 dollars | 0: | 18: | 0 |
| 24. | Paid for one half Gallon of Wine 3 dollars | 0: | 18: | 0 | |
| 28. | Paid my Washerwoman 3 dollars | 0: | 18: | 0 | |
| 30 | Paid Mrs. Yards Account for mine and servants Board7 | 4: | 16: | 0 | |
| May | 2. | Paid General Wolcot, my Proportion towards four Gallons of Spirit which, he, Coll. Whipple, Mr. Lovell and myself, purchased together. | 1: | 2: | 0 |
| 5. | Paid for Washing 5s:iod Pen. Cur. | 0: | 4: | 8 | |
| 13 | Paid for one Gallon of Rum 40s Pen. Cur. | 1: | 12: | 0 | |
| 15 | Paid Thos. Tufts for mending the Lock of my Chest | 0: | 1: | 0 | |
| Paid for Candles 2s:6d Pen. cur. | 0: | 2: | 0 | ||
| 24. | Paid the Washerwoman 4 dollars | 1: | 4: | 0 | |
| 30 | Paid John Burn the Barber £3. Pen. Cur. | 2: | 8: | 0 | |
| July | 4. | Paid for one Gallon of Rum Six Dollars £2:5s Pen. Cur. | 1: | 16: | 0 |
| 22 | Paid for a Girth of Leather 2 dollars | 0: | 12: | 0 | |
| Paid for Candles and black ball | 0: | 5: | 0 | ||
| 25: | 11: | 4 | |||
| Money Spent in miscellaneous Expenses as on the other Page [i.e. the following memorandum] | 7: | 7 | |||
| 32: | 18: | 4 | |||
1777 July 23. I cast up the foregoing Account, and found it amounted to £87:15s:8d.
At the same Time I counted over all the Money which I had left of the hundred Pounds
I brought with me and found it amounted to £4:17s:4d which added to £87:15s: 8d makes
£92:13s:od which being deducted from £100:os:od the sum I { 255 } brought with me from Home, (having left £50, with my Family) leaves £7: 7s: od—so
that I have spent seven Pounds, seven shillings, which I have kept no Account of—all
this is gone in miscellaneous Expences, on Committees, and for a Variety of miscellaneous
Articles, without which it is impossible to live and of which it is impossible to
account.
| £ | s | d | ||
| 1777 July 23d. | Paid William Dibley his Account for keeping my Horses £23:125:6 P.C. 63 dollars | 18: | 18: | 0 |
| July 24. | Paid My Servant John Turners Account for his Wages, and 10 Weeks Board and some Disbursements for me, as per his Acct. and Rect. £31: 6s:6d P. Cur. 83 dollars | 24: | 18: | 0 |
| Paid Isaac Shoemakers £2:3s:9d P.C. 5 dollars & 5/6 | 1: | 15: | 0 | |
| Paid Isaac Greentree for Horsekeeping £3:11s:od Pen. cur. | 2: | 17: | 0 | |
| July 25 | Paid Wm. Davey for keeping my Horses 6 Weeks £2:5s:od Pen. cur. | 1: | 16: | 0 |
| Aug. 11. | Paid John Turners Acct. £2:9s:9d Pen. Cur. | 2: | 2: | 0 |
| Paid John Coltons Acct. £2:12s:6d | 2: | 2: | 0 | |
| Paid John Turner towards his Expences home | 3: | 2: | 0 | |
| Aug. 19. | Paid Washerwomans Account for washing for me and my Servant £4:11s:2d P.C. L.M. | 3: | 13: | 0 |
| Aug. 26. | Paid Byrnes Account £3 P.C. | 2: | 8: | 0 |
| Aug. 30 | Paid Captain Robert Duncans Account for mine and my Servants Board to 31st. Aug. £77.18s:4d P.C. | 62: | 8: | 0 |
| Sept. 1. | Paid for two Pounds of Candles. | 0: | 4: | 0 |
| 14. | Paid Mr. Samuel McLane his Account £6:1os P.C. | 5: | 4: | 0 |
| Paid for a Pair of Straps | 0: | 6: | 0 |
| 1777 July 22. | By 1000 Dollars reed, of Mr. John Gibson in Part of a Note of Hand from { 256 } £ s d Mr. Hillegas to Mr. Hancock for 25,000 Dollars for which I gave a Rect. on the back of the Note and also a loose Rect. to Mr. Gibson | 300: | 0: | 08 |
1. This record of JA's expenses for his service in the Continental Congress during 1777 is in the back
pages of one of his letterbooks (Lb/JA/3; Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 91), and is printed here because it is much more complete than an account
for the same year, begun on a loose sheet inserted in D/JA/22B but broken off after
a few entries. Even the present version is incomplete, extending only to mid-September
though JA attended Congress two months longer. The explanation is in a letter from JA to Speaker James Warren, 15 Jan. 1778 (NN: Emmet Coll.). This letter enclosed a summary account of JA's claim against Massachusetts for 1777 and apologized for its want of fullness and
lack of supporting vouchers. But, as the writer explained, owing to the sudden departure
of Congress from Philadelphia when Howe's army was approaching the city from the Chesapeake,
“I was obliged to leave a small Trunk of my Baggage together with my Account Book
and all my Receipts behind me, in the Care of a Reverend Gentleman in the City.” See
Diary entries of 15, 19 Sept., below.
On 15 Nov. 1776 JA had been elected to serve another year in Congress, together with his colleagues
Hancock, Samuel Adams, Paine, and Gerry, and two additional members, James Lovell
and Francis Dana (Mass., House Jour., 1776–1777, p. 157). This enlargement of the delegation partly answered JA's pleas of the preceding summer, and a resolution voted by the General Court on 4
Feb. 1777 (laid before Congress on 12 March) went further by declaring that “any two
or more of said Delegates, representing this State in Congress, being the major part
present, be and hereby are vested with all the powers with which any three ... were
vested” previously (enclosure in John Avery to JA, 17 Feb., Adams Papers; full text in JCC, 7:169–170).
2. On 12 Dec. 1776 Congress had adjourned at Philadelphia as Howe's army drove Washington's
army through New Jersey to the Delaware, and on 20 Dec. it convened in Baltimore (JCC, 6:1027– 1028). So that when JA set out with James Lovell on 9 Jan. 1777, they took a circuitous, backcountry route.
Upon leaving Hartford they crossed the hills of western Connecticut and reached the
Hudson at Fishkill “After a March like that of Hannibal over the Alps.” At Fishkill
they found they had to travel north in order to cross the ice-choked Hudson, which
they did at Poughkeepsie. Traversing Orange co., N.Y., and Sussex co., N.J., they
reached Easton at the Forks of the Delaware by 24 January. A day or two later JA had his first view of the Moravian community at Bethlehem, Penna., and he and Lovell
arrived at Baltimore on 1 February. JA described the journey in letters to AA dated 9, 13, 14, [17 or 18], 19, 20, 24 Jan.; 2, 7 Feb. 1777 (Adams Papers; printed in JA-AA, Familiar Letters, p. 233–242).
4. A receipt for this purchase from the Purviances is in Adams Papers under this date.
5. This was an advance partial payment to JA for his service in Congress during 1777, authorized by a vote of the House on 4 Jan.
(Mass., House Jour., 1776–1777, p. 213).
6. A ford a few miles south of the Pennsylvania-Maryland boundary, near present Conowingo.
It is shown on a remarkable MS map of the country between the Chesapeake and Philadelphia { 257 } enclosed in a letter from James Lovell to AA, 29 Aug. (Adams Papers), and is described in The Revolutionary Journal of Baron Ludwig von Closen, 1780–1783, ed. Evelyn M. Acomb, Chapel Hill, 1958, p. 125. Evidently the crossings below this
point were ice-bound.
7. JA probably left Baltimore on 2 March and arrived in Philadelphia by the 5th, the day
to which Congress had, at its last sitting in Baltimore (27 Feb.), adjourned, though
a quorum of members did not assemble until 12 March (JCC, 7:168–169). JA lodged at Mrs. Yard's in Second Street until 14 March, but on that day moved to Capt.
Robert Duncan's on the south side of Walnut Street between Second and Third, because
he got cheaper terms there; his fellow boarders included William Whipple of New Hampshire
and Oliver Wolcott of Connecticut (JA to AA, 14, 16 March, Adams Papers). Here he stayed until 12 Sept.; see Diary, 15 Sept., below.
8. This is a credit item in favor of Massachusetts. John Gibson was auditor general and
Michael Hillegas was treasurer of the United States. In his summary account submitted to the General Court, JA's total expenses, together with pay at 24s. a day for 322 days, came to £792 18s.
8d., from which he deducted £450 (£150 advance pay and £300 from the Continental Treasury
as here listed), so that the balance due him amounted to £342 18s. 8d. (enclosure
in JA to Speaker Warren, 15 Jan. 1778, NN:Emmet Coll.). Payment to him in this amount was authorized by a resolve of 27 Jan.
1778 (Resolves of 1777–1778, ch. 685; Mass., Province Laws, 20:261).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0001
Date: 1777-02-06
1777. Thursday Feby. 6th.1
Lodged last night for the first Time in my new Quarters, at Mrs. Ross'es in Markett
Street, Baltimore a few Doors below the fountain Inn.
The Gentlemen from Pensilvania and Maryland, complain of the growing Practice of distilling
Wheat into Whisky. They say it will become a Question whether the People shall eat
bread or drink Whisky.
The Congress sits in the last House at the West End of Market Street, on the South
Side of the Street. A long Chamber, with two fire Places, two large Closets, and two
Doors. The House belongs to a Quaker, who built it for a Tavern.2
1. First entry in “Paper book” No. 28 (our D/JA/28), a stitched gathering of leaves without
cover containing entries extending to 21 Nov. 1777 but with a gap from the beginning
of March to mid-September.
2. A memorial tablet now marks the site of this building at the corner of Liberty and
Baltimore (formerly Market) Streets. See Edith Rossiter Bevan, “The Continental Congress
in Baltimore, Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777,” Md. Hist. Mag., 42:21–28 (March 1947), a useful compendium of information on Congress' brief stay
in Baltimore.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0002
Date: 1777-02-07
7th Fryday.
Dined, about half a Mile out of Town at Mr. Lux's, with Dr. Witherspoon, Mr. S. Adams,
Mr. Lovell, Mr. Hall, Dr. Thornton, a Mr. Harrison, Dr.[] and Mr. George Lux, and two Ladies Mrs. Lux and her Sister. This Seat is named Chatworth,
and an elegant one it is. Has a large Yard, inclosed with Stone in Lime, and before
{ 258 } The Yard two fine Rows of large Cherry Trees, which lead out to the public Road. There
is a fine Prospect about it. Mr. Lux and his Son are sensible Gentlemen. I had much
Conversation with George about the new form of Government adopted in Maryland.
George is the young Gentleman, by whom I sent Letters to my friends from Philadelphia,
when the Army was at Cambridge, particularly to Coll. Warren, whom and whose Lady
Lux so much admired.
The whole Family profess great Zeal in the American Cause. Mr. Lux lives like a Prince.1
1. The seat of William Lux, a merchant, shipowner, and Continental marine agent in Baltimore,
was called Chatsworth. JA and Samuel Adams had written letters introducing Lux's son George to James Warren
in July 1775. See Charles O. Paullin, ed., Out-Letters of the Continental Marine Committee and Board of Admiralty, N.Y., 1914, 1:131; Bevan, “Continental Congress in Baltimore,” p. 27 and note; Warren-Adams Letters, 1:93–94.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0003
Date: 1777-02-08
1777. Feb. 8. Saturday.
Dined at the Presidents, with Mr. Lux, Messrs. Samuel and Robert Purveyance, Capt.
Nicholson of the Maryland Frigate,1 Coll. Harrison, Wilson, Mr. Hall—upon New England Salt fish. The Weather was rainy,
and the Streets the muddiest I ever saw.—This is the dirtyest Place in the World—our
Salem, and Portsmouth are neat in Comparison. The Inhabitants, however, are excusable
because they had determined to pave the Streets before this War came on, since which
they have laid the Project aside, as they are accessible to Men of War. This Place
is not incorporated. It is neither a City, Town, nor Burrough, so that they can do
nothing with Authority.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0004
Date: 1777-02-09
1777. Feby. 9. Sunday.
Heard Mr. Allison. In the Evening walked to Fells Point, the Place where the Ships
lie, a kind of Peninsula which runs out, into the Bason which lies before Baltimore
Town. This Bason 30 Years ago was deep enough for large Tobacco ships, but since then
has fill'd up, ten feet. Between the Town and the Point, We pass a Bridge over a little
Brook which is the only Stream which runs into the Bason, and the only flux of Water
which is to clear away the Dirt which flows into the Bason from the foul streets of
the Town and the neighbouring Hills and Fields. There is a breast Work thrown up upon
the Point, with a { 259 } Number of Embrasures for Cannon facing the Entrance into the Harbour. The Virginia
Frigate Capt. Nickolson, lies off in the Stream. There is a Number of Houses upon
this Point. You have a fine View of the Town of Baltimore from this Point.
On my Return, I stopped and drank Tea at Captn. Smiths, a Gentleman of the new Assembly.1
1. William Smith; he was to be elected to Congress on 15 Feb. (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:xlix–l; Biog. Dir. Cong.; entry of 23 Feb., below).
On the following day JA resigned his seat, which he had never been able to occupy, as chief justice of Massachusetts,
thus ending a dilemma that had made him uncomfortable for many months. On 28 Oct.
1775 he was notified that the Council had chosen him “to be first or Chief Justice
of the Superior Court of Judicature” (Perez Morton to JA, 28 Oct. 1775, Adams Papers). Difficulties in filling up the high court proved insuperable for some time, and
there was also much criticism in Congress during 1776 of plural officeholding, which
JA found embarrassing. See his Autobiography, where he discusses the matter at length
(Works, 3:25–28). His letter of resignation was enclosed in one to John Avery, 10 Feb. 1777 (LbC, Adams Papers; enclosure printed in Works, 3: 25, note).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0005
Date: 1777-02-16
1777 Feb. 16.
Last Evening I supped with my Friends Dr. Rush and Mr. Sergeant at Mrs. Page's over
the Bridge. The two Coll. Lees, Dr. Witherspoon, Mr. Adams, Mr. Gerry, Dr. Brownson,
made the Company. They have a Fashion in this Town of reversing the Picture of King
G. 3d, in such Families as have it. One of these Topsy Turvy Kings was hung up in
the Room, where we supped, and under it were written these Lines, by Mr. Throop, as
we were told.
Behold the Man who had it in his Power
To make a Kingdom tremble and adore
Intoxicate with Folly, See his Head
Plac'd where the meanest of his Subjects tread
Like Lucifer the giddy Tyrant fell
He lifts his Heel to Heaven but points his Head to Hell.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0006
Date: 1777-02-17
Feb. 17. Monday.
Yesterday, heard Dr. Witherspoon upon redeeming Time. An excellent Sermon. I find
that I understand the Dr. better, since I have heard him so much in Conversation,
and in the Senate. But I perceive that his Attention to civil Affairs, has slackened
his Memory. It cost him more Pains than heretofore to recollect his Discourse.
Mr. H[ancock] told C.W. [Colonel Whipple?] Yesterday, that he had determined to go to Boston in April. Mrs. H. was not willing
to go { 260 } till May, but Mr. H. was determined upon April.—Perhaps the Choice of a Governor,
may come on in May.—What aspiring little Creatures we are! how subtle, sagacious and
judicious this Passion is! how clearly it sees its Object, how constantly it pursues
it, and what wise Plans it devises for obtaining it!
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0007
Date: 1777-02-21
1777. Feb. 21. Fryday.
Dined Yesterday at Mr. Samuel Purveyances. Mr. Robert his Brother and Lady, the President
and Lady, the two Coll. Lees and their Ladies, Mr. Page and his Lady, Coll. Whipple,
Mrs. K. Quincy, a young Gentleman and a young Lady made the Company.1 A great Feast. The Virginia Ladies had Ornaments about their Wrists, which I dont
remember to have seen before. These Ornaments were like Miniature Pictures, bound
round the Arms with some Chains.
This Morning received a long Card from Mr. H. expressing great Resentment about fixing
the Magazine at Brookfield, against the Book binder and the General.2 The Complaisance to me and the Jealousy for the Massachusetts in this Message, indicate
to me, the same Passion and the same design, with the Journey to B[oston] in April.
1. Samuel and Robert Purviance were prominent merchants who had come to Baltimore from
Ireland via Philadelphia in the 1760's and were now engaged in supplying the Continental
forces; correspondence on their business activities and especially on Samuel Purviance's
leading role in the Baltimore Committee of Correspondence, is printed in Robert Purviance,
A Narrative of Events Which Occurred in Baltimore Town during the Revolutionary War, Baltimore, 1849, which is in some sense a family memoir. Among the other guests
were Richard Henry and Francis Lightfoot Lee and Mann Page Jr., all delegates in Congress
from Virginia; and “Mrs.” (i.e. Mistress, actually Miss) Katherine Quincy, sister
of Mrs. President Hancock.
2. Hancock's “long Card” to JA has not been found; “the Book binder” was Henry Knox, recently commissioned brigadier
general (DAB). On the controversy over locating the Continental magazines, see Hancock to Washington,
29 Jan. 1777, in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:226, and references there.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0008
Date: 1777-02-23
1777. Feb. 23.
Took a Walk with Mr. Gerry, down to a Place called Ferry Branch, a Point of Land which
is formed by a Branch of the Patapsco on one Side and the Basin before the Town of
Baltimore on the other. At the Point is a Ferry, over to the Road which goes to Anapolis.
This is a very pretty Walk. At the Point you have a full view of the elegant, splendid
Seat of Mr. Carroll Barrister.1 It is a large and elegant House. It stands fronting looking down the River, into
the Harbour. It is one Mile from the Water. There is a most beautifull Walk from the
House down to the Water. There is a descent, not far from the House. You { 261 } have a fine Garden—then you descend a few Steps and have another fine Garden—you go
down a few more and have another. It is now the dead of Winter, no Verdure, or Bloom
to be seen, but in the Spring, Summer, and fall this Scaene must be very pretty.
Returned and dined with Mr. William Smith a new Member of Congress. Dr. Lyon, Mr.
Merriman, Mr. Gerry, a son of Mr. Smith, and two other Gentlemen made the Company.
The Conversation turned, among other Things, upon removing the Obstructions and opening
the Navigation of Susquehannah River. The Company thought it might easily be done,
and would open an amazing Scaene of Business. Philadelphia will oppose it, but it
will be the Interest of a Majority of Pensilvania to effect it.
This Mr. Smith is a grave, solid Gentleman, a Presbyterian by Profession—a very different
Man from the most of those We have heretofore had from Maryland.
The Manners of Maryland are somewhat peculiar. They have but few Merchants. They are
chiefly Planters and Farmers. The Planters are those who raise Tobacco and the Farmers
such as raise Wheat &c. The Lands are cultivated, and all Sorts of Trades are exercised
by Negroes, or by transported Convicts, which has occasioned the Planters and Farmers
to assume the Title of Gentlemen, and they hold their Negroes and Convicts, that is
all labouring People and Tradesmen, in such Contempt, that they think themselves a
distinct order of Beings. Hence they never will suffer their Sons to labour or learn
any Trade, but they bring them up in Idleness or what is worse in Horse Racing, Cock
fighting, and Card Playing.
1. Charles Carroll, “Barrister,” was so designated to distinguish him from his distant
relative Charles Carroll of Carrollton; see W. Stull Holt, “Charles Carroll, Barrister:
The Man,” Md. Hist. Mag., 31:112–126 (June 1936). Both served as Maryland delegates in Congress, though not
concurrently (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:xlv–xlvi). The Barrister's seat was called Mount Clare and is now a museum in
Carroll Park, Baltimore. There is an illustrated article by Lilian Giffen, “‘Mount
Clare,’ Baltimore,” Md. Hist. Mag., 42:29–34 (March 1947).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0009
Date: 1777-02-28
1777. Feb. 28. Fryday.
Last Evening had a good deal of free Conversation, with Mr. R. Purveyance. He seems
to me to have a perfect Understanding of the affairs of this State. Men and Things
are very well known to him.
The object of the Men of Property here, the Planters &c., is universally, Wealth.
Every Way in the World is sought to get and save Money. Landjobbers—Speculators in
Land—little Generosity to the Public—little public Spirit.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0002-0010
Date: 1777-02-28
Feb. 29.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0001
Date: 1777-09-15
Septr. 15. 1777. Monday.1
Fryday the 12, I removed from Captn. Duncans in Walnutt Street to the Revd. Mr. Sprouts
in Third Street, a few doors from his Meeting House.2 Mr. Merchant from Rhode Island boards here, with me.3 Mr. Sprout is sick of a Fever. Mrs. Sprout, and the four young Ladies her Daughters,
are in great Distress on Account of his Sickness, and the Approach of Mr. Howes Army.
But they bear their Affliction with Christian Patience and philosophic Fortitude.
The young Ladies are Miss Hannah, Olive, Sally and Nancy. The only Son is an Officer
in the Army. He was the first Clerk in the American War office.
We live in critical Moments! Mr. Howes Army is at Middleton and Concord. Mr. Washingtons,
upon the Western Banks of Schuylkill, a few Miles from him. I saw this Morning an
excellent Chart of the Schuylkill, Chester River, the Brandywine, and this whole Country,
among the Pensilvania Files. This City is the Stake, for which the Game is playd.
I think, there is a Chance for saving it, although the Probability is against Us.
Mr. Howe I conjecture is waiting for his Ships to come into the Delaware. Will W.
attack him? I hope so—and God grant him Success.
1. In the MS there is only a half-page interval of space between the false entry of “Feb. 29”
and the present entry six and a half months later. During that period JA was steadily in attendance at Congress in Philadelphia. His principal work, as in
the summer and fall of 1776, was presiding over the Board of War and Ordnance, which
handled the lion's share of Congress' routine work. Hundreds of communications, relating
to military operations, recruits, defenses, prisoners, supplies, courts martial, and
the rank of officers (a perpetual problem, made worse by the influx of foreign volunteers),
to mention no others, were referred to the Board for recommendations or action during
these months. Although there was discussion throughout the year of converting the
Board into a professional body under the supervision of Congress, this step was not
taken until after JA had left Congress in November. See Samuel Adams to JA, 9 Jan. 1777, Adams Papers; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 2:210, and notes and references there.
As early as May JA complained of “drooping” health, a lingering cold, and weakened eyes (to AA, 15, 21 May, Adams Papers). As summer came on, he had a strong additional reason for wishing to visit Braintree:
AA was expecting a baby in July. On 11 July she was delivered of a daughter who was
to have been named Elizabeth but who “never opened its Eyes in this World.” See JA to AA, 4 June, 28 July; AA to JA, 9, 10–11, 16 July; John Thaxter to JA, 13 July (Adams Papers).
3. Henry Marchant, of Newport, R.I., a delegate to the Continental Congress, 1777–1780,
1783–1784 (Biog. Dir. Cong. ).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0002
Date: 1777-09-16
1777. Sept. 16. Tuesday.
No Newspaper this Morning. Mr. Dunlap has moved or packed up his Types. A Note from
G. Dickinson that the Enemy in N. Jersey are 4000 strong.1 How is about 15 miles from Us, the other Way. The City seems to be asleep, or dead,
and the whole State scarce alive. Maryland and Delaware the same.
The Prospect is chilling, on every Side. Gloomy, dark, melancholly, and dispiriting.
When and where will the light spring up?
Shall We have good News from Europe? Shall We hear of a Blow struck by Gates? Is there
a Possibility that Washington should beat How? Is there a Prospect that McDougal and
Dickinson should destroy the Detachment in the Jersies?
From whence is our Deliverance to come? Or is it not to come? Is Philadelphia to be
lost? If lost, is the Cause lost? No—the Cause is not lost—but it may be hurt.
I seldom regard Reports, but it is said that How has marked his Course, from Elke,
with Depredation. His Troops have plunderd Henroosts, dairy Rooms, the furniture of
Houses and all the Cattle of the Country. The Inhabitants, most of whom are Quakers,
are angry and disappointed, because they were promised the Security of their Property.
It is reported too that Mr. How lost great Numbers in the Battle of the Brandywine.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0003
Date: 1777-09-18
1777. Septr. 18. Thursday.
The violent N.E. Storm which began the Day before Yesterday continues. We are yet
in Philadelphia, that Mass of Cowardice and Toryism. Yesterday was buryed Monsr. Du
Coudray, a French Officer of Artillery, who was lately made an Inspector General of
Artillery and military Manufactures with the Rank of Major General. He was drowned
in the Schuylkill, in a strange manner. He rode into the Ferry Boat, and road out
at the other End, into the River, and was drowned. His Horse took fright. He was reputed
the most learned and promising Officer in France. He was carried into the Romish Chappell,
and buried in the Yard of that Church.
This Dispensation will save Us much Altercation.1
1. Much altercation had, however, preceded this event. On Philippe Tronson du Coudray,
a French artillery officer and prolific writer on artillery science, see Lasseray, Les français sous les treize étoiles, 2:444–454. By agreement with { 264 } Silas Deane in France, Du Coudray expected to be appointed major general and to take
command of the Continental artillery upon his arrival in America in April 1777. This
prospect outraged Generals Knox, Greene, and Sullivan and led them to threaten resignation
of their commands. JA, distressed about what to do with Du Coudray, was much more distressed by the American
generals' behavior. See JA to Nathanael Greene, 7 July 1777, LbC, Adams Papers; RC printed by Bernhard Knollenberg, with valuable comments, in R.I. Hist., 1:78–81 (July 1942). Lafayette described Du Coudray's death as “peutetre un heureux
accident” (Lasseray, 2:452).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0004
Date: 1777-09-19
1777. Septr. 19. Fryday.
At 3 this Morning was waked by Mr. Lovell, and told that the Members of Congress were
gone, some of them, a little after Midnight. That there was a Letter from Mr. Hamilton
Aid de Camp to the General, informing that the Enemy were in Poss[essio]n of the Ford and the Boats, and had it in their Power to be in Philadelphia, before
Morning, and that if Congress was not removed they had not a Moment to loose.1
Mr. Merchant and myself arose, sent for our Horses, and, after collecting our Things,
rode off after the others. Breakfasted at Bristol, where were many Members, determined
to go the Newtown Road to Reading. We rode to Trenton where We dined. Coll. Harrison,
Dr. Witherspoon, all the Delegates from N.Y. and N.E. except Gerry and Lovell. Drank
Tea at Mr. Spencers, lodged at Mr. S. Tuckers, at his kind Invitation.
1. Alexander Hamilton to John Hancock, 18 Sept. 1777 (Hamilton, Works, ed. Hamilton, 1:34–35). Congress had already agreed on the 14th that if it proved necessary to
leave Philadelphia, “Lancaster shall be the place at which they shall meet” (JCC, 8:742; see also p. 754). For some further details on JA's departure and his circuitous route to Lancaster in order to avoid British scouting
parties, see his letter to AA of 30 Sept. (Adams Papers; JA-AA, Familiar Letters, p. 314–315).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0005
Date: 1777-09-20
Septr. 20. Saturday.
Breakfasted at Mrs. J. B. Smiths. The old Gentleman, his Son Thomas the Loan Officer,
were here, and Mrs. Smith's little Son and two Daughters. An elegant Break fast We
had of fine Hyson, loaf Sugar, and Coffee &c.
Dined at Williams's, the Sign of the Green Tree. Drank Tea, with Mr. Thompson and
his Lady at Mrs. Jacksons. Walked with Mr. Duane to General Dickinsons House, and
took a Look at his Farm and Gardens, and his Greenhouse, which is a Scaene of Desolation.
The floor of the Greenhouse is dug up by the Hessians, in Search for Money. The Orange,
Lemon and Lime Trees are all dead, with the Leaves on. There is a spacious Ball Room,
above stairs a drawing { 265 } Room and a whispering Room. In another Apartment, a huge Crash of Glass Bottles, which
the Hessians had broke I suppose.—These are thy Tryumphs, mighty Britain.—Mr. Law,
Mr. Hancock, Mr. Thompson, Mr.[] were here. Spent the Evening at Williams's and slept again at Tuckers.
Mrs. Tucker has about 1600£ st. in some of the Funds in England, which she is in fear
of loosing. She is accordingly, passionately wishing for Peace, and that the Battle
was fought once for all &c. Says that, private Property will be plundered, where there
is an Army whether of Friends or Enemies. That if the two opposite Armys were to come
here alternately ten times, she would stand by her Property untill she should be kill'd.
If she must be a Beggar, it should be where she was known &c. This kind of Conversation
shews plainly enough, how well she is pleased, with the State of Things.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0006
Date: 1777-09-21
1777 Septr. 21. Sunday.
It was a false alarm which occasioned our Flight from Philadelphia. Not a Soldier
of Howes has crossed the Schuylkill.1 Washington has again crossed it, which I think is a very injudicious Maneuvre. I
think, his Army would have been best disposed on the West Side of the Schuylkill.
If he had sent one Brigade of his regular Troops to have heald2 the Militia it would have been enough. With such a Disposition, he might have cutt
to Pieces, Hows Army, in attempting to cross any of the Fords. How will not attempt
it. He will wait for his Fleet in Delaware River. He will keep open his Line of Communication
with Brunswick, and at last, by some Deception or other will slip unhurt into the
City.
