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Browsing: Papers of John Adams, Volume 9
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0077
Recipient: Lee, William
Date: 1780-04-02
To William Lee
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu April 2d. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
Your Favour of the 30th. of March, is just come to Hand, and I thank you for it.
I did not <Suspect> construe any Thing in your last into a design of drawing from me, any of the Secrets
of my mission, indeed there is no secret in it, but my Instructions, which will I
hope <forever> remain so, untill they are executed if that time should ever come.
I have had Reasons, however for saying nothing till now, about my Commission, but
those Reasons exist no more. I have indeed the { 106 } Honour to be Minister Plenipotentiary, with full Powers with the Ambassadors or Ministers
from France and Great Britain and all other Princes and states whom it may concern,
to enter into Conferences Negotiations and Treaties for Peace.
When our Ennemy will wish for Peace, So far as to think of it in earnest I know not.
Peace concerns her more than any of the belligerent Powers. America, even, can Sustain
the War, although it will be irksome and greivous, infinitely better than England.
America grows more powerful, more numerous, more brave, and better disciplined every
Year of the War, and more independant too both in Spirit and Circumstances. Their
Trade it is true does not flourish as it did, but their Agriculture Arts, and Manufactures
increase in Proportion to the decline of their Trade. England is wasting away, not
withstanding the violence of her convulsive Struggles, both in Wealth in Commerce,
in Manufactures, in Sailors Soldiers Population <and every Thing else. Nothing[ . . . ]> and above all in political Consideration among the Powers of Europe, every day. Her
Reputation1 which is a more durable Source of Power, and a more constant Cause of Prosperity,
to states as well as individuals, declines amidst all her Activity, Exertions and
successes. The Hopes and Fears of other Nations are turning by degrees from her to
other People, and these She will find it harder to regain than even the good Will
of America, which is also leaving her, every day. The English2 Nation dont seem to me to <consider> see any thing in its true Light or weigh any thing in a just ballance. The Points
already gained by Ireland, dont appear to be understood in England in their Consequences.
If she should carry the other Points she aims at, she will become a dangerous Rival
to G. B. in Trade, and even in political Power, and dangerous to her even in military.
And she must and will carry those Points if this War is continued. Yet the predominant
<Passion> Temper, drowns all, in England. Their Pride, Revenge and Habits of domineering will
not suffer them to listen to any Thing that does not sooth those lively Passions.
The Fury that appears among the Members of Paliament, convinces me that the opposition
is more formidable than you Seem to think it. The Committees go on, and, altho I dont
found my Expectations, upon Characters that now appear, I know that those Committees
will bring up others to public View, who will do the Work. When a society gets disturbed
Men of Great Talents and great Qualities are always found, or made.
I wish you had been more particular concerning the Buccaneering { 107 } Expedition, which you say is preparing in England against the Spanish Possessions
in S. America.
Nothing from America, nor from Mr Laurens. Adieu
I think I am perfectly sure of my self, that I shall never be led much astray by my
Resentment against the English however Strong they may have been, and however justly
founded. Distrust of them I have, quite seperate from all Resentment, So fixed by
20 Years incessant Attention to their Policy, that it is very possible they may be
in earnest about Terms of Peace, before I shall beleive it. But this Error I hope
will do neither them nor me any harm.3
LbC
(Adams Papers.)
1. The preceding fifteen words were interlined for insertion at this point.
2. This word was interlined.
3. This paragraph was written in the left margin.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0078
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-03
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 32
Paris, 3 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 395–400). LbC (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “No 32 delivered Capt. Landais 3d. April.” printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:593–596.
In this letter, which was read in Congress on 11 Sept., John Adams began by observing
that while “the Fermentation in England” had alarmed the ministry and influenced some
members of the House of Commons, he thought it was largely due to the impending election.
Adams then provided the texts of resolutions adopted by the meetings of the county
and city associations at St. Alban's Tavern from 11 to 20 March (see JA to the president of Congress, 23 March, No. 23, note 3, above) and those adopted on 15 and 19 March by the Westminster committee. The St.
Alban's resolutions served to justify a general association for parliamentary reform,
those of the Westminster committee focused on the inequities of parliamentary representation.
Adams indicated that he had included the texts of the resolutions because he believed
the association movement to be of great importance and that if wisdom and virtue prevailed,
its objectives would be accomplished, thereby bringing fundamental change to the government
and policies of Great Britain. If the movement was unsuccessful, however, Adams believed
that it would “probably be the last rational Effort made in favor of Liberty, and
Despotism will range at large.” Furthermore, if George III concluded an immediate
peace, the movements in England and Ireland would lose momentum and his conflicts
with the Netherlands and Spain would largely disappear. If he continued the war and
was successful, at least his problems in England and Ireland would be dissipated.
But if he continued the war and was unsuccessful, “the new Sovereignty will probably
prevail against him, after involving the three Kingdoms in Confusion and in Blood.”
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 395–400.) LbC (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “No 32 delivered Capt. Landais 3d. April.” printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:593–596.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0079
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-03
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 33
Paris, 3 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 387–394). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:588–592.
John Adams began this letter, which was read in Congress on 10 July, by paraphrasing
the first portion of William Lee's letter of 30 March (above), regarding the Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel and the Netherlands. He then
provided English translations of a petition of 25 Feb. to the States General calling
for the outfitting of fifty-two warships; Sir Joseph Yorke's memorial of 21 March
demanding that the States General reply within three weeks to his previous memorials
for support of Great Britain's war efforts, or face suspension of the Anglo-Dutch
treaties insofar as they related to neutral commerce; the States General's reply of
24 March requesting additional time; and a paraphrase of Yorke's rejoinder that he
was unable to satisfy that request.
RC in John Thaxter's hand
(PCC, No. 84, I, f. 387–394.)
printed:
(Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:588–592.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0080
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-04
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 34
Paris, 4 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 405–408). printed: various American newspapers, including the Pennsylvania Gazette of 12 July and the Boston Independent Chronicle of 3 Aug. 1780.
In this letter, which was read in Congress on 10 July, John Adams paraphrased the
resolutions praising Henry Grattan for his efforts on behalf of Ireland in the Irish
Parliament adopted at a meeting of Dublin merchants on about 20 March. He then noted
a proposal made in Dublin to raise funds for warships to give Irish shipping the protection
which the British were neglecting to provide, and reported the speculation that this
effort could lead to an Irish navy. Adams also included the texts of Grattan's reply
of 24 March in which he vowed to continue his efforts to modify Poyning's Law; the
reply of Luke Gardner, member of the Irish Parliament for Dublin, to his instructions
in which he promised to work to modify Poyning's Law; and the reply of Edward Newenham,
another member from Dublin, to the same effect. Adams ended by apologizing for “stating
so particularly proceedings, which must have such momentous Consequences. These are
foundations of another Revolution, and will effect a total Independence of Ireland
on England. If England should resist these demands, and at the same Time continue
the War with America and the House of Bourbon, Congress may have an Ambassador at
the Court or Congress of Ireland, in a very short Time.”
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0081
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-04
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 35
Paris, 4 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 409–410). printed: various American newspapers, including the Pennsylvania Gazette of 12 July and the Boston Independent Chronicle of 3 Aug. 1780.
In this letter, which was read in Congress on 10 July, John Adams provided { 109 } the text of a resolution adopted by the City of London on 22 March concerning the
maintenance of a correspondence with the various committees named by the counties,
cities, and towns regarding the general association.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0082
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-04
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 36
Paris, 4 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 413–414). LbC (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “Nos. 33, 34, 35 & 36 were delivered Capt Snelling on the
8th April 1780 at the Hotel de Valois by Mr Adams.” printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:596–597; various American newspapers, including the Pennsylvania Gazette of 12 July and the Boston Independent Chronicle of 3 Aug. 1780.
In this letter, which was read in Congress on 10 July, John Adams related a report
from Malaga concerning an unprovoked attack on the Swedish frigate Illerim by an English privateer from Minorca, which resulted in the death of the frigate's
captain.
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 413–414.) LbC (Adams Papers;) notation by Thaxter: “Nos. 33, 34, 35 & 36 were delivered Capt Snelling on the
8th April 1780 at the Hotel de Valois by Mr Adams.” printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:596–597; various American newspapers, including the Pennsylvania Gazette of 12 July and the Boston Independent Chronicle of 3 Aug. 1780.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0083
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-06
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 37
In this letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, John Adams provided Congress
with a substantial extract from Sir James Marriott's decision in the case of La Sybellina Hillegonda, one of the Dutch vessels seized by Como. Charles Fielding from the convoy under
the protection of Adm. van Bylandt. Marriott condemned the ship because the convoy
of the vessel to a French port and the resistance put up by van Bylandt violated the
existing Anglo-Dutch treaties, but also because necessity required that neutral vessels
carrying naval stores to an enemy port be stopped regardless of any treaty provision.
Adams included a list of the other Dutch vessels, with a summary of their cargoes,
seized and condemned for the same reasons.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0084
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-06
From Thomas Digges
[dateline] London April 6. 1780
[salute] Dr. Sir
I have wrote you by Common post the 20th1 and 28th of last Month, and Capt Cozeneau,2 whom you know something of, and who goes to Dr. F on the business of the Cartel which
He conducted from Boston to Pensance gives me an oppertunity of sending this letter,
to gether with the news papers of the day and some pamphlets and papers which may
open to you a little of the state of politicks here. I wish your attention to the
Pamphlet entitled “A memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe on the state of Affairs
between the old and New World.” It is the production of Govr. Pownall who with many
specious { 110 } appearances too frequently acts and writes under the all-powerful sunshine of Ministry.
I have directed the parcell to Dr. F and desird Him to send them to you after perusal,
my present confind circumstances induces me to be thus aeconomical or I would send
you duplicates.3
The movements among the people of this Country as to Assosiations Committees of Correspondence,
meeting of the Deputies &c. &c., still continue and go on with Spirit, but I do not
discover any common principle of Union left in the Minds of the People, which can
be made a foundation of Union, and bind them together against the terrors and allurements of the Court. The People
in general seem bent upon a reform in the Constitution and representation, and so
great a majority seem to speak for triennial, that I do not think there will be another septennial parliament in England. These
movements and the critical state of Affairs in Ireland embarrass Ministry and the
Torey party very much, and I think it cannot fail of being in a great measure servicable
to Us; for 'tho the pride and haughtiness of many of the active leaders of the popular
party may be averse to or displeasd with the declard and absolute Independence of
America, there are very many worthy and high Characters among them who wish it most
cordially; and I am sure there is a universal wish among the People for giving up
the American War, and for withdrawing the Army on any terms however humiliating. I
beleive Ministry themselves have thoughts of getting away the army, but it will be
a difficult point to accomplish, and the leaving totally abandond in that Country
those Americans who call themselves friends to Gt. Britain weighs very much. Experience might point out to them that the Expence
of keeping the British Army three months in America, would give to these unhappy traitors
to the cause of their Country a handsome subsistence for life.
Even yet there is no news arrivd of Clintons Expedition tho the lye of the day is, that He made a Landing the 17 February in Georgia. The West India
fleet is yet detaind for a fair wind. There are upwards of 200 Merchantmen to be convoyd
by Commodore Walsingham with four of the Line, one frigate, one twenty Gun Ship, and two or three fire Ships. When
this fleet and those of France arrive in the West Indies it is supposd the fleets
for the summers Campaign will stand 30 or 31 English against 35 french exclusive of
Spanish.
There are strong rumours here that the last Brest fleet with troops &c. is bound to
Hallifax (some say Quebec). The Courtiers talk of that place as their destination,
and in consequence thereof Adm. { 111 } Graves will be sent with six or seven Ships (not sooner than 15 or 20 days hence)
to the North American Station.
There is not the least likelyhood that any more troops not even recruits are going
there and that there will be no Offensive operations to the North Ward.
If you have any late News papers which contain matter worthy of publication in the
Remembrancer or News papers I should be glad to have them by return of Capt Cozeneau,
sometimes American publications are very useful to be reprinted here.
I refer You to the Bearer and the Papers sent for any domestic News and am with the
greatest esteem Dr Sir Your Obedt. Servant,
[signed] T D
I should be much obligd to You to put the inclosd Letter in the post for Nantes.4
RC (Adams Papers;) endorsed: “recd & ansd by Cazneau. 15 Ap.”
1. Not found.
2. Capt. Isaac Cazneau had carried letters to Philadelphia for AA in 1776 and had dined with JA and others at Lorient in the spring of 1779 while JA awaited passage to America. Later he served as captain of the ship Bob, one of the two cartel ships that reached England in Dec. 1779. The Bob carried prisoners taken in the capture of two Falmouth packets (Adams Family Correspondence, 2:69, 72, 83; JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:369–371; William Bell Clark, “In Defense of Thomas Digges,” PMHB, 77:407 [Oct. 1953]; London Chronicle, 23–25 Dec. 1779). See also Digges' letters of 3 March, and note 4 (above); and 8 June, and note 6 (below).
3. Digges sent Thomas Pownall's A Memorial Most Humbly Addressed to the Sovereigns of Europe, on the Present State
of Affairs, Between the Old and New World, London, 1780, to Benjamin Franklin with his letter of 6 April (Digges, Letters, 185–189). JA used that copy to produce his Translation of the Memorial. For the significance of JA's revision of Pownall's work and its later publication at Amsterdam and London, see
A Translation of Thomas Pownall's Memorial, 19 April – [ca. 14 July], Editorial Note (below). JA probably received the copy of Pownall's Memorial that is now in his library at the Boston Public Library as part of a package containing
newspapers and pamphlets that Digges sent on or about 25 April (Catalogue of JA's Library; from Thomas Digges, 28 April and 8 June, both below).
4. This letter has not been identified.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0085
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-06
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels March. [i.e. April] 6th. 17801
[salute] Dear Sir
You have done me a great deal of Honour, in communicating to me the Object of your
Commission which is certainly of the most honorable and important Nature in itself,
and has been confered on you in a manner the most flattering. I sincerely Congratulate
you thereon, and most earnestly Wish, that the Envy of the Times may not Thwart your
Intentions for the publick Good, but that you may be Able to Establish to the latest
Period the Independance and Happiness of our Country and by Consequence your own Glory.
{ 112 } You Know, Sir, that I have long thought that such a Mission was absolutely Necessary,2 it therefore gave me great pleasure, when it was first suggested, by common report,
that it would take place, and that you was the Person, whom the Congress had adjudged
most proper to be intrusted with the dearest Interests of America. It is from Duty
to my Country and Attachment to You, that I Again offer my poor Services in this important
Business. I will take immediate Care, that your Ministry is properly announced to
the people of England, and carried to the Ear of Majesty itself, that may not plead
Ignorance of the proper Channel to peace. Perhaps I could be of Service in England
at this Juncture, if you think so, I beg to receive your Commands.
The most important and fullest Collection of Treaties is by Rousset it is entitld
Recueil historique des Actes &c. et le Corps diplomatique de Dumont avec ses Suppliments.3 I have two Volumes published by Almon, entitled a Collection of all the Treaties
of Peace, Alliance and Commerce between GB and other powers, from the Revolution 1688
to the present Times; it is an useful Compilation but defective; in particular there
is not one treaty inserted, made between GB and the Empress Queen relative to the
Succession War in 1741, and therefore I do not know of any Subsidies being then paid
to Austria, but it might be easily Known from the Parliamentary and History of England,
as England cannot well give a Subsidy, that is not public. I find however, that there
was a naval Subsidy of 200000 £ given in 1743 to Sardinia by England; and the Empress
gave to the King of Sardinia certain districts, that lay convenient for Him, the late
King of Sardinia,4 gaind much Credit by the whole of this Transaction, his Wisdom in planning and faithfulness
in Executing it were much admird.
It seems almost Unnecessary for a private person to Attempt to rouse the Dutch. The
King of England provokes and touches them so nearly every day, that if they are not
insensible Indeed, they must resent his repeatd insults and Injuries.
Enquiries have been made as to publications on these Matters in Holland and I find
it will be difficult and dangerous to take a Part therein until the States have come
to some Resolution and when they have done it it will then perhaps be Unnecessary.
I purpose to go to Boulogne de Mer for my Baggage, which I left there last Summer.
I shall return in a fortnight if in the Mean Time you have any Commands for me a Letter
directed to that Town, post restant,5 will come to Hand.
{ 113 } [salute] I am Dear Sir with the Greatest Respect your Most Obd and faithful Hble Servt,
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers;) endorsed: “Mr Jennings. ansd Ap. 15. 1780.”
3. These are Jean Rousset de Missy, Recueil historique d'actes, négociations, mémoires et traitéz, The Hague, 1728–1754, 21 vols. in 23; and Jean Dumont, comp., Corps universel diplomatique du droit des gens; contenant un recueil des traitez d'alliance,
de paix, de trève, de neutralité, de commerce, d'échange . . ., Amsterdam, 1726–1739, 14 vols. in 15. Both are among JA's books at the Boston Public Library (Catalogue of JA's Library). JA purchased the Dumont compilation on 13 April (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:438).
4. Jenings' information regarding this treaty was taken from John Almon's A Collection of all the Treaties of Peace, Alliance and Commerce between Great Britain
and Other Powers, 2 vols., London, 1772, 2:52–68.
5. That is, general delivery.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0086
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-07
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 38
Paris, 7 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 425–431) printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:599–602.
In this letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, Adams provided accounts of the
arrival of Russian couriers at The Hague on 30 March with Catherine II's declaration
of an armed neutrality and an invitation to the Dutch to join (see JA to the president of Congress, 10 April, No. 40, below); the determination of the Turks to resist belligerent depredations
on their ships or the vessels of other nations trading with Turkish ports; and the
Russian reaction to the British attack on the Dutch convoy under the protection of
Adm. van Bylandt.
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 425–431). printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:599–602.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0087
Recipient: Carmichael, William
Date: 1780-04-08
To William Carmichael
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu April 8. 1780
[salute] Sir
I have this moment, the Honour of your Letter, from Madrid of the 29 of February1 as I suppose, altho the month is not mentioned. I thank you, Sir for commencing a
Correspondence which I have Sometime wished to begin. I wrote to Mr Jay at Madrid
the 22d of February,2 and wish to know if he has received the Letter. It is certainly proper, that those
who are intrusted abroad, Should maintain a Correspondence, and cultivate a good understanding
with each other, because altho their departments are in some respects seperate yet
in others they are intimately connected together. From all that I heard in Spain,
I expected you would meet an agreable Reception at Madrid, and I am much pleased to
learn from you, that I was not mistaken.
I have sometimes wondered at the slowness of Spain, in making a { 114 } treaty with Us, but when I reflected upon a certain secret Article, my surprise ceased.
We are already bound in a Treaty to her, but she is not bound to Us.3 It would be ungenerous in her, however to hold Us, long in this situation. The Treaty
notwithstanding all that has been justly said, of the Advantages to Us, in it, is
not less advantageous to our allies. The single Article, that binds Us to exclude,
all armed Vessels of the Ennemies of our Allies in all future Wars from our Ports,4 is worth more millions, to them, than this War will cost, nay it will be a severer
loss to Great Britain, than all that she has Spent in it. Whether G. B. has considered
this or not, I dont know, but she will sometime or other discover it, and feel the
inconvenience of it.
You ask for news from America. A Vessell from Baltimore is arrived at Bourdeaux. Not
a single Letter to Dr Franklin or me. Two or three Balimore newspapers, one as late,
as 15 Feb. A hard Winter deep snows, uncommon frosts, frozen over from Connecticut
to Long Island, and from N. Jersey to Staten Island. Ld Sterling went over to Staten
Island with a Party on the Ice, burnt a few Vessells and a Guard House, took a few
Prisoners, and brought off, a few deserters. Some N. Jersey People went over at the
same time and plundered, without mercy. Finding the Communication open with N. York,
which had been supposed to be obstructed by the Ice he returned.5 An Article from a Fish Kill Paper says that Clinton and Cornwallis sailed 26 December,
with 7000 men for the W. Indies but that the Storm which happend soon after their
departure, was supposed to have done him a mischief. A ship, Brig and schooner lost
in the storm on Cape Cod, unknown who or whence, all perished. Congress had recommended
to all the states to regulate Prices at 20 for one, which by the Speculations in the
Papers, was not well liked.6 Govr Johnson a Delegate for Maryland, General Ward for Massachusetts in the room
of Mr Dana, who desires me, to return you, Compliments and respects. The other delegates
as last year. This is all the News I can recollect, having seen the Papers only a
few minutes, in a large Company.
The general State of affairs, appears very well. I see no Probability of Englands
attaining an ally. On the Contrary there are many Symptoms of an approaching Combination
of the maritime Powers, to protect neutral ships from searches and Insults. Ireland
is in the full Career of Independance. England seems determined to force Holland into
a War against her that she may have an opportunity to plunder her. The Correspondences
and Associations in England, distress the { 115 } Ministry very much, and if the War continues and they should not be very successfull,
it seems likely that they will save Us the Trouble, of dispatching them. I wish however
that France and Spain were more convinced of the Advantages they have in America and
the West Indies. The more ships they send into those seas, the more they force England
to send there. The more she sends there the weaker she is in Europe, and the less
she is dreaded and respected. Holland Ireland, the opposition in England, and the
other maritime Powers, all feel a Confidence rising in proportion to the diminution
of British naval Force in Europe. Besides the innumerable Advantages, the french and
Spaniards have in supporting the War in the American Seas over the English, which
they have not in Europe. But I am apprehensive of being tedious. My Compliments to
Mr Jay, and his family. I am with much respect, your most obedt. & humble st.