Burgoine has crossed Hudsons River, by which Gen. Gates thinks, he is determined at
all Hazards to push for Albany, which G. Gates says he will do all in his Power to
prevent him from reaching. But I confess I am anxious for the Event, for I fear he
will deceive Gates, who seems to be acting the same timorous, defensive Part, which
has involved us in so many Disasters.—Oh, Heaven! grant Us one great Soul! One leading
Mind would extricate the best Cause, from that Ruin which seems to await it, for the
Want of it.
We have as good a Cause, as ever was fought for. We have great Resources. The People
are well tempered. One active masterly Capacity would bring order out of this Confusion
and save this Country.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0007
Date: 1777-09-22
1777. Monday. Septr. 22.
Breakfasted at Ringolds in Quaker Town, dined at Shannons in Easton at the Forks,
slept at Johnsons in Bethlehem.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0008
Date: 1777-09
[Travel Expenses, September 1777.]1
pd. at Quaker Town[] 2 1/2 dollars.
pd. at Johnsons at Bethlehem[] 8 dollars
at Hartmans Reading[] 4 dollars
at Parkers[] £4:18s:6d P.C.
1. Fragmentary record of expenses, written on the last leaf of D/JA/28, during JA's journey from Philadelphia to Lancaster via Trenton, Easton, Bethlehem, and Reading.
Congress sat in Lancaster for only one day, 27 Sept., adjourning on that day to meet
at York on the 30th, and was able to proceed with business on 1 Oct. (JCC, 8:755–756). Its place of meeting was the York co. courthouse (Robert Fortenbaugh,
The Nine Capitals of the United States, York, Penna., 1948, p. 39). JA was at Lancaster by the 27th and at York by the 30th, where he stayed at the house
of Gen. Daniel Roberdeau, a Pennsylvania delegate (JA to AA, 9 Oct., Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0009
Date: 1777-09-23
1777. Tuesday. Septr. 23.
Mr. Okeley [Okely], Mr. Hassey [Hasse] and Mr. Edwine [Ettwein] came to see me. Mr. Edwine shewed Us, the Childrens Meeting at half after 8 o'clock.
Musick, consisting of an Organ and Singing in the German Language. Mr. Edwine gave
a Discourse in German and then the same in English.1
Mrs. Langley shewed Us the Society of Single Women. Then Mr. Edwine shewed Us the
Water Works and the Manufactures. There are six Setts of Works in one Building. An
Hemp Mill, an Oil Mill, a Mill to grind Bark for the Tanners.
Then the Fullers Mill, both of Cloth and Leather, the Dyers House, and the Shearers
House. They raise a great deal of Madder. We walked among the Rowes of Cherry Trees,
with spacious orchards of Apple Trees on each Side of the Cherry Walk. The Society
of Single Men have turned out, for the sick.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0010
Date: 1777-09-24
1777 Wednesday Sept. 24.
Fine Morning. We all went to Meeting last Evening, where Mr. Edwine gave the People
a short discourse in German, and the Congregation sung and the organ playd. There
were about 200 Women and as many Men. The Women sat together in one Body and the Men
{ 267 } in another. The Women dressed all alike. The Womens Heads resembled a Garden of white
Cabbage Heads.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0003-0011
Date: 1777-09-25
1777. Thursday. Septr. 25.
Rode from Bethlehem through Allan Town, Yesterday, to a German Tavern, about 18 Miles
from Reading. Rode this Morning to Reading, where We breakfasted, and heard for certain
that Mr. Howes Army had crossed the Schuylkill. Coll. Hartley gave me an Account of
the late Battle, between the Enemy and General Wayne.1 Hartley thinks that the Place was improper for Battle, and that there ought to have
been a Retreat.
1. Grey's surprise of Wayne at Paoli, 20 September.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0004-0001
Date: 1777-11-15
1777 Saturday Novr. 15th.1
At Willis's at the Log Goal in New Jersey 28 miles from Easton.
1777 Tuesday Novr. 11. Sett off from York Town—reached Lancaster. 12. From Lancaster
to Reading. Slept at Gen. Mifflins.2 13. Reached Strickser's. 14. Dined at Bethlehem. Slept at Easton at Coll. Hoopers.
Supped at Coll. Deans.
Met Messrs. Elery and Dana and Coll. Brown on the 15 a few miles on this Side of Reading.
We have had 5 days of very severe Weather, raw, cold, frosty, snowy. This cold comes
from afar. The Lakes Champlain and George have been boisterous, if not frozen. Will
the Enemy evacuate Ti[conderog]a? Are they supplied with Prov[isions] for the Winter? Can they bring em from Canada? by Water or Ice? Can they get them
in the Neighbouring Country?
Can We take Mt. Independence in the Winter?
1. In Congress, 7 Nov., “Ordered, That Mr. Samuel Adams, and Mr. J[ohn] Adams, have leave of absence to visit their
families” (JCC, 9:880). The Adamses had waited to make this application until they supposed the
text of the Articles of Confederation, debate over which had occupied Congress intermittently
since early April, was complete. Actually a final text was not agreed to and spread
on the Journal until 15 Nov. (same, p. 907–928); in this form it was to be printed
and submitted to the states for adoption. Meanwhile, on the nth, the Adamses set off
from York, as appears from the retrospective entries incorporated in the present entry.
Some of the varied reasons for JA's retirement from Congress at this time are given in his Autobiography, at the beginning
of Part Two, entitled “Travels and Negotiations.” The reasons were largely personal. After four years of almost continuous service
in Congress he needed to repair his health; and his business, farm, and family required
his attention.
2. At Reading JA paid Gen. Mifflin “92 dollars in Behalf of Mr. Hiltsheimer ... for keeping one Horse
to the 11. Aug. and another to the 19. Septr.” This was a charge incurred in Philadelphia
which { 268 } JA had failed to pay because of his hurried departure. Mifflin's receipt for this payment,
dated 13 Nov. 1777, is in the Adams Papers.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0004-0002
Date: 1777-11-17
Monday. Novr. 17. 1777.
Rode Yesterday from Logg Jail, Willis's, breakfasted at Hoffmans, at Sussex Ct. House,
and supped and lodged at David McCamblys, 34 miles from Willis's.—The Taverners all
along are complaining of the Guard of Light Horse which attended Mr. H[ancock]. They did not pay, and the Taverners were obliged to go after them, to demand their
Dues. The Expence, which is supposed to be the Countrys, is unpopular. The Torys laugh
at the Tavern keepers, who have often turned them out of their Houses for abusing
Mr. H. They now scoff at them for being imposed upon by their King, as they call him.—Vanity
is allways mean. Vanity is never rich enough to be generous.
Dined at Brewsters, in Orange County, State of New York. Brewsters Grandfather, as
he tells me, was a Clergyman and one of the first Adventurers to Plymouth. He died
at 95 Years of Age, a Minister on Long Island, left a son, who lived to be above 80
and died leaving my Landlord, a son who is now I believe between 60 and 70. The Manners
of this Family are exactly like those of the N.E. People. A decent Grace before and
after Meat—fine Pork and Beef and Cabbage and Turnip.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0004-0003
Date: 1777-11-18
Tuesday Novr. 18. 1777.
Lodged at Brooks's, 5 Miles from the North River. Rode to the Continental Ferry, crossed
over, and dined at Fish Kill, at the Drs. Mess, near the Hospital, with Dr. Sam. Adams,
Dr. Eustis, Mr. Wells, &c. It was a feast—Salt Pork and Cabbage, roast Beef and Potatoes,
and a noble suit Pudding, Grog and a Glass of Port.
Our best Road home is through Litchfield and Springfield.1
Morehouses is a good Tavern, about 24 Miles, 3 or 4 Miles on this Side of Bulls Iron
Works. 50 Miles to Litchfield.
Captn. Storms 8 Miles.—Coll. Vandeboroughs 5.—Coll. Morehouses 9.—Bulls Iron Works
4. No Tavern.—Cogswells Iron Works 10—a Tavern.—Litchfield, 8.—Cross Mount Tom to
get to Litchfield.
1. The notes on JA's itinerary which follow in this and succeeding entries are not to be taken literally
as a record of the places that he passed through or stopped at. With the exception
of the places where he states that he “dined,” “lodged,” or “breakfasted,” the notes
are simply information—some of it not wholly reliable—that he gathered concerning
the distances and inns ahead.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0004-0004
Date: 1777-11-19
Wednesday Novr. 19. 1777.
Dined at Storms, lodged last night and breakfasted this Morning at Loudouns at Fish
Kill. Here We are at Coll. Morehouses's a Member of Assembly for Dutchess County.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0004-0005
Date: 1777-11-20
Thursday Novr. 20.
To Harrwington [Harwinton], Phillips's 5 Miles.—To Yales in Farmington 5.—To Humphreys in Simsbury 7 miles.—To
Owens in Simsbury 7 miles.—To Sheldons in Suffield 10.—Kents in Suffield 5.— To Springfield
10.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0007-0004-0006
Date: 1777-11-21
Novr. 21.
To Hays's, Salmon Brook 5. miles.—To Southwick, Loomis, 6.—To Fowlers 3. miles.—To
Westfield, Claps, 4 miles.—To Captn. Claps, 4 miles this Side N.H.—To North Hampton,
Lymans or Clarks.1
1. The date of JA's arrival in Braintree, 27 Nov., is recorded in his summary account rendered to the State of Massachusetts, enclosed in a letter to Speaker James Warren,
15 Jan. 1778 (NN:Emmet Coll.).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0001
Date: 1778-02-13
1778 February 13. Fryday.1
Captain Samuel Tucker, Commander of the Frigate Boston, met me, at Mr. Norton Quincy's,
where We dined, and after Dinner I sent my Baggage, and walked myself with Captain
Tucker, Mr. Griffin a Midshipman, and my eldest Son, John Quincy Adams, between 10
and 11. Years of Age, down to the Moon Head, where lay the Bostons Barge.2 The Wind was very high, and the Sea very rough, but by Means of a Quantity of Hay
in the Bottom of the Boat, and good Watch Coats with which We were covered We arrived
on board the Boston, about five O Clock, tolerably warm and dry.—On board I found
Mr. Vernon, a Son of Mr. Vernon of the Navy Board, a little Son of Mr. Deane of Weathersfield,
between 11. and 12. Years of Age, and Mr. Nicholas Noel, a french Gentleman, Surgeon
of the Ship, who seems to be a well bred Man.3
Dr. Noel shewed me, a Book, which was new to me. The Title is, Les Elemens de la Langue
Angloise, dévélopés d'une maniere nouvelle, facile et très concise, en forme de Dialogue,
ou la pronunciation est enseignée par un Assemblage de Lettres qui forme des sons
similaires en François, et ou la juste Mesure de chaque Syllable est determinée. Avec
un Vocabulaire, des Phrases familieres, et des Dialogues, tres interessans, pour ceux
qui souhaitent parler Anglois correctement, { 270 } et en peu de Tems. Nouvelle Edition, revûe, corrigée et enrichè de plusieurs nouvelles
Regies et Remarques, servant à écarter les Difficultés qui retardent le Progress des
Etrangers. Par V. J. Peyton. Linguarum Diversitas alienat hominem ab homine, et propter
solam linguarum diversitatem, nihil potest ad consociandos homines tanta Similitudo
naturae. St. August. De Civit. Dei. A Londres, Chez J. Nourse et Paul Vaillant, dans
le Strand 1776.
1. First entry in D/JA/47. This is a small quarto volume bound in marbled boards and
may well be one of the two “Account Books” or “Memd. Book” purchased by the Navy Board
for JA's use on his voyage and mission; see John Bradford to JA, 11? Feb. 1778 and enclosures (Adams Papers); the enclosures are reproduced in this volume List of Stores Sent on Board the Continental Frigate Boston, February 1778 facing
page 194. The book contains about a hundred pages of journal entries, 13 Feb. 1778–26 April
1779, and though not nearly filled it was doubtless left home when JA sailed for Europe again in Nov. 1779. Years later the blank leaves were thriftily
used for transcripts of JA's earliest Diary booklets, 1755–1761, made under the supervision of JQA; see Introduction.
When JA arrived home from Congress on 27 Nov. 1777, he had every expectation of a long leave
and began to pick up the threads of his legal practice. But in York, Penna., on the
following day Congress elected him a joint commissioner with Benjamin Franklin and
Arthur Lee to represent the United States in France, Silas Deane having been recalled
on 21 Nov. (JCC, 9:946–947, 975). JA's commission, erroneously dated 27 (instead of 28) Nov., was enclosed in a letter to him from
Richard Henry Lee and James Lovell, “In Committee for foreign Affairs,” York, 3 Dec.
(Adams Papers; JA, Works, 7:6–7). “After much Agitation of mind and a thousand reveries,” as he says in his
Autobiography, JA announced his acceptance in a letter to President Henry Laurens, 23 Dec. (PCC, No. 84, I; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev. 2:458).
2. In what is now Quincy Bay, though the name “Moon Head” is confusing and has been much
disputed. There was and still remains a “Moon Head” on Moon Island off the tip of
Squantum, the peninsula that encloses Quincy Bay on the north. But this Moon Head
could not have been accessible by foot and is thus ruled out as the place from which
JA embarked. Family and local tradition in Quincy long designated a low eminence on
the shore near Norton Quincy's house and just opposite Half Moon Island as the spot,
but when some antiquarian-minded friends sent CFA a sketch of the ground in 1877 he declined to interpret what JA meant by Moon Head and in effect declared the problem insoluble (Cyrus Woodman to
James Baxter, 10 Aug. 1877, enclosed in Baxter to CFA, 13 Aug., Adams Papers; CFA to Baxter, 15 Aug., LbC, Adams Papers). Two bits of evidence, hitherto overlooked, settle the question where JA embarked from, though not why he called it what he did. The first is in a letter
from AA to John Thaxter, 15–18 Feb. 1778, in which she says that her husband and son “embarked from this Town, the place you
well know, Hofs Neck” (MHi:Waterston Coll.). The second is a passage in JA's Autobiography that was not published by CFA: “In our Way [from Norton Quincy's house] We made an halt of a few minutes at the House of Mr. Seth Spear on Hoffs neck, where
some Sailors belonging to our barge had been waiting for us.” He then relates the
conversation that passed between him and Mrs. Spear, who predicted an unfavorable
voyage. Clearly, then, the party embarked from Hough's Neck, the southern extremity
of Quincy Bay. This point was directly on the way to Nantasket Roads, where the Boston was anchored. Capt. Tucker's logbook (see the following paragraph) has this entry
for 13 Feb. 1778: “I haveing Some Capital business at Brantre Send my boat on Shore
to Georges Island [in Nantasket Roads] and brought { 271 } off a Pilot to Conduct me their att 10 AM Proceeded their finisht my business and
Returned on board by 5 PM.”
The original logbook of the Boston, a 24–gun Continental frigate, is in the Samuel Tucker Papers (MH) and forms a valuable supplement to JA's record of this voyage; it is printed with reasonable fidelity as an appendix to
Sheppard, Tucker, p. 261–327. Tucker prepared what he called “An Abstract of a Journal Kept ... on
Board the Contl. Frigate Boston,” and presented it to JA in 1791 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 342). The “Abstract” differs in many details from the logbook, a fact which
accounts for the variations between material quoted from the log in our notes and
quotations attributed to it in notes by CFA, who used the “Abstract” when editing JA's Diary (JA, Works, 3:95 ff.).
3. William Vernon Jr., College of New Jersey 1776, was going to France to gain experience
in trade; after a brief stay at Bordeaux he entered the house of “Mr. Revellat ainé,
one of the Principal Negociants” of Montauban in Guienne, declining an offer by JA to serve as his secretary (entry of 16 Feb., below; Vernon Jr. to JA, 10 April, 16 May, 26 Sept. 1778; JA to Vernon Jr., 12 May, 15 Sept. 1778, both LbC; JA to Vernon Sr., 2 Dec. 1778, LbC; all in Adams Papers). As for Jesse Deane, he was placed with JQA and other young Americans in M. Le Coeur's private boarding school in Passy. He stayed
in Europe five years, spending the last two of them with his father in Ghent and London.
Returning to America in 1783, he joined a business enterprise in Hartford, but was
apparently not successful. See entry of 14 April, note, below; Deane Papers, index, under his name.
On Nicolas Nöel, chirurgien-major in the French army, see Lasseray, Les français sous les treize étoiles, 2:342–345. The official ship's doctor was Benjamin Brown, later a member of Congress
from Massachusetts (Sheppard, Tucker, p. 84 and passim).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0002
Date: 1778-02-14
1778. 14. Feb. Saturday.
A very fine Morning, the Wind at Northwest. At Daybreak orders were given for the
Ship to unmoor.
My Lodging was a Cott, with a double Mattress, a good Bolster, my own Sheets, and
Blanketts enough. My little Son, with me—We lay very comfortably, and slept well.
A violent Gale of Wind in the Night.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0003
Date: 1778-02-15
Feb. 15. Sunday.
This Morning weigh'd the last Anchor, and came under Sail, before Breakfast. A fine
Wind, and a pleasant Sun, but a sharp cold Air.— Thus I bid farewell to my native
Shore.—Arrived, and anchored in the Harbour of Marblehead, about Noon. Major Reed,
Captn. Gatchell Father in Law of Capt. Tucker came on board, and a Captain Stevens
who came on Board to make me a present of a single Pistol.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0004
Date: 1778-02-16
1778. Feb. 16. Monday.
Another Storm for our Mortification—the Wind at N.E. and the Snow so thick that the
Captain thinks he cannot go to Sea. Our Excursion to this Place, was unfortunate,
because it is almost impossible, to { 272 } keep the Men on Board. Mothers, Wives, Sisters come on bord, and beg for Leave for
their Sons, Husbands, and Brothers to go on Shore for one Hour &c. so that it is hard
for the Commander to resist their Importunity.
I am anxious at these Delays. We shall never have another Wind so good as We have
lost. Congress, and the Navy Board, will be surprized at these Delays, and yet there
is no Fault, that I know of. The Commander of the Ship is active and vigilant, and
does all in his Power, but he wants Men—he has very few Seamen indeed. All is as yet
Chaos on board. His Men are not disciplined. The Marrines are not. The Men are not
exercised to the Guns. They hardly know the Ropes.
My Son is treated very complaisantly by Dr. Noel, and by a Captain and Lieutenant
of Artillery, who are on board, all French Gentlemen. They are very assiduous in teaching
him French. The Dr. Monsr. Noel, is a genteell well bred Man, and has received somewhere
a good Education. He has Wounds on his Forehead, and on his Hands, which he says he
received, last War, in the Light Horse Service.
The Name of the Captain of Artillery is Parison,1 and that of the Lieutenant is Begard.
Since my Embarkation, Master Jesse Deane delivered me a Letter, from his Uncle Barnabas
Deane dated 10. Feb. recommending to my particular Care and Attention, the Bearer,
the only Child of his Brother Silas Deane Esq. now in France, making no doubt, as
the Letter adds, that I shall take the same Care of a Child in his Situation, which
I would wish to have done to a Child of my own, in the like Circumstance.—It is needless
to mention his Youth and Helplessness, also how much he will be exposed to bad Company
and to contract bad Habits, without some friendly Monitor to caution and keep him
from associating with the common Hands on board.2
About the same Time, another Letter was delivered to me from Wm. Vernon Esq. of the
Continental Navy Board, dated Feb. 9.—in these Words “I presume it is unnecessary
to say one Word in order to impress your Mind with the Anxiety a Parent is under,
in the Education of a Son, more especially when not under his immediate Inspection,
and at 3000 Miles distance. Your parental Affection fixes this Principle. Therefore
I have only to beg the Favour of you, Sir, to place my Son, in such a Situation, and
with such a Gentleman as you would chuse for one of yours, whom you would wish to
accomplish for a Merchant. If such a House could be found, either at Bourdeaux or
Nantes, of protestant Principles, of general and extensive Business, { 273 } I rather think one of those Cities the best; yet if it should be your Opinion that
some other Place might be more advantageous to place him at, or that he can be imployed
by any of the States Agents, with a good Prospect of improving himself, in such manner,
that he may hereafter be usefull to Society, and in particular to these American States,
my Views are fully answered. I have only one Observation more to make, viz. in respect
to the AEconomy of this Matter, which I am perswaded will engage your Attention, as
the small Fortune that remains with me, I would wish to appropriate for the Education
of my Son, which I know must be husbanded, yet I cant think of being rigidly parsimonious,
nor must I be very lavish, lest my Money should not hold out.
“I imagine a Gratuity of one hundred Pounds Sterling may be given to a Merchant of
Eminence to take him for two or three Years, and perhaps his yearly board paid for.
I shall be entirely satisfyed in whatever may seem best for you to do, and ever shall
have a gratefull Remembrance of your unmerited Favours, and sincerely hope in future
to have it in my Power to make Compensation. I wish you Health and the Utmost Happiness,
and am, with the greatest Regards &c.”3
Thus I find myself invested with the unexpected Trust of a Kind of Guardianship of
two promising young Gentlemen, besides my own Son. This benevolent office is peculiarly
agreable to my Temper. Few Things have ever given me greater Pleasure than the Tuition
of Youth to the Bar, and the Advancement of Merit.
1. On “Pondicherry” Parison, “one of General Du Coudrais Captains,” see entry of 19 Feb., below, and JA's Autobiography under date of 24–26 Feb. 1778.
2. Deane's letter, here partly quoted and partly paraphrased, is in the Adams Papers, dated from Boston.
3. This is the full text of Vernon's letter as found in the Adams Papers.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0005
Date: 1778-02-17
17. Tuesday.
I set a Lesson to my Son in Chambauds French Grammar and asked the Favour of Dr. Noel
to shew him the precise, critical Pronunciation of all the French Words, Syllables,
and Letters, which the Dr. very politely did, and Mr. John is getting his Lessons
accordingly, very much pleased.
The Weather is fair, and the Wind right, and We are again weighing Anchor in order
to put to Sea.
Captn. Diamond and Captn. Inlaker came on Board, and breakfasted, two Prisoners taken
with Manly in the Hancock and lately escaped from Hallifax.
{ 274 } Our Captn. is an able Seaman, and a brave, active, vigilant officer, but I believe
has no great Erudition. His Library consists of Dyche's English Dictionary, Charlevoix's
Paraguay, The Rights of the Xtian Church asserted vs. the Romish and other Priests,
who claim an independent Power over it, The 2d Vol. of Chubbs posthumous Works, 1.
Vol. of the History of Charles Horton, Esq. and 1 Vol. of the delicate Embarrassments
a Novell.—I shall at some other Time take more Notice of some of these Books.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0006
Date: 1778-02-18
1778. Feb. 18. Wednesday.
Last night, about Sunsett We sailed out of Marblehead Harbour, and have had a fine
Wind, from that time to this, 24. Hours. The constant Rolling and Rocking of the Ship,
last night made Us all sick —half the Sailors were so. My young Gentlemen, Jesse and
Johnny, were taken about 12 O Clock last night and have been very seasick ever since.
I was seized with it myself this Forenoon. My Servant Joseph Stevens1 and the Captns. Will have both been very bad.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0007
Date: 1778-02-19
Feb. 19. Thursday.
Arose at 4 O Clock. The Wind and Weather still fair. The Ship rolls less than Yesterday,
and I have neither felt, nor heard any Thing of Sea Sickness, last night nor this
Morning.
Monsr. Parison, one of General Du Coudrais Captains, dined with us, Yesterday, and
made me a present of a Bottle of a nice French Dram, a Civility which I must repay.
He seems a civil and sensible Man.
The Mal de Mer seems to be merely the Effect of Agitation. The Smoke and Smell of
Seacoal, the Smell of stagnant, putrid Water, the Smell of the Ship where the Sailors
lay, or any other offensive Smell, will increase the Qualminess, but do not occasion
it.
C[aptain] Parison says, that the Roads from Nantes to Paris are very good, no Mountains, no
Hills, no Rocks—all as smooth as the Ships Deck and a very fine Country: But the Roads
from Bourdeaux to Paris, are bad and mountainous.
In the Morning We discovered three Sail of Vessells ahead. We went near enough to
discover them to be Frigates, and then put away. We soon lost sight of two of them:
but the third chased Us the whole Day. Sometimes We gained upon her, and sometimes
she upon Us.1
{ 275 } 1.
Tucker, Log (MH), 19 Feb.:
“Att 6 A.M. Saw three Large Ships bearing East they Standing to the Northward I mistrusted
they where a Cruizeing for me. I hauld my wind to the southward found they did not
Persue. I then Consulted my Offercers to stand to the Northward after them. We agreed
in opinions. Wore Ship Run one hour to the Northward then I Discoverd that one was
a ship Not Less than ourselfs, one out of sight to the Northward and the other appeared
to me and offercers to be a twenty gun ship. The man att the mast head Cauld out a
ship on the weather Quarter—at that time the other two Under our Lee and Under short
Sail. I then Consulted the Honble. John Addams Esq. and my offercers what was best
to do not knowing how my ship may Sail. One and all Consented to stand to the southward
from them. Att 10 A.M. I then wore ship to the southward and stood from them. The
two that was Under my Lee before I wore Imediately wore and stood affter me. Att 12
on Meridian Lost sigh[t] of the small ship and the other was about three Leagues Under
my Lee Quarter.”
The vessel in pursuit was the Apollo (Ambrose Serle, American Journal, ed. Edward H. Tatum, Jr., San Marino, Calif., 1940, p. 315).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0008
Date: 1778-02-20
Feb. 20. Fryday.
In the Morning nothing to be seen, but soon after another Sail discovered ahead, which
is supposed to be the same.1
1.
Tucker, Log (MH), 20 Feb.:
“This 24 hours begins Very Pleasant the Ship Still in Chase. I being Poorly mand dare
not attactk her and many other Principal Reasons. Att 2 P.M. Satt fore and main topmast
stearing Sails found I Left the Ship att 6 P.M. It being dark Lost sight of the Ship
in Small Sails and hauld my wind. The Cruizer supposing I bore away to stear the Course
I was going When she saw me first Bore away and run ESE while I for six or Eight hours
had being [been] Runing four Points more southerly att the Rate of seven knots brought
her in my oppinion to bear of me ENE Distance about Eleven and half Leagues. Then
the wind headed me. I fell off to ENE then Runing att the Rate of 6 knots for three
hours. Saw the Same Ship Direct a head standing to southward & westward about 5 Leagues
Distance. Hove in stays after makeing of her Plain and stood to the westward because
I Could not Weather her on the former tack after Runing three hours to the westward.
The wind favoured me. I then hove in Stays and Came to windward of the frigate about
four miles and was Intirely Sattisfyd it was the Same Ship about four Miles Under
my Lee Quarter. They again Tackt ship and Continued Chaseing that day—but I found
I rather Left my Enemy.”
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0009
DateRange: 1778-02-21 - 1778-02-23
Feb. 21. Saturday, 22. Sunday, and 23d. Monday.
Exhibited such Scaenes as were new to me. We lost Sight of our Enemy it is true but
We found our selves in the Gulph Stream, in the Midst of an epouvantable Orage, the
Wind N.E. then N., and then North West.
It would be fruitless to attempt a Description of what I saw, heard and felt, during
these 3 days and nights. To describe the Ocean, the Waves, the Winds, the Ship, her
Motions, Rollings, Wringings and Agonies—the Sailors, their Countenances, Language
and Behaviour, is impossible. No Man could keep upon his Legs, and nothing could { 276 } be kept in its Place—an universal Wreck of every Thing in all Parts of the Ship, Chests,
Casks, Bottles &c. No Place or Person was dry.
On one of these Nights, a Thunder bolt struck 3 Men upon deck and wounded one of them
a little, by a Scorch upon his Shoulder. It also struck our Main Topmast.1
1.
Tucker, Log (MH), 22 Feb.:
“... heavy gales and a Dangerous Sea Runing; one thing or another Continually giving
away on board Ship.... Att half Past 3 A.M. Discoverd our fore sail was split in the
Larbourd Leach but Could not Prevent it att that time for the Distress we wear at
that time in; I Little Expected but to be Dismasted as I was almost Certain I heard
the mainmast spring below the Deck. Afterwards Discoverd the truth of it. Still Continues
an Extremity of Weather. So Ends this day. Pray god Protect Us and Carry Us through
our Various troubles.”
As for the seaman struck by lightning, “he lived three days and died raving mad” (William
Jennison Jr., “Journal,” PMHB, 15: 102 [April 1891]). Jennison was a lieutenant of marines aboard the Boston, and his journal adds a few details concerning this voyage not found elsewhere. See
also JA's Autobiography under 20 Feb. 1778.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0010
DateRange: 1778-02-24 - 1778-02-26
Tuesday 24. Wednesday 25. Thursday 26.
Tuesday We spyd a Sail and gave her Chase. We overhawled her, and upon firing a Gun
to Leeward, and hoisting American Colours, she fired a friendly Gun and Hoisted the
French Colours of the Province of Normandy. She lay to for us, and We were coming
about to speak to her, when the Wind sprung up fresh of a sudden and carryed away
our Main top Mast. We have been employed ever since in getting in a New one, repairing
the Sails and Rigging much damaged in the late Storm, and in cleaning the Ship and
putting her in order. From the 36 to the 39. deg[rees] of Lat. are called the Squawly Latitudes, and We have found them to answer their
Character.
I should have been pleased to have kept a minute Journal of all that passed, in the
late Chases and turbulent Weather, but I was so wet, and every Thing and Place was
so wett—every Table and Chair was so wrecked that it was impossible to touch a Pen,
or Paper.