LbC
(Adams Papers.)
1. In that letter Carmichael proposed a correspondence with JA, reported on his hospitable reception by Spanish officials at Madrid and the Spanish
war effort, and asked JA to send him any news from America (Adams Papers).
3. JA is referring to the “Act Separate and Secret,” signed on 6 Feb. 1778 in conjunction
with the Franco-American treaties of alliance and commerce (Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:45–46). The “Act” provided for Spain's accession to the treaties whenever it “shall
judge proper.” This commitment was and continued to be one-sided, for in discussions
with American representatives Spain never obligated itself to form a treaty connection
with the United States or even to recognize American independence.
Although there is no indication that he had any knowledge of its content, specific
or otherwise, JA might just as well have been referring to an article of the secret Convention of
Aranjuez, signed by France and Spain on 12 April 1779. The provisions of that agreement,
which brought Spain into the war and set down the war aims of the two nations, conflicted
with those of the Franco-American treaties on several points, but from the standpoint
of JA's concern over the lack of a quid pro quo the most important article would have been that obligating France to continue the
war until Gibraltar had been returned to Spain. Taken in conjunction with the prohibition
against a separate peace in the Franco-American Treaty of Alliance, this meant that
no Anglo-American peace treaty could be concluded until Gibraltar had been conquered,
while Spain had no obligation either to recognize American independence or to make
such recognition a sine qua non of a peace settlement (Henri Doniol, ed., Histoire de la participation de la France à l'établissement des Etats-Unis d'Amérique, 5 vols., Paris, 1886–1899, 3:803–810; Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:38–39).
4. JA could be referring to either Art. 17 or Art. 22 of the Franco-American Treaty of
Amity and Commerce (Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:16–17, 19–20).
5. The attack by an American force under the command of William Alexander, Lord Stirling,
occurred on 15 January. The report in the Baltimore paper was presumably taken from
Stirling's report to George Washington of 16 Jan., which Washington sent to Congress
on the 18th (PCC, No. 152, VIII, f. 347–350; JCC, 16:74). JA sent essentially the same information to Thomas Digges in a letter of 6 April (LbC, Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0088
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-08
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 39
Paris, 8 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 433–435). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:602.
In this letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, John Adams provided a list of
forty-six British naval vessels lost for a variety of reasons since the beginning
of the war.
RC in John Thaxter's hand
(PCC, No. 84, I, f. 433–435.)
printed:
(Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:602.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0089-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-08
From B. de Cabarrus Jeune
[dateline] Bordeaux 8 avril 1780
[salute] Monseigneur
Jay reçu la Lettre que Vôtre Excélence m'a fait L'honneur de m'écrire Le 2 du courant.1 Je Suis bien Sensible, aux remerciements qu'elle à la bonté de me faire; elle à bien
voullu avoir égard a mes disposition. Je me trouverai toujours trés heureux d'avoir
des occasions à pouvoir Luy étre utille.
Votre Excélence me demande un detail des differentes qualités de vins de cette province;
nous en avons de plusieurs espéces, et qui différent de beaucoup suivant Le terrein,
ou on Les receuille.
Les vins propres pour L'amérique Sont des vins de palus, de mont ferran, d'ambés,
et autres endroits circonvoisins, ils se sont vendus cette année depuis 180 jusques a 240. Le tonneau, composé de 4 barriques, chaque barrique contenant 250 bouteilles mesure
de Paris, ces sortes de vins sont trop durs et trop couverts, pour L'ordinaire d'une
maison, ils Se dépouillent et Se bonnifient, dans Le trajet pour L'amérique.
Les vins de graves Sont plus légers et plus délicats, ils peuvant même Suporter Le
trajet de La mer, ils se sont vendus, cette année, depuis 60 Jusque à 80 écus2 Le tonneau, il s'en trouveroit du vieux depuis 400 jusques a 600.
Les vins blancs de grave qui sont tres estimés Se Sont vendu, nouveaux, depuis 240.
jusques a 300 Le tonneau. Les vieux de 3. 4. 5. et 6 ans, vaudrirent depuis 500. Jusques à 800.
Les vins blancs de Sauterne des premiers crus vallent Les nouveaux, 300. Je viens d'en acheter à le prix. Les vieux de 5 ans jusques a 10 ans depuis 600. jusques a 1000. Le tonneau.
Les vins vieux du medoc qui ne sont potables que dans 4. 5. et 6 ans, Seroient du
prix de 1200. à 1800 Le tonneau. Suivant Les crus, d'hautbrion de St julien, de chatteau margaux; Le vin
vieux de Saint émilion de 600 à 1000 Le tonneau. Nous avons des crus, qui ne Sont pas aussi renommés qui donnent d'excélent
vins. Les vins nouveaux du médoc, de cette année du bons crus, Se sont vendus depuis
{ 117 } | view 400. jusques à 600; mais L'entretien pendant 5 ou 6 ans, jusques à ce qu'ils Soient potables, Les rend
fort chers Si Le vin que j'ay eu L'honneur d'offrir à votre Excélence pour Son voyage,
et qui est d'un du premier cru de St julien de L'année 1775. à été trouvé bon. Je
pourrai Luy en procurer à raison de 1500 Le tonneau, ou à 35s La bouteille verre compris. Il en reste au proprietaire environ
20 pièces, qui pourroient bien luy étre enlivées avant de recevoir La réponse de votre
excélence. Elle n'aura qu à me désigner Le prix à peu près qu'elle voudra mettre dans
Les vins dont elle aura besoin, J y employerai toute L'économie Sans que cela prejudicie
a La bonne qualité.
Les vins de Sauterne, Preignac, et Barsac, blancs, Sont à peu près de La meme qualité,
ils portent un gout de Liqueur, et par vetusté, Le gout et La coulleur du vin de Canaries.
Le vin blanc de graves est plus Sec, et ne roussit point comme Les autres il à ordinairement
La coulleur du Laurier. On peut mettre Le vin, dans les caisses de 50 bouteilles et
c'est l'usage, pour celui que L'on auroit à Paris, on Les conditione de façon, qu'il
n'arrive aucune avarie par Les routtiers, il en couttera, 10 a 13 par quintal Suivant que les routtiers Sont rares ou communs. Nous avons dans L'entre
deux mers, qui est le pays, qui est entre La garonne et La dordogne, beaucoup de petits
vins blancs, qui Se vendent pour Le nord, Le prix en est depuis 50 a 60 écus Le tonneau,
ce seroit d'excelent vin, pour L'amérique Septentrionale, ils sont de bon gout, et
se conservent Longtemps.3
J'avois pris La Liberté de faire part a votre Excelence du malheureux événement arrivé
a Portsmouth à mon navire Le Soucy. Mess. Sabatier et Dupréx interessés dans cette
expédition auront peut être deja eu L'honneur de vous en entretenir et de vous demander
votre protection pour L'objet que nous divise avec Mr. Simon Deane qui agéré La cargaison
de ce navire, J'espere que votre Excelence, voudra bien S'interisser affin que La
Justice nous soit rendüe.4
[salute] Je Suis avec Respect Monseigneur de votre excelence Le trés humble & obt Serviteur,
[signed] De Cabarrus, Jeune
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0089-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-08
B. de Cabarrus Jeune to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Bordeaux, 8 April 1780
[salute] Sir
I have received the letter that your Excellency did me the honor to write of 2 April.1 I am very grateful for the compliments you were kind enough to bestow on me and the
regard that you have for my opinions. I will always be very happy to find occasion
to be useful to you.
{ 118 } | view 
Your Excellency requested an account of the different qualities of wine in this province.
We have numerous varieties, which greatly differ according to the soil from which
they come.
The wines suitable for America are those of the Palus, Mondferrand, Ambés and adjoining
areas. They sell this year at from 180 to 240 per tun, each tun composed of 4 barrels, and each barrel containing 250 bottles in
Parisian measure. These wines are too harsh and cloudy for ordinary consumption, but
will clear up and improve during the voyage to America.
The wines from Graves are lighter and more delicate, but can also withstand an ocean
voyage. They sell this year at 60 to 80 ecus2 per tun, with some older wine at 400 to 600 per tun.
The white wines of Graves are highly esteemed and are sold new from 240 to 300 per tun. Those of 3, 4, 5, and 6 years are worth 500 to 800.
The white wines of Sauterne of the first growth cost, when young, 300 per tun, at which price I have just bought some. Those from 5 to 10 years old sell
from 600 to 1,000 per tun.
The old wines of Medoc, from Haut Brion, St. Julien, or Chateau Margaux and drinkable
only after 4, 5, or 6 years would cost 1,200 to 1,800 per tun, depending on the growth. The old wine of Saint Emilion costs 600 to 1,000 per tun. There are some growths that are not so well-known, but which provide excellent
wines. The new Medoc wines of this year are a good vintage and are selling at 400
to 600 per tun, but the need to maintain them for 5 or 6 years, until they are drinkable,
makes them very expensive. If the wine I had the honor to send your Excellency for
his trip and which is the first growth of St. Julien, 1775, was judged good, I could
get you more, at 1,500 per tun or 35s per bottle, the price of the glass bottle included. The owner still
has about 20 tuns left, which might be sold before receiving your Excellency's reply.
Just give me an idea of the price range within which you are willing to purchase your
wines and I will get you the best value, without sacrificing quality.
The white wines of Sauterne, Preignac, and Barsac are of nearly the same quality and
have the taste of liqueur. Through aging, they acquire the flavor and color of Canary
Island wines. The white wine from Graves is drier and does not redden like the others,
usually having the color of laurel. The wine can be shipped in cases of 50 bottles
each, the usual practice for that going to Paris, and in this condition should arrive
without being damaged in transit. It will cost 10 to 13 per quintal, depending upon the availability of transportation. In the Entre Deux
Mers, the region between the Garonne and Dordogne Rivers, there are many little white
wines, sold in the north, at from 50 to 60 ecus per tun, and which would be excellent
wines for North America. They taste good and keep for a long time.3
I took the liberty of informing your Excellency of the misfortune which befell my
vessel Le Souci at Portsmouth. Mr. Sabatier and Mr. Dupréx, who also were interested in this expedition,
may already have spoken to you about it and requested your support in our dispute
with Mr. Simeon Deane who { 119 } supervised the cargo of this vessel. I hope that your Excellency will have the goodness
to interest himself in this matter so that justice will be done.4
[salute] I am, with respect, Sir, your excellency's very humble and obedient servant,
[signed] De Cabarrus, Jeune
RC (Adams Papers;) endorsed: “M. Cabarrus a Bourdeaux. ansd 13 Ap. 1780.”
2. At the bottom of the page is a note: “lecu de 3.” It indicates that here, and in the fourth paragraph below. Cabarrus is quoting
his price in terms of the half ecu of three livres tournois.
3. Cabarrus' account of wine production in Bordeaux provides an excellent example of
French wine classification in terms of both quality and price. Such information was
codified by Napoleon III in 1855 and in later classifications (Alexis Lichine, Guide to the Wines and Vineyards of France, N.Y., 1979, p. 15–101). See also John Bondfield's letter of 12 April (below).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0090
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-09
From William Lee
[dateline] Bruxelles Apl. 9th. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I thank you for your favor of the 2d. instant. The Commission you have is certainly
very highly important and Honorable, and I doubt not of your executing it properly;
taking care that the shafts of envy and malice, which have already began to show themselves,
shall not divert your attention from the great object you have in view, which I have
no reason to think at present will be speedily accomplish'd.
The well known chicane and duplicity of our Enemies will surely well warrant a fix'd
determination not to treat on the most trivial point unless it is in writing.
The Buccaneering expedition I meant, is that preparing under Fullarton. I understand
it is to be composed of about 1000 Soldiers and 3 Ships of 40 Guns; a French East
India prize is already purchased to be fitted out for this purpose.1
You say very truely that, “when a Society gets disturb'd, Men of great Talents and
great Qualities are always found or made,” for it is certain that there are always
in the World, many more great Men, than great Occasions; but the first Architect that
ever liv'd cou'd not erect a tolerable edifice, with rotten Straw only. The whole
mass of the people in England is too corrupt and putrid to produce anything in the
least sound and wholsome from the triffleing fermantation that appears at present,
therefore in my opinion, the Irish, tho' much debauch'd and profligate as to Politics,
are much more worthy of attention and assurances of support than the English. Wou'd
it not { 120 } be good Policy in France to have a good stock of muskets and other Military Stores
lodged at Dunkirk and other sea Ports ready to throw into England at a short warning
if circumstances there should ever require such a measure.
The West India fleet was lying at St. Helens ready to sail under convoy of Comre.
Walsingham the 2d. of April waiting only for a fair wind.2 It is given out in England that Walsingham who will have 6000 Troops with him is
to go first to Africa and then to the W. Indias; but some people suspect that he is
going straight to N. America for it is certain that he carrys out the recruits for
the several Regiments that are now in N. America.
I hear that a vessel is arriv'd at Bourdeaux which left America the 2d. of March,
will you be so good as to tell me from what port in America she sail'd and what intelligence
she brings.
You will see the declaration of Russia with respect to a Neutrality and her propositions
to Holland. Sweden Denmark and Portugal to join her in a League for that purpose;
Time must discover what effect this will have on the haughty and wrongheaded islanders.
With great respect I am at all times Yrs. Adieu
P.S. We see that the Independence of America was proclaimed publicly by beat of Drum
at New Orleans the 19. of August last,3 therefore I suppose Mr. Jay, must have been received with open Arms at Madrid.
RC
(Adams Papers.)
2. The convoy, intended for Jamaica and including four regiments under the command of
Brig. Gen. George Garth, was at St. Helen's on the Isle of Wight, waiting for Como.
Robert Walsingham's squadron, which was windbound at Torbay from March until June
(Mackesy, War for America, p. 317, 325, 327–329).
3. This erroneous report appeared in a letter, dated 15 Dec. 1779 at Pensacola, from
Maj. Gen. John Campbell to Lord George Germain. Campbell announced the Spanish capture
of Baton Rouge on 21 Sept., and blamed the British defeat on the extensive preparations
for war undertaken by the Spanish officials in Louisiana before the official notification
of hostilities between Britain and Spain arrived in America. The letter was printed
in the London Gazette of 1 April, and reprinted in various other London newspapers.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0091
Recipient: Livingston, Muscoe
Date: 1780-04-10
To Muscoe Livingston
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu April 10. 1780
[salute] Sir
I received your favour of the 28 March, some days ago, and thank you for your kind
Congratulations on my <safe> arrival. Your letter to { 121 } Governor Livingston I sent along to him, with other Letters I carried to America.
I had not the Pleasure of seeing him, as I had not an opportunity to travel that Way.
I am glad to hear that you have recovered your Health, and if you go to America, wish
you an agreable Passage. It is not in my Power to procure you a Passage in one of
the Men of War, but it is very probable you may obtain one nearer where you are by
an Application to the proper Persons, who have Authority for it, if indeed these Vessells
are bound to North America, because your Acquaintance with the Coast may be of service
to them. Please to present my respects to Mr Schweighauser and family. I have the
Honour to be with respect, sir your most Obedient and humble sert
LbC (Adams Papers;) directed to: “Mr. Moses Livingston, au soins de Monsieur J. D. Schweighauser at
Nantes.” Muscoe Livingston, who always signed his name as “M. Livingston,” had written
to the Commissioners and to JA in 1778 and 1779, and is mentioned in letters from other correspondents in those
years (see vols. 6–8).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0092
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-10
To the President of Congress, No. 40
[dateline] Paris April 10th. 1780
[salute] Sir
Duplicate
The Memoire of the Prince Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of all the Russias to the
States General, presented the third of this Month, is of too much Importance to the
United States of America, and their Allies, to be omitted to be sent to Congress.1 It is of the following Tenor.
High and Mighty Lords.,
“The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary of her Majesty the Empress of all the Russias,
has the Honor to communicate a Copy of the Declaration, which the Empress his Sovereign
has made to the Powers actually at War. Your High Mightinesses may regard this Communication,
as a particular Mark of the Attention of the Empress, to the Republic equally interested
in the Reasons which have given Birth to this declaration.
He has, moreover, orders to declare, in the name of her Imperial Majesty, that how
much soever She may desire, on the one hand, to maintain during the present War, the
strictest Neutrality, She will nevertheless maintain, by means the most efficacious,
the Honor of the Russian Flag, and the Safety of the Commerce and the Navigation of
her Subjects, and will not suffer that any Injury should be { 122 } done to it, by any of the belligerent Powers. That, to avoid on this occasion all
Misunderstanding, or false Interpretation, She has thought it her Duty to specify
in her Declaration, the Terms of a free Commerce, and of that which is Contraband:
that if the definition of the former, is founded upon Notions the most simple, the
most clear and the most determinate by the Law of Nature, that of the latter, is taken
by her literally from the Treaty of Commerce, of Russia with Great Britain: that by
this She proves incontestibly her good Faith, and her Impartiality, towards both Parties
that She thinks, consequently, that She ought to expect, that the other commercial
Powers will be earnest to accede to her manner of thinking, relative to the Neutrality.
In persuance of these Views her Majesty has charged the Subscriber, to invite your
High Mightinesses to make a Common Cause with her, insomuch that this Union may serve
to protect Commerce and Navigation; observing at the same time the most exact Neutrality,
and to communicate to You the measures which She has taken in Consequence: Similar
Invitations have been already made to the Courts of Copenhagen, Stockholm and Lisbon,
to the End that by the common Cares of all the neutral maritime Powers, a natural
System founded on Justice, and which by its real Utility, may serve as a Rule for
future Ages, may be established and made legal, in favor of the commercial Navigation
of neutral Navigations [i.e. Nations]. The Subscriber makes no doubt, that your High Mightinesses will take into Consideration
the Invitation of her Imperial Majesty, and concur in making without delay a Declaration
to the belligerent Powers founded upon the same principles, with those of the Empress
his Sovereign, by explaining your Sentiments at the same time upon the Subject of
the protection of your Commerce, of your Navigation, and of the Nature of contraband
Goods conformably to the Terms of your particular Treaties with other Nations. Moreover,
the Subscriber has the Honor to assure your High Mightinesses, that if, for establishing
solidly a System, equally glorious and advantageous, to the good prosperity of Navigation
in general, you will commence a Negotiation with the neutral Powers abovementioned,
to the End to establish a particular Convention upon this Subject, the Empress his
Sovereign will be ready to engage in it.
Your High Mightinesses will readily percieve the Necessity of coming to a Resolution
upon Subjects equally important and advantageous to Humanity in general: the Subscriber
requests the favor that your High Mightinesses would furnish him with a speedy Answer.”2
Declaration of her Majesty the Empress of Russia, made to the { 123 } Courts of Versailles, Madrid and London, mentioned in the foregoing Memorial.
“The Empress of all the Russias, has manifested so visibly the Sentiments of Justice,
Equity and Moderation which animate her, and has given, during the whole Course of
the War maintained against the Ottoman Porte, such convincing Proofs of her Attention
to the Rights of Neutrality, and the Freedom of Commerce in general, that in this
Respect She may appeal to the Testimony of all Europe. This Conduct, as well as the
scrupulous Exactness; with which She has observed the Rules of Neutrality, during
the Course of this War, have given Room to hope, that her Subjects would peaceably
enjoy the fruits of their Industry, and the Advantages which belong to all neutral
Nations. Experience has, however, taught her the contrary. Since neither these Considerations,
nor the regard due, to what the Law of Nations in general prescribes, have been able
to hinder, the Subjects of her Majesty from being oftentimes troubled in their Navigation,
or interrupted and retarded in their Commerce, by the Subjects of the Belligerent
Powers. These Interruptions, having come upon Business in general, and that of Russia
in particular, are of a Nature to awaken the Attention of all the neutral Nations,
and oblige her Majesty the Empress to seek to deliver herself from them, by all means
suitable to her Dignity, and the well-being of her Subjects: but before She shall
put them in Execution, and being filled with a sincere desire to prevent all subsequent
Acts of Violence; She has thought that it was consistent with her Equity, to lay open
to all Europe, the principles which will govern her, and which are indispensible to
prevent all Misunderstanding, as well as all which might give Occasion to it. To this
She has determined herself with so much the more Confidence, as these Principles are
drawn from the primitive Law of Nations, adopted by all Nations, which the belligerent
Powers themselves cannot enervate, at least but by violating the Laws of Neutrality,
and contemning the fundamental Rules, which they themselves have adopted, in divers
Treaties and Alliances now existing.
Art. 1st. That all neutral Vessels ought to navigate freely, from one port to another,
as well as upon the Coasts of the Powers now at War.
Art 2d. That the Effects belonging to the Subjects of the belligerent Powers, shall
be free, in neutral Ships, except always, contraband Goods.
Art. 3d. That her Imperial Majesty, in Consequence of the Limits above fixed, will
adhere strictly, to that which is stipulated by the { 124 } tenth and eleventh Articles of her Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain concerning
the manner, in which She ought to conduct towards all the belligerent Powers.
Art. 4th. That as to what concerns a Port blocked, we ought not in Truth to consider,
as such, any but those, which are found so well shut up, by a fixed and sufficient
Number of Vessels belonging to the Power which attacks it, that one cannot attempt
to enter into such Port, without evident danger.
Art. 5th. That these Principles, above laid down, ought to serve as a Rule in all
proceedings, whenever there is a Question concerning the Legality of Prizes.3
From these Considerations, her Imperial Majesty, makes no difficulty to declare that
wishing to insure the Execution of that which is herein before declared, to maintain
at the same time the honor of her flag, as well as the Safety of the Commerce of her
States and also to protect the Navigation of her Subjects, against all those whom
it may concern, She has given Orders, that a considerable Portion of her maritime
Forces, shall be put to Sea, with no other Intention, than to insure the Observation
of the most exact and the most strict Neutrality, which her Majesty proposes to keep
as long as She shall not see herself absolutely forced to depart from that System
of Moderation and of perfect Neutrality, which She has adopted: in such Sort, that
it will not be but in the last Extremity, that her Fleet will exercise her final Orders,
to go, wherever the Necessity and the Circumstances may require.
It is then, by assuring the belligerent Powers in the most solemn manner, and with
all that Rectitude and Sincerity, which form the distinguishing Character of her Imperial
Majesty; that She declares to them, that She proposes to herself no other Thing, than
to convince them of the Sentiments of Equity with which She is animated, as well of
the Tendency of her salutary Views towards the well-being of all Nations in general,
and particularly of those now at War, and that consequently her Imperial Majesty,
will provide her Admiralty, as well as her Generals, with Instructions relative to
this System, extracted from the Code of Nations, and which they have so often taken
for Rules in their Treaties.”
[salute] I have the Honor to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant.
[signed] John Adams
Dupl in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel 1, f. 55–58;) endorsed: “Duplicate John Adams April 10. 1780 Recd. Septr. 1.
Russian Memorial.” LbC { 125 } (Adams Papers;) notations: “No. 40”; by Thaxter: “N.B. 16th. May 1780. This day sent a duplicate
of the above to Nantes to Mr. Johnson Triplicate, to John Hodshon of Amsterdam, and
another to Mr. Ross of L'Orient who are to forward them to Congress.” Since a letter
from Joshua Johnson also reached Congress on 1 Sept., it was the duplicate sent to
Johnson that first reached Congress (JCC, 17:798).
1. JA correctly assesses the importance to the United States of Prince Dmitry Alekseyevich
Gallitzin's memorial of 3 April and Catherine II's declaration of the principles of
an armed neutrality of 10 March. The Russian initiative was the most significant yet
undertaken by a European power and in succeeding letters JA analyzed its impact on the American cause and the reactions of the neutral and belligerent
powers.
The two documents are relatively straightforward explanations of the motives that
were the immediate cause of Catherine's undertaking. Contrary to the tenor of the
declaration, however, its principles, particularly Art. 2, were not then nor were
they likely to become in the near future part of the established law of nations (see
note 3). Moreover, Catherine hoped that by maintaining a strict neutrality and placing
herself at the head of a league of neutral powers she could achieve her long held
ambition to mediate between France and Great Britain and thereby enhance the position
of Russia within the European political system. Finally, in using the term belligerents,
Catherine meant European belligerents, not the United States. Since Russia did not
recognize the United States as a sovereign state, but rather as a group of British
colonies in rebellion, the provisions of the declaration did not apply to trade with
the United States. Since such trade was illegal under British law, all ships, neutral
or belligerent, were subject to seizure (De Madariaga, Armed Neutrality of 1780, p. 140–145).
These caveats are important when considering statements by JA and other Americans about the armed neutrality. Almost universally they accepted
the proposition that the declaration's principles were or were about to become part
of the law of nations and that the declaration indicated a growing sympathy for the
American cause. On the other hand, they saw as irrelevant, if they considered them
at all, the declaration's European context and Catherine's long-term objectives. For
JA the armed neutrality and the principles that it ostensibly sought to establish took
on a special importance because they fit very neatly into his concept of what should
be the longterm foreign policy of the United States that he had envisioned when he
wrote the Treaty Plan of 1776 and which would become further defined through his reading
and revision of Thomas Pownall's Memorial (vol. 4:260–302; Gregg L. Lint, “Law of Nations and the American Revolution,” in
Lawrence S. Kaplan, ed., The American Revolution and “A Candid World,” Kent, Ohio, 1977, p. 117–119; David M. Griffiths, “American Commercial Diplomacy
in Russia, 1780–1783,” WMQ, 3d ser., 27:380–382 [July 1970]; Edmund Jenings to JA, 12 April, below; A Translation of Thomas Pownall's Memorial, 19 April —[ca. 14 July], below).
2. The States General replied to the memorial on 24 April, but did not accede formally
to the system proposed by Catherine II until 20 Nov. 1780 (James Brown Scott, ed.,
The Armed Neutralities of 1780 and 1800, N.Y., 1915, p. 325).
3. Of the five principles set forth, the first and fourth are relatively unexceptionable.
The first confirmed the existing right of neutrals to trade with all belligerents,
subject to local laws, the right of belligerents to stop and search neutral ships
for contraband, and the prohibition against entering a blockaded port. The fourth
was, perhaps, a more rigorous definition of a blockade than was set down by the authorities
on the law of nations, but it did no more than explicitly state what was already implied
(Emmerich de Vattel, The Law of Nations, or Principles of the Law of Nature, Applied to the Conduct and
Affairs of Nations and Sovereigns, bk. III, chap. 7, sects. 111–114, 117).
The same cannot be said for the second, third, and fifth articles. Their content,
together with the statements in the memorial and the declaration regarding the nature
of the law of nations and the means by which its provisions became established, indicated
a departure from previously held theories about the law's origin. In the eighteenth
century the law of nations had two distinct parts. The first, called the necessary
law of nations, was founded on and indistinguishable from the law of nature; its principles
were self-evident to anyone obeying the dictates of right reason. Binding on all nations,
its tenets were immutable, not subject to human intervention. { 126 } The second part was the positive law of nations, which included the stipulative law
or law of treaties. The stipulative law permitted modifications of the necessary law
in treaties, but such alterations were binding only on the signatories. Where no treaty
provision existed, interstate relations were governed wholly by the dictates of the
necessary law.
The memorial and the declaration, however, implied that the Russian government expected
that the adoption of the declaration's principles by the neutral powers and their
observance by the belligerents would establish those principles as part of the necessary
law. Such an interpretation of the two documents was furthered by the sentence immediately
preceding the five articles in which note was taken of the fact that each of the belligerents
had agreed, in one or more treaties, to the principles set down in the declaration
and thus could not reject them “but by violating the Laws of Neutrality, and contemning
the fundamental Rules, which they themselves have adopted, in divers Treaties and
Alliances now existing.” This implies that a provision could become part of the necessary
law, not because it was a law of nature, but rather because it was accepted by a large
number of nations. No eighteenth-century authority supported such a conception of
the law or envisioned any circumstance by which a treaty provision at variance with
the accepted law of nature could be incorporated into the necessary law, regardless
of how many nations had agreed to it in their treaties.
Art. 2 was the most controversial of the five because the doctrine that it proposed
to establish—free ships make free goods—lacked any standing under the necessary law
of nations and its inclusion largely determined European and American perceptions
of the declaration. In the eighteenth century the established principle among writers
on the law of nations was that enemy goods could be seized wherever found, while neutral
property was free, even if found on an enemy ship. Indeed, when JA wrote this letter the United States observed the established rule toward neutral
and enemy property, except in regard to France because of the establishment of the
principle that free ships made free goods in the Franco-American Treaty of Amity and
Commerce. It did not begin to apply the doctrine that free ships made free goods to
neutral vessels until the adoption of new instructions to the captains of warships
and privateers on 27 Nov. 1780, largely in response to the Russian declaration (JCC, 18:1097– 1098). Had the doctrine that free ships make free goods gained universal
acceptance and become part of the law of nations as Catherine seemed to desire, the
greatest impact would have been on Great Britain because it would have nullified the
advantage enjoyed by Britain from its naval superiority. As a result, although there
is no indication that this was Catherine's intention, the declaration was perceived
in Europe and America as being specifically directed against Britain.
Controversy over the third article was due largely to its misinterpretation. Both
the memorial and the declaration stated that the definition of contraband contained
in Arts. 10 and 11 of the Anglo-Russian treaty would guide Russian actions, but that
other neutrals should define contraband in accordance with their existing treaties
with the belligerents. Despite this, the article was widely seen as an effort to obtain
universal acceptance of the definition set down in the Anglo-Russian treaty (see,
for example, JA to the president of Congress, 14 April, No. 44, calendared, below; and JA to Edmund Jenings, 15 April, below). Under the necessary law of nations contraband goods were defined broadly
as those useful in war. Included under such a designation were arms and ammunition,
naval stores and ships timbers, and even provisions in some instances. Over time,
however, more limited definitions were included in various treaties, particularly
in regard to naval stores, which the Anglo-Russian treaty did not list as contraband.
This was significant because of the Anglo-Dutch dispute over the carrying of naval
stores by Dutch ships that had reached its climax with the British interception of
a Dutch convoy at the beginning of 1780 and the suspension of all provisions in Anglo-Dutch
treaties relating to neutral trade in April. From Britain's perspective the universal
adoption of such a list of contraband would have had much the same effect as the adoption
of the doctrine that free ships make free goods, namely to reduce or eliminate the
fruits of its naval superiority (De Madariaga, Armed Neutrality of 1780, p. 172–180, 445– 446). See also Sir James Marriott's ruling in the case of La Sybellina Hillegonda, one of the Dutch ships seized from Adm. Lodewijk van Bylandt's convoy, in JA's letter of 6 April to the president of Congress (No. 37, calendared, above).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0093
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-10
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 41
In this letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, John Adams provided the text
of the British ministry's statement to the Dutch Ambassador, Comte de Welderen, that
there would be no extension of the three week time limit given the States General
to answer Sir Joseph Yorke's memorial of 21 March.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0094
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-10
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 42
Paris, 10 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 443–446). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:604– 606.
Received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, this letter included a series of newspaper accounts
of events at Copenhagen, Madrid, Paris, Malta, Frankfort, Amsterdam, and London. Among
the matters dealt with were the treatment of neutral ships by Spain and Great Britain,
Russia's proposal for a League of Armed Neutrality, the imminent dispatch of a Spanish
fleet and army to America, and the Dutch response to Sir Joseph Yorke's memorial of
21 March.
RC in John Thaxter's hand
(PCC, No. 84, I, f. 443–446.)
printed:
(Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:604– 606.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0095
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-11
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 43
Paris, 11 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 447–450). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:610– 611.
In this letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, Adams listed twenty-five English
counties and nine cities and towns that had, between Dec. 1779 and 30 March, held
meetings and agreed to submit petitions in support of economic and parliamentary reform.
As the best expression of the association movement's goals, Adams included a partial
text of the principles agreed to on 28 March by a Yorkshire meeting. He also referred
to articles in London's Morning Post of 1 and 3 April.
RC in John Thaxter's hand
(PCC, No. 84, I, f. 447–450.)
printed:
(Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:610– 611.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0096
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-12
From John Bondfield
[dateline] Nantes 12 April 1780
[salute] Sir
I am honord with your obliging and interesting favors of the 2 Instant. The arrival
of our two Ships the Governor Livngston and Mary Fearen from Virginia at Nantes obliged
me to repair to this Town to see to the discharge and disposal of their Cargoes and
the reequiptment of the Ships. This has prevented my replies in the course you had
a right to expect, as your Letters were forwarded to me and only came to hand last
Post. I have given Orders to forward by the Turgotine1 one hhd of the best vin de lafitt and as it will be { 128 } | view some days after its arrival before it will be in a proper State to draw off I have
order a Case of fifty Bottles to be also forwarded that will be fit for emediate Use.
There are as many various qualities of Wines in the presses of Bordeaux as there are
parishes. Each have their peculiar tact [tack?], flavor and the Country to which their consumption is particularly preferd them.
The most esteemed for private Use of the first second and third qualitys are:2
Vin de Segeur ou lafit sells in peaceable times 2000″ [livres] per Ton
| Chatteau Magot | } | from 800 a 1200″ | ||
| St. Julien | ||||
| Cannon | ||||
| Medoc comprehending various qualities | 400 a 800″ | |||
| Vin Blanc— | de Bersac | } | 360″ a 400″ | |
| de La Grave | ||||
The above are the qualities fit for private Use rated as new wines. The price encreases
in proportion to age from 20 to 50 per Cent.
A Ton comprehends four hogsheds, each hogshed two hundred and fifty Bottles. This
I supose is in substance what you desire to be informd of. If any further explainations
I shall most chearfully enter into a further detail.
I have heard of the reports you mention to have been propagated, but always treated
them as many others of the like Nature; as the fanthome of a discontented individual,
raised purely without other intent than to give vente to a passion, created by the
loss of a Ship or other incedant occurence. In this Kingdom are many State Jobbers
who lay out and patch up as their imaginations suggest without either ground or probability
and without even a single Correspondent. I have rarely far to travel before I find
the source of most reports, and emediately give the Credit due the distributer which
at Bordeaux are pretty well known to me.
I wrote you 2 March under Cover to our freind A L. as he left Paris about that time.
I suppose the Letter must have been sent after him and he has omitted to forward it
to you if got to his hand.3
By advices from Lorient I learn Cap Jones has difficulty with his Officers and men
who all Unitedly require a settlement of Prizes taken during their former Cruizes.
LeRay de Chaumont holds them at short allowance. So long as that Man has the management
of the American affairs there will raise perpetually difficulties. His private { 129 } undertakings involves him in difficulties and causes him to blend them independent
to become subservient to his momentary cravings. I sincerely pity Mess Lee and Izard
who are forced [to] pay attendance to his pleasure, they must wait at Lorient til it suits his conveniences
to settle the Seamens Claims.4 I should have been glad our terms Suited Mr. De Chaumont for the transport of the
Publick Goods by our Ships as we could have easily and Agreably accomodated them Gentlemen
in One of them. Our offers were rejected, and the Goods bought by Mr. Ross three years
past with many others may posibly remain some time before they get forwarded.5 With due respect I have the Honor to be Sr. your very hhb Servant
[signed] John Bondfield
My Compliments if you please to Mr. Dana.
RC
(Adams Papers.)
1. A public transportation system for the conveyance of freight and official dispatches
within France established in 1775 by Anne Robert Jacques Turgot, controller-general
of finances (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale).
5. In 1778 John Ross, a Philadelphia merchant and sometime European agent of Willing,
Morris & Co., had been involved in a bitter dispute with the American Commissioners
over his accounts and their obligation to reimburse him for supplies purchased under
orders from the Secret Committee of Trade (see vols. 6 and 7; Papers of Robert Morris, ed. E. James Ferguson and John C. Catanzariti, Pittsburgh, 1973– , 1:169). It is
not known when or if the goods referred to by Bondfield were sent to America.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0097
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-12
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels April 12. 1780
[salute] Sir
I Congratulate your Excellency, on the Russian Memorial; on its face, it promises
much, (as it has something, that tends to a general Coalition). Surely the Independance
of America is essential to the freedom of Commerce, I wish it was generally thought
so; however the Invitation to Sweden, Denmark, Portugal and Holland leads to an immediate
formidable Confederacy against the overgrown, and consequently insolent Power of England.
I congratulate your Excellency too that Nothing was heard, in Maryland, of Clinton
with his 8000 Men the 2d of March, I trust we shall hear no more of Him.
I received yesterday a Letter from Mr Joshua Johnson at Nantes, wherein He expresses
an Earnest desire of being permitted to Lay { 130 } before you such Information, as may come to his Knowledge, and have your Correspondence
and Confidence. Give me leave Sir, to recommend Him to your Excellency, as a Gentleman
highly worthy of both. He has accepted, from a Sense of Duty to our Country, the painful
and invidious Business of Auditing the public Accounts, and promises a Strict and
faithful Discharge of that important Office.1 This I am sure will be most pleasing to You, and serve to recommend him better to
your Notice, than All I can say; it is Sometime Since He Signified his Acceptance
of the Employment, but has not receivd an Answer. He tells me, that Congress has said,
that they intend to draw bills at 6 Months Sight for £200,000 Sterling, the buyer
to pay 25000 Currency for £1000 Sterling, and to lend Congress £25000 more, which
is to go in the Sinking fund, and for which they are to receive 6 per Cent Interest.2
He tells me too, that the State of Maryland, having some Money in the English Funds,
have named Mr Carmichael, Mr Williams, Mr R B LLoyd, Himself and me as fit persons,
out of whom His Excellency Mr Franklin is to chuse one to sell and receive and transmit
the same, for which He is to have 2 1/2 per Cent.3 I am much pleasd with the Notice, that my Native Country has taken of me, and therefor,
altho I am not ambitious of the Employment I shall think it my Duty in Obedience to
the State to accept it if the Choice falls on me, (of which I am told there is little
probability) however I must first beg your Advice and directions, Should his Excellency
nominate me and you shoud approve of my Acceptance, I shall be obligd to you to make
known to Him my present Residence.
Mr Carmichael writes from Madrid, that He is much satisfied with the Frankness of
those, with whom He treats. He wishes my Correspondence and Every information, for
altho He has written several Letters to Paris within these six weeks, He has received
no Answer.
I had proposed to have gone to Boulogne, for my Baggage left there last Summer before
this, as I took the Liberty of Informing your Excellency, but shall now stay here,
until I have the Honor of receiving your Direction, whether it will be necessary for
me to Attend yours and his Excellencys Mr Franklins Command at Paris.
[salute] I have the Honor to be with the greatest Respect your Excellencys Most Obedient and Faithful Servt.
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers;) endorsed: “Mr. Jennings recd & ansd. Ap. 15. 1780.”
2. Johnson was referring to Congress' resolutions of 23 Nov. 1779 directing that £100,000
sterling in bills of exchange be drawn on John Jay in Spain and a like sum on Henry
Laurens in the Netherlands, “payable at six months sight” and sold “at the current
rate of exchange.” The details of the required loan of an amount equal to the purchase
price of the bills of exchange were finally set on 27 Dec. (JCC, 15:1299–1300, 1315–1316, 1326–1327, 1404– 1405, 1412–1413). Although Congress prepared
the bills for sale, most were never used because of the unlikelihood that sufficient
funds would be available for payment in either Spain or the Netherlands (E. James
Ferguson, Power of the Purse, Williamsburg, 1961, p. 55–56).
3. In Nov. 1779 the Maryland Assembly, seeking to obtain funds for the redemption of
its bills of credit, authorized Benjamin Franklin (or John Jay, in Franklin's absence)
to order the pre-Revolutionary trustees of Maryland's stock in the Bank of England,
resident in Britain, to sell the stock and transfer the funds to a bank in Paris or
Amsterdam. If the trustees refused, Franklin was to appoint a trustee from among the
five men named by Jenings in his letter. The new trustee would then go to London and
through some unspecified means take control of the state's funds. JA later discussed the matter with Franklin and on 30 April forwarded to Jenings the
substance of the legislation (Adams Papers). As events transpired, the pre-war trustees refused to act and Franklin apparently
named William Carmichael as trustee, but he never took up his post. Maryland did not
finally obtain access to its funds until 1806, after much negotiation and litigation
(Kathryn L. Behrens, Paper Money in Maryland, 1727–1789, in Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Baltimore, 1923, Ser. 41, No. 1, p. 88–94; Archives of Maryland, Baltimore, 1883– , 43:50–51).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0098
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-12
From Arthur Lee
[dateline] L'Orient April 12th. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I am obliged to you for yours of the 31st. which I received by Capt. Landais. You
will have perceived by my last,1 that what you write relative to an application to Mr. Grand was what struck me upon
reflection. Far from wishing to involve you with such People, I am clearly of opinion
that it never will be for your honor or interest, or those of the public, to have
any connection with them. The character you are in, will introduce you to the best
families in Paris; and if you shoud ever want their advice or influence in transacting
the public business, I am sure they will give it. There is not a man upon earth of
more honor, worth, and wisdom, than Count Sarsfield; nor any one who woud more readily
promote the success of your Mission for the benefit of our Country. The Men who have
hitherto been permitted and encouraged to meddle with our affairs, and even presume
to direct them, are fit only for such dirty and dishonest jobs as fitting out the
Bon Homme Richard, or robbing dispatches.2 And as I am very sure you will have no such jobs for them, I am most convinced, and
my regard for you and the public makes me venture to offer it as my opinion, that
you will with difficulty escape the injuries which I have experienced, if you have
any society or connection with them. Your character places you in a Sphere far above
them; and beleive { 132 } me, your honor and success are greatly concernd in not discending from it as others
have done.
I wrote to Mr. Grand himself, and, with a very puppyish preamble, received the following
answer, “Je suis faché de ne pouvoir vous donner une explication telle que vous la
desireriez, parceque je ne puis vous dissimuler, ni a moi, qu'il etoit connu que vous
n'aviez pas la confiance de la Cour, je puis même en être convenu sans avoir cru vous
faire tord, avec gens qui le savoient aussi bien, et peut être meux que moi; mais
ce n'etoit pas une chose assez agréable pour la dire, et encore moins l'ecrire sans
avoir une vocation expresse.”3
We have not yet any prospect of the Crew being paid their wages and prise money; nor
of our going this three weeks.