It is a great Satisfaction to me however, to recollect, that I was myself perfectly
calm during the whole. I found by the Opinion of the People aboard, and of the Captain
himself that We were in Danger, and of this I was certain allso from my own Observation,
but I thought myself in the Way of my Duty, and I did not repent of my Voyage.
I confess I often regretted that I had brought my son. I was not so clear that it
was my Duty to expose him, as myself, but I had been led to it by the Childs Inclination
and by the Advice of all my Friends. Mr. Johnnys Behaviour gave me a Satisfaction
that I cannot express— fully sensible of our Danger, he was constantly endeavouring
to bear { 277 } it with a manly Patience, very attentive to me and his Thoughts constantly running
in a serious Strain.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0011
Date: 1778-02-26
1778. Feb. 26. Thursday.
I have made many Observations, in the late bad Weather, some of which I do not think
it prudent to put in writing—a few I will set down. 1st. I have seen the inexpressible
Inconvenience of having so small a Space between Decks, as there is in the Boston.
As the main Deck was almost constantly under Water, the Sea rolling in and out at
the Ports and Scuppers, We were obliged to keep the Hat[ch]ways down—whereby the Air became so hot and so dry in the 'Tween decks that for my
own Part, I could not breathe, or live there. Yet the Water would pour down when ever
an hatchway was opened, so that all was afloat. 2. The Boston is over metalled. Her
Number of Guns and the Weight of their Metal is too great for her Tonnage. She has
5 Twelve Pounders, and 19. Nines. We were obliged to sail, day and Night during a
Chaise with the Guns out, in order to be ready, and this exposed Us to certain Inconvenience
and great Danger. They made the Ship labour and roll, so as to oblige Us to keep the
Chain Pumps as well as the Hand Pumps, almost constantly going. Besides they Wring,
and twist the Ship in such a Manner as to endanger the starting of a Butt, but still
more to endanger the Masts and Rigging. 3. The Ship is furnished with no Pistolls,
which she ought to be, with at least as many as there are Officers, because there
is nothing but the Dread of a Pistoll will keep many of the Men to their Quarters
in Time of Action. 4. This Ship is not furnished with good Glasses, which appears
to me of very great Consequence. Our Ships ought to be furnished with the best Glasses
that Art affords. Their Expence would be saved a Thousand Ways.
5. There is the same general Inattention, I find on Board the Navy to Oeconomy that
there is in the Army. 6. There is the same general Relaxation of order and Discipline.
7. There is the same Inattention to the Cleanliness of the Ship and the Persons and
Health of the Sailors, as there is at land of the Cleanness of the Camp and the Health,
and Cleanness of the soldiers. 8. The Practice of profane Cursing and Swearing, so
silly as well as detestable, prevails in a most abominable Degree. It is indulged
and connived at by Officers, and practised too in such a Manner that there is no Kind
of Check against it. And I take upon me to say that order of every Kind will be lax
as long as this is so much the Case.
This Morning Captn. Tucker made me a Present of Charlevoix's { 278 } History of Paraguay.1 Yesterday Dr. Noel put into my Hand, a Pockett Volume, intituled, Le Geographe manuel,
contenant La Description de tous les Pays du Monde, leurs qualités, leur climat, le
caractère de leurs Habitans, leur Villes capitales, avec leur distances de Paris,
et des Routes qui y menent tant par terre que par Mer; les Changes, et les Monnoies
des principales Places de 1'Europe, en Correspondance avec Paris; la manière de tenir
les Ecritures de chaque Nation; la Reduction de toutes espèces de l'Europe au pied
courant de France, &c. Par M. l'Abbé Expilly, de la Société royale des Sciences et
belles Lettres de Nancy.2 These manuals come out annually, and are to be had in any of the great Towns in France.
1. Pierre FranÇois Xavier de Charlevoix, The History of Paraguay, Dublin, 1769, 2 vols., survives among JA's books in the Boston Public Library (Catalogue of JA's Library').
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0012
Date: 1778-02-27
Feb. 27. Fryday.
A Calm. As soft and warm as Summer. A Species of black Fish, which our officers call
Beneaters,1 appeared about the Ship.
One Source of the Disorders in this Ship, is the Irregularity of Meals. There ought
to be a well digested System, for Eating, Drinking and sleeping. At Six, all Hands
should be called up. At Eight, all Hands should breakfast. At one all Hands should
dine. At Eight again all Hands should sup. It ought to be penal for the Cook to fail
of having his Victuals ready punctually.—This would be for the Health, Comfort and
Spirits of the Men, and would greatly promote the Business of the Ship.
I am constantly giving Hints to the Captain concerning Order, Œconomy and Regularity,
and he seems to be sensible of the Necessity of them, and exerts himself to introduce
them.—He has cleared out the Tween Decks, ordered up the Hammocks to be aired, and
ordered up the sick, such as could bear it, upon Deck for sweet Air. This Ship would
have bred the Plague or the Goal Fever, if there had not been great Exertions, since
the storm, to wash, sweep, Air and purify, Cloaths, Cots, Cabins, Hammocks and all
other Things, Places and Persons.
The Captn. Yesterday went down into the Cock Pit, and ordered up every Body from that
Sink of Devastation and Putrefaction— ordered up the Hamocks &c. This was in Pursuance
of the Advice I { 279 } gave him in the Morning, “if you intend to have any Reputation for Œconomy, Discipline
or any Thing that is good, look to your Cock Pit.”
Yesterday the Captn. brought in a Curiosity which he had drawn up over the Side in
a Buckett of Water, which the Sailors call a Portuguese Man of War, and to day I have
seen many of them sailing by the Ship. They have some Appearances of Life and Sensibility.
They spread a curious Sail and are wafted along very briskly. They have something
like Gutts, hanging down, which are said to be in a degree poisonous to human Flesh.
The Hulk is like blue Glass. I pierced it with the sharp Point of my Pen Knife and
found it empty. The Air came out, and the Thing shrunk up almost to nothing.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0001-0013
Date: 1778-02-28
1778. Feb. 28. Saturday.
Last Night and this Day We have enjoyed a fine easy Breeze. The Ship has had no Motion
but directly forward. I slept as quietly and as soundly as in my own Bed at home.
Dr. Noel gave me a Phial of Balsamum fioraventi, for an Inflammation in my Eyes, which
seems to be very good for them. It is very much compounded. It is very subtle and
penetrating. Pour a few Drops into the Palms of your Hands, rub it over the Palm and
the Fingers, and then hold the Insides of your Hands before your Eyes, and the Steam
which evaporates enters the Eyes, and works them clear. This Balsam derives its Name
from its Author.
The Ship is now in very good order, cleaned out, between Decks, on the Main Deck,
in the Cabin and Quarter Deck. The Masts, Yards, Sails and Rigging are well repaired.
The Captn. has just now sent written Orders to the Steward of the Ship, to make weekly
Returns to him of the State of Provisions and to be very frugal of Provisions and
Candles, which appeared to be very necessary as near one half of the Ships Stores
of Candles are expended.
This is Saturday Night: a Fortnight Yesterday, since I took Leave of my Family.—What
Scaenes have I beheld since?—What Anxiety have my Friends on Shore suffered on my
Account? during the N.E. Storm which they must have had at Land!
What is this Gulph Stream? What is the Course of it? From what Point and to what Point
does it flow? How broad is it? How far distant is it from the Continent of America?
What is the Longitude and Latitude of it.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0001
Date: 1778-03-01
1778. March 1. Sunday.
Discovered that our Mainmast was sprung in two Places—one beneath the Main Deck, where
if the Mast had wholly failed in the late Storm it must have torn up the main Deck
and the Ship must have foundered. This is one among many Instances, in which it has
already appeared that our Safety has not depended on ourselves.
A fine Wind, all day and night. Somewhat Sea Sick. The Ship was very quiet and still—no
Disturbance—little noise.
I hope for the future We shall carry less Sail, especially of nights, and at all Times
when We are not in Chase.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0002
Date: 1778-03-02
March 2. Monday.
A fine Wind still and a pleasant Morning. The Colour of the Water which is green,
not blue as it has been for many Days past, the Appearance of large Flocks of Gulls,
and various other Birds, convinced the knowing ones, to say that We were not far from
the Grand Bank of N. Foundland. The Captain however thinks it 35 Leagues to the N.
West of Us.—Our Mast was Yesterday repaired with two large Fishes, as they call em,
i.e. large oaken Planks cutt for the Purpose and put on. It seems now as firm as ever.—The
Sailors are very superstitious. They say the Ship has been so unfortunate that they
really believe there is some Woman on board.—Women are the unluckyest Creatures in
the World at Sea &c.
This Evening the Wind is very fresh, and the Ship sails at a great Rate. We are out
of the Reach I hope of the Gulph Stream and of British Cruizers, two Evils, which
I have a great Aversion to.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0003
Date: 1778-03-03
1778. March 3. Tuesday.
Our Wind continued brisk and fresh all the last Night, and this Morning. Our Course
is about N.E. Showers in the Night and this Morning. The Flocks of Gulls, still pursuing
Us.
This Morning, Mr. Parison breakfasted with Us. Our Captn. in gay Spirits, chattering
in French, Spanish, Portuguese, German, Dutch, Greek, and boasting that he could speak
some Words in every Language. He told Us he had ordered two more Fishes upon the Mainmast
to cover the Flaws, above Deck.
The Captain, Lieutenants, Master, Mates and Midshipmen, are now making their Calculations,
to discover their Longitude, but I conjecture they will be very wild.
{ 281 } The Life I lead is a dull Scaene to me. No Business; No Pleasure; No Study....1 Our little World is all wet and damp: there is nothing
I can eat or drink without nauseating. We have no Spirits for Conversation, nor any
Thing to converse about. We see nothing but Sky, Clouds and Sea, and then Seas, Clouds
and Sky.
I have often heard of learning a Language as French or English on the Passage, but
I believe very little of any Thing was ever learned on a Passage. There must be more
Health and better Accommodations.
My young Friend, Mr. Vernon, has never had the least Qualm of the Sea Sickness, since
We came aboard. I have advised him to begin the Study of the French Tongue methodically,
by reading the Grammar through. He has begun it accordingly, and we shall see his
Patience and Perseverance.
Dr. Noel shewed me, “Dictionaire geographique portatif,” which is a Translation of
Echards Gazetteer, into French Par Monsr. Vosgien, Chanoine de Vaucouleurs.2
2. The Dictionnaire géographique portatif ... par Monsieur Vosgien [actually Jean Baptiste Ladvocat] went through many editions, as had its English
original—Laurence Eachard, The Gazetteer's: or, Newsman's Interpreter: Being a Geographical Index of All the
Considerable Cities, Bishopricks, Universities ... in Europe; see BM, Catalogue. The French extracts in the immediately following Diary entries are taken from this
Dictionnaire. Except for copying errors they correspond quite closely with the text of the Paris
edition of 1749.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0004
Date: 1778-03-04
1778. March 4. Wednesday.
Fair Weather, but an Adverse Wind, from the N.E., which ob[liges] Us to go to the Southward of the S.E. which is out of our Course.
Nantes, ancienne, riche, et tres considerable Ville de Fran[ce,] la seconde de la Bretagne, avec un riche Evêché suffrag[an] de Tours, une Université, et un Hôtel des Monnoies. C'[est] une de Villes les plus commercantes du Royaulme. Les Marchands ont une Sociéte avec
ceux de Bilbao, appellee la Contractation, et un Tribunal reciproque [en] forme de Jurisdiction consulaire. Ce fut dans cette Ville que Henri 4th. donna, en
1598, le celebre Edit [de] Nantes, revoqué en 1685. Elle est sur la Rive droit de la Loire, à 15. lieus S.O.
d'Angers, 27. N. Par O. de [La] Rochelle, 87. S.O. de Paris, 23. S. de Rennes. Long. 16.6.12. Lat. 47.13.7. Le Païs
Nantois, ou le C. de Nantes, est [une] Contree des deux côtés de la Loire. On y fait du S[el,] et il y a beaucoup de Bestiaux.1
1. Text defective because the outer edge of a leaf, loosened from the binding, is badly
chipped.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0005
Date: 1778-03-05
March 5. Thursday.
This Morning We have the pleasantest Prospect [we] have yet seen —a fine easy Breeze, from the Southward, w[hich] gives us an Opportunity of keeping our true Course—a so[ft], clear, warm Air—a fair Sun—no Sea. We have a g[reat] Number of Sails spread and We go at the Rate of 9 Kno[ts.] Yet the Ship has no perceptible Motion, and makes no N[oise.] My little Son is very proud of his Knowledge of all the Sails, and last Night the
Captn. put him [to learn the Mariners Compass.]1
Oh that We might make Prize to day of an English Vessell, lately from London, with
all the Newspapers, and Magazines on board, that We might obtain the latest Intelligence,
and discover the Plan of Operations for the ensuing Campaign.
Whenever I arrive at any Port in Europe, whether in Spain or France, my first Enquiry
should be concerning the Designs of the Enemy.—What Force they mean to send to America?
Where they are to obtain Men? What is the State of the British Nation? What the State
of Parties? What the State of Finances, and of Stocks?
Then the State of Europe, particularly France and Spain? What the real Designs of
those Courts? What the Condition of their Finances? What the State of their Armies,
but especially of their Fleets. What No. of Ships they have fitted for the Sea—what
their Names, Number of Men and Guns, weight of Metal &c—where they lie? &c.
The Probability or Improbability of a War, and the Causes and Reasons for and against
each supposition.
The Supplies of Cloathing, Arms, &c. gone to America, during the past Winter. The
State of American Credit in France. What Remittances have been made from America,
in Tobacco, Rice, Indigo, or any other Articles?
We are now supposed to be nearly in the Lat. of Cape Finisterre, so that We have only
to sail an Easterly Course.
Finistere, Finis Terrae; c'est le Cap, le plus occid. non seulement de la Galice et
de L'Esp., mais encore de l'Europe; ce qui fait que les Anc. qui ne connoissoient
rien au-dela, lui ont donné son nom, qui signifie l'Extrêmitéde la Terre, ou le bout
du monde. Il y a une Ville de mesme nom.
This Day, We have enjoyed the clearest Horison, the softest Weather, the best Wind,
and the smoothest Sea, that We have seen since We [came] on board. All Sails are spread and We have gone [ten Knots upon an Avarage the whole day.]
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0006
Date: 1778-03-06
1778. March 6. Fryday.
The Wind continued in the same Point, about S[outh] all Night, and the Ship has gone 9 Knotts upon an Average. This is great Favour.
I am now reading the Amphitrion of Moliere, which is his 6. Volume.1 revaije? do I dream?—have I dreamed?—I have I been in a dream?2J'ai revé. I have been in a dream. It is in the Preterit.
We shall pass to the Northward of the Western Islands, and are now supposed to be
as near them as We shall be. They all belong to Portugal.
Açores, lies sit. entre l'Afr. et l'Amer. environ a 200 li. O. de Lisbonne; Gonzalo
Vello les decouvrit vers le milieu du 15 Siecle, et les nomma Açores, mot qui signifie
des Eperviers, parce qu'on y rem. beaucoup de ces Oiseaux. II y en a neuf. Angra,
dans l'ile de Tercere, est la Capital de Toutes. Ortelius assure que ceux partent
de l'Europe, pour aller en Amer., sont delivres de toute Sorte de Vermine, aussitot
qu'ils ont passe les Acores, ce qu'on doit attribuer a la qualite de l'Air, qui y
e[s]t tres salubre. Le ble, les Vignes, les Arbres fruitiers, et le betail, y sont en
abond. Elles appart. aux Port.—long. 346–354. Lat. 39.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0007
Date: 1778-03-07
March 7. Saturday.
The same prosperous Wind, and the same beautifull Weather continue. We proceed in
our Course at the Rate of about 200 Miles in 24 Hours. We have passed all the Dangers
of the American Coast. Those of the Bay of Biscay, remain. God grant Us, an happy
Passage through them all.
Yesterday, the Ship was all in an Uproar, with Laughter. The Boatswains Mate asked
one of his superiour Officers, if they might have a Frolick.—The Answer was, Yes.—Jere.
accordingly, with the old Sailors, proposed to build a Galley, and all the raw Hands
to the Number of 20 or 30 were taken in, and suffered themselves to be tyed together,
by their Legs. When all of a sudden, Jere. and his knowing ones, were found handing
Bucketts of Water over the Sides and pouring them upon the poor Dupes, untill they
were wet to the Skin.—The Behaviour of the Gullies,1 their Passions and Speeches and Actions, were { 284 } diverting enough.—So much for Jere's Fun. This Frolick, I suppose, according to the
Sailors Reasoning, is to conjure up a Prize.
This Morning the Captain ordered all Hands upon Deck and took an account of the Number
of Souls on board which amounted to 172. Then he ordered the Articles of War to be
read to them—after which he ordered all Hands upon the Forecastle and then all Hands
upon the Quarter deck, in order to try Experiments, for determining whether any difference
was made in the Ships sailing, by the Weight of the Men being forward or abaft. Then
all Hands were ordered to their Quarters to exercise them at the Guns. Mr. Barron2 gave the Words of Command and they spent an Hour perhaps in the Exercise, at which
they seemed tolerably expert. Then the Captain ordered a Dance, upon the Main Deck,
and all Hands, Negroes, Boys and Men were obliged to dance. After this the old Sailors
set on Foot another Frolic, called the Miller, or the Mill. I will not spend Time
to describe this odd Scaene: but it ended in a very high frolic, in which almost all
the Men were powdered over, with Flour, and wet again to the Skin.—Whether these whimsical
Diversions are indulged, in order to make the Men wash themselves, and shift their
Cloaths, and to wash away Vermin I dont know. But there is not in them the least Ray
of Elegance, very little Wit, and a humour of the coarsest Kind. It is not superiour
to Negro and Indian Dances.
2. William Barron, of a Virginia family that furnished a number of American naval officers,
was first lieutenant of the Boston (Sheppard, Tucker, p. 280; VMHB, 1:66 [July 1893]). For his tragic fate, see entries of 14 and 27 March below.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0008
Date: 1778-03-08
1778. March 8. Sunday.
The same Wind and Weather continues, and We go at 7 and 1/2 and 8 Knots. We are supposed
to be past the Western Islands.
Mr. Barrons our first Lt. appears to me to be an excellent Officer— very dilligent,
and attentive to his Duty—very thoughtfull and considerate about the Safety of the
Ship, and about order, Oeconomy and Regularity, among the officers, and Men. He has
great Experience at Sea. Has used the Trade to London, Lisbon, Affrica, West Indies,
Southern States &c.
This Morning, the Captain ordered all Hands upon Quarter Deck to Prayers. The Captains
Clerk, Mr. Wm. Cooper, had prepared a Composition of his own, which was a very decent,
and comprehensive Prayer, which he delivered, in a grave and proper manner. The Of• { 285 } ficers and Men all attended, in clean Cloaths, and behaved very soberly.
The Weather has been cloudy all Day. Towards night it became rainy and windy, and
now the Ship rolls, a little in the old Fashion.— We are about 2000 Miles from Boston.
The late Storm shewed the Beauty of Boileaus Description d'une Tempête.
Comme l'on voit les flots, soûlevez par l'orage,
Fondre sur un Vaisseau qui s'oppose a leur rage,
Le Vent avec fureur dans les voiles frêmit;
La mer blanchit d'écume et l'air au loin gémit;
Le matelot troublè, que son Art abandonne,
Croit voir dans chaque flot la mort qui l'environne.
Trad. de Longin.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0009
Date: 1778-03-09
1778. March 9. Monday.
Last Night the Wind shifted to the N. West, and blew fresh. It is now still fairer
for Us than before. The Weather is fine, and We go on our Voyage at a great Rate.
Some Officers think We shall reach our Port by Thursday night: others by Saturday
night: But these make no Account of Chases and Cruises, and make no Allowance for
the Variability of the Winds.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0010
Date: 1778-03-14
Saturday. March 14.
I have omitted inserting the Occurrences of this Week, on Account of the Hurry and
Confusion, We have been in. Tuesday We spied a Sail, and gave her Chase. We soon came
up with her, but as We had bore directly down upon her, she had not seen our broadside,
and knew not her [i.e. our] Force. She was a Letter of Mark with 14 Guns, 8 Nines and 6 sixes. She fired upon
Us, and one of her shot went thro our Mizen Yard. I happened to be upon the Quarter
deck, and in the Direction from the Ship to the Yard so that the Ball went directly
over my Head. We, upon this, turned our broadside which the instant she saw she struck.
Captn. Tucker very prudently, ordered his officers not to fire.
The Prize is the Ship Martha, Captn. McIntosh from London to New York, loaded with
a Cargo of great Value. The Captn. told me that Seventy thousand Pounds sterling was
insured upon her at Lloyds, and that She was worth 80 thousands.1
The Captain is very much of a Gentleman. There are two Gentle• { 286 } men with him Passengers, the one Mr. R. Gault, the other Mr. Wallace of N. York. Two
young Jews were on board.
That and the next day was spent in dispatching the Prize, under the Command of the
3d Lt. Mr. Welch to Boston.2
After that We fell in Chase of another Vessell, and overtaking her, found her to be
a french Snow, from Bourdeaux to Miquelon.
We then saw another Vessell, chased and came up with her which proved to be a French
Brig from Marseilles to Nantes. This last cost Us very dear. Mr. Barrons our 1st.
Lt. attempting to fire a Gun, as a signal to the Brig, the Gun burst, and tore the
right Leg of this excellent Officer, in Pieces, so that the Dr. was obliged to amputate
it, just below the Knee.
I was present at this affecting Scaene and held Mr. Barron in my Arms while the Doctor
put on the Turnequett and cutt off the Limb.
Mr. Barrons bore it with great Fortitude and Magnanimity—thought he should die, and
frequently intreated me, to take Care of his Family. He had an helpless Family he
said, and begged that I would take Care of his Children. I promised him, that by the
first Letters I should write to America, I would earnestly recommend his Children
to the Care of the Public, as well as of Individuals. I cannot but think the Fall
of this Officer, a great Loss to the united States....3 His Prudence, his Moderation, his Attention, his Zeal, were Qualities much wanted
in our Navy. He is by Birth a Virginian.4
1. See also the entry in Tucker's Log, 11 March, which is, however, not very informative,
being largely given over to a list of the prisoners taken in the Martha (printed in Sheppard, Tucker, p. 273–275). JA elaborates a little on the incident in his Autobiography under date of 10 March.
Various romanticized versions of JA's part in the action were widely circulated after his death. CFA cites one of these in a note on this passage (JA, Works, 3:109), taken from Peleg Sprague's Eulogy on John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, Hallowell, Maine, 1826. Samuel Tucker was still living at this time; Sprague's fanciful
narrative came to Tucker's attention, and he put the matter straight in a letter to
James Hovey of Bristol, Maine, 22 Aug. 1826, which has come to rest in the Adams Papers:
“About the 20th of March I fell in with a very large Ship—armed but not a cruiser,
but however she soon appeared in a posture of engageing, my Ship in readiness and
men at their quarters, it became my duty to give Mr. Adams such information as was
necessary. He followed me on deck, where we expostulated a few minutes on the subject
of taking the Ship, finally after listening a minute or two, to my entreaties he took
me by the hand, with a god bless you, and descended the gangway ladder into the cockpit,
I stept aft and came alongside the Ship I hailed, his answer was a broadside and immediately
struck his coulours, before I could, to a good advantage discharge a broadside into
him, being very near and in such a position the smoke blew over my ship, and looking
round on the Quarter deck and observing the Damage I had received from his fire, I
discovered Mr. Adams Among my marines accoutred as one of them, and in the act of
defence. I then went unto him and Said my dear Sir, how came you here, and with a
smile { 287 } he replied; I ought to do my Share of fighting. This was Sufficient for me to judge
of the bravery of my venerable and patriotic Adams and the foregoing is all that ever
I related on that Subject to anyone and quite enough to convince them of the bravery
of Such a Man, please to have this inserted in the Bath Maine Gazette, and in Compliance
Youll Much oblige Yours with Respect,
[signed] []Samuel Tucker
“N.B. You may Shew this to any American Republican or whomsoever you please.”
2. Tucker's orders to Hezekiah Welch, 11 March 1778, are printed in Sheppard, Tucker, p. 83.
4. Lt. Barron died eleven or twelve days later; see entry of 27 March, below, and Jennison, “Journal,” PMHB, 15:103 (April 1891). There is evidence that JA kept his pledge to write on behalf of Barron's family: In Congress, 27 Nov. 1778,
“A letter from Hon. J. Adams, Esq. respecting the late Lieutenant Barron's family,
was read: Ordered, That it be referred to the Marine Committee” (JCC, 12:1165). No trace of this letter has so far been found, either in the Papers of
the Continental Congress or in the pension application filed in 1837 by his only daughter
and surviving heir, Ann Mortimer Barron of Norfolk, Va. (DNA:RG 15, R 1065). The pension claim was rejected, but Congress had already (30 June 1834)
granted Ann Barron the half pay of a first lieutenant of a frigate for seven years
(letters from General Reference Branch, National Archives, to the editors, 13 Jan.,
16 May 1959). There is also evidence that JA endeavored to do something in behalf of Barron's orphaned children during his brief
return to Massachusetts in 1779; see William Vernon Sr. to AA, 4 Feb. 1780 (Adams Papers). But in his Autobiography JA expressed regret that he had not done more.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0011
Date: 1778-03-19
1778. March 19. Thursday.
I have scarcely been able to stand, or sit, without holding fast, with both my Hands,
upon some lashed Table, some lashed Gun, the Side, or Beams of the Ship, or some other
fixed Object: such has been the perpetual Motion of the Ship arising from violent
Gales, and an heavy Sea.
In the Course of the last 5 days, We have seen a great Number of Vessells, two of
which at least, if not four were supposed to be Cruizers. But here We are—at Liberty,
as yet.
The Wind has been directly against Us, but this Morning has veered and We now steer,
at least our Head lies by the Compass, South East. —Who knows but Providence has favoured
Us by the last Gale, as it seemed to do by the first.—By the last Gale We have already
escaped Cruizers as We did by the first—and possibly this violent Gale from the south
East may have driven all the Cruizers from the Coast of Spain and the Southerly Part
of the Bay of Biscay, and by this Means have opened a clear Passage for Us to Bourdeaux.
This is possible— and so is the contrary. God knows—
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0012
Date: 1778-03-20
March 20 Fryday.
Yester Afternoon, the Weather cleared up, and the Wind came { 288 } about very fair. We had a great Run, last Night. This Morning spyed a Sail, under
our leward Bow, chased and soon came up with her, a Snow from Amsterdam to Demarara,
and Essequibo.
I made Enquiry to day of our Prisoner Captn. McIntosh, concerning the Trinity House.
He says it is the richest Corporation in the Kingdom. That Lord Sandwich is an elder
Brother of it. That any Master of a Vessell may be made a younger Brother of it, if
he will. That there are many Thousands of younger Brothers. That this House gives
permission to every Vessell to take out or to take in Ballast, and that a few Pence
6d. perhaps per Ton are paid them for such Licence. That they have the Care of all
Lighthouses &c.
My principal Motive for omitting to keep a regular and particular Journal, has been
the Danger of falling into the Hands of my Enemies, and an Apprehension that I should
not have an Opportunity of destroying these Papers in such a Case.
We have now so fine a Wind, that a very few days will determine, whether We shall
meet any capital Disaster, or arrive safe at Port.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0013
Date: 1778-03-21
21. Saturday.
Five Weeks Yesterday, since my Embarkation. This Morning an heavy Wind, and high Sea.
We go E.S.E.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0014
Date: 1778-03-27
27. Fryday.
On Wednesday Evening Mr. Barons died, and Yesterday was committed to the Deep, from
the Quarter Deck.
He was put into a Chest, and 10 or 12, twelve Pounds shot put in with him, and then
nailed up. The Fragment of the Gun, which destroyed him was lashed on the Chest, and
the whole launched overboard through one of the Ports, in Presence of all the Ships
Crew, after the Buryal service was read by Mr. Cooper.1
In the Course of the last Week We have had some of the Worst Winds, that We have felt
yet.
Monday last We made the Land upon the Coast of Spain.
Tuesday We run into the Bay of St. Anthonio. 4 or 5 Boats with 15 or 16 Men in each
came to Us, out of which We took a Pilot.
Upon sight of the Spanish Shore, which I viewed as minutely as possible through the
Glasses, I had a great Curiosity to go on Shore. There was a fine Verdure, near the
sea, altho the Mountains were covered with Snow. I saw one Convent, but We did not
come in Sight of the Town. The Moment we were about turning the Point of the { 289 } Rock to go into the Harbour, a Sail appeared. We put out to see who she was, found
her a Spanish Brig, and after this upon repeated Efforts found it impracticable to
get into the Harbour. In the Night the Wind caught us suddenly at N.W. and We were
obliged to make all the Sail We could and put to sea. We steered our Course for Bourdeaux.
Yesterday was a Calm, the little Wind there was, directly against Us. This Morning
the Wind is a little better. We are supposed to be within 30 Leagues of Bourdeaux
River.
1. See Tucker, Log, entry of 26 April (printed in Sheppard, Tucker, p. 280).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0015
Date: 1778-03-28
March 28. Saturday.
Last night and this Morning We were in the thoroughfare of all the Ships from Bourdeaux.
We had always a great Number in Sight. By Obs[ervation] to day, our Lat. is 46D.:3M. North, about 7 Minutes South of the Middle of the Isle
of Rea. We are therefore about 20 Leagues from the Tower of Cordoan. We have no Wind,
and nothing can be more tedious and disagreable to me, than this idle Life.