My Compliments to Mr. Dana.
[salute] Adieu
[signed] A. Lee
RC (Adams Papers;) endorsed: “Mr Lee. ansd. 25. May”; and docketed by CFA: “Arthur Lee April 12th. 1780.”
2. Presumably Le Ray de Chaumont, certainly one of those whom Arthur Lee would describe
in the terms used in this letter. Chaumont had been the chief agent of the French
government during the outfitting of the Bonhomme Richard squadron in 1779 and Lee suspected that he had been involved in the 1777 theft of
the Commissioners' dispatches to Congress carried by Capt. John Folger (Morison, John Paul Jones, p. 192–193; vol. 6:320; 7:134–135).
3. The extract from Ferdinand Grand's reply of 8 April (ViU: Lee Papers) to Arthur Lee's letter of 30 March (PCC, No. 102, III, f. 170–171) is accurate, aside from slight variations in spelling
and punctuation. As translated the passage reads: I am displeased not to be able to
give you an explanation of the sort you desire, because I cannot conceal from you
or from myself that it was known that you did not have the confidence of the Court,
I myself can be in sympathy with people who knew it as well and perhaps better than
myself, without having knowingly wronged you; but it is too unpleasant a thing to
discuss, much less write about without having an express purpose.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0099
Recipient: Cabarrus, B. de, Jeune
Date: 1780-04-13
To B. de Cabarrus Jeune
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu April 13. 1780
[salute] Sir
I have received the Letter, which you did me, the Honour to write to me, the 8th of
this month, and I thank you, sir, for So ready an Answer to my Request, and for so
clear, So full and So intelligible an Account, of the Several Sorts of Wines, which
go, in general under the Denomination of Bourdeaux. It is a Branch of Knowledge, which
like many others, is much wanted in America, where I shall take the Liberty to Send
it.
I will venture to request you to send me, four or five Cases of fifty Bottles each,
of some Wine of the best Quality. I shall leave it to you, { 133 } to choose for me, and to fix the Price, only let me beg that it may be well corked
and Sealed, and that the Wine may be good. Your draught upon me, for the Pay, shall
be punctually honoured.
Neither Mr. Sabatier nor Mr. Despres, has Spoke to me, on the Subject you mention.
You may depend upon every Thing that may depend upon me, that Justice may be done.
I am sir, with great respect, your obliged, humble sert.
LbC
(Adams Papers.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0100
Recipient: Lee, William
Date: 1780-04-13
To William Lee
[dateline] Paris April 13. 1780
[salute] Dear sir
I received yesterday, your favour of the 9. The Vessell you inquire after, is from
Baltimore. What day she Sailed I dont know, she brought, very large Bundles of Newspapers
a Year and an half old, and only three modern ones. These are all Baltimore Papers,
and the latest of them is 15. Feb. Not a Scratch of a Pen to Dr. Franklin or me.
All the News in these Papers, is, they have had an hard Winter, deep Snows and uncommon
Frosts, such as made a Bridge of Ice from Connecticutt to Long Island, and from N.
Jersey to Staten Island, to which last Lord Sterling went over, with a Party, burnt
a few Vessells and a Guard House, took a few Prisoners, and afforded his Protection
to a few deserters. Some N. Jersey People went over at the Same time and plundered,
in a manner that displeased their General. Finding the Communication open with N.
York he return'd. A Paragraph from a Pokeepsie Papers Says, that Clinton and Cornwallis
with 7000 troops, Sailed the 26. December for the W. Indies, but that the storm which
happend, a day or two after their Departure, was supposed to have injured them very
much. A ship, Brigg and Schooner lost in the storm on Cape Cod, unknown who or whence,
all perished.
Congress had recommended to all the states to regulate Prices at 20 for one, which
by the Speculations in the Papers was not well relished. Govr Johnson a Delegate in
Congress for Maryland, General Ward for Mass Bay in the Room of Mr Dana.1 There is also an Account in the Papers, of Mr. Gerards taking Leave of Congress,
and of their Votes containing in full and strong Terms an Approbation of his Conduct,
and a request that he would sit for his Picture to be { 134 } taken, by my old Friend Peel and preserved, as the Representative of the first foreign
Minister to the United States.2
The Tale of the Proclamation of our Independence at New Orleans the 19 of Aug. by
Beat of Drum must be an idle one. Mr. Jay nevertheless, has as I believe met, an affectionate
and respectfull Reception, and after the Count de Florida Blanca shall have negotiated
out of him, the best Terms he possibly can, and Mr. Jay shall have negotiated out
of the Count the best Terms, that the Circumstances of our Country in Mr. Jays opinion,
will admit of his insisting on, I have no Doubt a Treaty will be made. It is not att
all surprizing to me, that Spain has been cool to Us, apparently so. The Truth is,
she made a Treaty with us, the 6 <March> Feb. 1778. or in other Words, We bound ourselves to her, in a Treaty sufficiently
advantageous to her in all Conscience, with out, her being bound to us at all.3
Is it not a Judgment of incensed Heaven, against the Islanders, that should have blinded,
and stupified them to such a Degree, as not only to permit us, but drive Us to the
Necessity, of binding ourselves, by our unsullied and unalterable Virgin Faith, in
such a manner to their Ennemies. But it would not be at all surprising to me, if continuing
in this course of blindness, they should declare War, against Holland, Prussia, Sweeden,
Denmark Russia, Portugal and the Ottoman Port, and at the sametime, undertake to suppress
the 60,000 Men in Arms in Ireland by Force, and to disperse the Meeting of Committees
in England by setting the Military to fire upon them. There would be nothing in all
this more unjust, more inhumane, more impolitick, extravagant, or mad, than in what
they have, invariably been ingaged in these many Years.
Adieu
LbC
(Adams Papers.)
2. On 3 Sept. 1779, Congress resolved to ask Conrad Alexandre Gérard to sit for a portrait
before he left Philadelphia. Charles Willson Peale undertook the commission and by
18 Sept. Gérard had apparently completed his sittings. For reasons that remain obscure,
however, Congress never took possession of Peale's painting (Charles Coleman Sellers,
Portraits and Miniatures by Charles Willson Peale, Phila., 1952, p. 86, 297; Sellers misidentifies the portrait as being of Joseph
Mathias Gérard de Rayneval, the brother of Conrad Alexandre). The portrait is now
in the Independence Hall Collection at Philadelphia.
3. José Monino, Conde de Floridablanca, Spanish prime minister and foreign minister from
1777 to 1792, provided some clandestine financial support to the American cause, but
opposed American independence because it posed a threat to Spanish possessions in
North America. As a result, he refused to receive Jay officially, much less to negotiate
a Spanish-American treaty or to accede to the Franco-American treaties of 1778 under
the provisions of the “Act Separate and Secret” (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale; Bemis, Diplomacy of the Amer. Revolution, p. 41, 56, 104).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0101
Recipient: MacCreery, William
Date: 1780-04-13
To William MacCreery
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu April 13. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I never heard a Word of your Arrival, untill this Day.1 I sincerely congratulate you upon it, and hope the fine Cargo you have brought will
Set you at your Ease. Pray how did you leave all Friends and all Things at Baltimore,
and in the rest of America? What is become of my old Friends Johnson, Paca, Chase,
and many others?2
Baltimore flourishes, it [seems?] in trade, which I wish may be increased, as I doubt not it will. Almankind seem against
the English and Scotch, Ireland is clear, and one half of England Seems to be against
Scotland and the other half.
It is very strange that it should require a Combination of all the Nations of the
Earth, with America, Ireland and the Whigs in England, to bring to reason, Scotland
and the Tories. Yet so it is. And it seems it must take a good deal of time for the
whole Combination to succeed. Have you any News of Mr. Laurens Father or Son?3 Do you know the designs of Congress relative to Holland? Can you give me a more particular
Account of the storm the first of the Year. An hurricane of 15 days, is a new Phenominon
in America? What must have become of Clintons Fleet?
Adieu
LbC
(Adams Papers.)
1. JA and MacCreery, a Maryland native and merchant, had exchanged numerous letters in
1778 and 1779. In a letter of 28 April 1779, MacCreery had informed JA of his imminent departure for America. JA may have learned of his return from Benjamin Franklin, to whom MacCreery had written
from Bordeaux on 8 April (vol. 8:49; Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 2:235).
2. Thomas Johnson, William Paca, and Samuel Chase were all prominent Maryland politicians.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0102
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-14
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 44
Paris, 14 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 451–455). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:612–614.
This letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, included reports from Constantinople,
Copenhagen, London, and The Hague concerning the determination of neutral nations,
including the Ottoman Empire, to resist the depredations of the belligerent powers
on their commerce either by their own efforts or under the aegis of a league of armed
neutrality. Noting the progress toward such a league, John Adams declared “for my
own part, I think, that { 136 } the Abolition of the whole Doctrine of Contraband, would be for the Peace and Happiness
of Mankind, and I doubt not, as human Reason advances, and Men come to be more sensible
of the Benefits of Peace, and less enthusiastic for the savage Glories of War, all
neutral Nations will be allowed by universal Consent, to carry what Goods they please
in their own Ships, provided they are not to places actually invested by an Enemy.”
This statement reflects a uniquely American view of the proposed league's purpose
and the nature and evolution of the law of nations.
Adams ended his letter with the following passage: “The Reflection from Amsterdam,
after relating the Affair of Captain Ankerloo, in the Sweedish Frigate the Illerim,
is very proper to conclude this Letter. To judge of things the most impartially, no
Man can doubt, that Proceedings so violent, and so contrary to the natural Rights
of Nations, will make the Neutral Powers feel, how much it imports them to set Bounds to the intolerable Excesses, to which their
Vessels sailing under the Faith of Treaties are daily exposed, by the Ships of one
Party in the present War.” The first sentence of this passage was not included by
Wharton. On the Illerim, see Adams' letter of 4 April to the president of Congress (No. 36, calendared above).
RC in John Thaxter's hand
(PCC, No. 84, I, f. 451–455.)
printed:
(Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:612–614.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0103
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-14
From Thomas Digges
[dateline] 14th Apl. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I am obligd to You for the Book forwarded me by Mr. L–g–n,1 but unfortunately there is a sheet wanting in the most material part of it, that
of the description and powers to the Senate, from Page 16 to 25 the leaves are wanting
or rather page 17 to 24 inclusive. This however is of no material consequence as the
book is but the report and not the Established new Constitution of the Massachusetts. When such should get
to Your hands I should be extreemly glad of it for other reasons than those of merely
making myself acquainted with the Constitution of the different States of our Country.2Monsr. Francois Bowens Negociant Ostend3 will forward such to me or any other parcells you may have to send, and thro him
I can contrive to get you any publications from hence. The way to get News Papers
in the safest way is to agree for them at the Post Officers in Paris who have a means
of getting them from the same office here.
A Ship from St. Kitts the 5 March brings no other accounts than that La Mothe Puquets
Squadron (as it was here currently reported to be blockd up in Guadaloupe by Adl. Parker) has saild from thence and made a junction with the
other Ships at Martinico, where the numbers were 14 of the line the 1st. March, so
that when Monr. Guichens Squadron gets out and the other small squadron the number
of French will be 36 to about 31 English.4
{ 137 } The W. India fleet saild the 8th. and Greaves ships after a very serious mutiny on
board some of them are gone to sea (said to be for America) the 11th Instant. No Men
of War was intended for that Station but those were hastily got ready in consequence
of hearing a fleet was soon to go from Brest with troops on board to N. America. Most
people here suppose that fleet bound to Quebec or Hallifax.5
Every day seems to produce more advocates or wishers for withdrawing the troops from
America or giving up an offensive war in that Country.
A Motion was to have been made this day in the Commons relative to the State of the
War in that Country and to push the Ministry for the giving up the principles of that
War and to go seriously to some accomodation.6 The voice of the majority of the People are decidedly for some such accomodation,
but there is no one who can devise the means by which it can be done; tho most of
my parliamentary acquaintance are for giving the Independence none of them seem bold
enough to stand forth and move it in the house. The time is certainly not yet arrivd
when it would go down there but I do not think it very distant, and I am sure had
the topic been debated to day there would have appeard a manifest disposition in the
House to abandon the principles of the War in America, and it seems as if Ministry
wishd to feel the pulses of the House upon that subject. A new and unexpected matter
put off the whole affair; the Speaker without appearing to be very ill, stood up and declard a wish to resign from not being Able thro illness to go on with the Business of the House. It appeard as much a political as a real
illness and I dare say some new movements perhaps in the Administration may be the
consequence. He has not however resignd and the House is adjournd for the benefit
of his health till next Monday week; perhaps it may be then too late to renew the
intended motion about America or the State of the War there.7 The possession of Charles Town if but for a week or the taking two or three men of
War from their Enemys may make these wise-heads think their arms invincible and that
they may have some better success by prosecuting the War a little further.
There is with me a Mr. Jonathan Loring A–s–n8 who left Boston the 29th. Jany. and was taken in Zephir Packet in the Bay. He leaves
me to day and will soon be nearer You; He expects some letters to your or rather Mr.
D[an]as care by the Protector, which vessel would sail about the 1st. March.
There is a second Paul Jones alarm near the Coast of Hull. An Express has arrivd to
day that four or five Ships of the Enemy have { 138 } got to that quarter and taken 2 or 4 prizes they appear to be french frigates and
the Hull people can spy very clearly the Countess of Scarborough9 (which once belongd to that port) to be one of the Squadron. I wish you every success
and happiness and am with very great regard Your Obedt. Servant,
[signed] Wm. S. C.
RC (Adams Papers;) addressed: “Monsieur Monsr. Fernando Raymond San negot chez Monsr. Hocherau Pont
Neuf Paris”; endorsed: “Mr. Digges”; docketed by CFA: “14 April 1780”; calculations in JA's hand, probably in livres: 7.″5 + 114.19 = 122.4 / <7.″5 + 1.16 = 9.1>.
1. George Logan.
2. This was The Report of a Constitution or Form of Government for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Boston, 1779 (vol. 8:236–261), several copies of which JA distributed to European officials and correspondents. The missing pages noted by
Digges make it likely that the first British printings of a portion of the constitution
in the London Courant and the Courier de l'Europe of 18 April were derived from his copy. The pages missing from Digges' copy, 17 to
24, contained most of Chap. II, Sect. I, Art. III dealing with the General Court;
all of Chap. II, Sect. II, describing the Senate; and all of Chap. II, Sect. III,
Art. I and part of Art. II dealing with the House of Representatives. The portion
of the constitution printed in the London Courant contained James Bowdoin's prefatory letter transmitting the Report to the constitutional convention, the Preamble, and Chap. I, the Declaration of Rights.
In the Report, which is paginated from the titlepage, the Declaration of Rights ends on page 15,
with the initial portions of Chap. II occupying the remainder of the page and all
of the following page. In the London Courant the Declaration of Rights ends with the note: “We are in hopes in a short time to
lay before our readers the whole frame of the government of the commonwealth of Massachusetts,
of which the foregoing is not more than a quarter part.” It was not until early June
that the missing portion of the Report was received and was printed in the London Courant of 6, 7, and 8 June; and the Courier de l'Europe of 9, 13, and 16 June. In the London Courant the text was preceded by the statement that “we have, since that time [18 April],
had the good fortune to obtain a complete copy of that report.” The delay forced John
Almon to use the portion printed in the London
Courant of 18 April in the first volume of The Remembrancer for 1780 (p. 377–381). The remainder of the constitution appeared in the second volume
of The Remembrancer for 1780, but there it was taken from the text of the constitution as ratified, not
the committee report (p. 202–222).
4. A rumor without substance, either as to the movement of La Motte Picquet or the number
of vessels that would be available to each side when the French and British fleets
finally met off Martinique on 17 April. See JA's letters to the president of Congress of 19 Feb., note 2, and to James Warren of 23 Feb., (vol. 8:337, 359–360).
5. Although various London newspapers (see, for example, the London Chronicle, 11– 13 April) reported that Como. Robert Walsingham's convoy of the West Indies
merchant fleet and Brig. Gen. Garth's troops had sailed on the 8th, adverse winds
soon forced it back into Torbay where it remained until June (William Lee to JA, 9 April, note 2, above; Edmund Jenings to JA, 22 Feb. and note 4, vol. 8:352–353). The squadron under Rear Adm. Thomas Graves was ordered to intercept
Ternay's convoy of Rochambeau's army, but because of delays in resupplying his vessels,
demands by his sailors for their pay, and contrary winds which prevented him from
entering the English Channel, Graves was unable to leave Plymouth until 17 May, over
two weeks after Ternay left Brest (Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 191; Mackesy, War for America, p. 326–329).
6. No such motion was made on 14 April, although in the course of the debates Gen. Henry
Seymour Conway indicated that a motion concerning America “stood for that day” (Parliamentary Reg., 17:529). The intended motion or motions were probably those long { 139 } contemplated by David Hartley that had been announced as early as 7 March (same, 17:223–
224). On 10 April Hartley again indicated his intention to introduce several propositions
concerning America, but only on 1 May did he disclose their substance and not until
11 May were they formally introduced as resolutions (same, 17:485, 606, 695–696).
For their content, see Thomas Digges' letter of 2 May, and note 7 (below).
7. The view that Sir Fletcher Norton's illness, which led to the adjournment of the House
of Commons until 24 April, was as much political as physical was widespread. Norton
became the Speaker in 1770 and, according to his speech of 13 March 1780, the Duke
of Grafton had promised him that in return for serving he would ultimately be appointed
to a high judicial position. In 1780 the chief justiceship of the Court of Common
Pleas was vacated, but instead of Norton, Lord North appointed Alexander Wedderburn.
North's failure to honor his predecessor's promise estranged Norton from the ministry,
leading him to abandon the Speaker's traditional neutrality and even to oppose the
ministry on important votes, most notably in regard to sections of Edmund Burke's
economical reform bill and John Dunning's resolutions of 6 April to diminish the influence
and prerogatives of the crown. Given the apparent resurgence by mid-April of the ministry's
ability to frustrate the opposition's efforts at reform, the Speaker's illness and
the subsequent adjournment could be seen as an effort to allow the opposition forces
time to regroup and form a new strategy. When a new parliament met in Oct., Lord North
replaced Norton with Charles Wolfran Cornwall (Namier and Brooke, House of Commons; Parliamentary Reg., 17:319–333, 461–465; for contrasting views of Norton, his illness and resignation,
see the London Morning Post and Daily Advertiser for 17, 18, 19, and 21 April; and the London Evening Post for 15–18, 18–20, and 20–22 April).
9. This report appeared in various London newspapers, including the London Courant of 15 April, but it was almost certainly not the sloop of war Countess of Scarbourough that was observed. In April the sloop, which had been captured by the Pallas during the battle between the Bonhomme Richard and the Serapis, was most likely at Dunkirk (Morison, John Paul Jones, p. 239, 266; Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 2:207, 251).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0104
Recipient: Digges, Thomas
Date: 1780-04-15
To Thomas Digges
[dateline] Paris Ap. 15. [1780]
Yours of April 6. I have this day received. That of 28 Ultimo received. That of 20th
not.1
Let me beg of you to send me duplicates, of Pamphlets, as they come out,2 when you send Letters to another Gentleman. Any Banker in London who will draw upon,
Me or Mr. Grand the Banker for the Expence of them, shall be punctually paid, or I
will get Mr. Grand to desire some Banker of his Correspondence to pay you, or the
Bookseller if any one, will undertake to send them to me. Political Pamphlets I mean
respecting the present War, and the actual State of Things. It is of much Importance
to me, and perhaps to others, that I should have all these Things as soon as possible
and that they should be my Property that I may have the Use of them to myself as long
as I please, and send them where, and as soon as I please. If Almond, will send me
his Newspaper, by you, I will pay him or you { 140 } in the manner I mentioned above. I want also that Vol. of Remembrancer called prior
Documents in which is the History of the rise and Progress of the disputes with Amer.3 I wrote you, on the 6th of Ap. by Post, an Account, of some News from America. Since
which have seen a Letter from a Passenger. The Account he gives of the storm or rather
Hurricane that happened to Clinton, i.e so soon after his departure, that it is impossible
he should have escaped it, is terrible, it makes Humanity shudder, even in this Case,
which is the least entitld to its feelings of any Disaster of the Kind that ever happend.
It is impossible by this account, that one of his Ships should be upon the Amer. coast.
They must be all driven off, somewhere. Time will discover. I sent you a Pamphlet
by Dr. L.4 Have no Papers of present. When I have you shall have them, or the substance. I wish
to know, the Effect in England of another storm from the North?5
Adieu
[dateline] Ap. 16.
Least the other method should not succeed, I send you four Guineas to pay for Pamphlets
and Papers.6 I take already, regularly by another Channel, the general Advertiser and Morning
Post.7 You need not therefore send me these, but subscribe for as many other Papers as you
think proper, and send them always by private Hands, with all the Pamphlets that can
through any light on the great systems of Business now in Agitation. Send me a note
of the Expence, and it shall be remitted without delay. I am determined to Spare no
Expence of this Sort, insert the inclosed in all the Papers if you please. It is of
Importance, that I should, in my present situation be known to be faithfull to our
Allies and Alliances, and in good Understanding with this Court. To this End I pray
you to publish this Extract, of a Letter, in the original, or translated as you think
proper, and with such an Introduction as you think proper.8
5 O Clock
I have since found means to accomplish, that if you call on Mr. Teissier old Broad
Street, he will pay you, the Money for what you send of Papers and Pamphlets.
LbC (Adams Papers;) directed to: “W. S. C.” The portion of this letter dated 16 April was written in
the Letterbook on the second page following that dated the 15th, but Digges' reply
of 28 April (below) makes it clear that the two parts were sent as a single letter.
1. This letter has not been found.
3. John Almon's newspaper was the London Courant, and the Westminster Chronicle, which Digges had mentioned in his letter of 3 March (above). Almon also published a compilation of documents relating to the progress
of the war entitled The Remembrancer, or Impartial Repository of Public Events, 16 vols., London, 1775–1784. In 1777 Almon issued a supplementary volume to The Remembrancer entitled A Collection of Interesting, Authentic Papers, Relative to the Dispute between Great
Britain and America; shewing the Causes and Progress of that Misunderstanding, from
1764 to 1775, also known as “Prior Documents.” See, however, JA's letter to Digges of [6–7? June] (below).
5. This sentence was interlined and refers to Catherine II's proposed armed neutrality.
6. For this payment see JA's account of personal expenditures from Feb. through July 1780 (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:438). There the entry is dated 26 April. See also Digges' letter of 8 June (below).
7. The General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer favored the opposition, while The Morning Post and Daily Advertiser supported the North ministry.
8. For the extract and its publication, see Vergennes to JA, 21 Feb. 1779, and note 1 (vol. 7:423–424).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0105
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1780-04-15
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Paris Ap. 15. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
Yours of the 6 and 12 of April are before me. The last received to day. I thank you,
sir, for so readily, undertaking to announce &c. As to going to England upon any Errand
for me, the Time is not yet come. I must avoid every Thing of that Kind yet.
The Memorial from Russia, refutes at once all the Lyes of Seven Years growth, which
is one Point.1 It does more. It threatens, an Union of all Mankind except the H[ouse] of Austria against England.
Pray what is your impartial opinion of this Measure of the Empress. That it is useful
to Us, and destructive to England is most certain: but laying all this out of the
Scale, is it not, useful, equitable, reasonable, and humane? Is it not for the Interest
of Mankind, that neutral ships should make free goods, and that Ports blocked up,
should be strictly construed, to mean only those which are besieged, and shut up by
force? The contrary Doctrine seems to have been chiefly English, and they have grounded
it always, on the selfish Principle of their insular Situation, and of the Power which
they had from that Cause, and the necessity they were under, to make Use of it. The
British Interpretation of the Law of Nations, not only tends to Spread the flames
of War far and wide, when two maritime Powers are engaged, but it necessarily involves
all other commercial Nations in the solicitudes, Dangers, and Losses of the War. The
Russian Interpretation appears to me, to be So much for the good of Mankind though
it thwarts a little, the Ardour for the barbarous Glories of War, { 142 } that I doubt not it will be adopted by all Nations, as a great Improvement in the
Droit publique.2
I had the Pleasure of Some personal Acquaintance with Mr. Johnson at Nantes and the
Honour of many Civilities from him, when I was there, this time twelve months. I conceived
much esteem for him, and should hold myself under Obligations to him, for any Communications
he may be so good as to make to me. He has a numerous Correspondence, in America,
with Persons too who have the best Information, and as they are in a Part of the Continent,
where I have very few, it will freequently be in his Power to give me very refreshing
and usefull Intelligence. I am glad he has accepted the Trust, which is honourable,
tho it will probably be troublesome. I doubt not he will execute it, with Honour and
Fidelity.
I had heard before, of the Intention of Congress to draw, but not having the whole
of their Plan, and not knowing their funds, whatever may be my private Conjectures,
I can form no decided opinion about it.3
I rejoice, sir that your native Country has taken honourable Notice of you, and I
wish they had appointed you, without any Refinement, or Condition or Competition.
Mr. C[armichael] is otherwise employed. Mr. Johnson, Mr. Lloyd and Mr. Williams, may be all fit Persons
for any Thing I know. Who will be appointed, I cannot conjecture. It is a Speculation.
There are so many Arguments, on one side and the other, that I can conceive will occur
to the judge, that I rather think it will be a long time before, it can be accurately,
and mathematically determined, in which Scale the preponderating Weight will lay.
If I could be convinced that I could throw any Weight into the Scale, I should be
at no loss, into which to cast it.
I received a few Lines the 8. of April from Mr. Charmichael, which I answered and
deliverd to the Hand he pointed out the same day. I wrote to Mr. Jay, the 22d feb.4 and have received no answer. I should cultivate this Correspondence with Pleasure.
Hard hearted as I am against England I assure you I feel the stirrings of Humanity
for Clintons fleet and army. I had infinitely rather your Friend Gates should have
taken them all Prisoners.
But I feel an Anxiety of another Kind for the two Laurens's, and for our Country,
whose Interests suffer by their absence.
[salute] I have the Honour to be, with the greatest Respect and Esteem Dear sir, your faithful sert
[signed] John Adams
RC (Adams Papers;) endorsed: “J.A. April 15. 1780.”
1. For the texts of the Russian memorial and the declaration of an armed neutrality,
see JA's letter of 10 April to the president of Congress (No. 40, above). The “Lyes of Seven Years growth” were the recurring rumors that
Russia was about to supply troops and/or naval vessels to Britain for use against
the Americans. JA had noted such reports as early as 15 March 1775 in a letter to James Warren (vol. 2:405), but in the end such fears proved groundless.
The shifting currents of European politics made any new Anglo-Russian alliance impossible,
despite British overtures to Catherine II as recently as Dec. 1779 (De Madariaga, Armed Neutrality of 1780, p. 4–5, 121–139; see also JA to the president of Congress, 20 Feb., No. 7, and note 2, vol. 8:346–347). For the end of such rumors, see JA's letter of 26 April to the president of Congress, (No. 53, below).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0106
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-15
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 45
Paris, 15 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 455–461). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:615–618.
In this letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, John Adams included newspaper
accounts from Hamburg, Leghorn, Madrid, Paris, and London on a variety of subjects,
including the League of Armed Neutrality, Russia's formal declaration of armed neutrality
in major European capitals, preparations for a military expedition from Cádiz, and
Adams' own arrival in Europe to negotiate peace with Great Britain. The bulk of the
letter, however, was devoted to a London newspaper article advancing a “Plan of Pacification,”
said to be sponsored by the Rockingham Whigs and aimed at ending the American war,
and another London article opposing Rockingham.
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 455–461). printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:615–618.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0107
Recipient: Sartine, Antoine Raymond Jean Gualbert Gabriel de
Date: 1780-04-16
To Gabriel de Sartine
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu, Ap. 16. 1780
[salute] Sir
I have received the two Letters which your Excellency did me the Honour to write me,
on the fifth and on the twelfth of this Month.1
I do not mean to give your Excellency the Trouble of answering, these Letters of mine,
which contain Extracts of Letters from abroad, or simple News. This would be giving
your Excellency too much trouble and taking up too much Time. Indeed, I think it will
very probably be often if not always, unnecessary, because, your Excellencies Information
must be, beyond all Comparison earlier more exact and more particular than mine. Yet
as it is, possible that sometimes a Circumstance, of importance may escape, one Channel
of Intelligence and yet pass in another, I thought it my duty sometimes to send your
Excellency an Extract. In this View I have the Honour to send your Excellency, another
Extract from a Letter of the 6th. of { 144 } this Month.2 I pray your Excellency not to take the trouble to answer it. I have the Honour to
be, with the greatest Respect and Consideration, your Excellencys most obedient and
most humble servant
[signed] John Adams
LbC
(Adams Papers.)
1. JA probably means Sartine's letter of 15 April (Adams Papers), since no letter of the 12th has been found. For the letter of 15 April as well
as that of the 5th (Adams Papers), both of which were replies to JA's letter of 4 April (LbC, Adams Papers), see Thomas Digges to JA, 28 March, note 3; and William Lee to JA, 30 March, note 9 (both above).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0108
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-16
From George Logan
[dateline] London April 16: 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I arrived safe in London after an agreeable journey of 7 Days. I delivered the paper
you entrusted with me to Mr. Diggs, but am sorry to inform you that it was found imperfect,
that part respecting the upper House being lost.1 This was certainly an original defect, as I was careful to deliver it in the manner
received from you. Several Gentlemen of both Houses have been favored with a sight
of it, and are much pleased with the liberal, and just principles on which it is founded.
I should send you the Papers and some political pamphlets by this opportunity but
Mr. Diggs informs me, he has sent you those meriting your attention. With respect
to Public affairs I may inform you, that they have a prosperous aspect for America.
It is most probable the troops will be withdrawn from that Country. This however is
not certain, as a continuance of the war is still a favourite object with the Ministry.
The people daily become more resolute in their demands that if America should rest
tranquil and carry on a defensive war in America as last year, it is probable the
good people of this Country will finish the business for them here.
I spoke to Mr. Alman to send you the political publications that appear in this Country,
regularly. I expect he will write you on this subject. I have sent you his paper of
yesterday. You will there observe the very impolitical conduct of the Lords. This
paper may answer your expectation better than any other should you wish to receive
them regularly.
As I wish to be in America as soon as possible, I am not determined, whether I shall
again return to Paris, or go by the St. Eustatia.
{ 145 } Pray remember my best Comps. to Mr. Dana and believe me Your Freind & Hble. Servt:
[signed] Geoe Logan2
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “John Adams Esqr: Rue Richleu Hotel Valois Paris pr favor of Dr. Plunket”;
endorsed: “Dr. Logan”; docketed by CFA: “April 16. 1780.”
2. Dr. George Logan, a Pennsylvania Quaker, received his medical degree at Edinburgh
in June 1779 and reached Paris in the winter of 1779–1780, during a European tour.
There he soon became a friend of Benjamin Franklin and a strong supporter of the American
cause. When he departed for London to obtain passage to America he carried letters
for Franklin as well as JA. Soon after writing this letter and one of the 15th to Franklin, Logan sailed for
home. George Logan is known best for his unauthorized diplomatic activities in 1798
that resulted in passage of the Logan Act prohibiting private American citizens from
engaging in diplomacy (DAB; Frederick B. Tolles, George Logan of Philadelphia, N.Y., 1953, p. 39–42; Cal.Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 2:238).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0109
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-17
To the President of Congress, No. 46
[dateline] Paris April 17. 1780
[salute] Sir
Late Letters from Dantzick, imply that Commerce was become very languishing there,
for Some time, excepting for Ships timber, which bore a very good Price there, on
Account of the English, which they carried away, as well in their own Vessells as
those of Dantzick.
The new face, which the Affairs of Europe, are about to take, from the Alliance formed
between the Powers of the North, for the maintenance of an exact Neutrality, and to
which, People here are fully persuaded that the Republick of the united Provinces,
will agree, gives Occasion to conjectures, either that the War will be pushed this
year, with more Vivacity, than ever both by Land and by Sea, or that Peace will <not> be made, without delay. They Say, even that there may have been already Negotiations
commenced, on this Subject: That it is, by the Intervention of the King of Sardinia,
who would manage the Accommodation between the belligerent Powers, and that his present
Ambassador in France, is So much the better able to labour usefully, towards this
great Work, that having resided in England, in the same Quality, he has the Advantage
to know perfectly the Ministers and their System.1 However this may be, if there are Sometimes occasions, in which one may judge of
future Events, by an Examination of the present, and Reflection upon the past, might
one be taxed with Partiality, or temerity, if one ventured to lay it down, as a Fact,
that from the Beginning of the Contest, in which Great Britain, is at present engaged,
her Situation, has never appeared So { 146 } critical and So dangerous. In fact, as if it was not enough that She had quarrelled
with her Colonies; as if, it was not enough that She is at War with two Powers So
formidable as France and Spain in consequence of the quarrell with the Colonies: as
if her intestine Troubles, were not enough, which by dividing the nation, contribute
not a little to weaken it. At the End of the Perspective to See Ireland, at the first
moment, make as much of it, as the Americans, in declaring herself also independant:
In Spight of So many allarming Considerations, England Still Seems to Seek new Ennemies,
by attacking, without Distinction the Vessels of all the neutral nations, and even
of her allies. Thus, has She forced them, by this Proceeding not less arbitrary, than
inconceivable, especially in her present Circumstances, to make a League with each
other, for the maintenance of the Safety of the <nation> navigation of their respective Subjects, as well as of the Honour of their Flaggs
for which, they plainly acknowledge at this day, that they never could have hoped
for any Safety, if the English, who, embarass'd as they are, treat them nevertheless
with So little Ceremony, could ever recover that Superiority, whereof We cannot deny,
that they found means to put themselves in Possession, at the End of the last War.
But Such is the Fate of all human Things: To have, a Commencement, to acquire Successively
an Augmentation, which ought to be expected up to certain Bounds, beyond which they
must necessarily begin to decrease, untill they descend again to the Same Point from
whence they began; and no human Efforts can disturb this constant, and immutable order.
After this Declaration, let Us judge, whether in fact, this is not the Case of England,
and We may after this predict, very nearly, the Issue, of the present Events, or of
those which may take Place, in the Course of the Year.
By the English Papers Congress will See, the State of Parties in England, where the
Stubble is So dry, that the Smallest Spark, thrown into it, may set the whole Field
in a Blaze. Opposition, have carried tryumphantly, in the fullest house of Commons
ever known, by a Majority of Eighteen Votes, against the utmost Efforts of the Ministry,
the Resolutions.2 That it is necessary to declare, that the Influence of the Crown has increased, increases
and ought to be diminished. That it is in the Power of the House to take Cognizance
of, and to reform the Abuses, which may exist in the Employment of the civil List
Revennues, as well as all other publick Revennues: And that it is the Duty of the
House, to grant an effectual Redress to the Grievances, exposed in the Petitions presented
to the House, by the { 147 } different Cities, Counties and Towns of the Kingdom. And by the Speech of Mr. Fox
it will be Seen to what Soaring Heights this young Statesman, aspires.
Since My Arrival the last time, in Europe, I have had, Six and forty times, I think
the Honour of Writing to Congress: but it seems impossible to get a Letter across
the Atlantic. Many of my Letters have been waiting, long, at the seaports for a Passage,
but when they will obtain it I know not. If they all arrive, and Congress should be
able to see at one View the vast Chain, that is binding almost all Mankind, every
day closer and faster together, in opposition to the dangerous Power, and the intollerable
Passions of the English, they will see how many of the wisest Heads in the World are
at Work for their Safety and Glory, and have the Utmost Cause of Gratitude to Heaven
for ordering Events in the Course of his Providence, So decidedly in their favour.
I have the Honour to be, with the Sincerest Attachment, sir, your most faithfull and
obedient Servant
[signed] John Adams
1. Nothing came of this rumored mediation by the King of Sardinia, Victor Amadeus III,
under which a truce would be proposed and independence granted to only a portion of
the American colonies, probably on the basis of uti possedetis. Filippo Maria Giuseppe Ottone, conte Ponte di Scarnafigi, had been the Sardinian
ambassador to Britain from 1769 to 1774 and had been at Paris since 1777 (Morris, Peacemakers, p. 94, 99; Repertorium der diplomatischen Vertreter aller Länder, 3:395).
2. On 6 April, after the Commons resolved itself into a committee of the whole to hear
petitions, John Dunning offered two resolutions and Thomas Pitt a third, the language
of which JA accurately paraphrased in the following two sentences. The first passed on a division
of 233-215 and the second and third were adopted without division. Lord North objected
to the entire proceeding, but could not prevent the committee from approving Charles
James Fox's motion to report the resolutions immediately to the House. Just before
the vote on Dunning's first resolution, Fox reportedly charged George III with having
brought about more distress to the nation than any previous sovereign, and declared
that “unless the motion should be agreed to, not only the committee, but the House,
ought never to sit again” (Parliamentary Hist., 21: 347, 362–364, 367–368). In a letter of 16 April, Edmund Jenings congratulated
JA on the outcome of the proceedings (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0110
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-18
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 47
Paris, 18 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 467–469). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:620–624.
In this letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, John Adams provided newspaper
accounts regarding a petition by Swedish merchants calling on their King to provide
protection for their commerce and the King's granting of their wish, as well as the
formal communication of the declaration of armed neutrality to the French court and
to the cities of Hamburg, Lübeck, and Bremen.
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 467–469). printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:620–624.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0111
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-18
To the President of Congress, No. 48
[dateline] Paris April 18th. 1780
[salute] Sir
It is my Duty to transmit to Congress, as soon as Prudence will admit, every Thing
which deserves Consideration, as having either a direct or an indirect tendency to
Peace, or even to Negotiation for that important Object. The inclosed Letter has been
transmitted to Paris in such a Channel, that I have Reasons to believe it was particularly
intended for my Inspection. It is from a Gentleman, who, to do him Justice, has long
expressed an earnest desire of Peace, but who nevertheless, has never yet reflected
maturely enough upon the State of America, of Great Britain and of all Europe, to
get into a right Way of thinking concerning the proper Means to his End. Congress
will percieve it, from the Letter itself, in which it is obvious enough.1
The first remarkable Sentiment is “We must, at all Events support our national Honor,
by the most vigorous Exertions, without shrinking: but surely, in such a complicated
War, as this is, if we can make any equitable Offers of Treaty to any of the Parties,
common Prudence calls upon Us, to use our Endeavors, to unravel by Negotiation, the
Combination of Powers now acting against Us.” In this Paragraph, I see the manifest
Marks of a Mind that has not yet mastered its Subject. True Policy would have omitted
every thing in this Letter, which should call up to the Minds of the People, the Ideas
of National Honor. Every Man in the World, who is thoroughly acquainted with the Subject,
knows, that Great Britain never can obtain a Peace, without a Diminution of her Honor
and Dignity. It is impossible without Miracles, and therefore the Englishman who undertakes
to plan for Peace, must be convinced of this and take it into his Plan, and consequently
should avoid with the utmost Caution every Word, which should excite these Ideas in
the Minds of the People. For People cannot bear the Ideas of national Disgrace. They
stir Passions which make them mad.
He should have avoided with equal Solicitude, every Insinuation of a design to unravel
by Negotiation, the Combination of Powers, now acting against Great Britain. This
Combination, is in fact, much more extensive, much more universal, and formidable,
than the Letter writer had any Idea, or Suspicion of. But if it had been no more extensive
than France, Spain and America, the Impracticability of unravelling it, ought to have
been too obvious and too clear; for the { 149 } Writer to have thrown out this Sentiment. By it, he proposes by Negotiation to bring
those to dishonour themselves, who have certainly no Occasion for it, at the same
time that he stimulates others to cherish and preserve their Honor, who have already
lost it, and under an absolute Necessity, sooner or later of sacrificing it. By this
Means, he only puts the Confederates more upon their Guard, and renders the Attainment
of his professed Object, Peace, impossible.
The next Solecism in Politicks, that he commits, is undertaking to vindicate America
from the Charge of having sought and formed this Confederacy. America wanted no such
Vindication. It is folly to suppose it a Fault, for all Mankind will agree, even his
Correspondents themselves, that it was Wisdom and Virtue. Surely another Turn must
be given to popular Ideas, before they will be brought to petition for Peace.
Nor do I think, it was prudent in him to hold up, that America had proceeded with
Regret and Reluctance to the Treaty. That this is true I know and feel to this very
Moment: for although I had no such Reluctance myself, those Gentlemen with whom I
had the Honor to sit in Congress at the time will remember that I had very good Reasons
to be sensible that others had. But, how well soever he might be informed of the Fact,
and from what Source soever he might draw his Information, it was bad Policy in him
to hold it up, because he ought to have been equally sure, that America has now no
Reluctance to the Treaty, nor any Inclination to violate it. He ought not therefore
to have held up a Hope of this to the People.
Neither ought he to have flattered the People with Hopes, that America would not form
any perpetual Alliance with France, nor that their limited Alliance might be satisfied
and discharged. The Alliance already made is limited it is true, to a certain Number
of Articles, but not limited in its Duration. It is perpetual; and he had no Grounds
to sooth the People with Hopes either that France would give up any of the Articles
of the Treaty, or that America would violate them.
He ought also to have avoided his Insinuations, that America has been so much harrassed
by the War. This is an Idea too refreshing to the present Passions of the People of
England, that instead of tending to dispose them to Peace, it only revives their Hopes
of Success, and inflames their Ardour for War. That America has been harrassed by
the War, is true, and when was any Nation at War without being so? especially when
did any Nation undergo a Revolution in Government and sustain a War at the same time
without it? Yet after all America has not been so much harrassed, or distressed, { 150 } or terrified, or panic struck from the Beginning, as Great Britain has been, several
times in the Course of it.