Last Evening We had two little Incidents which were disagreable. One was, the French
Barber attempting to go below, contrary to orders, the Centinell cutt off his great
Toe with his Cutlass, which raised at first a little, ill blood in the French People,
who are on board, but on Enquiry finding the fellow deserved it, they acquiesced.
The other unpleasant Incident was that one of our Prisoners of War, a little more
elevated than usual grew out of Temper, and was very passionate with Mr. Vernon and
afterwards, with C. Palmes—but it has all subsided.1
Mr. McIntosh is of North Britain, and appears to be very decided vs. America in this
Contest, and his Passions are so engaged that they easily inkindle....2
Mr. Gault is an Irish Gentleman and as decided vs. America, in her Claims of Independance
at least, as the other. Mr. Wallace is more reserved, cautious, silent and secret.
Jealousies arise among our Men, that the Prisoners are plotting with some of our profligate
People: but I believe this Jealousy is groundless.
All Day Yesterday, and all the forenoon of this Day We have been looking out for Land—about
4 o Clock We found it—the Isles of Rhee and Oleron, between which two is the Entrance
into the Harbour of Rochelle, which is about half Way between Bourdeaux and Nantes.
... The Land is extremely flat and low. We see the Tower.... The Water is shoal, 25
or 30 Fathoms, the bottom Sand—the Reverse of the Spanish Coast on the other Side
of the Bay of Biscay.
{ 290 } This Afternoon, a clock calm, and Mr. Goss played upon his Fiddle the whole Afternoon,
and the Sailors danced, which seemed to have a very happy Effect upon their Spirits
and good Humour.
Numbers of small Birds from the Shore, came along to day, some of them fatigued, allighted
on our Rigging, Yards &c. and one of them We caught. A little Lark he was called.
These Birds loose the Shore and get lost, and then fly untill they are so fatigued
that the instant they allight upon a Ship they drop to sleep.
1. Richard Palmes, captain of marines on the Boston; see Sheppard, Tucker, p. 93–94; Warren-Adams Letters, 1:372. The incident is elaborated in JA's Autobiography under this date.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0016
Date: 1778-03-29
1778. March 29. Sunday.
Becalmed all last Night. This Morning a vast Number of Sails in Sight. St. Martins,
and Oleron in Sight, many Towers and Windmills —Land very low and level.
A Pilot Boat, with two Sails and 4 Men, came on Board, and the Pilot instantly undertook
to pilot Us to Bourdeaux. He says this ship may go up quite to the City, if she draws
20 feet of Water, at high Water.—We are now sailing very agreably towards our Port.
The Pilot says War is declared, last Wednesday, and that the Pavillions were hoisted
Yesterday at every Fort and Light House.—Quaere.1
There is a civil Frenchman on board, whose Name I never asked untill to day. His Name
is Quillau, Fourier des Logis de Mr. Le Ct. D'Artois. He was not of M. De Coudrays
Corps.
The French Gentlemen on board can scarcely understand our new Pilot. He speaks Gascoine,
the Dialect of Bourdeaux, they say, which is not good French.
This Day Six Weeks We sailed from Nantaskett Road. How many Dangers, Distresses and
Hairbreadth Scapes have We seen?
A Story.—Garrick had a Relation, convicted of a capital Offence. He waited on his
Majesty, to beg a Pardon. The K. asked what was the Crime?—He has only taken a Cup too much, says Garrick, may it please your Majesty.—Is that all? said the K. Let him be pardoned.—Gault.
A Story. A Frenchman in London advertised an infallible Remedy against Fleas. The
Ladies all flocked to purchase the Powder. But after they had bought it, one of them
asked for Directions to Use it.—Madam says the Frenchman you must catch the Flea,
and squese him between your Fingers untill he gape, then you must put a little of
this Powder in his Mouth, and I will be responsible he never will bite you again.—
{ [facing 290] } { [facing 291] } { 291 } But says the Lady, when I have him between my Fingers, why may I not rub him to death?—Oh
Madam dat will do just as well den!—Tucker.
We have been becalmed all day in Sight of Oleron. The Village of St. Dennis was in
Sight, and Multitudes of Wind Mills and Sand Hills all along the shore. Multitudes
of Vessells in sight, French, Spanish, Dutch Vessells, and English Smugglers.
I feel a Curiosity to visit this Island of Oleron so famous in Antiquity for her Sea
Laws, at least I take this to be the Place.
1. A very proper query. France had recognized and formed an alliance with the United
States by treaties of alliance and commerce signed at Versailles on 6 Feb.; the French
ambassador in London, the Marquis de Noailles, had so notified the British government
on 13 March; and diplomatic relations were at once broken off. But war was never formally
declared between the two powers.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0017
Date: 1778-03-30
March 30. Monday.
This Morning at 5, the Officer came down and told the Captain that a lofty Ship was
close by Us, and had fired two heavy Guns. All Hands called. She proved to be an heavy
loaded Snow.
The Weather cloudy, but no Wind. Still—except a small Swell.
The Tour of Cordovan, or in other Words Bourdeaux Lighthouse in Sight, over our larbord
Bow.
The Captn. is now cleaning Ship and removing his Warlike Appearances.
This Day has been hitherto fortunate and happy.—Our Pilot has brought us safely into
the River, and We have run up, with Wind and Tide as far as Pouliac, where We have
anchored for the Night, and have taken in another Pilot.
This forenoon a Fisherman came along Side, with Hakes, Skates, and Gennetts. We bought
a few, and had an high Regale.
This River is very beautifull—on both Sides the Plantations are very pleasant. On
the South Side especially, We saw all along Horses, Oxen, Cowes, and great Flocks
of Sheep grazing, the Husbandmen ploughing &c. and the Women, half a Dozen in a Drove
with their Hoes. The Churches, Convents, Gentlemens seats, and the Villages appear
very magnificent.
This River seldom Swells with Freshes, for the rural Improvements and even the Fishermens
Houses, are brought quite down to the Waters Edge. The Water in the River is very
foul to all Appearance, looking all the Way like a Mud Puddle. The Tide setts in 5
Knots. We outrun every Thing in sailing up the River.
{ 292 } The Buildings public and private, are of Stone, and a great Number of beautifull Groves,
appear between the grand Seats, and best Plantations. A great Number of Vessells lay
in the River....1
The Pleasure resulting from the Sight of Land, Cattle, Houses, &c. after so long,
so tedious, and dangerous a Voyage, is very great: It gives me a pleasing Melancholly
to see this Country, an Honour which a few Months ago I never expected to arrive at.—Europe
thou great Theatre of Arts, Sciences, Commerce, War, am I at last permitted to visit
thy Territories.—May the Design of my Voyage be answered.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0002-0018
Date: 1778-03-31
March 31. Tuesday.
Lying in the River of Bourdeaux, near Pouliac. A 24 Gun Ship close by Us, under French
Colours, bound to St. Domingue.—A dark, misty Morning.
My first Enquiry should be, who is Agent for the united States of America at Bourdeaux,
at Blaye, &c—who are the principal Merchants on this River concerned in the American
Trade? What Vessells French or American, have sailed or are about sailing for America,
what their Cargoes, and for what Ports? Whether on Account of the united States, of
any particular State, or of private Merchants french or American?
This Morning the Captain and a Passenger came on board the Boston, from the Julie,
a large Ship bound to St. Domingue, to make Us a Visit. They invited Us on Board to
dine. Captn. Palmes, M[aste]rs Jesse and Johnny and myself, went. We found half a Dozen genteel Persons on Board,
and found a pretty ship, an elegant Cabin, and every Accommodation. The white Stone
Plates were laid, and a clean Napkin placed in each, and a Cut of fine Bread. The
Cloth, Plates, Servants, every Thing was as clean, as in any Gentlemans House. The
first Dish was a fine french Soup, which I confess I liked very much.—Then a Dish
of boiled Meat.—Then the Lights of a Calf, dressed one Way and the Liver another.—Then
roasted Mutton then fricaseed Mutton. A fine Sallad and something very like Asparagus,
but not it. —The Bread was very fine, and it was baked on board.—We had then Prunes,
Almonds, and the most delicate Raisins I ever saw.—Dutch Cheese—then a Dish of Coffee—then
a french Cordial—and Wine and Water, excellent Claret with our Dinner.—None of us
understood French—none of them English: so that Dr. Noel stood Interpreter. While
at Dinner We saw a Pinnace go on board the Boston with several, half a Dozen, genteel
People on board.
{ 293 } On the Quarter Deck, I was struck with the Hens, Capons, and Cocks in their Coops—the
largest I ever saw.
After a genteel Entertainment, Mr. Griffin, one of our petty Officers, came with the
Pinnace, and C. Tuckers Compliments desiring to see me. We took Leave and returned
where We found very genteel Company consisting of the Captn. of another Ship bound
to Martinique and several Kings Officers, bound out. One was the Commandant.
C. Palmes was sent forward to Blaye, in the Pinnace to the Officer at the Castle in
order to produce our Commission and procure an Entry, and pass to Bourdeaux. Palmes
came back full of the Compliments of the Broker to the Captn. and to me. I shall not
repeat the Compliments sent to me, but he earnestly requested that C. Tucker would
salute the Fort with 13 Guns, &c.—which the Captn. did.
All the Gentlemen We have seen to day agree that Dr. Franklin has been received by
the K[ing] in great Pomp and that a Treaty is concluded, and they all expect War, every Moment....1
This is a most beautifull River, the Villages, and Country Seats appear upon each
Side all the Way. We have got up this Afternoon within 3 Leagues of the Town.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0001
Date: 1778-04-01
1778 April 1. Wednesday.
This Morning Mr. J. C. Champagne, negociant and Courtier de Marine, at Blaye, came
on board, to make a Visit and pay his Compliments.
He says, that of the first Grouths of Wine, in the Province of Guienne, there are
four Sorts, Chateau Margeaux, Hautbrion, La Fitte, and Latour.
This Morning I took Leave of the Ship, and went up to Town with my Son, and servant,
Mr. Vernon, Mr. Jesse, and Dr. Noel, in the Pinnace. When We came up to the Town We
had the Luck to see Mr. McClary,1 and Major Fraser [Frazer], on the Shore. Mr. McClary came on board our Boat, and conducted Us up to his Lodgings.
Mr. Pringle was there. We dined there, in the Fashion of the Country. We had fish
and Beans, and Salad, and Claret, Champain and Mountain Wine. After Dinner Mr. Bondfield,
who is Agent here, invited me to take a Walk, which We did to his Lodgings, where
We drank Tea.2 Then We walked about the Town, and to see the new Comedie. After this We went to
the Opera, where the Scenery, the Dancing, the Music, afforded to me a very chearfull,
sprightly Amusement, having { 294 } never seen any Thing of the Kind before. After this We returned to Mr. McClarys Lodgings,
where We supped.
1. That is, William McCreery, evidently from Baltimore, whom JA had known in America and who had recently “Setled in Bordeaux in the mercantile way”
(AA to JA, 18 May 1778; JA, Autobiography, under the present date). JA and McCreery corresponded on commercial subjects for some years, though at first
their letters rather amusingly centered on a pair of homespun breeches, lost by JQA in Bordeaux, that contained eight guineas sewed into the waistband. McCreery returned
to America in 1781 (Franklin, Writings, ed. Smyth, 7:261, note). If he is the William McCreery who became a U.S. representative and
senator from Maryland, the notice of him in Biog. Dir. Cong, is inadequate.
2. John Bondfield was a merchant who served for many years as U.S. commercial agent at
Bordeaux and whose surviving correspondence with JA and other American ministers in France is voluminous. JA says in his Autobiography under the present date that he had also known Bondfield in America, but his background is obscure. For a
high opinion of his mercantile character see JA to William Vernon Jr., 12 May 1778 (LbC, Adams Papers). As late as 15 May 1789 Bondfield could write JA from Bordeaux: “I remain as when I had the Honor to see you at Bordeaux honor'd by
the [American] Gentlemen at Paris with their Correspondence and publick and private Commissions
and in my steddy Attention to every thing in my power to serve the States” (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0002
Date: 1778-04-02
1778 April 2. Thursday.
Walked round the Town, to see the Chamber and Council of Commerce, the Parliament
which was sitting, where We heard the Council. Then We went round to the Ship Yards
&c. Made many Visits—dined at the Hotel D'Angleterre. Visited the Customhouse, the
Post office—visited the Commandant of the Chateau Trompette, a Work of Vaubans—visited
the Premiere President of the Parliament of Bourdeaux. Went to the Coffee house. Went
to the Commedie—saw Les deux Avares. Supped at Messrs. Reuiles De Basmarein and Raimbaux.1
1. The firm of Recules de Basmarein et Raimbaux of Bordeaux were the “outstanding shipowners
of France,” and from them Lafayette had purchased the Victoire, in which he sailed to America just a year earlier (Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1:87–88, and ch. 7, passim)
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0003
Date: 1778-04-03
April 3. Fryday.
Waited on the Intendant, dined at Mr. Bondfields and supped at Mr. Le Texiers.—Our
Company, on Thursday Evening, at Mr. Basmarains were—The Count of Virelade the Son
of the Premiere President, Le Moine first Commissary of the Navy, Le Moine the Son,
Commissary of the Navy, Cornie, Captain of a Frigate, Knight of St. Lewis, Jn. Bt.
Nairac former Deputy of Commerce from La Rochelle, Paul Nairac, a Merchant, Elisee
Nairac a Merchant, La tour Feger Esq. a Merchant, Menoire, Esq. a Merchant, Coutourier
Esq. a Merchant, { 295 } Mr. Bondfield and Major Fraser. The Toasts were announced by 13 Shots, in honour
of the 13 States. The K. of France 21 Shots. The Congress 13. G. Washington 3. Mr.
De Sartine 3.1G[eneral] Gates 3. Marshall Broglie 3. The Count of Brolie his Brother 3. The Marquis De la
Fayette 3. The Glory and Prosperity of the 13 united States 13. The Prosperity of
France 3. Eternal Concord between the two Nations, now Friends and Allies, 3. The
State of Massachusetts Bay and Mr. Adams its Representative. Mr. Destaing Vice Admiral.
The City of Bourdeaux. Mrs. Adams 3. The French and American Ladies 21. The Departure
of Mr. Adams, when he mounted his Coach, was saluted by 13. Shots. The Garden was
beautifully illuminated, with an Inscription, God Save the Congress, Liberty and Adams.2
1. Antoine Raymond Jean Gualbert Gabriel de Sartine, Comte d'Alby (1729–1801), French
minister of marine, 1774–1780 (Hoefer, Nouv. Biog. Générale), with whom JA was to have extensive correspondence in his capacity as a joint commissioner to France.
2. On this occasion JA learned something of the freedom of conversation between the sexes in France, and
held his own, though not without a sense of shock; see his Autobiography under 2 April 1778.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0004
Date: 1778-04-04
1778 April 4. Saturday.
About 10 O Clock We commenced our Journey to Paris, and went about 50 miles.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0005
Date: 1778-04-05
April 5. Sunday.
Proceeded on our Journey, more than 100 Miles.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0006
Date: 1778-04-06
April 6. Monday.
Arrived at Poictiers, the City so famous, for the Battle which was fought here. It
is a beautifull situation and the Cultivation of the Plains about it is exquisite.
The Houses are old and poor and the Streets very narrow. Afternoon passed thro Chatelerault,
another City, nearly as large as Poictiers, and as old, and the Streets as narrow.
When We stopped at the Post to change our Horses, about 20 young Women came about
the Chaise, with their elegant Knives, scissors, tooth Picks &c. to sell. The Scaene
was new to me, and highly diverting. Their eagerness to sell a Knife, was as great,
as that of some Persons I have seen in other Countries to get Offices. We arrived
in the Evening at Ormes, the magnificent Seat of the Marquis D'Argenson.— It is needless
to make particular Remarks upon this Country. Every Part of it, is cultivated. The
Fields of Grain, the Vineyards, the Castles, { 296 } the Cities, the Parks, the Gardens, every Thing is beautifull: yet every Place swarms
with Beggars.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0007
Date: 1778-04-07
1778. April 7. Tuesday.
Travelled from Les Ormes, the splendid Seat of the Marquis D'Argenson, to Mer. We
went through Tours, and Amboise, and several other smaller Villages. Tours is the
most elegant Place We have yet seen. It stands upon the River Loire, which empties
itself at Nantes. We rode upon a Causey, made in the River Loire, for a great Number
of Miles. The Meadows and River Banks were extremely beautifull.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0008
Date: 1778-04-08
April 8. Wednesday.
Rode through Orleans, &c. and arrived at Paris, about 9 O Clock. For 30 Miles from
Paris or more the Road is paved, and the Scaenes extreamly beautifull.
At Paris We went to several Hotels which were full—particularly the Hotell D'Artois,
and the Hotell Bayonne. Then We were advised to the Hotell de Valois, where We found
entertainment. But We could not have it without taking all the Chambers upon the floor
which were four in Number, very elegant and richly furnished, at the small Price of
two Crowns and an Half a Day, without any Thing to eat or drink. We send for Victuals
to the Cooks. I took the Apartments only for two or three days.
At our Arrival last Night at a certain Barrier, We were stopped and searched, and
paid the Duties for about 25 Bottles of Wine which we had left of the generous Present
of Mr. Delap at Bourdeaux.
My little Son has sustained this long Journey of near 500 Miles at the Rate of an
hundred Miles a day with the Utmost Firmness, as he did our fatiguing and dangerous
Voyage.
Immediately on our Arrival, We were called upon for our Names, as We were at Mrs.
Rives's at Bourdeaux.
We passed the Bridge, last Night over the Seine, and passed thro the Louvre. The Streets
were crowded with Carriages, with Livery Servants.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0009
Date: 1778-04-09
1778 April 9. Thursday.
This Morning the Bells, and Carriages, and various Cries in the Street make Noise
enough, yet the City was very still last Night towards the Morning.
{ 297 } Le Hotell de Valois, en Rue de Richlieu, is the Name of the House and Street where
I now am. Went to Passy, in a Coach, with Dr. Noel, and my Son.
Dr. Franklin presented to me the Compliments of Mr. Turgot, lately Comptroller of
the Finances, and his Invitation to dine with him.1 Went with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Lee and dined in Company with the Dutchess D'Anville,
the Mother of the Duke De Rochefoucault, and twenty of the great People of France.—It
is in vain to Attempt a Description of the Magnificence of the House, Gardens, Library,
Furniture, or the Entertainment of the Table. Mr. Turgot has the Appearance of a grave,
sensible and amiable Man. Came home and supped with Dr. Franklin on Cheese and Beer.2
1. Anne Robert Jacques Turgot, Baron de l'Aulne (1727–1781), French statesman and philosophe (Hoefer, Nouv. Biog. Générale). It was a letter of Turgot's to Richard Price, concerning the new American state
constitutions, written in 1778 and published in Price's Observations on the Importance of the American Revolution, London, 1784, that prompted JA to write a gigantic rebuttal entitled JA, Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America, London, 1787–1788; 3 vols. The personal and intellectual relations of JA and Turgot have been described, and JA's marginalia on Turgot's letter of 1778 printed, in Haraszti, JA and the Prophets of Progress, ch. 8, “Turgot's Attack on the American Constitutions.” On the more immediate origins
of JA's Defence see note on entry of 29 [i.e. 28] July 1786, below.
2. This is the only intimation in the Diary that JA and JQA had joined Franklin's already numerous household in Passy, but a memorandum in JA's copy of the American Commissioners' accounts, 1777–1779 (in Lb/JA/35, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 123), dated “Passi September 27 1778,” states: “I arrived at Paris in the
Evening of the 8th of April, and the next Morning, waited on Dr. Franklin at Passi,
where I have resided from that Time.”
Franklin's lodgings were in a separate building on the extensive grounds of the Hôtel
de Valentinois, named for a former owner but acquired in 1776 by M. Le Ray de Chaumont
(see next entry in this Diary), on the heights of Passy close to the Bois de Boulogne and overlooking
the Seine and Paris to the east. The once semirural suburb of Passy is now engulfed
by Paris, and blocks of apartments shut off the view that Franklin and his colleagues
enjoyed; but see a plan of “Franklin's Passy,” with explanatory text, in Bernard Faÿ,
Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times, Boston, 1929, facing p. 452, and a detail from an 18th-century map of the neighborhood
in Howard C. Rice Jr., The Adams Family in Auteuil, 1784–1785, Boston, 1956. A contemporary description of the Valentinois gardens will be found
in Dezallier, Environs de Paris, 1779, p. 16–18. The building occupied by Franklin and his entourage and by JA in succession to Silas Deane was variously called the “pavilion,” the “basse cour,”
and the “petit hôtel”; a tablet now marks its site on a building at the corner of
Rue Reynouard and Rue Singer. The American headquarters at Passy have been described
by nearly all of Franklin's biographers, but perhaps in most detail by John Bigelow
(who as American minister in Paris at one time hoped to acquire the site for a United
States legation), in an article entitled “Franklin's Home and Host in France,” Century Mag., 35:741–754 (March 1888). The “petit hôtel” survived until at least 1866.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0010
Date: 1778-04-10
April 10. Fryday.
Dined at Monsr. Brillon's, with many Ladies and Gentlemen...1 Madam Brillon is a Beauty, and a great Mistress of Music, as are her two little Daughters...
The Dinner was Luxury as usual—a Cake was brought in, with 3 Flaggs, flying. On one,
Pride subdued—on another, Haec Dies, in qua fit Congressus, exultemus et potemus in
ea. Supped in the Evening, at Mr. Chamonts.2 In the evening 2 Gentlemen came in, and advised me, to go to Versailles tomorrow.
One of them was the Secretary to the late Ambassador in London, the Count De Noailles.3
2. Jacques Donatien Le Ray de Chaumont the elder (1725–1803), capitalist, holder of numerous
government sinecures, enthusiast in the American cause, and a heavy speculator in
contracts for supplying the Continental army and outfitting American naval vessels.
Upon Franklin's arrival in France in Dec. 1776 Chaumont offered him accommodations
rent-free at the Hotel de Valentinois, and there Franklin maintained his headquarters
until he returned to America in 1785. JA's relations with Chaumont during his shorter stay in Passy were more troubled, as
will appear from their correspondence and other evidence. On Chaumont and his family,
which was to have continuing connections with America, see John Bigelow's article
cited in note on preceding entry, and T. Wood Clarke, Emigré's in the Wilderness,
N.Y., 1941, especially chs. 2–3.
3. Emmanuel Marie Louis, Marquis de Noailles (1743–1822), uncle of the Marquise de Lafayette;
he had returned from London after notifying the British government of the Franco-American
alliance (Hoefer, Nouv. Biog. Générale). His secretary in London, previously chargé d'affaires there, was Charles Jean Gamier (1738–1783?), a rather shadowy figure but one who,
from several of JA's allusions to him, was regarded as influential in the French foreign office and
an expert on British affairs. He was well known to English sympathizers with the American
cause, and in 1779 JA thought he would be sent as a successor to Gérard, the first French minister in Philadelphia.
See entries of 21 April, 8 May 1778, 9 Feb., 2 July 1779, below; also Doniol, Histoire, 5:658, and references there; R. H. Lee, Arthur Lee, 2:87. (Garnier's forenames and dates have been furnished by the Service des Archives
Diplomatiques et de la Documentation, Paris.)
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0011
Date: 1778-04-11
April 11. Saturday.
Went to Versailles, with Dr. Franklin and Mr. Lee—waited on the Count De Vergennes,
the Secretary of foreign Affairs—was politely received.—He hoped I should stay long
enough to learn French perfectly—assured me, that every Thing should be done to make
France agreable to me—hoped the Treaty would be agreable, and the Alliance lasting.—I
told him I thought the Treaty liberal, and generous—and doubted not of its speedy
Ratification. I communicated to him the Resolutions of Congress respecting the Suspension
of Burgoines Embarkation, which he read through, and pronounced Fort bon.1
{ 299 } I was then conducted to the Count Maurepas, the Prime Minister, was introduced by
Dr. F. as his new Colleague and politely received.
I was then shewn the Palace of Versailles, and happened to be present when the King
passed through, to Council. His Majesty seeing my Colleagues, graciously smiled, and
passed on. I was then shewn the Galleries, and Royal Apartments, and the K's Bedchamber.
The Magnificence of these Scaenes, is immense. The Statues, the Paintings, the every
Thing is sublime.
We then returned, went into the City, and dined with the Count []where was the Count De Noailles, his Secretary, and 20 or 30 others, of the Grandees
of France. After Dinner, We went in the Coach, to see the Royal Hospital of Invalids,
the Chappell of which is immensely grand, in Marble and Paintings and Statuary.
After this We went to the Ecole militaire, went into the Chapell and into the Hall
of Council &c. Here We saw the Statues of the great Conde, Turenne, Luxembourg, and
Saxe. Returned and drank Tea, at Mm. Brillons, who lent me Voyage picturesque de Paris,2 and entertained Us, again, with her Music, and her agreable Conversation.
2. [Antoine Nicolas Dezallier d'Argenville,] Voyage pittoresque de Paris, ou indication de tout ce qu'il y a de plus beau dans
cette ville, en peinture, sculpture & architecture, par M. D***. JA acquired a copy of the 6th edition of this useful work when he returned to Paris
in 1780; it is among his books in the Boston Public Library and has proved useful
in annotating his Diary.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0012
Date: 1778-04-12
1778 April 12. Sunday.
The Attention to me, which has been shewn, from my first Landing in France, at Bourdeaux,
by the People in Authority of all Ranks and by the principal Merchants, and since
my Arrival in Paris by the Ministers of State, and others of the first Consideration
has been very remarkable, and bodes well to our Country. It shews in what Estimation
the new Alliance with America is held.
On Fryday last, I had the Honour of a Visit from a Number of American Gentlemen—Mr.
James Jay of New York Brother of the C[hief] Justice, Mr. Johnson Brother of Governor of Maryland,1 Mr.[], Mr. Amiel, Mr. Livingston, from Jamaica, Mr. Austin from Boston,2 Dr. Bancroft. Mr. R. Issard [Izard] should be [sentence unfinished]
I must return the Visits of these Gentlemen.
This Day I had the Honour to dine with the Prince De Tingry, Le Duke De Beaumont,
of the illustrious House of Montmorency, the Duke and Dutchess of [sentence unfinished]
{ 300 } Edisti satis, lusisti satis, atque bibisti
Tempus est abire tibi.—
1. Joshua Johnson (1742–1802), born in Calvert co., Md., brother of Gov. Thomas Johnson
of Maryland, was employed in London as factor of an Annapolis shipping firm until
the Revolution. He then crossed to France en route to America, but having several
small children he was discouraged by the prospect of a long sea voyage and settled
as a merchant at Nantes, where he undertook various commissions for both Congress
and the State of Maryland. JA and JQA visited the Johnsons in Nantes before returning to America in 1779. Johnson returned
to London after the war and served as first U.S. consul there, 1790–1797. While on
diplomatic service in London, JQA courted Johnson's daughter Louisa Catherine (1775–1852), and was married to her in
1797. See JA, Autobiography, under the present date; entry of 14 April 1779, below; Md. Hist. Mag., 42:214–215 (Sept. 1947); JCC, 15:1126; Archives of Maryland, Baltimore, 1883–, 21:7, 140; 43:225; 47:79; Edward S. Delaplaine, The Life of Thomas Johnson, N.Y., 1927, p. 14; Bemis, JQA, 1:79–82; letter of Julia B. Carroll, Foreign Affairs Branch, The National Archives,
to the editors, 22 Oct. 1959.
2. Jonathan Loring Austin, Harvard 1766, who had brought the news of Burgoyne's surrender
to France the previous fall and then served Franklin in various capacities; during
the summer of 1778 he acted as secretary to JA (JA, Autobiography, under the present date; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 1:620–621, 630–631; JA–Austin correspondence in Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0013
Date: 1778-04-13
1778. Monday. April 13.
This Morning the Dutchess Dayen, and M. le Marquise De Fayette,1 came to visit me, and enquire after the Marquise [Marquis].
Went to Versailles, was introduced, to the Levee of Mr. de Sartine, the Minister.
A vast Number of Gentlemen were attending in one Room after another, and We found
the Minister at last, entrenched as deep as We had formerly seen the Count Maurepas.
The Minister politely received Us, and shewed Us, into his Cabinet, where were all
the Books and Papers of his office.—After he had finished the Business of his Levee,
he came into the Cabinet to Us, and asked whether I spoke French, and whether I understood
French? The Answer was, un Peu, and Si on parle lentement, ou doucement.2 He then made an Apology, to each of Us seperately, in the Name of his Lady, for her
Absence, being gone into Paris to see a sick Relation. After this We were conducted
down to dinner, which was as splendid as usual. All Elegance and Magnificence, a large
Company, four Ladies only...3 During Dinner Time many Gentlemen came in, and walked the Room, and leaned over the
Chairs of the Ladies and Gentlemen, and conversed with them while at Table. After
Dinner the Company all arose as usual, went into another Room, where a great { 301 } Additional Number of Gentlemen came in.—After some Time We came off, and went to make
a Visit to Madam Maurepas, the Lady of the Prime Minister, but she was out and We
left a Card. We then went to the office of the Secretary4 of Mr. Vergennes and delivered him a Copy of my Commission—then went and made a Visit
to Madam Vergennes, who had her Levee, and returned to Passi.
1. The Duchesse d'Ayen and her daughter, Adrienne de Noailles, Marquise de Lafayette.
4. Joseph Mathias Gerard de Rayneval (1746–1812), usually called Rayneval by JA, brother of Conrad Alexandre Gerard (1729–1779), the first French minister to the
United States. The younger brother had just succeeded the elder as premier commis or secretary in the French foreign office, a circumstance that has led to their often
being confused with each other. See Despatches and Instructions of Conrad Alexandre Gerard, ed. John J. Meng, Baltimore, 1939, p. 35, note, and passim.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0014
Date: 1778-04-14
Avril 14. Mardi.
Yesterday Morning sent for the Master of the Accademy in this Place, who came and
shewed me his Conditions. [He] agreed to take my Son: who accordingly packed up his Things and went to School, much
pleased with his Prospect because he understood that Rewards were given to the best
Schollars, which he said was an Encouragement. Dancing, Fencing, Musick, and Drawing,
are taught at this School, as well as French and Latin.1
1. In a letter to his “Hond. Mamma,” 20 April (Adams Papers), JQA described the regimen of M. Le Coeur's private boarding school. Among his American
schoolmates were Jesse Deane, “Benny” Bache (Franklin's grandson), and Charles B.
Cochran, the last of whom wrote JQA from Charleston, S.C., 5 June 1809, in a reminiscent vein about their school “Sur
La Montagne de Créve-Coeur” (Adams Papers). JQA replied from Ghent, 18 July 1814, with his recollections (RC, privately owned, printed in AHR, 15:572–574 [April 1910]).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0015
Date: 1778-04-15
Avril 15. Mecredi.
Went Yesterday to return the Visits, made me by American Gentlemen.
Dined this Day, with Madam Helvetius, one Gentleman, one Lady, Dr. F., his G. Son1 and myself made the Company—an elegant Dinner. Mm. is a Widow—her Husband was a Man
of Learning and wrote several Books. She has erected a Monument to her Husband, a
Model of which she has. It is herself, weeping over his Tomb, with this Inscription.
Toi dont L'Ame sublime et tendre, a fait ma Gloire, et mon Bonheur, J t'ai perdu:
pres de ta Cendre, Je viens jouer de ma Douleur.
Here I saw a little Book of Fenelons, which I never saw before— { 302 } Directions pour la Conscience D'une Roi, composees pour l'lnstruction du Louis de
France, Due de Bourgogne.
At Mm. Helvetius's, We had Grapes, preserved entire. I asked how? She said “Sans Air.”—Apples,
Pairs &c. are preserved here in great Perfection.
1. William Temple Franklin (1762–1823), natural son of Benjamin Franklin's natural son
William (Franklin, Papers, ed. Labaree and Bell, 1:lxii–lxiii). Temple, as he was usually called, was serving as his grandfather's
secretary.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0016
Date: 1778-04-16
April 16. Jeudi.
Dr. F. is reported to speak French very well, but I find upon attending to him that
he does not speak it Grammatically, and indeed upon enquiring, he confesses that he
is wholly inattentive to the Grammar. His Pronunciation too, upon which the French
Gentlemen and Ladies compliment him, and which he seems to think is pretty well, I
am sure is very far from being exact.
Indeed Dr. Franklin's Knowledge of French, at least his Faculty of speaking it, may
be said to have begun with his Embassy to this Court. ...1 He told me that when he was in France before, Sir John Pringle was with him, and
did all his Conversation for him as Interpreter, and that he understood and spoke
French with great Difficulty, untill he came here last, altho he read it.
Dined, at Mr. La Fretés. The Magnificence of the House, Garden and Furniture is astonishing.
Saw here an History of the Revolution in Russia in the Year 1762.2
This Family are fond of Paintings. They have a Variety of exquisite Pieces, particularly
a Storm and a Calm.3
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0017
Date: 1778-04-17
April 17. Vendredi.
Dined at home with Company—Mr. Platt and his Lady—Mr. Amiel and his Lady—Mr. Austin—Mr.
Alexander &c.
After Dinner, went to the long Champ, where all the Carriages in Paris were paraded
which it seems is a Custom on good Fryday.1
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0018
Date: 1778-04-18
1778 April 18. Samedi.
This Morning the Father of General Conway came to visit me, and { 303 } enquire after his Son as well as American Affairs. He seems a venerable Personage.
Dined at Mr. Bouffets, who speaks a little English. Mr. Bouffetts Brother, Mr. Veillard,
M. Le Fevre, L'Abbe des Prades, Mr. Borry, &c. were there.
Called and drank Tea at Mm. Brillons. Then made a Visit to M. Boullainvilliers, and
his Lady, who is a kind of Lord of the Manor of Passi, and is just now come out to
his Country Seat.1
1. “Le Château de M. le Marquis de Boulainviller, Prévôt de Paris, est la premiere maison
considerable qui se trouve sur le chemin de Versailles” (Dezallier, Environs de Paris, p. 14, followed by a detailed description). The Boulainvilliers were close neighbors
of the American Commissioners; see plan of “Franklin's Passy” in Bernard Faÿ, Franklin, the Apostle of Modern Times, Boston, 1929, facing p. 452.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0019
Date: 1778-04-19
Ap. 19. Dimanche.
Dined at home, with Mr. Grand our Banker, his Lady, Daughter and Sons,1 Mr. Austin, Mr. Chaumont, and a great deal of other Company.
Mr. David Hartley, a Member of the B[ritish] House of Commons came to visit Dr. F., a Mr. Hammond with him.2
Went with Mr. Chaumont in his Carriage to the Concert Spirituel. A vast Croud of Company
of both Sexes, a great Number of Instruments. A Gentleman sung and then a young Lady.3
1. The Grands, originally a Swiss family, were bankers in Paris and Amsterdam. In his
Autobiography under the present dateJA says that it was through the influence of Vergennes, Sartine, and Chaumont that Ferdinand
Grand of Paris “obtained the Reputation and Emoluments of being the Banker to the
American Ministers.” The Grands had a country seat near the Hotael de Valentinois
in Passy and were hospitable to JA and particularly kind to JQA.
2. David Hartley the younger (1732–1813), M.P. for Hull, was acting as an unofficial
agent for Lord North; he had known Franklin intimately in England and was a tireless
opponent of the American war, in Parliament and out (DNB). In his Autobiography under this dateJA gives an unfavorable view of “This mysterious Visit” to Passy by the two Englishmen,
the other of whom was William Hammond, father of George Hammond, later to be the first
British minister to the United States. In 1783 Hartley was appointed by the Fox-North
Coalition commissioner to negotiate and sign the Definitive Treaty; see entry of 27 April 1783 and notes, below.
3. For an account of the concerts spirituels see Thiéry, Almanach du voyageur à Paris, 1784, p. 212.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0020
Date: 1778-04-20
Ap. 20. Lundi.
My Son has been with me since Saturday.—The Concert Spirituel is in the Royal Garden,
where was an infinite Number of Gentlemen and Ladies walking.
{ 304 } Dined with the Dutchess D'Anville, at her House with her Daughter and Granddaughter,
Dukes, Abbotts, &c. &c. &c.1
Visited Mr. Lloyd and his Lady, where We saw Mr. Digges.2
2. Thomas Digges (1742–1821) of Maryland, prior to the Revolution London agent for various shipping firms and
afterward one of those colonial residents in London who worked, in greater or lesser
measure, for the American cause. His recent arrival in Paris was for the purpose of
presenting to the Commissioners David Hartley's five point proposal for a peace conference.
See William Bell Clark, “In Defense of Thomas Digges,” PMHB, 77:381–438 (Oct. 1953), for a partial restoration of Digges' somewhat tarnished
character. Among the eleven known pseudonyms used by Digges in his voluminous correspondence
with JA were such diverse signatures as William Singleton Church, Alexr. Hamilton, T. Dundas,
Wm. Fitzpatrick, and Timothy D. Ross.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0021
Date: 1778-04-21
1778 April 21. Mardi.
Dined, this Day, at Mr. Chaumonts, with the largest Collection of great Company that
I have yet seen. The Marquis D Argenson, the Count De Noailles, the Marshall de Maillebois,
the Brother of the Count de Vergennes, and a great many others, Mr. Foucault and Mm.,
Mr. Chaumonts Son in Law and Daughter, who has a Fortune of 4 or 5000£ st. in St.
Domingo, Mr. Chaumonts own Son and Miss Chaumont. Mr.1[] the first officer under Mr. Sartine.
It is with much Grief and Concern that I have learned from my first landing in France,
the Disputes between the Americans, in this Kingdom. The Animosities between Mr. D[eane] and Mr. L[ee]—between Dr. F[ranklin] and Mr. L.—between Mr. Iz[ard] and Dr. F.—between Dr. B[ancroft] and Mr. L.—between Mr. C.2 and all. It is a Rope of Sand....3
I am at present wholly untainted with these Prejudices, and will endeavour to keep
myself so. Parties and Divisions among the Americans here, must have disagreable if
not pernicious Effects.
Mr. D. seems to have made himself agreable here to Persons of Importance and Influence,
and is gone home in such Splendor, that I fear, there will be Altercations, in America
about him.4 Dr. F., Mr. D. and Dr. Bancroft, are Friends. The L's and Mr. Iz. are Friends. Sir
J[ames] J[ay] insinuated that Mr. D. had been at least as attentive to his own Interest, in dabbling
in the English Funds, and in Trade, and fitting out Privateers, as to the Public,
and said he would give Mr. D. fifty thousand Pounds for his Fortune, and said that
Dr. B. too had made a Fortune. Mr. McC[reery] insinuated to me, that the L's were selfish, and that this was a Family Misfortune.
What shall I say? What shall I think?
{ 305 } It is said that Mr. L. has not the Confidence of the Ministry, nor of the Persons
of Influence here—that he is suspected of too much Affection for England, and of too
much Intimacy with Ld. Shel[burne]—that he has given offence, by an unhappy disposition, and by indiferent Speeches
before Servants and others, concerning the French Nation and Government, despising
and cursing them.—I am sorry for these Things, but it is no Part of my Business to
quarrell with any Body without Cause. It is no Part of my Duty to differ with one
Party or another, or to give offence to any Body. But I must do my duty to the Public,
let it give offence to whom it will.
The public Business has never been methodically conducted. There never was before
I came, a minute Book, a Letter Book or an Account Book—and it is not possible to
obtain a clear Idea of our Affairs.5
Mr. D. lived expensively, and seems not to have had much order in his Business, public
or private: but he was active, dilligent, subtle, and successfull, having accomplished
the great Purpose of his Mission, to Advantage.... Mr. Gerard is his Friend, and I
find that Dr. B. has the Confidence of Persons about the Ministry, particularly of
the late Secretary to the Embassader to G.B.6
1. CFA supplies, probably correctly, the name M. de Vilevault for the blank left by the
diarist. See Almanach royal, 1778, p. 191.
2. The Autobiography indicates that this was William Carmichael, a Marylander who had acted informally as secretary and performed other services
for the American Commissioners in Europe before his return to America in Feb. 1778;
he was later a member of the Continental Congress and American chargé d'affaires at
Madrid (DAB).
4. Deane sailed for America from Toulon on 13 March with Gérard, the new minister to
the United States, in the flagship of the Comte d'Estaing's squadron (Gérard, Despatches and Instructions, p. 41, note, 89–90).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0022
Date: 1778-04-22
1778. Ap. 22. Wednesday.
Dined at home and spent the day with Mr. Lee.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0023
Date: 1778-04-23
Ap. 23. Thursday.
Dined at home with Company.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0024
Date: 1778-04-24
Ap. 24. Fryday.
Dined at Mr. Buffauts, with much Company.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0025
Date: 1778-04-25
Ap. 25. Saturday.
Dined at Mr. Chaumonts with Company.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0026
Date: 1778-04-26
Sunday [26 April].
Dined at home.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0027
Date: 1778-04-27
Monday. 27.
Dined with Mr. Boulainvilliers, at his House in Passi, with Generals and Bishops and
Ladies &c—In the Evening went to the French Comedy, and happened to be placed in the
first Box, very near to the celebrated Voltaire who attended the Performance of his
own Alzire. Between the Acts the Audience called out Voltaire and clapped and applauded
him, the whole Time. The old Poet arose and bowed respectfully to the Audience. He
has yet much Fire in his Eyes and Vigour in his Countenance, altho very old. After
the Tragedy, the[y] Acted the Tuteur, a Comedy or a Farce of one Act. This Theatre does not exceed that
at Bourdeaux.
I will attempt to keep my Journal in French, in order to familiarise myself to that
Language.1
1. In his Autobiography under this dateJA says that he attended the theater primarily in order to improve his French. Another
measure to the same end was, as he says here, to keep his journal in French, but “I
found it took up too much of my time.” The French entries that follow have been kept
as literal as possible. They were omitted in CFA's text of the Diary because “not sufficiently good to merit publication” (Works, 3: 145, note). When JA set out seriously to learn French, he called on the services of the two inseparable
French clerics Arnoux and Chalut; see entry of 4 July, below.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0028
Date: 1778-04-28
1778. Avril Vingt-Huit. Mardi.
Dejeunois, chez nous, avec Messrs. Chaumont, Dubourg,1 Chaumont le jeune, Franklin, Grandpere et Grandfils.
M. Dubourg disoit un Conte, touchant, C. Mazarine. Un Officier demandoit, de lui,
de le faire un Capitaine, d'une Guarde de <son> sa Vie. Le Card, repondoit, qu'il n'avoit pas Besoin d'autre Guarde que de son Ange
tutelaire.—Ah Monsr. dit rofficier—on, le poussera, avec, un peu de l'au benit.—Oh
Monsr. repondoit, le Cardinal Je ne crains point cette eau benite.
Je crois qu'on riroit, si on verroit, mon francois.
Je dinai Aujourdhui, chez moi, avec Mr. Lee.—Apres diner, Mr. L. et moi, allames,
a la Comedie itallien, ou nous avons vu Monsieur Harlequin, &c.
1. Franklin's friend and editor, the physician Jacques Barbeu Dubourg (1709– { 307 } 1779). JA tells more of Dubourg and of his anecdotes in his Autobiography under this date;
see also Benjamin Rush, Letters, 1:77, note, and references there.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0029
Date: 1778-04-29
Avril Vingt Neuf. Mercredi.
J'ai bien dormi, le derniere Soir. J'avois diné chez Le Marrechal De Maillebois avec
Baucoup du Monde. Apres diner, went to the Accademy of Sciences and heard Mr. D'Alembert
pronounce Eulogies upon divers Members deceased.1
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0003-0030
Date: 1778-04-30
Ap. 30. Jeudi.
Dined with the Mareschall De Mouchy—with the Duke and Duchess D'Ayen, their Daughter
the Marquise De la Fayette, the Viscountess De Maillbois, her sister, another sister
unmarried, the Prussian Ambassador, an Italien Embassador, and a great deal of other
great Company. The Nobleman with whom We dined is Phillip de Noailles, Marechal Due
De Mouchy, Grand d'Espagne de la premiere Classe, Chevalier des ordres du Roi et de
la Toison D'or, Grand Croix de l'ordre de Malte, nominé Lieutenant General de Guienne
en 1768 et Commandant en Chef dans le Gouvernement de ladite Province en 1775.
His being Commander in Chief in the Province of Guienne was the Cause of a great Compliment
to me. He asked me how I liked Bourdeaux. I told him [I] found it a rich, elegant, Town flourishing in Arts and Commerce. He asked whether
I was content with my Reception there. I said they had done me too much Honour. He
replied he wished he had been there, to have joined them in doing me Honour.
He lives in all the Splendor and Magnificence of a Viceroy, which is little inferiour
to that of a King.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0001
Date: 1778-05-01
1778 May 1. Vendredi.
Aujourdhui J'ai été diner, chez Monsieur Le Duke D'Ayen, le Pere de Mm. Le Ms. [Madame la Marquise] De la Fayette. La Maison, Le Jardin, Les Promenades, Les Tableau's, Les Garnitures,
son tres magnifiques.
Les Tableaux de la Famille de Noailles sont anciens, et nombreux.
Mm. la Dutchess D'Ayen, a cinque ou Six Enfans, contre la Coutume de ce Pays ci.
We were shewn, into the Library, and all the Rooms and first Suite { 308 } of Chambers in the House. The Library is very large, and the Rooms very elegant and
the Furniture very rich.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0002
Date: 1778-05-02
May 2. Saturday.
Dined at Mr. Izzards, with Mr. Lloyd and his Lady, Mr. Francois and much other Company.
After Dinner went to the Comedie Francoise, and saw the Brutus of Voltaire and after
it, the Cocher Supposé. —As I was coming out of the Box, a Gentleman seized me by
the Hand.—I looked.—Governer Wentworth, Sir, says he.— Asked Questions about his Father
and Friends in America &c.1
1. John Wentworth, JA's Harvard classmate and former royal governor of New Hampshire, had arrived in Europe
from Nova Scotia early in 1778 (Lawrence Shaw Mayo, John Wentworth, Cambridge, 1921, p. 164–167). His encounter with JA and its aftermath are amplified in JA's Autobiography under the present date, q.v. also on “Mr. Francois,” i.e. Francès.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0003
Date: 1778-05-03
May 3. Sunday.
Mr. Izzard and Lady, Mr. Lloyd and Lady, Dr. Bancroft and much other Company dined,
with Dr. Franklin and me at Passi. Mrs. Izzard at my particular Desire brought her
little Son and two little Daughters. We had all our young Gentlemen, from the Accademy,
which made a pretty Shew of young Americans.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0004
Date: 1778-05-04
May 4. Monday.
Dined at Mr. Chaumonts, with his Family, and some other Company.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0005
Date: 1778-05-05
May 5. Tuesday.
Am to dine at home—a great Rarity and a great Blessing!
At Dinner, alone, my Servant brought me a Letter, A Messieurs, Messieurs, Franklin,
Lée, et Adams, Deputés des Etats unies de l'Amerique a Passy. De Vergennes.—I opened,
and found it in these Words
[dateline] Versailles le 4. May 1778
J'ai pris les ordres du Roy, Messieurs, au Sujet de la presentation de M. Adams votre
nouveau Collegue, et Sa Majesté le verra vendredi prochain, 8 de ce mois. J'espere
que vous voudres bien me faire l'honneur de dinér ce jour la, chez moi; je serai ravi
d'avoir cette Occasion de passer quelques Heures avec Vous, et de vous renouveller
l'Assurance de la tres parfaite Consideration avec Laquelle jai l'honneur d'etre,
Messieurs, Votre tres humble et tres obeissant Serviteur
[signed] De Vergennes
[addrLine] Mrs. Francklin, Lee et Adams.1
J'ai passé le tout de ce Jour, chez moi. Monsieur Lee vint chez moi, l'apres midi,
et nous travaillions dans 1'Examen du Papiers publiques. —En la Soiree Monsieur Chaumont,
vint chez moi, et m'avertit de la Destination d'une Frigatte de trente deux Canons
de Marseilles a Boston, et que Je puis ecrire, si Je voulois.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0006
Date: 1778-05-06
May 6. Wednesday.
A Spanish Writer of certain Vissions of Hell, relates that a certain Devil who was
civil and well bred, shewed him all the Departments, in the Place—among others the
Department of deceased Kings. The Spaniard was much pleased at so illustrious a Sight,
and after viewing them for some time, said he should be glad to see the Rest of them.—The
Rest? said the Daemon. Here are all the Kings, that ever reigned upon Earth from the
Creation of it to this day, what the Devil would the Man have?—F[ranklin].
This was not so charitable as Dr. Watts, who in his view of Heaven says “here and
there I see a King.”—This seems to imply that K's are as good as other Men, since
it is but here and there that We see a King upon Earth.
After Dinner went to the Review, where the King reviewed his Guards, French and Swiss,
about 8000 of them. The Shew was splendid, as all other Shews are, in this Country.
The Carriages of the Royal Family, were magnificent beyond my Talent at Description.—Returned
and drank Coffee with Mr. Lee, walked home and drank Tea with Mr. Chaumonts Family,
and spent the Rest of the Evening in reading Cardinal Richelieu.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0007
Date: 1778-05-07
1778. May. 7. Thursday.
J'allai, hier, apres midi, a la Revue, ou Le Roy, a fait une Revue de ses Guardes
de Suiss et de francoise.
Ce Matin, [sentence unfinished]
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0008
Date: 1778-05-08
May 8. Fryday.
This Morning Dr. Franklin, Mr. Lee, and Mr. Adams, went to Versailles, in Order that
Mr. Adams might be presented to the King.—Waited on the Count De Vergennes, at his
office, and at the Hour of Eleven the Count conducted Us, into the Kings Bed Chamber
where { 310 } he was dressing—one officer putting on his Sword, another his Coat &c.
The Count went up to the King, and his Majesty turned about, towards me, and smiled.
Ce est il Monsieur Adams, said the King and then asked a Question, very quick, or
rather made an Observation to me which I did not fully understand. The Purport of
it was that I had not been long arrived.—The Count Vergennes then conducted me to
the Door of another Room, and desired me to stand there which I did untill the King
passed.—The Count told the King, that I did not yet take upon me to speak French.
The King asked, whether I did not speak at all as yet—and passed by me, into the other Room.
This Monarch is in the 24th. Year of his Age, having been born the 23d of Aug. 1754.
He has the Appearances of a strong Constitution, capable of enduring to a great Age.
His Reign has already been distinguished, by an Event that will reflect a Glory upon
it, in future Ages I mean, the Treaty with America.1
We afterwards made a Visit to Count Maurepas, to Mr. Sartine, to the Chancellor,2 to Mr. Bertin &c.
The Chancellor, has the Countenance of a Man worn with severe Studies. When I was
introduced to him he turned to Dr. F. and said Mr. Adams est un Person celebre en
Amerique et en Europe.
We went afterwards to Dinner, with the Count de Vergennes. There was a full Table—no
Ladies but the Countess. The Counts Brother, the Ambassador who lately signed the
Treaty with Swisserland, Mr. Gamier the late Secretary to the Embassy in England,
and many others, Dukes and Bishops and Counts &c.
Mr. Garnier and Mr.[] asked me, with some Appearance of Concern, whether there was any foundation for the
Reports which the Ministry had spread in England, of a Dispute between Congress and
Gen. Washington. A Letter they say has been printed, from an officer in Phila. to
that Purpose.
Mr. Garnier is the 1st. french Gentleman who has begun a serious political Conversation
with me of any length. He is a sensible Man.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0009
Date: 1778-05-09
May 9. Saturday.
This Morning Mr. Joy, Mr. Johonnot, and Mr. Green, came to visit me—Joy who lived
at Weymouth, Green Son of Mr. Rufus Green.1
Dined with Madam Bertin.2
1. Michael Joy, Francis Johonnot, and William Greene, formerly of Massachusetts but more
lately of London, who were traveling together in France (see note on the following entry). Greene kept a journal of this trip, in which he wrote of
this visit to Passy:
“Saturday, May 9, morning we took coach for Passy for which [we] gave six livres,
we waited first on Mr. Adams, who receiv'd us very genteelly, but he has not wore
off the natural restraint which always was in his behaviour, we tarried with him half
an hour, from him we went to Dr. Franklin's apartment, he receiv'd us like children,
and behaved to us with all the complaisance and tenderness imaginable, we were above
half an hour in free discourse with this venerable man on our departure he desired
our company to dinner the next day being Sunday” (MHS, Procs., 54 [1920–1921]:103).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0010
Date: 1778-05-10
1778. May. 10. Sunday.
Messieurs Brattle, Waldo, Joy, Johonnot, Green and Austin dined with Us, at Passi.1 After dinner We walked in the Bois du Boulogne, as far as the new Seat of the Count
D'Artois, where We saw Mr. Turgot, Mr. and Mm. La Fréte, and much other Company. Sunday
in this Country is devoted to Amusements and Diversions. There are more Games, Plays,
and Sports of every Kind on this day, than on any other, in the Week.
1. The additional guests were Thomas Brattle (Harvard 1760), son of JA's old antagonist Gen. William Brattle, and Joseph Waldo (Harvard 1741); both had
left Boston for England about the time hostilities broke out. (On Brattle see Sabine, Loyalists; on Waldo see Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, vol. 11 [in press].) A passage in JA's Autobiography under the present date makes clear why he received these former American acquaintances, and especially Waldo,
with reserve: now that war between England and France was imminent, some if not all
of them were suffering from second thoughts and would have been glad to accept appointments
under Congress or the Commissioners, for which JA doubted their qualifications.
William Greene in his travel journal gives an entertaining account of this day which
is too long to quote here. It is particularly revealing of Franklin's way of life
at Passy and suggests why JA soon grew impatient with his colleague's habits. “In the afternoon,” Greene remarks,
“a number of ladies from the neighbourhood came in, and took us all to walk, in the
Bois Boulogne. The old Doctor still so fond of the fair sex, that one was not enough
for him but he must have one on each side, and all the ladies both old and young were
ready to eat him up” (MHS, Procs., 54 [1920–1921]: 104).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0011
Date: 1778-05-11
May 11. Monday.
Dined at Mr. Sorins, at Passi.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0012
Date: 1778-05-12
May 12. Tuesday.
Dined, at Mr. Dupré's, at the [] Montagne. The Gardens and the Prospect are very fine. It lies adjoining to the Seat
of the President of the Parliament of Paris. We met his Lady, who desired { 312 } the Gentlemen to shew Us the Place, but not the Whole, for she wished to enjoy our
Company, there, at her own Invitation, and she chose to reserve a Part of the Curiosities
of the Place as an Inducement to Us to accept it.
From this Hill, We have a fine View of the Country, and of the Kings Castle at Vincennes.
My little Son, and the other young Americans, at the Pension, dined with Us.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0013
Date: 1778-05-13
May 13. Wednesday.
Dined at M. Chaumonts, with a great deal of Company. After Dinner took a Walk to Chaillot
to see Mr. Lee, who had a large Company of Americans to dine with him, among the rest
Mr. Fendell of Maryland and Dr. Smith Brother of Mr. Smith of N. York the Historian.1
1. James Smith (1738–1812), College of New Jersey 1757; M.D., Leyden 1764; first professor
of chemistry and materia medica at King's College (Princeton Univ., Alumni Records;
Thomas, Columbia Univ. Officers and Alumni). JA later said that Smith, whose political position was ambiguous, gave the American
Commissioners “a great deal of Vexation” and that he afterward furnished materials
for one of the most unbridled published attacks on JA's career as a public man, namely John Wood's History of the Administration of John Adams ... , N.Y., 1802 (JA, Autobiography, under dates of 12, 21 April, 9 May 1778).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0014
Date: 1778-05-14
1778 May 14. Thursday.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0015
Date: 1778-05-15
May 15 Fryday.
Dined at Mr. Grands, with all the Americans, in Paris.1
1. William Greene gives in his travel journal a detailed account of this “very jovial”
dinner, a list of the “brilliant company” present, and even an explanation of the
name of the Grands' residence in Passy, La Chaise:
“One time when [Louis XV] was a hunting, he had occasion to ease himself, a person
brought him a necessary chair, he said that house shou'd be called la Chaise, which
it has been ever since, and the statue of Louis 15th on horse back stands always in
the garden, the place where this happened, it is copper and small, it was put in the
middle of the table” (MHS, Procs., 54 [1920–1921]:108).
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Date: 1778-05-17
May 17 Sunday.
Dined at home. Dr. Dubourg, and Mr. Parker and another Gentleman dined with me.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0017
Date: 1778-05-18
May 18 Monday.
Dined at Mr. La Frété's Country Seat, at the Foot of Mount Calvare. The House, Gardens,
and Walks are very spacious. It lies upon the Seine—nearly opposite to that Castle
whimsically called Madrid, built { 313 } by Francis I.1—The Company Yesterday, were all single Personnes, except Mr. and Mm. La Frété and
myself.
1. Mont Calvaire, also called Mont Valérien, rises above the village of Suresnes, west
of the Seine and across from the Bois de Boulogne. For a contemporary view of Mont
Calvaire see Jefferson, Papers, ed. Boyd, 12: facing p. 482, with descriptive information and references in same, p. xxxv–xxxvi.
Francis I's Madrid is described in Dezallier, Environs de Paris, 1779, p. 21–22. See also JA's Autobiography under this date.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0018
Date: 1778-05-19
May 19. Tuesday.
Dined with Mr. Challut, one of the Farmers General.1 We were shewn into the superbest Gallery that I have yet seen. The Paintings, Statues
and Curiosities were innumerable. The old Marshall Richlieu dined there, and a vast
Number of other great Company.
After dinner, M. Challut invited Dr. F. and me, to go to the Opera, and take a Seat
in his Logis. We did. The Musick and dancing were very fine.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0019
Date: 1778-05-20
1778 May 20. Wednesday.
The french Opera is an Entertainment, which is very pleasing, for a few Times. There
is every Thing, which can please the Eye, or the Ear. But the Words are unintelligible,
and if they were not, they are said to be very insignificant. I always wish, in such
an Amusement to learn Something. The Imagination, the Passions and the Understanding,
have too little Employment, in the opera.
Dined at Dr. Dubourgs, with a small Company, very handsomely; but not amidst those
Signs of Wealth and Grandeur, which I see every where else.
I saw however more of Sentiment, and therefore more of true Taste than I have seen
in other Places, where there was ten times the Magnificence.—Among his Pictures were
these.
Les Adieux D'Hector et D'Andromaque, in which the Passions were strongly marked.
La Continence de Scipio.
Le Medicin Erasistrate, decouvre L'Amour D'Antiochus.