But the most exceptionable Passage of all is this. “It is apparent to all the World,
that France might long ago, have put an End to that part of the War, which has been most
distressing to America, if She had chosen so to do. Let the whole System of France be considered, from the
very Beginning, down to the late Retreat from Savannah, and I think it is impossible
to put any other Construction upon it, but this, viz, that it has always been the
deliberate Intention and Object of France, for purposes of their own, to encourage
the Continuation of the War in America, in Hopes of exhausting the Strength and Resources of this Country, and of depressing the rising
Power of America.”
Upon this Paragraph, I scarcely know what Remarks to make. But after deliberating
upon it, as patiently and maturely as I can, I will clearly write my Opinion of it,
for my Obligations to Truth, and to my Country are antecedent and superior to all
other Ties.
I am clearly and fully of Opinion then, that the Fact is true, that France might have
put an End to that part of the War, which has been most distressing to America: and
I certainly knew that the means were extreamly simple and obvious, and that they were
repeatedly proposed and explained and urged to the Ministry; and I should have had
a terrible Load of Guilt of Negligence of my Duty upon my Conscience if it had not
been done, while I had the Honor of a Commission to this Court.2 But when the Letter Writer proceeds so far as to say, that it was to encourage the Continuance of the War, in Order to exhaust the Strength and Resources of Great
Britain, I cannot accompany him, much less can I join with him in the Opinion, that
it was to depress the rising Power of America.
I believe on the contrary, that France has not wished a Continuance of the War, but
that She has wished for Peace. The War has been attended, with too much Loss and Danger
to France, to suppose that She wished its Continuance, and if She did not wish its
Continuance at all, She could not wish it to depress the Power of America.
She could not wish it, in my opinion, for this End, because it is not the means to
this End. It has a contrary Tendency. The longer this War is continued in America,
the more will Americans become habituated to the Characters of the Soldier and the
Marine. Military Virtues and Talents and Passions will gain Strength, and additional
Activity every Year, while the War lasts, and the more these Virtues, Talents and
Passions are multiplied, the deeper will be the Foundations of American Power be laid,
and the more dangerous will it { 151 } become, to some or other of the Powers of Europe, to France as likely as any other,
because it will be more likely to be ambitious, enterprising and to aspire at Conquests
by Sea and Land.
This Idea however, deserves to be considered, with all the Attention that Americans
can give it. Although I am convinced by every thing I see, and read and hear, that
all the Powers of Europe, except perhaps the House of Austria, and I am not very clear
in that Exception, rejoice in the American Revolution, and consider the Independence
of America as for their Interest and Happiness, in many Points of View, both respecting
Commerce and the Ballance of Europe, yet I have many Reasons to think that not one
of them, not even Spain nor France, wishes to see America rise very fast to Power.
We ought therefore to be cautious how we magnify our Ideas and exaggerate our Expressions
of the Generosity and Maganimity of any of these Powers. Let us treat them with Gratitude,
but with Dignity. Let us remember what is due to ourselves and our Posterity, as well
as to them. Let us above all things, avoid as much as possible, entangling ourselves
with their Wars or Politicks. Our Business with them and theirs with Us, is Commerce,
not Politicks, much less War. America has been the Sport of European Wars and Politicks
long enough.3
I think, however, that this Letter Writer, was very much mistaken in his Judgment,
when he threw out this Language of his. It could be meant only to excite a Jealousy
and a Quarrel between France and America, or rather, to feed the Yorkshire People,
and the People of England with a Hope of exciting such a Quarrel. This is not the
Way to come at Peace. They will never succeed in such a Plan, and every attempt towards
it is false Policy.
The next Mistake is the Idea of a Reconciliation and federal Union with America. This
must be intended to seperate Us from our Allies, which this Gentleman ought, before
now, to have known is totally impracticable.
I have very little more Relish for the Notion of a Truce. We are in a safer Way at
War. We cannot make a Truce without France. She will never consent that We should
make a Truce, unless She makes Peace: and such Alterations may be made in the Constitutions
of the Courts of France and Spain, and in the other Courts and political Connections
in Europe, before the Expiration of the Term of the Truce, that it would be attended
with too much hazard to Us. Neither France nor Spain, nor the other Powers of Europe
might, after a Truce, be ready to go to War again: unforeseen Divisions may be { 152 } excited among ourselves by artful Emissaries from England. We are going on now in
the sure and certain Road: if we go out of it, We may be lost.
Upon the whole; I think that this Letter Writer should have stated the true Situation
of Europe, of Great Britain, Ireland and America.
From this State, his immediate Conclusion should have been, open Conferences for Peace:
make Peace with all the World upon the best Terms You can—this is the only Chance
You have for Salvation.
It must come to this, very soon; otherwise, there will be a total Dissolution of the
British Empire.
I have the Honor to be, with the greatest Respect and Esteem, Sir, your most obedient
and most humble Servant,
[signed] John Adams
RC and enclosure in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 471–476, 401–404); endorsed: “Letter from J Adams Paris April 18.
1780 recd. Feb 19 81 respecting Peace.” For the enclosure, see note 1. LbC (Adams Papers); notations: “NB. The 19th. April—Nos. 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47,
48 were delivered by Mr. Adams at Passy to Mr. W. Franklin who was to deliver them
to Capt. John Paul Jones.”; and by Thaxter: “No. 48.”
1. This is David Hartley's letter of 21 March to the chairman of the Committee of the
County of York, a copy of which JA enclosed with this letter. The copy of Hartley's letter used by JA has not been found, but was probably that which Thomas Digges, in a letter of 6 April
to Benjamin Franklin, indicated that he was sending, at Hartley's request, to Franklin
under another cover (Digges, Letters, p. 185–189). Hartley's letter was published at London on or about 13 April as one
of Two Letters from David Hartley, esq. M.P. Addressed to the Committee of the County
of York (London Courant, 13 April). Thomas Digges sent JA a copy of that pamphlet on 25 April (from Thomas Digges, 8 June).
David Hartley was, in JA's view, a well intentioned but ineffectual member of Parliament, without the power
or influence to materially effect British policy toward the war in America (see JA's letters of 23 March to the president of Congress, No. 23; and of 28 March to Edmund Jenings, both above). Despite their good intentions, Hartley and others
who actually wanted to end the war in America displayed the same unwillingness to
face reality that afflicted the British government and people in general and made
it extremely unlikely that Anglo-American peace negotiations would occur anytime soon.
For a clear expression of the position held by Hartley and others, which so frustrated
JA, see the “Bill for Conciliation” that Hartley unsuccessfully sought to introduce in Parliament on 27 June (Descriptive
List of Illustrations, vol. 10, below) and Hartley's letter of 17 July (below). JA's letter to Congress containing his strictures on Hartley's proposal was not published,
but is similar to pieces that he wrote in May, June, and July that were printed in
Paris and London (JA to Edmé Jacques Genet, 17 and 28 May; “Letters from a Distinguished American,” [ante 14–22 July], all below). All of them reflect JA's reading of Thomas Pownall's A Memorial Most Humbly Addressed to the Sovereigns of Europe, on the Present State
of Affairs, Between the Old and New World, London, 1780, which he had received on or about 15 April (A Translation of Thomas
Pownall's Memorial, 19 April – [ca. 14 July], Editorial Note, below). The rebuttal of Hartley can be seen as the first step in a struggle to convince
the British people and, through them, their government that peace would result only
from an acknowledgment of American independence and that such an action, far from
being detrimental to British interests, was the only means by which Britain could
maintain its status among nations. From an examination of that effort it is possible
to follow the development in 1780, not only of JA's attitude toward peace negotiations and the Anglo-American relationship that would
result from them, but also his view of { 153 } the United States' position within the international community for the foreseeable
future.
2. JA is referring to his proposal that the French greatly increase their naval presence
in American waters to achieve local superiority over the British fleet. He repeatedly
had urged this on the French government (see, in particular, vol. 7, Commissioners
to Vergennes, [ante 20] Dec. 1778 – [ante 9] Jan. 1779, and Editorial Note) and would renew his efforts in correspondence with Vergennes in July (vols. 7:292–311;
8: index; JA to Vergennes, 13 July, below).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0112
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-18
From William Lee
[dateline] Bruxelles Aprl. 18. 1780
Walsingham with 6 Ships of the line, the troops and the W. India fleet pass'd Plimo.
the 8th. and Graves with 7 Ships of the line left St. Helens the 10th. to follow him,
and as the winds have been since, Graves having only his 7 Ships and Walsingham a
large fleet there is no doubt of their having join'd, but I do not learn with certainty
the real destination, of Walsingham and his troops. By the Gazettes it appears that
Monsr. Tiernay will be sailing about this time with only 6 Ships so that most probably
he will meet Graves in his return, therefore he may chance to share the same fate
as the E. India Convoy, unless he is escorted to some distance by an additional number
of Ships, for Graves's Squadron consists of 90, 80 and 74 Gun Ships. I thank you for
your favor of the 13th. which I received yesterday; the infatuation of our Enemies
is evidently the work of Providence for their conduct is precisely that of Phaoroh
with respect to the Israelites and I much doubt of a speedy Peace for the measure
of their punishment is not yet full. When I was among them they appeared insensible
enough, but they are now totally dead to all feeling. The Declaration of Russia and
the movement of all the maritime powers of Europe, has not created, that I can perceive,
a single emotion either in the ministry or opposition, therefore we have nothing to
do but to beat them into their senses. If they have, or do make any overtures of Peace
now it will most probably be with a design of dilaying and retarding the operations
and plans of F[rance] and S[pain] 'till the Season is too far advanced to effectuate anything decisive this Campaign
but I trust that our Friends have too much Sagacity to be duped by such bunglers as
the B. Ministry. The conduct of Spain has arisen from various causes, which have been
very evident to those that have attentively observ'd the business; but there is no
occasion now for entering into those particulars; however as I am well satisfied that
every material point has been thoroughly { 154 } digested long since, there can be no great field for negotiation now at Madrid on
either side. It is said that the British Cabinet in pursuance of their darling system
of Coercion, have resolv'd in the Cabinet not to yeild to the claim of the Irish People
to a Free Constitution. As Clinton was not heard of in the W. I. the beginning of
March, nor in Virga., 'tis probable that the greatest part of his fleet has arriv'd,
at their destination at Tybée and that we shall hear of another attack on Chas. Town.
5 of his fleet, as far as I know, have only been accounted for, 1 driven to Engd.
2 to the W. Indias, 1 founder'd off Bermudas and 1 carried into Chas. Town.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0113
Recipient: Franklin, Benjamin
Date: 1780-04-19
To Benjamin Franklin
[dateline] Paris April 19. 1780
[salute] Dear sir
I have been informed,1 that the State of Maryland, have named Mr. Charmichael, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Williams,
Mr. Lloyd and Mr. Jennings, as proper Persons, out of whom they have desired, your
Excellency to choose one, in order to draw out of the English Funds a Sum of Money,
they have there, for which the Agent is to have two and an half per Cent.
Mr. Charmichael, is otherwise employed, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Williams, and Mr. Lloyd are
all proper Persons, but perhaps they may be otherwise employed too, except Mr. Lloyd,
whose fortune, both by himself and his Wife is so ample that it may be no Object.
Mr. Jennings, who is not less qualified than any of them, is a Gentleman of Learning,
and Abilities, who has left his Affairs from a Love to his Country to whose service,
he devotes his Time. He is now at Brussells. As he is a native of Maryland, perhaps
his Pretentions may upon the whole, be superiour to those of others, or this Sentiment
may be the Dictate of the Esteem and friendship I conceived for him on Account of
his Candor, when I was here before.
I intreat your Excellency, not to consider this, as a desire to dictate in a matter
in which I have not right nor Colour, to interfere, and therefore ought to ask your
Pardon, for presuming to advise.
If your Excellencys decision should fall upon, any of the other Gentlemen I shall
be perfectly content and think no more of it. I { 155 } have the Honour to be with, the greatest Respect, sir your most obedient and most
humble sert.
[signed] John Adams2
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0114-0001
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1780-04-19
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] April 19. 17801
I have only time at present, to beg the favour of you, to procure the inclosed, to
be inserted in all the English newspapers.2 There is not a Circumstance exagerated, and the half is not told.
RC with enclosure (Adams Papers); notation on back of enclosure: “printed in the English Papers.”
2. This description of JA's journey through northern Spain was printed in a slightly altered form in the London
General Advertiser & Morning Intelligencer for 1 May. For JA's critique of the printed version, see his letter to Edmé Jacques Genet of 11 May (below). The account should be compared with those in JA's Diary and his Autobiography (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:400–434; 4:191–241) and his letters of 11 Dec. 1779 and 16 Jan. 1780 to the president of Congress (same,
4:195–196, 230–236204–206; vol. 8:295–296, 310–311, calendar entries).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0114-0002
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1780-04-19
Enclosure: A Newspaper Article
Mr. Adams, Mr. Dana, and Mr. Thaxter, who are arrived, at Paris, came from Boston,
in the French Frigate, the Sensible, which had the Misfortune to Spring a Leak, Soon
after She Sailed, which increased to Such a degree, that they were obliged to keep
two Pumps, constantly going by night and day, the passengers taking their turns, altho,
the Crew consisted of Three hundred and fifty men. Captain Chavagne (who spent three
months in Boston, and is highly pleased with the Reception he met there) found it
necessary to make the first Land, which happening to be Cape Finisterre, he put into
Ferrol, where these american Citizens met with the most cordial Reception, from the
Comte de Sade, who commanded a Squadron of French Men of War, then in that harbour,
and from the other officers, both French and Spanish, as well as from the French Consul
and Vice Consul, and especially from Don Joseph St. Vincent, the General, who commanded,
at that time the Spanish Marine at Ferrol. After Spending a few days in this place,
and viewing the dry docks, Arsenals and Fortifications with the Strength and Magnificence
of which the Gentlemen were very much Struck, they went to the Groin,1 where they were treated with all imaginable Politeness, by Mr. Lagoanere, the American
Agent, by Mr. Detournelle the french Consul, by the Kings officers in general, particularly
by the officers of the Irish Regiments, by the Administrator of the Revenue, by the
Attorney General, by the Regent, or Chief Justice of the grand Audience, by the Governor
of the Town of Corunna, and above all by Don Pedro Martin Cermonio, Vice Roy, of the
Kingdom of Galicia. { 156 } This great officer, in whom in his Department is united all the Royal Authority, civil,
political and military, accompanied, by the Kings Lieutenant, or the Governor of the
Town of Corunna, and Several other officers, made a Visit to Mr. Adams at his Lodgings,
the next Morning after his Arrival, to make him, his Compliments, and to offer him
every Assistance in his Power. He offered to order Carriages &c to be provided; to
furnish a Guide, who could Speak, English as well as Spanish and French, who understood
the Roads and the manner of travelling; and to send a guard of Soldiers who should
attend him, in his whole Journey, through the Kingdom: all which was declined, as
the American Agent, had undertaken every Thing of this sort: and as to the Guards,
they had no Apprehensions of Ennemies or Dangers in Spain. The Vice Roy Said that
in any Thing that depended upon him Mr. Adams had but to command him: that all he
had Said, and all that he had offered, was from himself: but he would further inform
him, that in this he was pursuing his public duty, as well as his private Inclination
for that he had received express orders from the King to treat all Americans who should
come to that place as the best Friends of Spain. All the Gentlemen in Company, had
the Honour of dining with the Vice Roy, and of frequent Visits, in all which he was
extreamly, tho politely inquisitive, about every Thing that related to America, especially
concerning the Union and Disposition of the People; their Sentiments towards England
France and Spain; the nature of their Revenues; the Terms of their Confederation;
and the forms of their new Governments; Subjects, upon which he appeared to have,
very much reflected, and in which, as few Men have had more opportunities to know,
than these Gentlemen, few are better qualified to give exact Information. He was further
anxious to know, the Family, Age, Character, and every thing that related to Mr. Jay,
the minister plenipotentiary for the Court of Madrid, concerning whom, as Mr. Adams
had been intimately acquaintd with him from the Year 1774, he was able to Satisfy
his Curiosity, and to give Mr. Jay, that respectable Character, that the high offices,
he has held in his State and in Congress, as well as his own personal Virtues and
Abilities merit.
In short they were told by many Gentlemen, that no Ambassador, from any the oldest
and most powerful state in Europe, not even from France, would have been treated with
more Ceremony, nor with equal Attention, Affability and Friendship, and that all this
was intended to manifest to America and to the World, the Benevolence of Spain towards
the United States.
{ 157 } In their Journey, through Betanzos, Lugo, Asterga, Leon, Burgos, they met every where
with Similar Attention and Respect; and particularly from the several Branches of
the House of Guardoqui, at Bilbao.2 Mr. Adams received Letters and Messages, from Alicante, Asterga, Bilbao, Madrid,
Bourdeaux and Bayonne, from Bankers and others, offering him any sums of Money he
might Want, in the Idea that as he had been unexpectedly cast upon the Spanish Coast,
and had to make the Journey to Paris by Land, with a considerable Number of Persons
in his suit, he might not possibly be provided with Cash. But if they had been themselves
unprovided the American Agent, was not only able and ready to supply them, but would
have taken it unkindly, if they had laid themselves under obligation to any other
in this respect. They were not the less sensible, however of the personal Obligations
they were under, for these genteel Proposals, nor the less gratefull for the Attention
of Gentlemen to the Honour of the United States.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0115-0001
Editorial Note
John Adams' letter of 19 April 1780 to the president of Congress (No. I, below), constitutes his redaction of Thomas
Pownall's pamphlet entitled A Memorial, Most Humbly Addressed to the Sovereigns of Europe, on the Present { 158 } State of Affairs, Between the Old and New World, London, 1780. In July, Adams used his Letterbook copy to produce a manuscript (No. II, below) that, considerably revised from that of the letter, served as the text for
two published versions: Pensées sur la révolution de l'Amérique-Unie, extraites de l'ouvrage anglois, intitulé
mémoire, addressé aux souverains de l'Europe, sur l'état présent des affaires de l'ancien
and du nouveau-monde, Amsterdam, 1780; and A Translation of the Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe upon the Present State of
Affairs Between the Old and New World into Common Sense and Intelligible English, London, 1781.
The letter of 19 April and the revised, published versions of it are crucial to understanding the development
of John Adams' views regarding an Anglo-American peace settlement, the Franco-American
alliance, and the future position of the United States in European affairs. Almost
without exception, his later writings on foreign policy and his actions as a diplomat
reflect his reading of the Memorial. Adams testified to the impact of Pownall's thinking in his letter to Edmund Jenings
of 18 July (below), and the truth of his assertion is evident in his published replies to speeches
made in the House of Commons in early May by Gen. Henry Seymour Conway and Lord George
Germain (to Edmé Jacques Genet, 17 and 28 May, both below); his “Letters from a Distinguished American,” published in 1782,
but written in June and July 1780 ([ante 14–22 July], below); and his exchanges with the Comte de Vergennes in June and July over Congress'
monetary policy, the exercise of his commissions, and the adequacy of French assistance
to the American cause (below).
It is not an overstatement to say that the Memorial had more influence on John Adams' views of foreign policy than any other single published
work. This does not mean that Pownall's pamphlet was the source of Adams' ideas concerning
the relationship between the United States, Britain, France, and the European community
in general. Those were the product of his evolution from a loyal subject of the British
Empire to a revolutionary committed to independence and can be traced from his “Dissertation
on the Canon and the Feudal Law” of 1765 (vol. 1:103–128) through his Plan of Treaties
of 1776 (vol. 4:260–302) to his experience as a diplomat since 1778. Instead, the
Memorial was the catalyst that brought together the diverse threads of Adams' thinking to
form a coherent and unified theory regarding the proper course for the foreign policy
of the United States that, with few exceptions, he adhered to for the rest of his
life.
Thomas Pownall had extensive, practical experience in colonial administration. Between
1753 and 1760, he served successively as secretary to the governor of New York, lieutenant
governor of New Jersey, secretary to the commander in chief of British forces in America,
and governor of Massachusetts. As governor of Massachusetts from 1757 to 1760, the
climactic years of the French and Indian War, Pownall proved to be an energetic and
popular executive. He vigorously prosecuted the war and, in order to gain support
for his efforts, courted the popular party. This alienated conservatives, such as
Thomas Hutchinson, and ultimately their complaints as well { 159 } as the perception in London that Pownall was surrendering executive prerogatives to
the assembly led to his recall (DAB; DNB). Members of Massachusetts' popular party lamented Pownall's departure, and John
Adams later described him as “a friend to liberty and to our constitution,” with “an
aversion to all plots against either” (vol. 2:235). Thomas Pownall never again served
in America as an administrator, but he drew on his experience there to produce the
work for which he is most noted: The Administration of the Colonies (London, 1764, with five revised editions through 1777; Pownall presented Adams with
a signed copy of the 1777 edition, Catalogue of JA's Library).
Pownall's Administration offered a prescription for solving Britain's problems in governing its American empire
that was well reasoned and even farsighted. Its roots lay in the Albany Congress of
1754, at which Pownall had become convinced that some sort of colonial union was necessary.
By the time he set to work on his Administration, Pownall believed that the existing system of colonial administration, unable to
deal adequately with the growing economic strength of the colonies, had failed and
a crisis existed.