Devellopement de la Decoration interieure et des Peintures des Plafonds de la Gallerie
de Versailles.
We went and drank Tea, with Mm. Foucault, and took a View of Mr. Foucaults House—a
very grand Hotell it is—and the Furniture is { 314 } vastly rich. The Beds, the Curtains, the every Thing is as rich as Silk and Gold can
make it.
I am wearied to death with gazing wherever I go, at a Profusion of unmeaning Wealth
and Magnificence. The Adieu of Hector and Andromache gave me more Pleasure than the
Sight of all the Gold of Ophir would. Gold, Marble, Silk, Velvet, Silver, Ivory, and
Alabaster, make up the Shew everywhere.
A certain Taylor once stole an Horse, and was found out and committed to Prison, where
he met another Person who had long followed the Trade of Horse Stealing. The Taylor
told the other, his Story. The other enquired why he had not taken such a Road and
assumed such a Disguise, and why he had not disguised the Horse?—I did not think of
it.—Who are you? and what has been your Employment?—A Taylor. —You never stole a Horse
before, I suppose in your Life.—Never.—G—d d—n you what Business had you with Horse
stealing? Why did not you content your Self with your Cabbage?—F[ranklin].
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0020
Date: 1778-05-21
May 21. Thursday.
Dined at home.
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Date: 1778-05-22
22 Fryday.
Dined at home with a great deal of Company. Went after Dinner to see the Misanthrope
of Moliere, with Mr. Amiel. It was followed by the Heureusement.—Called at the Microcosme.
Called at Mr. Amiels at the Pension.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0022
Date: 1778-05-23
1778. May 23. Saturday.
Dined at Home with Company.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0023
Date: 1778-05-24
Sunday 24.
Dined at Home.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0024
Date: 1778-05-25
Monday [25 May].
Dined at Home.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0025
Date: 1778-05-26
May 26. Tuesday.
Dined at Mr. Bertins the Secretary of State at his Seat in the Country. Dr. F., his
G. Son and I rode with Mm. Bertin, the Niece of the { 315 } Minister, in her Voiture with 4 Horses. This was one of the pleasantest Rides yet.
We rode near the back side of Mount Calvare, which is perhaps the finest Height near
Paris. Mount Martre is another very fine Elevation. The Gardens, Walks and Water Works
of Mr. Bertin are very magnificent. He is a Batchelor. His House and Gardens are situated
upon the River Seine. He has at the End of his Garden a Collection of Rocks, drawn
together at a vast Expense, some Thousands of Guineas. I told him I would sell him
a Thousand times as many for half a Guinea.
His Water Works are very curious. 4 Pumps, going by Means of two Horses. The Mechanism
is simple and ingenious. The Horses go round as in a Mill. The four Pumps empty themselves
into a square Pond which contains an Acre. From this Pond the Water flows through
Pipes down to every Part of the Garden.
I enquired of a certain Abbe, who sat next me at Dinner, who were the purest Writers
of french. He gave me in writing, L'Histoire universell du Bossuet. La Fontaine. Moliere.
Racine. Rousseau. Le petit caerene [carême] de Massillon. Les sermons de Bourdaloue.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0026
Date: 1778-05-29
1778. May 29. Fryday.
Dined again at Monsieur La Fretes at the Foot of Calvare. Madam La Fretes four Sisters
dined with Us.
Monsr. Rulier [Rulhière], who has always dined with me at that House, dined there to day—the same Gentleman
who wrote the History of the Revolution in Russia. He has also written the Revolutions
of Poland. I asked him who was the best Historian of France. He said Mezeray. He added,
that the Observations upon the History of France by the Abby de Mably were excellent.1 He told me I might read his History of the Revolution in Russia, when I would.
The Inclination and the Apparatus in this Country for Amusements is worthy of observation.
There is scarcely a genteel House but is furnished with Accommodations for every Sort
of Play. Every fashionable House at least has a Billiard Table, a Backgammon Table,
a Chess Board, a Chequer Board, Cards &c.
1. Gabriel Bonnot, Abbé de Mably (1709–1785), historian and philosopher, with whom the
Adams family were to become very friendly later and whose Observations sur le gouvernement et les loix des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, Amsterdam, 1784, was addressed to JA. For an account of Mably's career and for JA's marginalia in his De la législation, ou principes des loix, Amsterdam, 1776, see Haraszti, JA and the Prophets of Progress, ch. 7, “The Communism of the Abbé de Mably.” See, further, entry of 5 Jan. 1783 and note, below.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0004-0027
Date: 1778-05-30
May 30. Saturday.
Dined at home with only Dr. F.'s new french Clerk. He has a smattering of Italian,
German and English. He says that the best Italien Dictionary and Grammar are those
of Veneroni. The best German Grammar and Dictionary are those of Gottsched.
The best french Prosody is the Poetique francoise de Marmontel.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0005-0001
Date: 1778-06-02
1778. June 2d. Tuesday.
Went to Versailles, and found it deserted, the Court being gone to Marli.
We went to Marli, <waited on> met the Compte De Vergennes, and did some Business, then went to Mr. De Sartine,
and dined with him. His Lady was at home, and dined with the Company. The Prince de
Montbarry dined there.—Went with Madam Sartine to the Count D'Arandas, the Spanish
Ambassadors Coffee, as they call it, where he gives Ice Cream and Cakes to all the
World.
Marli is the most curious and beautifull Place I have yet seen. The Water Works here,
which convey such a great Body of Water from the Seine to Versailles, and through
the Gardens at Marli, are very magnificent. The Royal Palace here is handsome, the
Gardens before it are grand. There are six Pavillions on each Side of the Garden,
that is six Houses, for the Use of the Kings Ministers, while the Royal Family is
at Marli, which is only for 3 Weeks. There is nothing prettier than the Play of the
Fountains in the Garden. I saw a Rainbeau in all its Glory in one of them.
The Shades, the Walks, the Trees, are the most charming, that I have seen.1
1. For a contemporary description of Marly and its grounds see Dezallier, Environs de Paris, 1779, p. 162–178.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0005-0002
Date: 1778-06-07
1778 June 7.
Went to Versailles in Company with Mr. Lee, Mr. Izzard and his Lady, Mr. Lloyd and
his Lady and Mr. Francis. Saw the grand Procession of the Knights du St. Esprit or
de le Cordon blue.
At 9 O Clock at Night went to the grand Couvert, and saw the King, Queen and Royal
Family at Supper. Had a fine Seat and Situation close by the Royal Family, and had
a distinct and full View of the royal Pair.1
1. JA's narrative of and reflections on this visit to Versailles are greatly elaborated
in his Autobiography under the present date. His personal accounts (printed at the end of 1778, below) show that the entertainment cost him 12 livres.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0005-0003
Date: 1778-06-08
June 8
Dined with Mr. Alexander, and went to the Concert.1
1. From this point until the following spring the Diary entries are very sporadic. In
his Autobiography JA says that after residing a few months at Passy he grew “afraid to keep any Journal
at all: For I had reason to believe, that the house was full of Spies, some of whom
were among my own Servants, and if my Journal should fall into the hands of the Police,
full of free remarks as it must be, to be of any value, it might do more Injury to
my Country than mischief to me.” When, however, JA reached the present point in composing his Autobiography, he filled the gaps in the
Diary record to some extent by copying in letters from both the Commissioners' and
his own letterbooks and by adding explanatory comments thereon. The inserted letters
have been included in the text of the Autobiography in the present edition. His personal accounts in France, printed at the end of 1778, below, also give glimpses of his activities—sightseeing,
attending court, book-buying, and the like—in the following months.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0006-0001
Date: 1778-07-04
1778 July [4].
The Anniversary of the Declaration of American Independence. We had the Honour of
the Company of all the American Gentlemen and Ladies, in and about Paris to dine,
with Dr. Franklin and me, at Passi, together with a few of the French Gentlemen in
the Neighbourhood, Mr. Chaumont, Mr. Brillon, Mr. Vaillard, Mr. Grand, Mr. Beaudoin,
Mr. Gerard, the Abbys Challut and Arnold &c.1
I have omitted to keep any Journal for a long Time, in which I have seen a great many
curious Things.
1. On the inseparable Abbés Arnoux and Chalut, elderly but spritely enthusiasts for the
American cause, who helped teach JA French and later became friendly with all the Adamses in France, see JA's Autobiography under date of 16 April 1778; AA to Mary (Smith) Cranch, 5 Sept. 1784 (MWA; AA, Letters, ed. CFA, 1848, p. 189–190). JA and other Americans seldom succeeded in spelling the Abbés' names correctly.
The cost of this Fourth of July celebration, 600 livres and 7 sous, is entered in
JA's retained record of the expenses of the American Commissioners in France, 1777–1779
(Lb/JA/35, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 123).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0006-0002
Date: 1778-07-06
6.
Dined with the Abby's Chaillut and Arnaud. The Farmer General, Mr. and Mrs. Izzard,
Mr. Lee, Mrs. Gibbs and Mrs. Stevens, and Mr. and Mrs. Lloyd were there. After dinner
the Abby invited Us to the French Comedy, where We saw the Malheureux imaginary and
the Parti de Chasse d'Henri quatre.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0006-0003
Date: 1778-07-07
7. Mardi.
Dined at St. Lu, with the Farmer general Challut. The Marshall Richelieu, and many
Abbes, Counts, Marquisses &c.
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Date: 1778-07-14
14.
Dined at Chatou, with Mr. Bertine, Ministre D'Etat. Went to see the Park, where We
rambled, untill We were weary.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0006-0005
Date: 1778-07-25
1778 July 25.
It is an Amusement among some People, here, who understand a little English, to give
Samples of English Sentences, hard to be pronounced.—“What think the chosen Judges?
Thrust this Thistle through this Thumb. An Apple in each Hand and a third in my Mouth.”—&c.1
1. See further, on the difficulties of the French in pronouncing the name “Washington,”
JA's Autobiography under this date.
At this point, 25 July 1778, the second part of JA's Autobiography, entitled “Travels and Negotiations,” breaks off.
The third part, entitled “Peace,” does not resume the narrative of his life until
29 Sept. 1779, the date of JA's commissions from the Continental Congress to negotiate treaties of peace and commerce
with Great Britain.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0007-0001
Date: 1778-08-16
August 16.
Went to Church, to the Chappell of the Duch Embassador in Paris, where We had Prayer
Books, Psalme Books in french and a Sermon. The Preacher spoke good French, I being
judge, and with much grace. I shall go again.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0007-0002
Date: 1778-08-17
17.
Dined at Chatou, with Mr. Bertin. After dinner went to view the Machine of Marli,
which forces up from the River Seine, all the Water at Versailles and Marli. We walked
up the Mountain to the Pavillion, and Dwelling House of Madam de Barry.1 The Situation is one of the most extensive and beautiful, about Paris. The Pavillion
is the most elegantly furnished of any Place I have seen. The House, Garden and Wallks
are very magnificent. Mm. Barry was walking in the Garden. She sent Us word she should
be glad to see Us—but We answered it was too late, We had so far to go.—Mr. Le Roy,
of the Academie of Sciences was with Us. As We returned We had an agreable Conversation,
upon philosophical Subjects.
1. Louvecienne (or Louveciennes), nearly adjoining but east of Marly. See Dezallier, Environs de Paris, 1779, p. 178–181.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0007-0003
Date: 1778-08-18
18.
Went to Paris, with the Abbees Chalut and Arnaut. Went to see the { 319 } Church of St. Roche, the Splendor and Magnificence of which, is very striking to me.1
There I saw the Monument of the famous Mesnager. The Pomp of these Churches, I think
exceeds the Magnificence of the Royal Palaces.
Mr. Challut says that the Rent of this Church is Eighty thousand Livres a Year, barely
the Rent of the Pews and Chairs, and perhaps the Cellars. Out of this they maintain
the officers of the Church, and the Servants and Labourers that attend it, and the
organist &c.—but what becomes of the Remainder he did not say.
1. A contemporary description of St. Roch will be found in Thiery, Almanac du voyageur à Paris, 1784, p. 544–549.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0007-0004
Date: 1778-08-30
Aug. 30. 1778. Sunday.
This Evening had the English Gazette extraordinary, containing Extracts from Letters
from Ld. How and Gen. Clinton—the first containing an account of the Arrival of the
Toulon Fleet, and anchoring without Sandy Hook—the other, a Relation of the Action
of the 28. June in the Jerseys. There are Letters in London, as M. J. Wharton1 says, as late as the 14. July.
Elements of Spanish Grammar by Del Pino, and Dictionary of the Same.2
1. Joseph Wharton of Philadelphia, who, according to his own testimony in an autobiographical
letter written years later, had been supplying confidential information from London
to Dr. Bancroft in Paris, and had fled to Paris this very month to avoid arrest by
the British (Joseph Wharton to JA, 4 June 1798, Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0008-0001
Date: 1778-10-07
1778 Oct. 7.
Captain Richard Grinnell of Newport Rhode Island says, that the English have this
Year 17 Vessells, in the Brazil Whale Fishery off the River Plate, in S.A. in the
Lat. 35 South and from thence to 40. just on the Edge of Soundings off and on, about
the Longitude of 651 from London. That they sail in the Months of September and October.
Almost all the Officers and Men, belonging to these 17 Vessells are Americans from
Nantuckett and Cape Cod, two or 3 from Rhode Island and Longisland.
The Names of the Captains are Aaron Sheffield of Newport R.I., [] Goldsmith Long Island, Richard Holmes New York, John Chadwick Nantucket, Francis
Macy Nantucket, Reuben Macy Nan• { 320 } tucket, John Meader Nantucket, Jonathan Meader Dto., Elisha Clarke Nantucket, Benjamin
Clark Nantucket, William Ray Nantucket, Paul Pease Nantucket, Bunker Fitch Nantucket,
Reuben Fitch Nantucket, Zebeda Coffin Nantucket, another Coffin Dto., John Lock Cape
Codd,[] Delano Nantucket, Andrew Swain Nantucket, William Ray Nantucket.—Holmes and Chadwick
are returned home.
Some of these Vessells 4 or 5 go to Greenland.
The fleet sails to Greenland, the last of February or the Beginning of March.
There is another Whale Fishery discovered lately, in the Meditarranean on the Coast
of Barbary, where they catch many fish.
There was last Year and this Year, a Publication made by the Ministry, A Letter from
the Lords of the Admiralty to Mr. Dennis du Bert in Coleman Street, informing Mr.
De Bert that there should be a Convoy appointed to convoy the Brazil fleet. But this
is a Sham—a Deception. There was no Convoy last Year nor this. If a Convoy was to
be appointed she could be of no service, as the Vessells are continually changing
their Courses in Chase of Whales. That she would not go further than the Line as they
would then judge themselves clear of American Privateers.
One Privateer from 12 to 20 Guns [and] 100 Men would be sufficient to take and destroy this whole Fleet.2
The Beginning of December would be the best Time to proceed from Hence—the same Time
from Boston.
1. Overwritten; perhaps “63.”
2. JA proposed precisely this project of Capt. Grinnell's to Capt. Daniel McNeill of the
General Mifflin privateer, then apparently at Lorient, in writing him, 9 Oct., to find a place on his ship for Grinnell (LbC, Adams Papers). The Commissioners conducted a lengthy correspondence with the French ministry on
this subject.
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Date: 1778-10-08
1778 Oct. 8. Thursday
Captain Richard Grinnell was taken and carried into Guernsey by the Speedwell Cutter
Captain Abraham Bushell of 12 Guns pierced for 14.
The Town of Guernsey the Capital of the Island, is fortified with one Fort upon an
Island called Castle Island, within a Quarter of a Mile of the Town, right before
it. There are between Eighty and an hundred Pieces of Cannon, in the Fort, but both
Guns and Fort in bad Condition and Repair. Not more than 50 Soldiers at a Time in
the Fort.
There are only five hundred Soldiers, highlanders, on the whole { 321 } Island. They have wrote to Scotland for another Regiment, which they say is coming.
The Militia keep watch round the Island. They are well armed, but are not exercised.
They have lately built new Batteries of four and six Guns in Places where Boats can
land, and block Houses all round the Island, where Boats can Land.
The Island is not more than Ten Leagues from Cape La Hague, the french Coast. About
five Thousand Souls, on the Island, very bitter against the French: but treat American
Prisoners very well—more like Brothers than Prisoners.
There is a forty Gun Ship and two Frigates of 28 or 30 Guns in the Harbour before
the Town of Guernsey, and several cruising round the Island as they say. Two Kings
Cutters of 12 and 14 Guns, are here also.
They say there are forty six Privateers, from 8 to Twenty Guns belonging to this Island—about
twenty more belonging to Jersey, Alderney and Sark.
The Proper Place to station a Frigate to intercept the Prizes, would be about 30 Leagues
to the Westward of the Island, out of sight. Here a Frigate that could sail fast enough
might retake many Prizes.
Captain Peter Collass of Boston, taken on board of Barns, by the Speedwell of Guernsey.1
Guernsey is about 20 miles in Circumference, 7 or 8 long and about 3 or 4 wide. There
are breast Works all round the Island, and wherever there is a Cove or Bay where it
is possible for Boats or Ships to come in there is a Battery of [2?] or 4 Guns, and they say they are building blockhouses all round the Island. They
reckon they can muster between four and five Thousand Militia. They have five hundred
Highlanders, all green, just off the Mountains. They have a Number of Invalids besides
perhaps three or four hundred.
The Fort in the Harbour is on a Rock a Musquet shot from the Town, Eighty six Guns
in the Fort, 42, 32, down to Twelves. Every Parish has a Field Piece or two. Of late
they have received a No. of Field Pieces of a new Construction, 3 pounders, to be
drawn by Men over Gutters, Ditches, &c. Guernsey, Jersey and Alderney have between
fifty and sixty Privateers, small and great.
There is a Forty Gun Ship, a Frigate of 28 or 30 Guns, and two Cutters, of 10 or 12.
A 36 Gun Frigate to cruise about 10 or 12 Leagues to the Westward of the Island of
Guernsey, might intercept their Prizes going in, pro• { 322 } vided she was a fast Sailer. She should keep out of Sight of the Island. The Guernsey
Men boasted that all the Islands had taken Prizes this War to an amount between three
and four Millions.
1. Capt. Peter Collas was a son-in-law of Franklin's favorite sister, Jane (Franklin)
Mecom. He was captured by the British no less than five times during the war (The Letters of Benjamin Franklin and Jane Mecom, ed. Carl Van Doren, Princeton, 1950, p. 23–24). What follows is his testimony, as
that above is Grinnell's, on the defenses of the Channel Islands. CFA silently supplied quotation marks around each of their statements.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0008-0003
Date: 1778-10-12
Monday. Oct. 12.
Samuel Harding of Welfleet Cape Cod says that Mr. Robert Bartholomew or Bartlemé,
and Incleby of London, are largely concerned in the Whale Fishery. Richard Coffyn
and Shubael Gardiner of Nantuckett are concerned with them. Dennis Debert carries
on the Business for Mr. Bartholomew. Mr. Nath. Wheatly of Boston is in Partnership
with Mr. Bartholomew.—One Ship of forty Guns, or 20 Guns, would take all the Fishery.
There are about three Boats Crews on each Ship, which are twenty four Men.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0008-0004
Date: 1778-10-22
1778 Octr. 22. Thursday.
William Whitmarsh Jur., born in Braintree, maried and living in Marblehead, was taken
Prisoner on board the Yankee Privateer, Captain Johnson. After having taken two Ships,
the Prisonors rose upon them, and carried [them] to England. Carried to Chatham and put on board the Ardent 64 Gun Ship, Captn. Middleton.
Next put on board the Mars 74, from thence on board the Vultur sloop for Spithead.
At Spithead put on Board the Balfleur 90.—11 Oct. 1776 put on board the Rippon of
60 Guns Commodore Vernum [Vernon], bound to the East Indies. Sailed 24 Novr. from Spithead and arrived at Madrass 8
June 1777.—11 Aug. I left the Ship, and went Upon the Malabar Coast —from thence to
a danish Island—thence to Bengal—thence to a danish Factory. Discharged from the danish
Snow. In Novr. 17. I shipped on Board an East India man, homeward bound. Sailed in
December to Madrass. Arrived in Jany. 1778–sailed 6th. February—arrived at Spithead
6 of Aug.—17 impressed. All the Men on board the Fleet were pressed, Midshipmen, Quarter
Masters and all.—27. had a ticket of Liberty for 14 days.—11 September left London
for Flushing. Arrived 27.—7 Oct. at Dunkirk.—Never entered, and never would.
{ [facing 322] } { [facing 323] } Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0008-0005
Date: 1778-10-30
1778 Octr. 30. Fryday.
Last Saturday I dined with Mr. Grand in Company with Mr. Gebelin Author of the Monde
Primitif.1
1. Antoine Court de Gébelin (1725–1784) was the author of Monde pritnitif, analysé et comparé avec le monde moderne, a vast and learned but unfinished work on mythology and language of which JA owned a copy (9 vols., Paris, 1775–1782) that he read and heavily annotated in old
age. See Catalogue of JA's Library, p. 65; Alfred Iacuzzi, John Adams, Scholar, N.Y., 1952, p. 230–232. Court de Gebelin is said to have served as one of the editors
of the Affaires de l'Angleterre et de l'Amérique, a vehicle of American propaganda in which Franldin and JA were much interested (Hoefer, Nouv. Biog. Générale; see notes on entries of 11 Feb. and 3 March 1779, below).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0009-0001
Date: 1778-11-09
Nov. 9.
Mr. Lee read me a Paragraph of a Letter, from London, “that Mr. D. Hartley would probably
be here, in the Course of this Month.”
At Dinner I repeated this Paragraph to Dr. Franklin, and said that I thought “Mr.
H's Journey ought to be forbidden.” The Dr. said “he did not see how his coming could
be forbid.” I replied “We could refuse to see him,” and that I thought We ought to
see nobody from England, unless they came with full Powers....1 That little Emmissarys were sent by the King only to amuse a certain Sett of People,
while he was preparing for his designs. That there had been enough of this.... The
Dr. sayd “We could decline having any private Conversation with him.” ...
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0009-0002
Date: 1778-11-26
1778. Novr: 26 Jeudi.
Went to see the Palace of Bourbon, belonging to the Prince of Condé. It is a City.
The Apartements of the Prince, are very rich, and elegant. The Gallery has many fine
Paintings. But I have no Taste for ringing the Changes of Mirrors, Gold, Silver, Marble,
Glass, and Alabaster.—For myself I had rather live in this Room at Passy than in that
Palace, and in my Cottage at Braintree than in this Hotel at Passy.
An unlucky Accident befell my Servant Stevens in falling from the Coach, and being
dragged by the foot upon the Pavement. He was in great Danger but happily was not
essentially hurt.
Dined with the Abbes C[halut] and A[rnoux]. Returned at Night and found M. Turgot, Abbe Condilac, Mad. Helvetius, and the Abbe
&c.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0009-0003
Date: 1778-11-30
Novr. 30. 1778.
Orthodoxy is my Doxy, and Heterodoxy is your Doxy.—Definitions. F[ranklin].
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0010-0001
Date: 1778-12-02
Decr. 2.