In Administration, Pownall was clear about where he stood. Although he expressed sympathy for the colonists
and confidence in their ultimate loyalty to the Crown and empire, which later led
him to oppose ministerial efforts at taxation and coercion and even to advocate American
seats in the House of Commons, there was no question in Pownall's mind that it was
the mother country around whom the colonies revolved and for whose benefit they existed.
Great Britain needed a unified system of administration to render the colonies an
economic asset rather than a constant drain on its resources. It was “the precise duty of government at this crisis” to take “leading measures towards the forming all those
Atlantic and American possessions into one Empire of which Great Britain should be
the commercial and political center” (5th edn., 1774, p. 10).
The Memorial Addressed to the Sovereigns of Europe proceeded directly from The Administration of the Colonies, with much of the text of the Memorial's opening paragraphs taken from the Administration (No. I, see note 2, below). Like the earlier work, the Memorial sought to resolve the crisis produced by the growing economic importance of North
America, that is, the United States. But in his Memorial, Pownall proposed that Britain recognize that the colonies were finally and irretrievably
lost and had become a sovereign, independent state of great economic potential. Only
by adopting the principles of free trade and forming a commercial relationship that
would return Anglo-American trade to its normal channels could Britain avoid displacement
as an economic power. Finally, since Pownall saw access to the American markets as
a European problem, he called for the convening of a council of European nations that
would provide for the orderly integration of the new nation into the existing economic
and political order by lowering the barriers to free trade and liberalizing the law
of nations.
Pownall cited and quoted from the works of several authors to support { 160 } his arguments. His views on the nature and power of the state were based on his reading
of Francis Bacon's unfinished essay “Of the True Greatness of the Kingdom of Britain”
(No. I, notes 6, 9, 11, and 21, below). Benjamin Franklin was the source for his statistics on the population and
growth of the colonies (same, note 18), while his views on the future course of American foreign policy and the commercial
and political relationship between the United States and Europe reflect those of Thomas
Paine writing as “Common Sense” (same, notes 26 and 28). On the issue of trade regulation he turned to Sir Matthew Decker (same, note 50); and Henry IV's “grand design” to unify Europe, as expressed in the Memoirs of Maximilien de Béthune, was the model for his plan to achieve a unified European
response to the emergence of the United States as an economic power (same, notes 44 and 52). But what most sets the Memorial apart from the Administration, as well as other works of the period, is the pervasive influence of Adam Smith's
Wealth of Nations (2 vols., London, 1776). Pownall had given Smith's work an unfavorable review in
1776, largely because at that time he was still a vigorous defender of the colonial
monopoly (Thomas Pownall, A Letter from Governor Pownall to Adam Smith, LLD, F.R.S. . . ., London, 1776, p. 7–8, 26–27). By 1780 his views had clearly changed, for on page
113 of the Memorial he cites Smith as the source for a quotation, and Smith's influence is evident throughout
the Memorial, not only in those sections dealing with the workings of the economic system and
free trade, but also in those touching on the relationship between the colonies and
the mother country (No. I, note 39, below).
John Adams agreed wholeheartedly with much of the Memorial. He could have written those sections dealing with the rise of the United States
as an economic and political power, the progress of American civilization, and the
new nation's determination to trade with all nations while forming political connections
with none, and in fact inserted those sections into the letter of 19 April (No. I, below) and the later published versions (No. II, below) virtually without change. Moreover, when Pownall wrote of the oppressive
hand of the church and the nobility on European economic and political development
he echoed John Adams' own words in the “Dissertation on the Canon and the Feudal Law”
(vol. 1:103–128). This likely led Adams to write to Edmund Jenings on 20 April (below), requesting that he republish the “Dissertation” in England.
But the Memorial also differed fundamentally from other British proposals for settling the war with
America. For the first time a British writer in whom Adams had confidence argued that
Great Britain's economic self-interest demanded that it make peace and that it do
so at once. Previous proposals had all been based on one or more of the following
premises: the colonies would be exhausted by the war and sue for peace; the Anglo-American
ties of language, religion, and culture would lead the Americans to renounce their
French connection and return to the imperial fold; Britain would offer concessions
acceptable to the Americans and the war would end. In each case it was assumed that
the Americans would see that it was { 161 } in their self-interest to make peace because only disaster would result from continuing
the war. Pownall, however, rejected those assumptions and argued that by declaring
independence the United States had unilaterally repealed the navigation acts and opened
its markets to Britain's commercial rivals, led by France. If Britain did not act,
it risked permanent exclusion from those markets and thus from access to resources
of the New World.
This was similar to Adams' thinking when he drafted the Treaty Plan of 1776. He believed
then, and continued to believe even after the treaty of alliance was signed, that
there was no need to offer France a political alliance because access to American
markets formalized in a commercial treaty was incentive enough for French military
and financial assistance (Plan of Treaties, 12 June–17 Sept. 1776, Editorial Note, 4:260–261). In the Memorial Adams found Pownall making a similar argument: that access to the American markets
was incentive enough to force Britain to seek an immediate peace. The most compelling
evidence of the Memorial's influence on John Adams is the fact that this position, as developed and refined
by Pownall, formed the core of Adams' argument in his rebuttal of Joseph Galloway's
Cool Thoughts in the “Letters from a Distinguished American” ([ante 14–22 July], below).
On only one issue did Adams clearly disagree with Pownall. This was over Pownall's
call for the establishment of a council of European powers to resolve the issues raised
by the American Revolution. Pownall saw the integration of the New World, with its
new found economic and political power, into the existing European system as a crisis
that could be resolved only by the agreement of the nations meeting in council. John
Adams believed, however, that any problem resulting from the rise of the United States
as a political and economic power was Britain's alone. The rest of Europe, led by
France, was coming or already had come to terms with the new economic and political
order. To resolve its problem, Britain needed only to recognize the United States
as independent and sovereign, and form a commercial relationship with the new nation.
This would bring it into step with the rest of Europe, end its isolation, and make
it part of the new economic and political order of which Pownall wrote. Any council
of sovereign states dealing even peripherally with political issues or setting conditions
by which the United States would be integrated into the European system was unnecessary
and even dangerous. This reflected Adams' long held belief, ably expressed by Pownall
in his Memorial, that the United States should seek only commercial, not political, connections with
Europe. The only sort of council acceptable to Adams was one that would remove trade
barriers, such as the exclusion of foreign ships from the colonial trade in peacetime,
or liberalize the law of nations by instituting such principles as free ships make
free goods. John Adams, therefore, drastically revised the portion of Pownall's Memorial that called for a European council.
John Adams first learned of the Memorial from Thomas Digges' letter of 6 April (above, but see also Edmund Jenings' letter of 19 March, and note 3, above), in which Digges identified Pownall as the author. Digges also { 162 } indicated that he was sending a copy of the pamphlet to Benjamin Franklin, with a
request that it be passed on to Adams when Franklin was finished Digges to Franklin,
(6 April, Digges, Letters, p. 185–189). It seems likely, from Adams' reply of 15 April (above), that both letters of 6 April had arrived and that soon thereafter Adams
borrowed the Memorial from Franklin, read it, and set to work, condensing Pownall's 127-page text to about
half its size in just four days. This despite the fact that between 15 and 19 April,
Adams wrote ten letters, four of them to the president of Congress, including that
of 18 April in which the influence of the Memorial is clearly evident (No. 48, and note 1, above). There is no evidence that when Adams wrote his letter to the president,
he had any plans to publish his text, although considering the time and effort he
spent on it, such a thought may have been in the back of his mind.
The task of revising Pownall's Memorial was daunting, even if one considers only the time spent copying and recopying the
text, not to mention the substantive textual changes that Adams made. The effort was
necessary, however, because while Adams saw Pownall's arguments as important, he believed
that the Memorial's turgid and idiosyncratic prose obscured them and diminished their impact. The letter
to the president of Congress (No. I, below) fills thirteen closely written pages. The points at which Adams omitted significant
blocks of the Memorial's text or made substantive changes in Pownall's prose are indicated in the notes.
John Adams' Letterbook copy in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers) fills thirty-four pages and is identical to the recipient's copy except for Thaxter's
copying errors and some insertions by Adams to correct them. No draft has been found
and John Adams may have composed the letter to Congress directly from the Memorial.
In early July, John Adams decided to publish his revision of Pownall's Memorial. Using his Letterbook copy, he reworked and revised the manuscript (No. II, below) to produce a shorter and more clearly focused version. This became the text
that appeared as Pensées and Translation of the Memorial. Adams removed material that he, upon reconsideration, thought extraneous or, in
the case of Pownall's proposal for a European council, to more sharply emphasize his
argument at the expense of Pownall's. It is noteworthy that Pownall's references to
“the new World,” which were retained in the letter, became “America” in the manuscript
and instead of “North America” being “a new primary planet,” it was the “Congress of the United States of North America,” that filled that role.
John Adams made two copies of the text that were ultimately published, but only that
sent to Edmund Jenings has survived. A second copy sent by Adams to M. Addenet, a
Parisian translator, has not been found, nor has the manuscript of Addenet's French
translation that Jean Luzac used for Pensées. The surviving manuscript consists of five parts, each separately titled, that together
fill nineteen pages. Edmund Jenings received the first four with Adams' letter of
8 July (Adams Papers), while the fifth likely was enclosed in Adams' letter of the 14th (below; but see Jenings' replies of 15 { 163 } and 21 July, both below). The manuscript, which Jenings sent off to London in mid-September
(from Jenings, 14 Sept., below), contains emendations made by Jenings as he prepared it for publication and
which appear in the Translation as published at London in 1781. These changes, which were editorial rather than substantive,
do not appear in the text printed in this volume. Moreover, a comparison of Pensées with the manuscript indicates that the copy sent to Addenet was probably identical,
with one possible exception indicated in the notes, to that sent to Jenings.
The only significant difference between the Pensées and the Translation, other than that imposed by language, was Jean Luzac's twenty-page preface. John
Adams sent Luzac the manuscript in French translation on 5 Sept. and asked for his
opinion (to Luzac, 5 Sept., below). Luzac replied that the work had great merit, but suggested that he act as
editor and introduce the text with a preface designed to allay Dutch fears of an American
threat to their commercial interests that might be aroused by the pamphlet's focus
on the economic potential of the United States (see Luzac's letter of 14 Sept. and JA's reply of the 15th, both below). Pensées was published at Amsterdam in November 1780.
Historians have virtually ignored John Adams' Translation of Thomas Pownall's Memorial and, indeed, have paid little attention to the Memorial itself. This has been due partly to a lack of information regarding both Adams' letter
to the president of Congress and its later printed versions as well as to a thorough
misunderstanding over the degree to which Adams' pamphlet differed from the Memorial. The letter has been available only in the Papers of the Continental Congress or
in the Adams Papers, and few libraries hold the original pamphlets. Francis Wharton
did not include the letter of 19 April in the Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, and Charles Francis Adams printed neither the letter nor the Translation in the Works of John Adams. Moreover, after their publication in 1780 and 1781 respectively, Pensées and the Translation were not republished in Europe and there were no American editions.
John Adams, himself, did not inform Congress that the substance of his letter of 19 April had been published; nor is there any indication that he informed anyone of his effort
to have Jenings publish the Translation in London or of the publication itself. Indeed, Adams' authorship of the Translation remains unrecognized, it being generally attributed to Edmund Jenings or even, in
a contemporary review of the pamphlet in London's Monthly Review (64 [1781]:150), to Benjamin Franklin.
John Adams freely acknowledged his authorship of Pensées and widely distributed copies of it in the Netherlands. But over time, Adams' authorship
of Pensées was forgotten (see DNB, 16:267). The lack of attention has been all the more unfortunate because there is
no better source for John Adams' views on the rise of the United States as an economic
and political power, the future conduct of American foreign policy, or his thoughts
regarding an Anglo-American peace than this work.
Some explanation of the editorial treatment of the two documents pre• { 164 } sented below seems in order. The 19 April letter to the president of Congress (No. I, below) is more extensively annotated
than John Adams' Translation of Thomas Pownall's Memorial (No. II, below). The notes to the letter deal with Adams' copying from the Memorial and seek to shed light on his decisions to include, exclude, or alter particular
sections. They also consider Pownall's sources, translate Latin and French passages,
and indicate major blocks of material in the letter that Adams deleted when he copied
out his Translation of the Memorial. Because it is virtually identical to the published Translation, the annotation of the manuscript has been limited to matters unique to that document.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0115-0002
Date: 1780-04-19
I. To the President of Congress, No. 49
[dateline] Paris April 19. 1780
[salute] Sir
A Pamphlet has been published, in England, under the Title of “a memorial to the Sovereigns
of Europe, on the present State of Affairs, between the old and new World.” It is
Said to have been written by Governor Pownal, and, after an Acquaintance with his
style, for more than twenty Years, I find So many quaint Words, and unintelligible
Expressions, intermixed with so much Knowledge of America, and So many good Thoughts,
which are all Characteristic, that I have no doubt, it is his. I will endeavor to
give Congress an Account of it.
He begins with observing, very justly, that at the End of the last War, a new system
was formed, both political and commercial, which is now, compleatly formed, that the
Spirit of Commerce has become a leading Power, that at that Time the Center of this
system was G. Britain, whose Government, might if it had been wise have preserved,
the Advantage of being the Center, both of the Commerce and Politicks of the World:
but being unwise they disturbed the Course of things, and have not only lost forever
that Dominion which they had and might have held, but the external parts of the Empire
are one after another falling off, and it will be once more reduced to its Insular
Existence.
On the other hand, this new System of Power, moving round its own proper Center, which
is the new World has dissolved, all the forces sent against it by the English, and
has formed natural Connections with France and Spain, and other Countries. Founded
in nature it is growing, by accellerated motions, into a great and powerful Empire.
It has taken its equal station, among the nations of the Earth. Video Solem orientem
in Occidente.1 N. America is a new primary Planet, which taking its Course in its own orbit, must
have an Effect upon the orbit of every other, and shift the common Center
{ 165 } | view { 166 } 
of Gravity of the whole system of the European World. She is de facto, an independant
Power, and must be so, de Jure. The Politicians of Europe may reason or negotiate:
the Powers of Europe may fight about it: but such Negotiations and Wars will have
no Consequence on the right or the fact. It would be just as wise to fight or negotiate
for the dominion of the moon, which has been long common to them all, and all may
profit of her reflected light. The Independance of America is as fixed as fate: She
is mistress of her own fortune, knows that she is so, and will manage that Power which
she feels herself possessd of, to establish her own System and change that of Europe.2 Thus far I think Gov. Pownal Speaks like an oracle—he proceeds.
If the Powers of Europe, will see the state of Things, and act accordingly, the lives
of thousands may be spared, the Happiness of millions secured, and the peace of the
World preservd. If not, they will be plunged into a sea of Blood. The War, which is
almost gorged between Britain and America, will extend itself to all the maritime
Powers, and most probably afterwards to all the Inland Powers, and like the 30 years
war, of the 16 and 17th Centuries, will not end, but by a general Resettlement of
Interests, according to the Spirit of the new system which has taken Place. Why may
not all this be done by a Congress of all Nations, before, as well as after the War?
Let me observe here to Congress, as I go along, that G. Pownal in this Paragraph,
seems to be in that profound state of Ignorance, which all his Nation is manifestly
in, of what is passing in the rest of the World. He seems to think that the maritime
Powers will be divided upon the American Question, and go to War about it, whereas
it is very certain that all the other maritime Powers, are unanimous about, in favour
of one side, against England, and I cant think that he supposes England can maintain
the 30 years War, against all the maritime Powers—G. Pownal proceeds.
The final settlement of Power, at a Peace, is never in proportion to the success of
Arms. It depends upon the Interposition of Parties, who have not meddled in the War,
but who come to the treaty for Peace, brought forward by Intrigue, with the Aid of
Jealousy, and counteract, by negotiation the envied Effects of Arms.
The Britons have forced, the present system, into Establishment before its natural
Season. They might have Secured the Attachment of their Plantations for years to come,
as Spain by her caution will do: but it was a principal part of the plan, of the confidential
Counsellors, in a general Reformation of the Kings Government, to reform the Constitutions
of America. They were informed it would lead to { 167 } War, but they thought it would be a good measure to force the Americans to arms. Conquest,
of which they were sure, would give them the Right of giving what Constitutions they
thought fit, such as that to Quebec—little foreseeing what a War, it would prove,3 and still less suspecting, that France and Spain, and all the rest of the World,
would interpose.
None of the Powers of Europe, and few of the most knowing Politicians, have considered,
what Effect this Revolution will have on the general system of Europe. Here I believe
Govr. Pownal is mistaken. Every Power in Europe, and every Politician in Europe, except
those in G. Britain have digested this subject very well. The Govr. goes on. One thing
is certain, that on whatever ground the War between Britain and Bourbon began, in
whatever course it may take,4 however long they may continue it, to their mutual destruction, the Americans will
never belong to either foedere inequale.5 Here I hope and trust in God Gover. Pownals Judgement is infallible. He goes on.
The Powers of Europe, who will become Parties, before these affairs come to the Issue,
will concur in no other settlement, than that these states are an independant sovereign
Power, holding a free Commerce equally with all.
In order [to] shew, how these matters may, and finally will be settled, he proposes to lay before
the Sovereigns, a View of the European and American Worlds; and point out what will
be the natural Effects of the Seperation of them, and of the Independance of America,
upon the commercial and political state of Europe, and finally to shew how the present
Crisis, may by Wisdom and Benevolence, [be] wrought into the greatest Blessing of Peace, Liberty and Happiness, which the World
hath yet seen.
He professes that he can look to the one and the other of these Worlds, with the same
Philosophic Indifference, with which an Astronomer compares the Magnitude and Distances
of Planets, free from all Habits, and Prejudices, that possess the Europeans.
He then proceeds to compare, the new and old World, in point of Magnitude, Spirit,
and Power. He says6 that in measuring, the Magnitude of states too much is ascribed commonly, Extent
of Territory, and fruitfulness of Soil.
That Extent of Dominion, which is most capable, of a Systematical Connection and Communication,
has the most natural Greatness.
The three other Parts of the World, are naturally seperated from each other, and altho
once under the dominion of the Romans, as this was an unnatural Exertion, beyond the
Resources of human { 168 } nature it soon dissolved, and they seperated. Europe Asia and Africa, are not only
seperated by their local Positions, but are inhabited by distinct Species of human
Beings. North and south America, are in like manner naturally divided. North America,
is possessed by Englishmen, and this natural Circumstance forms this division of America,
into one great Society, the Basis of a great dominion. There is no where in Europe,
So great and combined an Interest, communicating through so large a territory, as
that in north America. The northern and southern Parts of Europe, are possessed by
different nations, actuated by different Sovereignties and systems. Their Intercourse
is interrupted, they are at perpetual Variance, Intercourse is difficult over Land,
and by Sea. They are cutt off by intervening nations. On the Contrary, when N. America
is examined, you find every thing united in it, which forms Greatness. The nature
of the Coast and the Winds, renders Communication by navigation perpetual. The Rivers,
open an inland navigation, which carries on a Circulation through the whole. The Country
thus united, and one part of it, communicating with another, by its Extent of Territory
and Variety of Climates, produces, all that nature requires, that Luxury loves, or
that Power can employ. All these Things, which the Nations of Europe under every difficulty
that a defect of natural Communication, under every obstruction that a perverse artificial
System throws in their Way, barter for, are in N. America possessed, with an uninterrupted
natural Communication and an unobstructed navigation, and an universal freedom of
Commerce by one nation. The naval stores, Timber, Hemp, Fisheries, Salt Provisions
of the north. The Tobacco, Rice, Cotton, silk, indigo, fruits and perhaps Wines, Resin
and Tar of the South, form a reciprocation of Wants and supplies. The Corn, flour,
Manufactures &c. of the middle states, fill up the Communion and compleat its system.
They unite those Parts which were before connected, and organize the several parts
into one whole.7
The Islands, are no doubt, naturally Parts of this North American Communion. The European
Powers, may by Effects of Force, if they can agree, preserve the Property and Dominion
of those Islands, for some years, perhaps an Age. But if they quarrell, about them,
the whole of the Spanish, Dutch, Danish, French and British Islands, bound in Union,
with North America, must become Parts of her system.8
Altho no Symptoms of Revolution at present appear in South America, yet it may be
proper to inquire into those internal Circum• { 169 } stances of its natural and political system, by which it works to Independancy.