Captn. Bernard. Says There are Two hundred and Thirty Sail of Merchand Ships lying at the Mother
Bank, near Spithead, ready to sail to the West Indies, loaded with all Kinds of Provisions
and dry Goods, and Warlike Stores. They are to be joined by about Thirty Sail that
now lay in the Downs. They are to sail the first Wind after the two Fleets join. The
Wind must be easterly. They all go to the Barbadoes, where the Fleet for the Windward
Islands, seperates from that to the Leward Islands. They are to be convoyed out of
the Channell by Twelve Ships of the Line, Six of them to go through the Voyage to
the W.I. Islands.—As they commonly exagerate, it is probable, that not so many Men
of War will go. There may be 8 or 9 Men of War, go out of the Channell and perhaps
two or three, go thro the Voyage. They cannot probably spare 6 Vessells of the Line
without leaving the French Masters of the Seas.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0008-0011-0001
DateRange: 1778-02 - 1779-08
[Personal Receipts and Expenditures, 1778–1779.]1
| Account of Monies received | Account of Monies expended | |||||||
| £ | s | d | £ | s | d | |||
| 1778. Feb. 12. Recd, of the Hon. the Navy Board at Boston, in Sterling. | 100: | 0: | 0 | 1778 Feb. To Sundry Expences at Boston, in making the necessary Preparations for my Voyage exclusive of the Articles furnished me by the Navy Board2—in Sterling. | 10: | 0: | 0 | |
| 2400: | Liv. | |||||||
| Livres | 240: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| <April Recd, of Mr. Bondfield at Bourdeaux>3 | < To Cash expended, at Bourdeaux, and on the Journey from thence to Paris near 500 Miles, in which is included the Expences of my self, Captain Palmes, sent to Paris by Captn. Tucker to receive the orders of the Commissioners, of Dr. Noel a French Surgeon of the Boston who went [as] our Interpreter, of Master Jesse Deane, and of my little Son, and my Domestic Servant> | <45:> | <0:> | <0>4 | ||||
| <Feb.> Ap. 18. <drew an order on Mr. Grand, the Banker, in favour of Dr. Noel for two hundred and thirty one Livres and Six Sous, being the Ballance of Expences on the Road from Bourdeaux to Paris.> transferred to Pages 9 and 10.5 | <Feb.> April 18. <Paid Dr. Noel by an orderon the Banker 231 Livres and Six Sous, being for the Ballance of Expences on the Road from Bourdeaux to Paris.> transferred to Pages 9 and 10.6 | |||||||
| { 326 } | ||||||||
| paid for Padlocks and a few other little Necessaries, 7s. Sterling | 0: | 7: | 0 | |||||
| Liv. | 8 | |||||||
| April 22. Recd. of Mr. Franklin twenty Louis D'ors | 480 | Liv. | Ap. 22. paid my Servant Joseph Stephens five Louis D'ors, as Per Rect. | 120: | 0: | 0 | ||
| 1778. Ap. 23. paid for French Dictionaries & Grammars | 1: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| Liv. | 36 | |||||||
| Ap. 25. paid the Barber for a Wigg, one Louis D'or and 2 Crowns. | 1: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| Liv. | 36 | |||||||
| and half a Crown for a Bagg. | 0: | 2: | 6 | |||||
| Liv. | 3 | |||||||
| Ap. 27. Paid Joseph Stevens, 2 Louis D'ors | ||||||||
| Livres | 48: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| To 8 English Guineas, lost in a Garment which was stole on the Road bet. Bourdeaux and Paris,—the Guineas were sewn up in the Garment, to conceal them from the Enemy in Case of Capture at Sea—sterling | 8: | 8: | 07 | |||||
| Livres | 192: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Decr. 19. Paid to Mr. Jonathan Williams for a Bill of Exchange, drawn by Mrs. { 327 } A. in favr. of Codman and Smith, indorsed to Mr. Williams 50£ sterling | 50: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Liv. | 1200 | |||||||
| In Livres, Sous and Deniers.8 | ||||||||
| Ap. 30. Paid the Washerwoman | 7: | 6: | 0 | |||||
| Paid for a Tickett. | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| May 1. & 2. Paid for two Ticketts and some Pamphlets | 14: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| May 5. Paid Joseph Stevens for Sundry small Articles as per Rect. | 44: | 12: | 0 | |||||
| 1778. May 6. Reed, of Mr. W. T. Franklin 20 Louis D'ors | 480: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| May 7. Paid Joseph Stevens 2 Louis D'ors equal to 48 Livres. Pr. Rect. | 48: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 8. paid Mr. W. T. Franklin a Louis D'or to pay for Horses, servants &c. at the Hotell, where they dined when I was at Versailles to be presented to the K[ing] | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| May 9. Paid for two blank Paper Books9 | 16: | 4: | 0 | |||||
| 10 pd. Washerwoman | 4: | 2: | 0 | |||||
| paid Mr. Lee a Cm. borrowed of him in Paris | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| May 14. Paid Mr. J. Hochereau his Account10 | 40: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| ditto for Almanack Royal11 | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1778. May 15. paid Mr. Hochereau another Acct. | 42: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| { 328 } | ||||||||
| paid Mr. Lee 4 Louis D'ors for Articles of Dress purchased for me | 96: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| May 18. Paid for Pencils | 3: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| May 22. paid for a Tickett | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| May 23 paid for a few necessary Books, And for some transient Expences 4. Louis D'ors | 96: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| May 31. paid for Tickett and transient Expences | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| June 7 paid for Expences at Versailles, at the Ceremony of the Knights De St. Esprit and Seeing the King, Queen and Royal Family at the Grand Couvert | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| June 16 Paid Denis Account two Louis D'ors. | 48: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Mr. J. Williams for La Fontaines Works in 7 Vol. | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Joseph Stevens's Account | 28: | 9: | 0 | |||||
| 17 paid for a Trunk a Louis | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid the Comis for bringing it | 0: | 12: | 0 | |||||
| 19 paid Chaubert the Shoemaker his Account 33 Livres. | 33: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1778. May 25. By Cash & Payments made to and for me at Bourdeaux, by Mr. Bondfield, according to his Account, exhibited to me, in his Letter of 26 May.12 | 1778 May 25. To my Expences at Bourdeaux, and from thence to Paris in the { 329 } Hire of Carriages Horses and all other Expences for Captn. Palmes, Dr. Noel, and Jesse Deane, as well as my son, servant and self. | 1404: | 0: | 0 | ||||
| Livres | 1404: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Nota. B. this Article is to be substituted instead of the 2d Article in the first and 2 Pages of this Account, which is to be erased.13 | ||||||||
| Ap. 18. By an order drawn by me on Mr. Grand the Banker, in favour of Dr. Noel for Two hundred and thirty one Iivres and Six Sous, being the Ballance of Expences from Bourdeaux to Paris. | 0231: | 6: | 0 | Ap. 18. To Cash paid Dr. Noel by an order on the Banker for £231. 6s. od. being for the Ballance of Expences upon the Road from Bourdeaux to Paris. | 0231: | 6: | 0 | |
| N.B. this Article is transfered from the two first Pages of this Book in order to have the whole of this Affair in one View.14 | ||||||||
| 1778. May 25. By Sundry Articles, shipped by Mr. Bondfield for my Family according to his Account, for which I am accountable. | 888: | 12: | 0 | 1778 May 25. Paid Mr. Bondfield, for the Articles shipped by him, as on the left Hand Page | 888: | 12: | 0 | |
| June 11. By an order drawn by me alone on Mr. Grand in favour of Mr. Le Cour for | 365: | 5: | 0 | June 11. Paid Mr. Le Coeur, by an order as on the left Hand Page | 365: | 5: | 0 | |
| June 12 By an order drawn by me alone on Mr. Grand in favour of Mr. Denis Hill | 663: | 5: | 0 | 12 Paid Dennis Hill by an order as on the left Hand Page | 663: | 5: | 0 | |
| { 330 } | ||||||||
| July15 16. drew an order on Mr. Grand, in these Words viz. Mr. Grand, after considering of your Question concerning the Furniture which was made for Mr. Deane, and which he had used for Upwards of a Year, before I came into this Kingdom and after considering the Nature of the Contract, which Mr. Deane made, according to which fifteen hundred Livres I think are to be paid for the Use of them for the first Year: I have concluded, upon the whole that it is most for the Interest of the public, to pay for the Purchase than for the Loan: You will therefore be so good, as to pay for them as soon as you please. But I have one Request to make, which is, that in the Charge you make of this Article in the public Accounts, you would mention the Contract made with Mr. Deane, that I may not appear to be accountable, for more than my share of this Expence. I am &c. | 16 Paid for Mr. Deanes Furniture as on the left Hand Page | 4294: | 0: | 0 | ||||
| Livres. | 4294: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1778 June 16. Reed, of Mr. Grand the { 331 } Banker for which I singly gave a Rect. 100 Louis | 2400: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1778 June 22 paid for two Pamphlets | 3: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid for Ticketts and Coach hire | 15: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 24 paid the Peruquiers Account | 39: | 12: | 0 | |||||
| 25 paid Expences at Paris and at the Comedy | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 28 Paid Expences at Paris and at the Comedy | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 29 Paid Joseph Stevens his Account as pr his Rect. | 96: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 30 paid Mr. Quillaus Account–32 Crowns | 192: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| July 1. paid Expences at Paris | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 2 paid Expences at Paris | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 5 Expences at Paris | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 6 Dto. | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 9 paid Monsieur Quillau, his Memoire as per Rect | 170: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 10 paid Joseph Stevens as per Rect | 144: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid for Sundry Expences, myself 2 Louis | 48: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 12 paid Expences at Paris | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 16 paid the Washerwoman 1 Louis | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Expences at Paris | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 18. paid at the Bureau general des Gazettes etrangeres, for one Year and one Months Subscription for the Courier de L'Europe | 52: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 19 paid Hocherau his Memoire | 25: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| { 332 } | ||||||||
| 1778 July 21. paid Expences at Paris | 13: | 4: | 0 | |||||
| 22 paid Mr. Langlois Memoire | 74: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 23 delivered 2 Louis to Captain Niles to be laid out in Tea for my family | 48: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Hochereau his Memoire | 15: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 27 paid Hochereau his Memoire | 61: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Expences at Paris for Dr. Franklin and myself | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 29 paid Hochereau another Memoire | 40: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Expences in Town | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Joseph Stephens his Account | 28: | 18: | 0 | |||||
| 31 paid Hocherau another Memoire | 22: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| paid the Bureau des Gazettes etrangeres for the Gazette de la Haye | 36: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Aug. 2. Paid the Taylers Man, for bringing Cloathes | 3: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Expences at Paris | 9: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 4 Paid Denny his Account | 44: | 4: | 0 | |||||
| 5 paid for the Gazette de France | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1778 Aug. 6. drew an order on Mr. Grand for 100 Louis | 2400: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1778. Aug. 7. paid the Maitre D'hote! his Account | 52: | 12: | 0 | |||||
| 8 paid for the Postage of 2 Packets of Letters from Bourdeaux, which came { 333 } by the Way of St. Eustatia | 32: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid transient Expences at Paris | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 9 paid Expences at Paris | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 10 paid Mr. Jonathan Williams, for Mr. Cranch, a private affaire, this Article to be charged to my private Account | 141: | 9: | 0 | |||||
| paid Mr. Amiel for Mr. Austin | 72: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 11 paid for the Marquise D'Argensons Work16 | 5: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 12 deld. 8 Crowns to my servant to pay for several small Expences | 48: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 15 paid Jos. Stephens | 70: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Expences in Town | 15: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 17 drew an order on Mr. Grand in favour of Jon. Loring Austin for | 720: | 0: | 0 | 17 paid Expences at Lucienne for Dr. Franklin and myself | 12: | 0: | 0 | |
| paid Mr. Austin as on the other Side | 720: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Hochereau his Memoire | 27: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 18 Paid Expences at Paris | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Hatters Account | 30: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 19 drew an Oder on Mr. Grand in favour of Monsieur Bureau fifteen Louis. | 360: | 0: | 0 | 19 paid Bureau by an order, as on the other Side | 360: | 0: | 0 | |
| 22 Expences at the Bois de Boulogne | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 23. This day I accompanied the Abbeys Chalut and Arnold to Notre Dame lenfans trouves,17 a Charity [sermon?] at Passy, and the Spectacle at the Bois de { 334 } Boulonge, my Expences | 48: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 28. drew an Order on Mr. Grand in favour of Mr. Hill for | 319: | 15: | 0 | |||||
| Aug. 30. Expences at Bois de Boulogne | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 31. paid Mr. Hochereau his Memoire | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| omitted Aug. 28. Paid Hill by an order on Mr. Grand as in Page 2018 | 319: | 15: | 0 | |||||
| Septr. 13. drew an Ordre on Mr. Grand in favour of Mr. Hill for his Memoire | 236: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| September 2. paid Expences at Paris | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 4 paid Mr. Hochereau his Memoire | 22: | 4: | 0 | |||||
| 5 paid M. Hochereau his Memoire | 26: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| paid expences at Paris | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 6. paid the Washerwomans Account | 33: | 14: | 0 | |||||
| paid Joseph Stephens my servand | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1778 September 9. drew an order on Mr. Grand for 229 Livres 6s: 9d, in favour of Mr. W. T. Franklin to pay Mr. Williams for some Goods shipped by Captn. Corbin Barnes for my family | 229: | 6: | 9 | 9 Expences at the Bois du Bouloge | 6: | 0: | 0 | |
| omitted 13. Paid Hill by an order on Mr. Grand as in Page 20 | 236: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 13 paid the Taylors Servant, according to Custom | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 19 paid Dr. Bancroft for a Seal | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Jos. Stevens | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Expences at Paris | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 20 Expences in the Bois du Boulogne | 1: | 4: | 0 | |||||
| 21 paid Langlois Memoire | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid for mending my Watch | 7: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Expences at Paris | 3: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| { 335 } | ||||||||
| omitted 1778 Septr. 9. Paid Mr. Williams by an order as on the left Hand | 229: | 6: | 9 | |||||
| 1778 Septr. 22. gave Mr. Austin four Crowns to be laid out in Tea for my family | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Hochereau his Memoire | 99: | 8: | 0 | |||||
| paid for Transient Expences | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 29 Expences in the Bois du Boulogne | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Octr. 1. paid for Pen knives, a Walking Cane and a Watch String | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 2 paid M. Hochereau his Memoire | 30: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 9 paid Jos. Stevens | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 10 Expences at Paris | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 12 paid Dennis Memoire | 27: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 15. paid Hochereau | 37: | 15: | 0 | |||||
| 17 paid M. Hochereau | 60: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| paid Joseph Stevens | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Expences at Paris | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 20. paid Mr. Hochereau his Memoire | 137: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| 23. paid Mr. Hochereau | 43: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| 1778. Octr. 25. <Approved an account presented to me by Mr. Grand, for Linnen, Ruffles &c.> | <430:> | <6:> | <0> | |||||
| Octr. 27. Recd, as by Article on the other side as per Mr. Grands Acct. | 684: | 17: | 6 | Octr. 27. Paid Mr. Grand, his Account including the foregoing Article of the 25 of Octr. by a Rect. and an order to { 336 } place the whole to public Acct. as per Acct. | 684: | 17: | 6 | |
| Novr. 1. paid Mr. Hochereau his Memr. | 165: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| 2 paid Joseph Stevens | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 3 paid Hochereau his Memoire | 21: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 14 paid Jos. Stephens 1 Louis | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Expences at Paris | 3: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Novr. 30. Drew an order on Mr. Grand the Banker in favour of Monsieur Hochereau to pay his memoire | 285: | 0: | 0 | 30 paid Joseph Stevens's Tailers Bill | 33: | 0: | 0 | |
| paid Monsr. Hochereaus Memoire by an order on Mr. Grand the Banker | 285: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Expences at Paris | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1778 Decr. 1. Gave the Postilion of Mr. De Sartine who brought me Dispatches from America sent by his Master | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1778 Decr. 2 drew an Order on Mr. Grand in favour of Louis Tardy for the Amount of his Memoire | 265: | 10: | 0 | Decr. 2. Paid Louis Tardy his Memoire by an Order on Mr. Grand | 265: | 10: | 0 | |
| 9 Expences at Paris | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 15 Expences in Town | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Decr. 16. Reed, of Mr. Grand one hundred Lewis D'ors for which I gave a Rect | £2400: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| 19 Expences | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 21 Paid Rouault his Memoire | 14: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 23 paid Joseph Stevens | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 29 Expences in Town | 4: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| { 337 } | ||||||||
| 1779 Jany. 1. pd Stevens | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid penny Postman | 4: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 3 Expences in Town | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Expences to the Paroisse | 3: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1779. Jany 8 Expences at Paris | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 9 paid for Syrope de Tortue a Medicine | 3: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid a Barbers Boy for an Etrenne | 3: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 20 Expences at Paris | 9: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 25 Expences at Calvare | 15: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 31 transient Expences | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Feb. 2. given to a French Sailor who had been taken Prisoner in the Lexington and escaped to help him to his own Country of Flanders | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 6 Paid Visquenets Account | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 11 Expences at Paris | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 15 Expences at Paris | 3: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 20 Expences at Paris | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 21 Paid a Bill of Exchange £100 st. 95 Louis and a Crown paid to Dr. Winship [Windship] | 2286: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1779 Feb. 25. Expences at Paris | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 27 Expences at St Dennis | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| March 3. Expences at Versailles | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 4 Expences at Calvare | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid Pascall towards a Chaise | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| { 338 } | ||||||||
| 1779 March 5. Recd, of Dr. Franklin an Order on Mr. Grand for 300 Louis | 7200: | 0: | 0 | 5 Paid Hollevelles Memoire | 209: | 0: | 0 | |
| Paid for an Inkhorn, some Purses and other Expences at Paris | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 6 Paid Brunell for a Caisse | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid Mr. Chaumont for the Remr. of [Chalsons?] Account | 125: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid Mr. Desavots Memoire | 60: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 8 paid Mr. Pascal the Remaining 3 Louis for the Post Chaise to Nantes | 72: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Pour le Garçon | 1: | 4: | 0 | |||||
| Paid Dennis Memoire | 63: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| Paid Barbers Rect for dressing my Wig | 40: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid Washerwomans Acct. | 24: | 1: | 0 | |||||
| 1779. March 12. To Expences from Paris to Nantes, Post Horses, &c. 5 days 18 Louis | 432: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| March 14. and 15 Paid for the Hire of a Barge and Bargemen and Expences to Paimbeuf | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 15 Paid Bill of Exchange to J. Williams | 240: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 16 Paid for an Hat | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| for another Hat | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Expences at the Comedy | 4: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid for a Trunk to go to Brest | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| { 339 } | ||||||||
| Paid Jos. Stevens's Account | 48: | 14: | 0 | |||||
| 17 Paid the Barber | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid the Coffee at Nantes. | 15: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid Washerwomans Acct. | 5: | 11: | 6 | |||||
| Paid the Tavern keeper | 72: | 6: | 0 | |||||
| 22 Total of Expences from Nantes to Brest–15 Louis | 360: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid the Coffee for 3 Breakfasts | 6: | 18: | 0 | |||||
| 25 paid for a Portmanteau | 15: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid Washerwoman | 3: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1779. March 26. paid Account at the Grand Monarch | 20: | 16: | 0 | |||||
| 27. Paid Expences at Brest | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 28 Dto | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 29 | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 30 | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| April 1 | 9 | |||||||
| 2 | 18: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 3 | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 4. Lent to an American in Distress 2 Louis. J. W. | 48: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 5 Paid Jo. Stevens Acct. | 16: | 17: | 0 | |||||
| 7 & 8 Paid Expences of Post Horses Postilion, and living from Brest to L'Orient | 96: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Expences at Lorient | 50: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| { 340 } | ||||||||
| A Canister of Tea and small Loaf of Sugar to use on the Road | 14: | 5: | 0 | |||||
| 11 Expences from L'orient to Nantes | 144: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 12 transient Expences at Nantes | 9: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 13 transient Expences | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 14 Dto. | 13: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Ap. 15. pd. Washerwoman | 2: | 5: | 0 | |||||
| transient Expences | 6: | |||||||
| 16. Do. | 7: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| 17 Do. | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| pd. Washerwoman, and others | 7: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Nugents Dictionaries 2 | 9: | 0: | ||||||
| 19 transient Expences | 15: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Dto. | 3: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| D'Olivets Phillippics | 2: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| 20 paid for Wine, Bread, fowls &c. for our Voyage down the River | 9: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid the Barber | 9: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| paid the Coffee | 2: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Min. of Things purchased at L'orient and Nantes to carry home for my familys Use. one Doz. cot. Han. £18.–half dozen Silk £27. 3 m. needles £9.–1 m. Pins 6–Nankeen 30–coton 38.– { 341 } 1 dozen other Hank. 42.–a Peice of others 30. | 200: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| May 1. Paid Expences at Nantes | 32: | 15: | 0 | |||||
| 2 Dto. | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| May 14 Paid Joseph Stevens two Months Wages, for his services from the 10 Feb. | 108: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid for Fresh fish on board ship | 3: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 17. Paid Expences at L'orient | 15: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 18 Dto. | 9: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 19 Dto. | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 21 Paid for Hankerchiefs | 34: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| Expences | 3: | 0: | ||||||
| May 22. Recd. of Mr. Schweighauser and Mr. Puchelberg his Partner at L'orient, for which I drew an order on Dr. Franklin in favour of Mr. Schweighauser. | ||||||||
| Livres | 2930: | 16: | 0 | |||||
| 23. Dto. | 6: | |||||||
| 25 | 3: | |||||||
| May 26. Expences at L'orient | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid Mr. Watkins for Materials he purchased for making me some Cloaths | 38: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid Dto. for making | 8: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid same at another Time for Do. | 30: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1779 June 9. Paid Bargemen Barber Cabbin Servants &c. on leaving the Allyance | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 10 Paid for Materials to make me some light Cloaths for the Voyage to Mr. Watkins | 39: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 11 Transient Expences, at L'orient | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| { 342 } | ||||||||
| 12 Dto. | 6: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 16 June. Puchelberg Acct. | 1012: | 17: | 0 | 16 transient Expences | 6: | 0: | 0 | |
| 17. Coffee at L'orient | 25: | 1: | 0 | |||||
| Garcon | 1: | 4: | 0 | |||||
| Barber | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Mr. Raimbault | 104: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| Paid Salomon | 159: | 10: | 0 | |||||
| Dr. Brooke for Medicine | 19: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 17 June. Paid Captain Landais19 a Louis he lent me at Nantes | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Transient Expences | 12: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| Paid Mr. Watkins for making and mending Cloaths | 24: | 0: | 0 | |||||
| 1779. Aug. 2. gave to the servants and Sailors 5 Crowns. Gave for the Hire of a Boat 5 dollars, to carry me, my Baggage &c. hence20 | ||||||||
1. From D/JA/48, one of the two matching small quarto volumes bound in marbled boards
probably purchased by the Navy Board in Boston and presented to JA when he sailed on his first mission to Europe; see entry of 13 Feb. 1778 and note 1 there. The present record of JA's receipts and expenditures, from the day before he sailed from Nantasket Roads until
the day he returned there, occupies 24 leaves at the front of the volume. Doubtless
JA left the volume home when he returned to Europe in Nov. 1779; most of its remaining
leaves were used for transcripts of his early Diary when in 1829 JQA caused the earliest Diary booklets to be copied; see Introduction.
The record is valuable not only because it fills, at least in a manner, certain gaps
in the Diary but also because it is a veritable guide to French currency and the exchange
rate between French and British money during JA's first sojourn in Europe. In the early part of his record, JA, who was himself coping with the usual monetary problems of a traveler, gives his
sums in both currencies, though it should be noted that the symbols for both (£ for
pounds and livres, s. for shillings and sous [or sols], and d. for pence and deniers)
were identical and were used interchangeably, each series having proportionally the same value. For a brief account of the French monetary system before and after
the French Revolution, see JQA's Report on Weights and Measures, written and published as a U.S. Government document, Washington, 1821, p. 62–64.
It is sufficient to say here that, as the figures in the present document show, 24
French livres equaled one British pound sterling (for which the French had an equivalent
coin, called a louis d'or), and that 6 livres therefore equaled 5 shillings (for which
the French had a coin called an écu or crown, as well as a half-crown piece worth
3 livres or 2s. 6d. sterling).
In printing this document the editors have omitted the totals that appear at the foot
of the columns (which in the MS are on facing pages) on some pages in the MS. Since these are incomplete and were never added up to make a grand total, they would
in our judgment prove more confusing than significant if set in type and dispersed
here and there on the pages of the printed version.
2. See note 1 on entry of 13 Feb. 1778, above, and List of Stores Sent on Board the Continental Frigate Boston, February 1778 facing
page 194facsimiles reproduced in this volume.
4. Repeated and corrected in the first entry under 25 May 1778 in this column, below.
5. See a later entry dated 18 April 1778 in the Expenditures column, below.
6. See a later entry dated 18 April 1778 in the Receipts column, below.
8. From this point on, the sums are entered in French money only.
9. Probably but not certainly the two folio letterbooks designated in the Adams Papers as Lb/JA/6–7, bound in white parchment and bearing handsome trade cards of Cabaret,
“Au Griffon ... Marchand Papetier Ordinaire des Bureaux du Roy,” in Rue de Seine,
Faubourg St. Germain, Paris.
10. The Hochereau family were booksellers established in Paris from the beginning of the
18th century ([A. M. Lottin,] Catalogue chronologique des libraires et des libraires-imprimeurs de Paris, Paris, 1789, p. 80). From one or more of them JA bought books with great frequency during his first years abroad. Unfortunately, the
“mémoires” or bills, which might indicate the titles of the books JA bought, have not been found. In rendering his accounts to Congress for this mission,
JA included sums spent on such books as were essential to qualify himself in “the science
of Negotiation,” arguing that this was “one of the most necessary, and Useful Ways
in which Money had ever been spent in that Country” (JA to the Board of Treasury, 19 Sept. 1779, LbC, Adams Papers; Works, 7:111–114). What is more, his argument prevailed; see the report of a committee
on JA's accounts, 15 April 1780 (JCC, 16:368–369).
11. This volume, Almanach royal, année M. DCC. LXXVIII, Paris, n.d., issued by the King's Printer, remains { 344 } among JA's books in the Boston Public Library and has proved useful to the editors in identifying
French officials and others mentioned in the Diary.
13. Second entry in this column, above.
14. Third entry in this column, above.
15. Seemingly a mistake for June, but the payment by Grand of 4,294 livres to “Mrs. Poussin”
for furniture was made on 17 July 1778, as recorded in the final accounts of the Commissioners
(DNA:RG 39, Foreign Ledgers, Public Agents in Europe, 1776–1787, p. 87). A note is added
in the official account: “N.B. the proportions of Mr. D. & Mr. A. must be settled
by them.”
16. René Louis, Marquis d'Argenson, published anonymously Considérations sur le gouvernement ancien et présent de la France, Amsterdam, 1765, of which JA's copy remains among his books in the Boston Public Library (Catalogue of JA's Library).
17. The “Hôpital des Enfans-Trouvés, prés Notre-Dame” is described in Thiéry, Almanach du voyageur à Paris, 1784, p. 331–332. Years later JA drew a political moral from what he saw on his visit to this foundling hospital;
see his Works, 6:452.
18. Entry of 28 Aug. 1778 in the Receipts column.
20. There is conflicting evidence on the exact date of JA's arrival home. La Luzerne and his party disembarked at Hancock's Wharf in Boston
on 3 August. The present entry indicates that JA and JQA left the Sensible in Nantasket Roads on the 2d and were rowed to Braintree. This may be so, but on
the other hand JA may have carelessly misdated this entry; see note on the Diary entry of 31 July, below.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0001-0001
Date: 1779-02-02
1779. Feb. 2. Tuesday.
Last Tuesday, I dined in Company with the Abbe Raynal, and Mr. Gebelin, and asked
them to dine with me, on the then next Sunday. Accordingly the day before Yesterday,
they both came.
M. Raynal is the most eloquent Man, I ever heard speak in French. His Voice is sharp
and clear but pleasant. He talks a great deal, and is very entertaining.1 M. Gebelin is much less addicted to talking. He is silent, soft, and still. His Mind
always upon the Stretch.
1. Guillaume Thomas François, Abbé Raynal (1713–1796), French philosophe and historian, is best remembered for his immensely popular Histoire philosophique et politique des établissentens et du commerce des Européens
dans les deux Indes, first published at Amsterdam, 1770. The Catalogue of JA's Library records several works by Raynal owned by JA that have come to rest in the Boston Public Library, including the Histoire des deux Indes in both French and English editions.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0001-0002
Date: 1779-02-04
Feb. 4.
Breakfasted with the Abbe Raynal, at his House at his particular Invitation, with
a large Company of Gentlemen and Ladies. The Abbé is more than Sixty, seems worn with
Studies, but he has Spirit, Wit, Eloquence and Fire enough.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0001-0003
Date: 1779-02-05
Feb. 5. Fryday.
The Duke de Rochefoucault, Mr. Turgot, Abbe Rochon and De la Roche, dined here.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0001-0004
Date: 1779-02-08
1779. Feb. 8.
In Conversation with Dr. Franklin, in the Morning I gave him my Opinion, of Mr. Deanes
Address to the People of America, with great Freedom and perhaps with too much Warmth.
I told him that it was one of the most wicked and abominable Productions that ever
sprung from an human Heart. That there was no safety in Integrity against such a Man.
That I should wait upon The Comte de Vergennes, and the other Ministers, and see in
what light they considerd this Conduct of Mr. Deane. That if they, and their Representatives
in America, were determined to countenance and support by their Influence such Men
and Measures in America, it was no matter how soon the Alliance was broke. That no
Evil could be greater, nor any Government worse, than the Toleration of such Conduct.
No one was present, but the Doctor and his Grandson.1
In the Evening, I told Dr. Bancroft, to the same Effect, that the Address appeared
to me in a very attrocious Light, that however difficult Mr. Lees Temper might be,
in my Opinion he was an honest Man, and had the utmost fidelity towards the united
States. That such a Contempt of Congress committed in the City where they set, and
the Publication of such Accusations in the Face of the Universe, so false and groundless
as the most heinous of them appeared to me, these Accusations attempted to be coloured
by such frivolous Tittle Tattle, such Accusations made too by a Man who had been in
high Trust, against two others, who were still so, appeared to me, Evidence of such
a Complication of vile Passions, of Vanity, Arrogance and Presumption, of Malice,
Envy and Revenge, and at the same Time of such Weakness, Indiscretion and Folly, as
ought to unite every honest and wise Man against him. That there appeared to me no
Alternative left but the Ruin of Mr. Deane, or the Ruin of his Country. That he appeared
to me in the Light of a wild boar, that ought to be hunted down for the Benefit of
Mankind. That I would start fair with him, Dr. Bancroft, and give him Notice that
I had hitherto been loath to give up Mr. Deane. But that this Measure of his appeared
to Me to be so decisive against him that I had given him up to Satan to be buffeted.
1. Silas Deane had arrived in Philadelphia on 12 July 1778, and had promptly requested
an audience of Congress to enable him to defend his conduct in Europe, which had been
severely impugned by his colleague Arthur Lee. Lee's charges, supported by relatives
and friends, split Congress into warring factions, and Deane failed to get a satisfactory
hearing. His patience at last exhausted, he took his case to the country by publishing
in the Pennsylvania Packet, 5 Dec. 1778, an address “To the Free and Virtuous Citizens of America” (reprinted
in Deane Papers, 3:66–76). Intended as the first in a series of public letters, this one contained
violent counter-charges against Arthur and William Lee, treated certain members of
Congress with great freedom, and led to a controversy that can hardly be said to be
settled even yet by historians. The strength of JA's feelings about Deane's publication is revealed in his letter to Vergennes, drafted
in his Diary and printed under 10–11 Feb., below.
2. The final sentence of this heated entry is obviously defective but is here printed
literally. It was silently (and plausibly) corrected by CFA to read: “... but the substantial meaning of it is such as appears to me exactly
true, and such as I will abide by, unless future evidence, which I don't expect, should
convince me of any error in it” (JA, Works, 3:187).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0001-0005
Date: 1779-02-09
1779 Feb. 9.
Abbe C.1
Terruit Hispanos, Ruiter, qui terruit Anglos
Ter ruit in Gallos, territus ipse ruit.2
Cum fueris Romae, Romano vivito more
Si fueris alibi, vivito sicut ibi.
Any Thing to divert Melancholly, and to sooth an aking Heart. The Uncandor, the Prejudices,
the Rage, among several Persons here, make me Sick as Death.
Virtue is not always amiable. Integrity is sometimes ruined by Prejudices and by Passions.
There are two Men in the World who are Men of Honour and Integrity I believe, but
whose Prejudices and violent Tempers would raise Quarrells in the Elisian Fields if
not in Heaven. On die other Hand there is another, whose Love of Ease, and Dissipation,
will prevent any thorough Reformation of any Thing—and his <Cunning and> Silence and Reserve, render it very difficult to do any Thing with him. One of the
other[s], whom I have allowed to be honest, has such a bitter, such a Sour in him, and so
few of the nice feelings, that G[od] knows what will be the Consequence to himself and to others. Besides he has as much
Cunning, and as much Secrecy.3
Called at Mr. Garniers—he not at home. At Mr. Grands. He and his Son began about the
Address—bien faché. &c. I said, cooly, that I was { 347 } astonished at the Publication of it without sending it to congress. That I believed
Mr. Lee a Man of Integrity, and that all Suggestions of improper Correspondences in
England, were groundless. That my Br[other] L[ee] was not of the sweetest disposition perhaps, but he was honest. That Virtue was not
always amiable....4 M. G. replyed, ilest soupsonneux—il n'a du Confiance en Personne. II croit que toutele
Monde est—I cant remember the precise Word.... I believe this is a just Observation.
He has Confidence in no body. He believes all Men selfish—And, no Man honest or sincere.
This, I fear, is his Creed, from what I have heard him say. I have often in Conversation
disputed with him, on this Point. However I never was so nearly in his Situation before.
There is no Man here that I dare Trust, at present. They are all too much heated with
Passions and Prejudices and party disputes. Some are too violent, others too jealous—others
too cool, and too reserved at all Times, and at the same time, every day betraying
Symptoms of a Rancour quite as deep.
The Wisdom of Solomon, the Meekness of Moses, and the Patience of Job, all united
in one Character, would not be sufficient, to qualify a Man to act in the Situation
in which I am at present—and I have scarcely a Spice of either of these Virtues.
On Dr. F. the Eyes of all Europe are fixed, as the most important Character, in American
Affairs in Europe. Neither L. nor myself, are looked upon of much Consequence. The
Attention of the Court seems most to F. and no Wonder. His long and great Rep[utation] to which L's and mine are in their infancy, are enough to Account for this. His Age,
and real Character render it impossible for him to search every Thing to the Bottom,
and L. with his privy Council, are evermore, contriving. The Results of their Contrivances,
render many Measures more difficult.
1. Chalut?
2. A punning distich based on the life of the famous Dutch admiral M. A. de Ruyter (1607–1676),
who had sailed up the Thames and Medway in 1667 but was mortally wounded fighting
the French in the Mediterranean. Literally: “Ruyter, who terrified the Spaniards,
who terrified the English, [and] thrice fell upon the French, himself has fallen, terrified himself.”
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0001-0006
Recipient: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de
DateRange: 1779-02-10 - 1779-02-11
[Draft of a Letter to Vergennes, 10–11 February 1779.1]Confidential
[salute] Sir
As your Excellency reads English perfectly well, my first Request { 348 } is that you would not communicate this Letter, even to a Translator.
I have hitherto avoided, in my single Capacity, giving your Excellency, any Trouble
at all either by Letter or by Conversation. But the present <Crisis> Emergency demands that I should ask the Favour of your Excellency to explain my Sentiments
to you, either by Letter or in Person. If your Excellency will permit a personal Interview,
<ignorant, and unpracticed as I am, in the French Language, I am sure that by my Countenance,
my Gestures and my broken Syllables in French,> I am sure I can make my self understood by your Excellency. If you prefer a Correspondence
in Writing, I will lay open my Heart in Writing, under my Hand.
It is the Address to the People in America under the Name of Mr. Silas Deane, that
has occasioned this Boldness, in me....2 It is to me, the most astonishing Measure, the most unexpected and unforeseen Event,
that has ever happened, from the Year 1761, from which Year I have been as really
engaged in this Controversy with G[reat] B[ritain] as I am now, to this Moment.
I hope your Excellency will not conclude from thence that I despair of <my> the Commonwealth. Far otherwise.—I perfectly know, that the Body of the People in
the United States stand immoveable as Mount Atlas, against Great Britain.—The only
Consequences of <these> an Address like this of Mr. Deanes <will> may be <a Prolongation of the War, and the necessity of hanging perhaps><bringing to the last Punishment a few><half a Dozen Tories the more. This last, I assure your Excellency is with me and still
more with my Country men a great Evil. We wish to avoid it. But when I consider the
honourable Testimonies of Confidence, which Mr. Deane carried with him to America—when
I consider the Friendship which I have heard there was in France between Mr. Deane
and the Plenipotentiary, and the Consul of France,3><I confess I am afraid that,><even><the Honourable Testimonies from Your Excellency, and even, I dread to say it, from
his Majesty><I hope—I sincerely hope, that the Veneration which is due to the Plenipotentiary and
the Consul of France has not been so employed><have emboldened Mr. Deane to this Measure.—A Measure that must end in his Confusion
and><Ruin><Shame.—I know it will not end in Submission to G.B. which is the greatest American
Evil. But it may End in a Division of the States—for upon my Honour I think that this
Address, itself is an open Contempt, and, as far as in Mr. Deane lies, a total subversion
of our Constitution.—Your Excellency may depend upon this, that no Man knows of this
Letter, but myself—and that no other Man shall know it from me.>
{ 349 } <The Reason, of my presuming, to address myself to your Excellency, separately, is
because, Mr. Franklin has unhappily, attached himself to Mr. Deane, and set himself
against Mr. Lee, and therefore I have communicated this Letter to neither, and I am
determined to communicate it to neither.>
<Dr. Franklin and Mr. Deane were upon better Terms with each other, than Dr. Franklin
and Mr. Lee. I am extreamly sorry for this. But I am fully perswaded, that the Dr.
is in this Instance mistaken and deceived.> much Trouble to Individuals, but no final Detriment to the common Cause. But on the
contrary that it will occasion so thorough an Investigation of several Things, as
will rectify many Abuses.
It is my indispensable Duty, upon this Occasion to inform your Excellency, that Mr.
Lee was, as long ago as 1770, appointed by the General House of Representatives of
the Massachusetts Bay, of which I had then the Honour to be a Member, their Agent
at the Court of London in Case of the Death or Absence of Dr. Franklin. <That from that> This Honourable Testimony was given to Mr. Lee, by an Assembly in which he had no
Relation or Connection, on Account of his avowed and inflexible Attachment to the
American Cause, and the Abilities of which he had given many Proofs in its Defence.
From that Time he held a constant Correspondence with several of those Gentlemen who
stood foremost in the Massachusetts Bay, against the Innovations and illegal Encroachments
of Great Britain. This correspondence I had an Opportunity of seeing, and I assure
your Excellency from my own Knowledge, that it breathed invariably the most inflexible
Attachment, and the most ardent Zeal in the Cause of his Country. From the Month of
Septr. 1774 to November 1777, while I had the Honour to be a Member of Congress, I
had constantly an Opportunity to see his Letters to Congress, to their Committees
and to several of their Individual Members. That through the whole of both these Periods,
he <constantly> communicated the most constant and the most certain Intelligence, which was received
from any Individual, within my Knowledge. And since I have had the Honour to be joined
with him in the Commission, here, I have found in him the same Fidelity and Zeal.
I have not a Reason in the World, to believe or to suspect, that he has ever <written> maintained an improper Correspondence in England, or held any Conference or Negociation
with any Body from England without communicating it to your Excellency and to his
Colleagues.
{ 350 } I am confident therefore, that every Assertion and Insinuation and Suspicion against
him, of Infidelity to the United States or to their Engagements with his Majesty are
false and groundless, <and> that they may easily be made to appear to be so, and that they certainly will be
proved to be so, to the Utter Shame and Confusion of all those who have rashly published
them to the World, <and particularly of Mr. Deane, who has been so forsaken by his Discretion as to have
published to the World many such Insinuations>.
<The two Honourable Brothers of Mr. Lee, who are Members of Congress, I have long and
intimately known. And of my own Knowledge I can say that no Men have discovered more
Zeal, in Support of the Sovereignty of the United States, and in promoting from the
Beginning a Friendship and Alliance with France, and there is nothing of which I am
more firmly perswaded, than that every Insinuation that is thrown out of Mr. R. H.
Lees holding improper Intercourse with a Dr. Berkenhout,4 is a cruel and an infamous Calumny.>5
1. Written in JA's Diary (D/JA/47) beneath a date caption, “1779. Feb. 10,” for a regular journal
entry that was never written. Thus the letter draft may have been written on 10 or
11 Feb. or on both days. It bears no indication of the addressee's name, and three-quarters
of the text is either lined out or crossed out, no doubt by JA himself. Three other versions of the letter are known, all of them dated 11 Feb. 1779: (1) LbC, Adams Papers; (2) RC, Archives Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. pol., Etats-Unis, vol. 7; (3) Tr, MH: Arthur Lee Papers, enclosed to Lee in a letter from JA written at Lorient, 9 June 1779 (LbC, Adams Papers; JA, Works, 7:95–97). LbC is actually a second draft, replacing the first draft, printed here, which was meant
to be wholly lined out; it is nearly identical in substance with the text finally
sent to Vergennes, and since it is printed in JA's Works (7:79–80) and again in Wharton, ed., Dipt Corr. Amer. Rev. (3:42–44), there is no need to list here the alterations JA made in revising his text. Roughly speaking, JA sent to Vergennes those parts of his letter which were not struck out in the first
draft (that is, those portions which appear in roman type in the present text), and
then added a brief and courteous closing paragraph. A notation at the foot of LbC indicates that the letter was “Sent [to Vergennes] by a Comis, early in the Morning of the 12. Feb. 1779.” The delay had doubtless helped
to shorten the letter by removing some of the indiscretions and asperities of the
first draft.
3. One and the same person, namely C. A. Gérard, who held a commission as consul general
of France as well as minister plenipotentiary to the United States (Gérard, Despatches and Instructions, p. 130, note). Deane's sailing with Gerard in the flagship of the Comte d'Estaing's
squadron had been intended by the French government as a special mark of favor to
the recalled American commissioner (same, p. 89–90).
4. Dr. John Berkenhout, a British secret agent, came to America to promote the aims of
the Carlisle peace commission of 1778. Berkenhout had known Arthur Lee in London and
thus contrived to meet Richard Henry Lee in Philadelphia, but with no further result
than that, thanks to Deane, his relations with the Lees became a warm issue in the
Deane-Lee controversy. See Deane Papers, 3:2–3, 72–73; Howard Peckham, “Dr. Berkenhout's Journal, 1778,” PMHB, 65:79–92 (Jan. 1941).
5. Vergennes' reply to the much curtailed version of this letter that JA finally sent him on 12 Feb., is in the Foreign Secretary's own hand and is { 351 } dated “a Versailles Le 13. fevrier 1779” (RC in Adams Papers, printed in JA's Works, 7:80–81, q.v.). See, further, entry of 12 Feb., below, and note 4 there.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0001-0007
Date: 1779-02-11
1779. Feb. 11.
When I arrived in France, the French Nation had a great many Questions to settle.
The first was—Whether I was the famous Adams, Le fameux Adams? —Ah, le fameux Adams?—In
order to speculate a little upon this Subject, the Pamphlet entituled Common sense,
had been printed in the Affaires de L'Angleterre et De L'Amérique, and expressly ascribed
to M. Adams the celebrated Member of Congress, le celebre Membre du Congress. It must
be further known, that altho the Pamphlet Common sense, was received in France and
in all Europe with Rapture: yet there were certain Parts of it, that they did not
choose to publish in France. The Reasons of this, any Man may guess. Common sense
undertakes to prove, that Monarchy is unlawful by the old Testament. They therefore
gave the Substance of it, as they said, and paying many Compliments to Mr. Adams,
his sense and rich Imagination, they were obliged to ascribe some Parts to Republican
Zeal. When I arrived at Bourdeaux, All that I could say or do, would not convince
any Body, but that I was the fameux Adams.—Cette un homme celebre. Votre nom est bien
connu ici.—My Answer was—it is another Gentleman, whose Name of Adams you have heard.
It is Mr. Samuel Adams, who was excepted from Pardon by Gen. Gage's Proclamation.—Oh
No Monsieur, cette votre Modestie.1
But when I arrived at Paris, I found a very different Style. I found great Pains taken,
much more than the Question was worth to settle the Point that I was not the famous
Adams. There was a dread of a sensation—Sensations at Paris are important Things.
I soon found too, that it was effectually settled in the English News Papers that
I was not the famous Addams. No body went so far in France or Ingland, as to say I
was the infamous Adams. I make no scruple to say, that I believe, that both Parties
for Parties there were, joined in declaring that I was not the famous Adams. I certainly
joined both sides in this, in declaring that I was not the famous Adams, because this
was the Truth.
It being settled that he was not the famous Adams, the Consequence was plain—he was
some Man that nobody had ever heard of before —and therefore a Man of no Consequence—a
Cypher. And I am inclined to think that all Parties both in France and England—Whiggs
{ 352 } and Tories in England—the Friends of Franklin, Deane and Lee, differing in many other
Things agreed in this—that I was not the fameux Adams.
Seeing all this, and saying nothing, for what could a Man say?— seeing also, that
there were two Parties formed, among the Americans, as fixed in their Aversion to
each other, as both were to G.B. if I had affected the Character of a Fool in order
to find out the Truth and to do good by and by, I should have had the Example of a
Brutus for my Justification. But I did not affect this Character. I behaved with as
much Prudence, and Civility, and Industry as I could. But still it was a settled Point
at Paris and in the English News Papers that I was not the famous Adams, and therefore
the Consequence was settled absolutely and unalterably that I was a Man of whom Nobody
had ever heard before, a perfect Cypher, a Man who did not understand a Word of French—awkward
in his Figure—awkward in his Dress—No Abilities—a perfect Bigot—and fanatic.
1. A French translation of Thomas Paine's Common Sense, or rather of extracts from it, had been published in Affaires de l'Angleterre et de l'Amerique, vol. 1 (1776), No. 1, p. 84–87; No. 4, p. 33–85 (see note on entry of 3 March 1779, below). The introduction to the first extracts, in a “Lettre d'un Banquier de Londres
à M.*** à Anvers ... le 4 Mai 1776,” remarks (p. 83–84):
“... je puis vous dire un mot au-jourd'hui de la sensation que me paroît faire sur
nos négociants, un écrit que l'on vient de recevoir d'Amérique, & qui a, dit-on, la
plus grande vogue dans les Colonies.
“II est intitulé le Sens commun, & on l'attribue à M. Adams, fameux proscrit, que le général Gage a exclu, ainsi
que M. Hancoks, de son amnistie. Vous savez que M. Adams est un des députées de la
baie de Massachusets au Congrès général, où on le regarde comme un des premiers pivots
de la révolution. Vous allez voir quelques extraits de son Ouvrage. C'est M. Adams
qui parle [&c.].”
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0001-0008
Date: 1779-02-11
Feb. 11. 1779.1
It is my indispensable Duty, to tell the Comte de Vergennes that I think one great
Cause of this horrid Address of Mr. Deane is Mr. Franklins Certificate in his favour
that he is an able and faithfull Negotiator, and that Mr. Franklin was deceived in
this—that Mr. F.'s Knowledge actually in America, for a great Many Years has not been
long2—that he was Upright in this but deceived. That there are such certain and Infallible
Proofs of Vanity, Presumption, Ambition, Avarice, and Folly in Mr. Deane as render
him very unworthy of Confidence and therefore that Dr. F. has been deceived.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0001-0009
Date: 1779-02-12
Feb. 12.
My Mind has been in such a State, since the Appearance of Mr. Deanes Address to the
People, as it never was before. I confess it appeared to me like a Dissolution of
the Constitution. It should be remembered that it first appeared from London in the
English Papers—then in the Courier De L'Europe—and We had not received the Proceedings
of Congress upon it. A few days after, Dr. Franklin received from Nantes, some Philadelphia
Papers, in which were the Pieces signed Senex and Common Sense,1 and the Account of the Election of the New President Mr. Jay.2 When it was known that Congress had not censured Mr. Deane, for appealing to the
People, it was looked upon as the most dangerous Proof that had ever appeared, of
the Weakness of Government, and it was thought that the Confederation was wholly lost
by some. I confess it appeared terrible to me indeed. It appeared to me that it would
wholly loose us the Confidence of the French Court. I did not see how they could ever
trust any of Us again—that it would have the worst Effects upon Spain, Holland and
in England, besides endangering a civil War in America. In the Agony of my Heart,
I expressed myself to one Gentleman Dr. Bancroft, with perhaps too much warmth.
But this Day, Dr. Winship3 arrived here, from Brest, and soon afterwards, the Aid du Camp of Le Marquis de Fayette,
with Dispatches, from Congress, by which it appears that Dr. Franklin is sole Plenipotentiary,
and of Consequence that I am displaced.
The greatest Relief to my Mind, that I have ever found since the Appearance of the
Address. Now Business may be done by Dr. Franklin alone. Before it seemed as if nothing
could be done.4
1. Articles in the Pennsylvania Packet, beginning 15 Dec. 1778, for and against Deane; reprinted in Deane Papers, 3:81 ff.
2. Henry Laurens resigned as president, 9 Dec. 1778, on the ground that Congress was
not taking proper action on Deane's disrespect to Congress in his recent address to
the public. Next day he was succeeded in office by John Jay, a partisan of Deane.
See JCC, 12:1202–1206; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 3:528–529; entries of 20, 22 June, below.
3. Amos Windship, Harvard 1771, surgeon on the Alliance (Harvard Univ. Archives; Diary entries in April–May, below).
4. On 14 Sept. 1778 Congress dissolved the American Commission in France by electing
Franklin sole minister plenipotentiary, but it did not get around to drawing up his
instructions until 26 Oct., and these were not sent until Lafayette sailed for France
in the Alliance in January (JCC, 12:908; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 2:807–809). Before JA had been in Paris six weeks he had warmly recommended that a single minister be placed
in charge of American affairs in France (to Samuel Adams, 21 May 1778, NN:Bancroft Coll.; copied into JA's Autobiography under its date). On 12 Feb., within a few hours of sending off his agitated letter to Vergennes
(entry { 354 } of 10–11 Feb., above), he learned of “the new Arrangement,” and in writing Vergennes again, 16 Feb. (as well as in private letters), he expressed satisfaction with what he called Congress'
“masterly Measure,” which obviated any need for him to pursue with Vergennes the question
of Deane's conduct and its consequences (LbC, Adams Papers; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:50–51). However, JA's notification by the Committee of Foreign Affairs did not recall him and gave him
no instructions beyond a vague promise that something might follow, and “In the mean
Time we hope you will exercise your whole extensive Abilities on the Subject of our
Finances” (R. H. Lee and James Lovell to JA, 28 Oct. 1778, Adams Papers; same, 2:814–815).
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0001-0010
Date: 1779-02-13
Feby. 13.
There is no such Thing as human Wisdom. All is the Providence of God. Perhaps few
Men have guessed more exactly than I have been allowed to do, upon several Occasions,
but at this Time which is the first I declare of my whole Life I am wholly at a Loss
to foresee Consequences.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0002-0001
Date: 1779-03-03
1779 March 3.
Went to Versailles, in order to take Leave of the Ministry. Had a long Conversation,
with the Comte De Vergennes, in french, which I found I could talk as fast as I pleased.
I asked him what Effect the Peace of Germany would have upon our War. He said he believed
none, because neither the Emperor nor King of Prussia were maritime Powers.
I asked him, whether he thought that England would be able to procure any Ally among
the northern Powers. That Congress would be anxious to know this.
He said I might depend upon it and assure Congress that in his Opinion England would
not be able to procure any. That on the Contrary the northern Powers were arming,
not indeed to war against England, but to protect their Commerce.
Quant a L'Espagne, Monsieur?—Ah! Je ne puis pas dire.
Called on Mr. De Sartine who was not at home. Called on Mr. Genet. Mr. Genets son
went with me and my son to see the Menagerie.1
1. The elder Genet was Edmé Jacques (1715–1781), publicist, chief clerk for many years of the bureau of interpreters
in the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and an expert on England, where he had
traveled and lived. His role at this time might be described as that of chief of the
French information service (using that term in its modern meaning of propaganda).
From early 1776 to late 1779 he edited the Affaires de l'Angleterre et de l'Amérique. This journal, the bibliography of which is unbelievably complex, bore an imprint
“A Anvers” but was actually prepared in the French foreign office, with substantial
help from Franklin and his circle and, after his arrival in France, from JA. A complete set consists of fifteen volumes bound in seventeen, though since each
volume contains numerous imperfect and confusing paginations, { 355 } references must be to the eighty-two “cahiers” or numbers as originally issued at
irregular intervals. Even such references may sometimes prove baffling. A very summary
collation of the work was provided by Paul L. Ford in PMHB, 13:222–226 (July 1889), and in his Franklin Bibliography, Brooklyn, 1889, p. 153–154, Ford listed a number of pieces known or believed to
have been contributed by Franklin to the Affaires. Ford did not know who the real editor was, but Minnigerode (see further on in this
note) mentioned Genet as editor, and Gilbert Chinard supplied further information
in a valuable but tantalizingly brief analysis of the Affaires in the Newberry Library Bulletin, 2d ser., No. 8 (March 1952), p. 225–236. Mr. Chinard shows that the documents selected
for publication and the commentary on them reflect the mind of Vergennes and the windings
of French policy respecting Great Britain and America in a most revealing way.
It is clear from extensive surviving correspondence between JA and Edmé Jacques Genet that JA became an active contributor to the Affaires de l'Angleterre et de l'Amérique during his first mission in France, 1778–1779. Some of his contributions are readily
recognizable; others, drawn from letters and papers he received from America or elsewhere
and then handed on to Genet, will not be identified until a very careful comparison
can be made between JA's files and the contents of the Affaires.
Quite unintentionally JA threw students off the trail by remarking in a warm tribute to Genet's work in behalf
of the American cause written thirty years later that Genet “conducted the Mercure
de France, in which he published many little speculations for me” (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 347). CFA repeated this statement without the explanation or amplification it requires (JA, Works, 7:59, note). JA's contributions to the political section of the Mercure de France belong to his second, or “peace,” mission in Europe, beginning in 1780, after the
Affaires had ceased publication. See note on entry of 5 Feb. 1780, below.
The younger Genet, Edmond Charles (1763–1834), precociously succeeded his father in
the French foreign office and enjoyed a distinguished diplomatic career before coming
to America as the first minister of the French Republic, 1793, and there achieving
a great deal more notoriety than he desired.
On both Genets see a study by Meade Minnigerode with the curious title Jefferson, Friend of France: The Career of Edmond Charles Genet, N.Y. and London, 1928. This is based on family papers then still in the possession
of descendants, but it says little about the elder Genet's work as a publicist.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0002-0002
Date: 1779-03-04
1779. March 4.
Walked with Mr. Jennings to Calvare, with my son.1
1. Edmund Jenings (1731–1819) is an obscure but ubiquitous figure in the European scene during the American Revolution,
and an important one in the history of JA's diplomatic missions. Born in Annapolis, he was named for his father, King's attorney
and secretary of Maryland, and his grandfather, acting governor of Virginia early
in the century. His sister Ariana married John Randolph the loyalist, and his family
was also allied with the Grymes and Lee families of Virginia.
Jenings was educated at Eton, Cambridge, and the Middle Temple, and probably never
returned to America thereafter. Being in what were then always called easy circumstances,
he practiced little law but lived a life of cultivated leisure in London and maintained
a large correspondence with American friends and relatives, notably with the Lee brothers.
By early 1778 he had left London for the Continent and during the next five years
lived mostly at Brussels, though he appeared recurrently at Paris, Boulogne, and elsewhere.
He was put forward by the Lees, unsuccessfully, for diplomatic appointments. Probably
Arthur Lee introduced him as a trustworthy and useful man to JA, who addressed a “Secret and confiden• { 356 } tial” letter to him within a fortnight of JA's own arrival in Paris, proposing the republication in London of one of JA's early political tracts ( 20 April 17781780, Adams Papers). It was in this role that Jenings was to prove remarkably assiduous and helpful
to JA, for throughout the war he kept a channel open to the London press and, besides transmitting
news and publications to JA, repeatedly placed pro-American writings, by both himself and JA, in British newspapers and journals. (For an example see the entry of 4 Dec. 1782, below, and note 1 there.)
JA thought so well of Jenings' abilities and character that he wished to have him appointed
secretary to the American Peace Commission in Europe (letter to Henry Laurens, 15 Aug. 1782, LbC, Adams Papers; Works, 7:611), but to JA's annoyance William Temple Franklin was the choice of Franklin and Jay for this post.
After the Preliminary Treaty was signed late in 1782, a bitter quarrel developed between
Jenings and Henry Laurens over an anonymous letter that originated in the Dutch or
Austrian Netherlands and had been in circulation for six months or more, in which
Laurens was cautioned against alleged misconduct by JA. Laurens came to believe that Jenings knew a great deal more about the letter than
he admitted and might indeed have written it, with the aim of sowing distrust among
the American Commissioners. The quarrel led to the printing of three pamphlets in
London in 1783, two by Jenings in his own defense and one by Laurens, together with
a vast amount of correspondence among all concerned, but the mystery of the anonymous
letter remains as yet unsolved.
JA himself never doubted Jenings' integrity and took pains to defend him in all quarters;
see especially his letter to Thomas Brand Hollis, 5 Sept. 1787 (LbC, Adams Papers), proposing to put his entire correspondence with Jenings in Brand Hollis' hands
for reading. (JA had by this time recovered all the letters he had written to Jenings during the war,
possibly with the intention of later publication.)
Jenings continued to live quietly in London from 1783 until his death. He called on
JQA when the latter passed through London on his way to his first diplomatic post at
The Hague, and expressed the loyal American sentiments he had always expressed to
JQA's father (JQA, Diary, 25 Oct. 1794; Memoirs, 53–54). That he was something of a busybody seems clear, but until much more explicit
evidence of misconduct or disloyalty on his part is brought to light, the damning
charges of Laurens, repeated by Francis (Wharton ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:285, note), cannot be accepted.
The personal data on Jenings in this note were largely furnished by Mr. John M. Jennings,
Director of the Virginia Historical Society, where an Edmund Jenings letterbook, 1756–1769,
and other papers of his are preserved. Much scattered information on him will be found
in the biographies and published correspondence of Arthur, Richard Henry, and William
Lee. The privately printed pamphlets exchanged by Jenings and Laurens, which are so
rare as to have been seldom examined by scholars, are entered in Sabin 35984, 35985, 39258; no library in the United States is known to possess all three.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0002-0003
Date: 1779-03-12
1779 March 12. Fryday.1
About one O Clock arrived at Nantes at L'hotelle de la Comedie, Rue,2 after a Journey of near five days, having sett off from Passy Monday the 8th. This
Journey, which was by Versailles, is thro the most barren and least cultivated Part
of France.
After Dinner, I had the Honour to be visited by the following American Gentlemen.
Mr. Williams, Mr. Williams my Pupil,3 Mr. Lloyd, Mr. Ridley,4 Mr. Wharton, Mr. Lee, Mr. Daubrèe [Dobrée], Mr { 357 } . Maese [Mease], Captn. Jones,5 Lt. Brown, Mr. Ingraham [Ingram], Mr. Cummings, Mr. Bradford, Mr. [blank in MS]
Mr. Jno. Lloyd is a sensible Man. He says that the french officers of Marine, consider
Convoys as a disgracefull Service. They hate to be ordered to convoy Merchant Vessells.
That when a Convoy is ordered, the officer is negligent and the Merchant dares not
complain. The Marine officers and Police officers, and Custom house officers are connected
together, and if a Merchant complains he is marked out as an obnoxious Person and
Advantages are taken of him, so that he hold his Tongue.
1. First entry in “P[aper] B[ook] No. 29” (our D/JA/29), which consists of two gatherings of unstitched leaves without
covers. These were evidently put together for JA to carry in his pocket, for use when his larger bound journal was packed up and inaccessible.
Having made this single entry, JA did not recur to this “paper book” again until 28 April; the intervening entries were written in D/JA/47.
5. John Paul Jones had recently secured, through the good offices of the French government,
the vessel he named the Bonhomme Richard, and was fitting her out for a cruise later this year that was to become famous.
Several of the persons mentioned here were Jones' officers or associates in this venture.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0003-0001
Date: 1779-04-14
1779. April 14. Wednesday.1
At Nantes, Hotel de la Comedie, Rue Bignonestar....2 Walked, this Morning with my Son over all the Bridges. There are several Islands
in the River and they have built Bridges from one to another, and Houses upon the
Islands. There are fine Meadows on each Side, and the mixed Appearance of Houses,
Meadows, Water and Bridges is very uncommon and amuzing. The first Island is built
on with very fine Houses, all stone. The Stone of this Place is very durable, which
that of Paris is not.
I dined on Monday with Mr. Schweighauser, Tuesday with Mr. Johnson. Last Evening at
the Comedie, where We had the Barbier de Seville, L'Epreuve nouvelle. The Stage here
is not like that of Paris. A poor Building. The Company, on the Stage, great Part
of it, and not very clean nor sweet. The Actors indifferent.
Last Evening I supped for the first Time, with the Company in the House. Had a good
deal of Conversation, with a Gentleman, on the Subject of the Alliance and the War.
He said it is not for Us Merchants to judge of the Interests of the State, the Court
must conduct all { 358 } political Affairs, but it would have been better for Us, the Trade, if this Alliance
had not been, provided that would have avoided a War. We have had so many Vessells
taken, that many Houses and Individuals are ruined.
I told him that much of this Trade, had grown out of the Connection with America—that
the Commerce of France was on a more respectable foot than it would have been, if
Harmony had continued between G.B. and America, even after all their Losses. That
the Loss to trade was not so great, because if half their Cargoes arrived, they sold
them for near as much as the whole would have produced if it had all arrived—besides
that a great deal was insured in England. That there would have been a War between
England and France if Harmony had continued between England and America, for the two
Nations were seldom at Peace more than 10 or 12 Years together. That if a War had
happened in that Case, the maritime Power as well as Commerce of France would have
been in danger of entire destruction. That it was essential to the Interest of France
that there should be a separation between E. and A.—He asked what Subject there was
or would have been for War, between E. and F.—I told him a subject could never be
wanting. The Passions of the two Nations were so strong vs. each other that they were
easily enkindled, and the English would have been so hauty that France could not have
born it.—He seemed pleased with the Conversation and convinced by the Argument: But
I find there is more coolness both in the Marine and the Trade, than there was a Year
ago. Americans were more caressed and courted then than now. Yet they all think they
must go on, and they think justly.
I have neglected my Journal.
Drank Tea and spent the Evening at Mr. Johnsons,3 with him and the two Messrs. Williams.
Had some Conversation with Mr. Johnson on the subject of a free Port. The Q[uestion] was between Nantes and L'orient. Johnson is in favour of Nantes. The Advantages of
the River, and of the foreign Merchants settled there, are his chief Argument. You
have the Productions and Manufactures of Paris, and the whole Country, at Nantes by
Water, by means of the Loire.
1. JA had come to Nantes expecting to sail to America in the Continental frigate Alliance, commanded by Capt. Pierre Landais. But that vessel was still at Brest, “embarrassed”
with forty unruly British prisoners. JA proceeded on 22 March to Brest and with some difficulty arranged for an exchange
of prisoners, which later took place near Nantes, whither he himself had returned
on 11 April. On 22 April he and JQA boarded the Alliance at Saint { 359 } Nazaire. See JA to John Jay, 3 Aug. 1779 (PCC, No. 84, I); printed from LbC, Adams Papers, in JA, Works, 7: 97–99; also the later entries in JA's Personal Receipts and Expenditures, printed at the end of 1778, above.
3. JA to TBA, 25 Oct. 1797: “I congratulate you, on your new Acquisition of a Sister. I suppose
this match grew out of a Spark that was kindled at Nantes in 1779 when your Brother
was with me frequently in the Family of Mr. Johnson. But through whatever course it
came down from Heaven, I pray for its Blessings on it” (original owned by Dr. Herbert
E. Klingelhofer, Bethesda, Md., 1959). But it should be pointed out that JQA was nearly twelve and Louisa Catherine Johnson was only four in April 1779.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0003-0002
Date: 1779-04-15
1779. April 15. Thursday.
Dined at home.
Docno: ADMS-01-02-02-0009-0003-0003
Date: 1779-04-16