S. America is larger than North, and has more Variety of Climates, and further advanced
to a natural Independance of Europe, and is growing into the largest Amplitude of
Dominion that this Earth has ever yet Seen. Agriculture, has already produced, here
not only an Abundance for home Consumption, but a surplus for Exportation. The Articles
of Export, are Wheat, flour, barley, Wine, hemp, tallow, lard, Sugar, Cocoa, fruits,
Sweetmeats, pickles, naptha, oil, cotton &c. This Progress of Agriculture has produced
Manufactures and Trade. Cordage, Sail cloth of Cotton, Woolen and linnen cloth, hats,
Leather, fiance, Instruments of husbandry, tools of Mechanicks &c. As the Population
and Culture of Chili, shall increase, the produce of these higher Latitudes and cooler
Climates, will enter into the great system, and will compleat the western Side of
S. America, possessed by one nation into an object of as much greater magnitude of
Wealth and Power, than the English nation possesses in N. America, as it is greater
in the Variety and extent of its internal Communication, besides which it will have
an uninterrupted Intercourse of East Indian Commerce. N. America has not as yet gone
into an active State of manufactures, nor will it for many Years, yet N. America,
is more independant in the Spirit of its People, and in Policy. It has only first
Seperated from the old World. S. A. is not yet ripe for falling off, nor is it likely
to be forced to a premature Revolt, as N. A. has been. As Long as the Ct. of S[pain] proceeds with the Temper, Address, and Wisdom, which it observes at present, an indolent,
luxurious, and Superstitious People, not much accustomed to think of Politicks (tho
much more than is generally suspected) will continue in subjection to Government,
and commercial Restrictions. But the Natives increasing, beyond any proportion to
the N[umber] of old Spaniards; having the executive Power, of all the inferiour Magistracies in
their own hands, by their own Election of the magistrates, they have the Power of
internal Government in their own hands, and the Government of the sovereign, by his
Viceroys, Audiences, Clergy, Army &c., is a meer tenure at good Will. A great Country
like this, so advanced in Agriculture, Manufactures, Arts and Commerce, is too large
for any Government in Europe to manage by Authority, 4 or 5 thousand miles off. Bacon
says, “there are two manners of Securing large territories: the one by the natural
arms of every Province; and the other by the protecting arms of the principal State,
in which later case commonly the provincials are disarmed. There are two dangers { 170 } incident to every State, foreign Invasion and inward Rebellion. These two Remedies
of state, fall into these two dangers in case of remote provinces, for if such a state
rest upon the natural Arms of the Province, it is sure to be subject to Rebellion,
or Revolt: if upon protecting Arms it is sure to be weak against Invasion.”9 Spain as well as England found themselves under the necessity of repealing a Revenue
Law which they had made, because they felt that they could not carry it into Execution,
by Authority. The disputes between Spain and Portugal, about the Boundaries of the
Brazils and the Spanish Provinces, arose from their not being able jointly, to carry
into Effect a Pacification. S. America is growing too much for Spain to manage. It
has Power to be independent and will be so in fact, when any Occasion shall arise.
It will not be after the Manner of N. America, which has become a democratick or Aristocratic
Republic. S. A. will be conducted by some injured and enterprizing Genius to Monarchy.10
He proceeds to consider, what he calls, from Ld. Bacon, the Amplitude and Growth of
State11 in North America, and Says that Civilization, next to Union of System and Communication
of Parts, constitute it. He compares the Civilization of America with that of Europe,
and if I understand him, for he is almost unintelligible, his Conclusion, is true,
and just (whatever, Smaller men than he may think of it) that the Civilization of
North America is, Superior to that of Europe. When I say that this Conclusion is just
I dont mean, that Architecture, Painting, Statuary, Poetry, in one Word the fine Arts,
are so well understood, nor that the Mechanick Arts are so well understood and practised
by any Individuals in America as they are by some in Europe, nor do I mean that the
sciences those of Government and Policy particularly are so learnedly understood by
any Individuals in America, as they are by some in Europe: by I mean and I say this,
that Arts, sciences, Agriculture, Manufactures, Government, Policy, Commerce are better
understood, by the collective Body of the People in America, than they are by that
of Europe. And this is the only Way of stating the Comparison of Civilization, and
in this Respect America is infinitely further removed from Barbarity than Europe.12
Governor Pownal proceeds. When the Spirit of Civilization began first in Europe, after
the Barbarous Ages of the northern Invaders, the Clergy, were the blind leaders to
light, and the feudal Lords, the Patrons of Liberty—what Knowledge! what Liberty!—the
Instruction of the first, was more pernicious than Ignorance: the Patronage of { 171 } the last was the Benevolence of a Grazier, who fattens his Cattle, to profit of their
Hides, and Bodies. The People held their Knowledge, as they did their Lands by a servile
Tenure, which did not permit them to use it as their own. Such was the Source of Civilization in Europe!13
The first movement of Civilization, is the application of Labour to the Culture of
the Earth, in order to raise that supply of Food which is necessary for Men in society.
The Application of Labour to Architecture, Cloathing, Tools and Instruments is concommitant
with this. Marketts, in which a Reciprocation of Wants and surplusses, is accomplished,
succeeds. Hence arise, by a further Improvement Artificers and Manufacturers. And
in succession a surplus is created beyond what is wanted by the Individuals, or the
Community, which produces Commerce, by exchanging this surplus for articles of Conveniency,
or Enjoyment, which the Country does not produce.
By the Violence of the military Spirit, under which Europe was a second time Peopled,
the Inhabitants were divided into two Classes, Warriors and slaves. Agriculture was
conducted by the latter, Wretches annexed to, not owners of the Soil, degraded Animals!
Cattle, Property, not Proprietors! no Interest in their own Reasons, Labour, Time.
They had neither Knowledge, nor Motive to make one Effort of Improvement.14 Improvement in Agriculture, was therefore, many hundred years at a Stand. Although
in some Countries of Europe it may seem at present progressive, it is so slow that
for Ages it can have no great Effect, except perhaps in England, yet even here the
farmer, is absurdly and cruelly oppressed.
Manufactures, or the Labour of Men in Wool, Iron, Stone, or Leather, were held as
the servile offices of Society, and fit only for slaves. These Artificers, were mere
Machines of the most arrogant and ignorant Master. They would never make Experiments.
So that Mechanicks and Arts, went on for Ages without Improvement.
Upon the dissolution of the Hanseatic League, the Sovereigns who had seen the Power,
which arose from Manufactures and Trade, began to encourage their subjects and invite
Strangers, to establish them. Civilization took a momentary start. But the Policy
of the Sovereigns, held the Manufacturers, in wretched Condition, by many obstructing
Regulations. The Same Policy, affecting to encourage Manufactures, gave them a false
help, by setting assises in the produce of Land, which oppressed Agriculture. This
Same system of Policy, confined Ingenuity, by making imposing Regulations and taxes
on every Motion of Manufactures, on their coming from the Hand { 172 } of the Workman: on the Carriage: on the sale: on the Return whether in goods or Money.
This Policy, was directed to draw into the Treasury of the state, all the Profit,
beyond the Labourers subsistance. Commercial Legislation, was directed wholly, to
make the subject sell but not buy: export Articles but import Money, of which the
state must have the greatest share. Hence exclusive Property of certain Materials
of Manufacture, which they called Staple Commodities—hence Monopolies—exclusive Priviledges
of trade, to Persons, Articles and Places: exclusive Fisheries:—hence the notions
of the ballance of Trade:—and hence the whole Train of Retaliations, restraints on
Exportation, Prohibitions of Importation, alien duties, imposts—having thus rendered
Communication among themselves almost impracticable, they were forced to look out
for foreign settlements—hence Colonies, which might be worked like out farms for the
Exclusive benefit of the metropolis, hence that wildest of wild Visions of Avarice
and Ambition, the attempt to render the Ocean an Object of Property, a Claim of Possession
in it, and Dominion over it. Thus Civilization was obstructed, improvement hindered,
and the Light of Genius extinguished.15 Events may arise which may induce, Governors in Europe, to revise and reform, the
hard Conditions of its Imprisonment, and give it Liberty.
In the new World, all the Inhabitants are free, and allow universal Naturalization
to all that wish to be So, and a perfect Liberty of using any mode of Life they choose,
or any Means of getting a Livelihood, that their Talents lead them to. Their Souls
are their own: Their Reason is their own. They are their own masters: Their Labour
is employed on their own Property, and what they produce is their own. Where every
Man has the free, and full Exertion of his Powers, and may acquire any Share of Profit
or Power, that his Spirit can work him up to; there an unabated Application, and a
perpetual Struggle of Spirit sharpens the Wit, and trains the Mind. The Acquisition
of Knowledge in Business, necessary to this Mode of Life, gives the Mind, a Turn of
Investigation, which forms a Character peculiar to these People. This is called Inquisitiveness,
which goes often to Ridicule, but is in Matters of Business and Commerce an usefull
Talent. They are animated with the Spirit of the New Philosophy. Their Life is a Course
of Experiments, and standing on as high ground of Improvement, as the most enlightened
Parts of Europe have advanced, like Eaglets they commence the first Efforts of their
Pinnions from a towering Advantage.
In Europe the poor Man's Wisdom is despised. The poor Mans { 173 } Wisdom, is not learning, but knowledge of his own picking up, from facts and nature,
by simple Experience. In America, the Wisdom and not the Man is attended to: America
is the Poor Mans Country. The Planters here reason not from what they hear but from
what they see and feel. They follow what mode they like. They feel that they can venture
to make Experiments, and the Advantages of their discoveries are their own. They therefore
try, what the soil claims, what the Climate permits, and what both will produce to
the greatest Advantage, in this way, they have brought into Cultivation, an Abundance,
that no nation of the old World ever did, or could. They raise not only Plenty, and
Luxury for their internal supply, but the Islands in the West Indies have been supplied
from their Superabundance, and Europe, in many Articles has profited of it. It has
had its fish from their seas: its wheat and flour from one part: its rice from another:
its Tobacco and Indigo from another: its timber and naval stores from another: olives,
oranges, Wines, are introducing by Experiments.
This spirit of Civilization, first attaches itself to Mother Earth, and the Inhabitants
become Land workers. You see them labouring at the Plow, and the Spade, as if they
had not an Idea, above the Earth; yet their Minds are all the while, enlarging all
their powers, and their Spirit rises as their Improvements advance. Many a real philosopher,
politician and Warrior, emerges out of this Wilderness, as the seed rises out of Ground.16
They have also made many improvements in Handicrafts, Tools, and Machines. Want of
Tools, and the Unfitness of such as they had, have put these Settlers to their shifts
and these shifts are Experiments. Particular Uses calling for some Alteration have
opened many a new Invention. More new Tools and Machines, and more new forms of old
ones, have been issued in the new than were ever invented in the old in the same space
of time.
The new World hath not turned its labour, into Arts and manufactures, because, their
labour employed in its own natural Way can produce those things, which purchase Articles
of Arts and manufactures, cheaper, than they could make them, but tho it dont manufacture
for Sale, the settlers find Fragments of Time, which they cannot otherwise employ,
in which they make most of the Articles of personal Ware and household Use, for home
Consumption. When the Field shall be filled with Husbandmen, and the Classes of Handicrafts
fully stocked, as there are no Laws which impose Conditions, on which a Man is to
become intituled to exercise this or that trade, or by which he is excluded from exercising
the one or the other, in this or that { 174 } place: none that prescribe the manner in which, or the Prices at which he is to work,
or that confine him even to the trade he was bred to: the moment that Civilization
carried on in its natural Course is ripe for it: the Branch of Manufactures will take
Root, and grow with an astonishing Rapidity.
Altho, the Americans do not endeavour to force the Establishment of Manufactures;
yet, following the natural progress of Improvement, they every Year produce a Surplus
of Profit. With these surpluses and not with Manufactures they carry on their Commerce.
Their fish, wheat, flour, rice, tobacco, indigo, live stock, barrel pork and beef
(some of these being peculiar to the Country and staple Commodities) form their Exports.
This has given them a direct Trade to Europe, and a circuitous Trade to Affrica and
the West Indies.
The same Ingenuity in mechanicks, which accompanies their Agriculture, enters into
their Commerce, and is exerted in Ship building: it is carried on, not only for their
own freight, and that of the West Indies, but for sale, and supply a great part of
the shipping of Britain; and if it continues to advance, will supply a great Part
of the trade of Europe with ships, at cheaper Rates, then they can any where, or by
any means, supply themselves. Thus their Commerce, altho under various Restrictions,
while they were subordinate Provinces, by its advancing Progress in ship building,
hath struck deep roots, and is now shot forth into an Active Trade, Amplitude of state
and great Power.
An Objection. It will be said that the Ballance of Trade, has been at all times, against
America, so as to draw all the Gold and silver from it, and for this Reason it cannot
Advance in Commerce and oppulence. Answer. America, even while in depressed and restrained
Provinces, has advanced its Cultivation to great oppulence, and constantly extending
the Channells of its trade and increasing its shipping. Tis a fallacious Maxim to
judge of the general Ballance of Profit in commerce by the Motions of one Article
of Commerce, the prescious metals.
These metals, will always go to that Country, that pays the most for them. That Country,
which on any sudden Emergency wants Money, and knows not how to circulate any other
than silver and gold, must pay the most for them. The Influx of them therefore into
a Country, instead of being a Consequence, of the ballance of trade being in its favor,
or the Efflux being a Mark, of the Ballance being against it, may be proof of the
contrary. The ballance of trade, reckoned by the import or Export of Gold and silver,
may in many { 175 } cases, be said to be against England, and in favour of those Countries to which its
money goes. If this Import or Export was the Effect of a final settled account, instead
of being, only the transfer of this Article to or from an Account currant, as it commonly
is, yet it would not be a mark of the Ballance of Trade. England, from the nature
of its Government and the Extent of its Commerce, has established a Credit, on which,
on any Emergency, it can give Circulation to paper money, almost to any amount. If
it could not, it must, at any rate, purchase gold and silver, and their would be a
great Influx of the prescious metals. Will any one say, that this is a Symptom of
the ballance of trade being in its favour? but on the contrary, having credit, from
a progressive ballance of profit, it can, even in such an Emergency, spare its Gold
and silver, and even make a Profit of it, as an Article of Commerce exported. Here
We see, the ballance of profit creating a Credit, which circulates as money, even
while its gold and silver are exported. If any Event like the late Recoinage of the
Gold in England, which called in the old Coin at a better Price than that at which
it was circulating abroad, should raise the Price of this Article in England, it will,
for the same reason, as it went out, be again imported into England, not as a ballance
of Accounts, but as an Article of trade, of which the best profit could at that moment
be made. The fact was, that at that Period, quantities of English gold coin, to a
great amount, were actually imported into England in bulk; and yet this was no mark
of any sudden change of a ballance of trade in favour of that Country.17
The ballance of trade, reckoned by this false rule, has been always said to be against
N. America: but the fact is, that their Government profiting of a Credit arising from
the progressive Improvements, and advancing Commerce of it <(which all the World sees as it is)>, hath by a refined policy, established a Circulation of Paper Money, to an Amount
that is astonishing; that from the immense quantity it should depreciate, is nothing
to this Argument; for it has had its Effect. The Americans therefore can spare their
gold and silver, as well as England, and my Information says, there is now locked
up in America more than three Millions, English Money, in gold and silver, which when
their Paper is annihilated will come forth. The Efflux, therefore of gold and silver,
is no proof of a ballance against them. On the contrary, being able to go on without
gold and silver, but wanting other Articles, without which they could not proceed
in their Improvements in Agriculture, Commerce, or War, the gold and silver is in
part hoarded, and in part exported for these Articles. In fact, this { 176 } objection, which is always given as an instance of Weakness in America, under which
she must Sink, turns out, in the true state of it, an Instance of the most extensive
Amplitude and Growth of state. It would be well for England, if while she tryumphs
over this Mote in her Sisters Eye, would attend to the Beam in her own, and prepare
for the Consequences of her own paper Money.
From this Comparison of the Spirit of Civilization, applied to Agriculture, Mechanicks,
and Commerce, extended through a large territory, having a free Communication, thro
the whole, Governor Pownal asserts, that N. America has advanced, and is every day
advancing, to a Growth of State, with a constant, and accellerating Motion of which
there has never been any Example in Europe.
He proceeds to compare the two Countries, in the Progress of Population. In North
America Children are a Blessing they are Riches and strength to the Parents. In Europe,
Children are a Burden. The Causes of which have been with decided demonstration explained
in the “Observations concerning the Increase of Mankind, the Peopling of Countries
&c.”18 which he confirms by Examples of the actual increase,—The Mass. Bay, had of inhabitants
in the year 1722, 94,000—in 1742, 164,000, in 1751—when there was a great depopulation
both by War and the Small Pox 164,484—in 1761, 216,000—in 1765, 255,500—in 1771, 292,000,
in 1773, 300,000.19
In Connecticut, in 1756, 129,994—in 1774, 257,356. These numbers are not increased
by strangers, but decreased by Wars and Emigrations to the Westward, and to other
states. Yet they have nearly doubled in Eighteen Years.
In N. York in 1756, 96,776—in 1771, 168,007—in 1774, 182,251.
In Virginia in 1756, 173,316—in 1764, 200,000—in 1774, 300,000.
In S. Carolina 1750, 64,000—in 1770, 115,000. In R. Island, 1738, 15,000, in 1748,
28,439.
As there never was a Militia in Pensilvania, which authentic List of the Population,20 it has been variously estimated on Speculation. There was a continual Importation
for many Years of irish and foreign Emigrants, yet many of these settled in other
Provinces: but the progress of population, in the ordinary course, advanced in a ratio
between that of Virginia, and that of Mass. Bay. The City of Philadelphia, advanced
more rapidly. It had in 1749—2076 houses in 1753—2300 in 1760, 2969 in 1769, 4474,
from 1749 to 1753 from 16, to 18,000 Inhabitants—from 1760 to 1769 from 31,318 to
35,000.
There were in 1754 various Calculations and Estimates made of the No. on the Continent.
The sanguine, made the No. one million and { 177 } an half. Those who admitted less speculation into the Calculation, but adhered closer
to Facts and Lists as they were made out, Stated them at one million two hundred and
fifty thousand. The Estimate said to be taken in Congress in 1774 makes them 3,026,678—but
there must have been great Scope of Speculation in that Estimate. Another, after two
or three Years of War, is 2,810,000. Govr. P. thinks that 2,141,307 would turn out
nearest to the real amount in 1774. But what an amazing Progress, which in 18 years
has added a million to a million two hundred and fifty thousand, altho a War was maintained
in that Country for seven years of the term. In this view one sees a Community, unfolding
itself, beyond any Example in Europe.
But the Model of these Communities, which has always taken place, from the Beginning,
has enrolled every subject, as a soldier, and trained a greater Part, or 535,326 of
these People to Arms, which Number the Community has, not seperate from the civil,
and formed into a distinct body of regular Soldiers, but remaining united in the internal
Power of the society, a national Piquet guard, always prepared for defence. This will
be thought ridiculous by the regular Generals of Europe: but experience hath evinced,
that for the very Reason that they are not a Seperate body, but members of the Community,
they are a real and effectual national defence. He concludes with Lord Bacon, that21 the true Greatness of a State consisteth essentially in Population <and breed of Men>, and where there is Valour in individuals, and a military disposition in the frame
of the Community: where all, and not particular conditions and degrees only, make
profession of Arms, and bear them in their countrys defence.22
This Country now is an Independant State, that hath taken its equal Station amidst
the Nations of the Earth.23 It is an Empire, the Spirit of whose Government extends from the Center to the extream Parts. Universal participation of Council, creates Reciprocation of universal Obedience.
The Seat of Government will be well informed of the State and Condition of the remote
and extream parts which by participation in the Legislature, will be informed and
satisfied in the reasons and necessity of the measures of Government. These will consider
themselves as acting in every grant that is made, and in every tax imposed. This Consideration
will give Efficacy to Government, that Consensus Obedientium, on which the permanent
Power of Empire is founded. This is the Spirit of the New Empire in America. It is
liable to many Disorders, but young and Strong, like the Infant Hercules it will strangle
these serpents, in the Cradle. Its Strength { 178 } will grow with Years. It will establish its Constitution, and perfect Growth to Maturity.
To this Greatness of Empire it will certainly arise. That it is removed 3000 miles
from its Enemy: that it lies on another side of the Globe where it has no Enemy: that
it is Earth born and like a Giant ready to run its Course, are not the only Grounds,
on which a Speculatist may pronounce this. The fostering Care with which the Rival Powers of Europe will nurse it, ensures its
Establishment, beyond all doubt or danger.
When a State is founded on Such Amplitude of Territory: whose Intercourse is so easy:
whose Civilization, is so advanced: where all is Enterprize and Experiment: where
Agriculture has made so many discoveries, of new and peculiar Articles of Cultivation:
where the ordinary Produce of bread Corn has been carried to a degree, that has made
it a Staple Export, for the supply of the old World: whose Fisheries are mines producing
more Solid Riches than all the silver of Potosi: Where Experiment hath invented So
many new and ingenious Improvements, in Mechanicks: where the Arts, Sciences, Legislation
and Politicks, are Soaring with a Strong and extended Pinion: where Population has
multiplied like the Seeds of the Harvest: Where the Power of these Numbers, taking
a military Form, shall lift up itself as a young Lion;24 where Trade of extensive orbit, circulating in its own shipping, has wrought up these
Efforts of the Community to an active Commerce: where all these Powers have united
and taken the form of Empire: I may suppose I cannot err, or give offence to the greatest
Power in Europe, when Upon a Comparison of the state of Mankind, and of the Powers
of Europe, with that of America I venture to suggest to their Contemplation, that
America is growing too large for any Government in Europe to manage as subordinate.
That the Government, of North America, is too firmly fixed in the Hands of its own
Community, to be either directed by other Hands, or taken out of those in which it
is: and that the Power in Men and Arms, is too much to be forced, at the distance
of 3000 Miles. Were I to ask an Astronomer, whether, if a satellite should grow, untill
it could ballance with its Planet, whether that globe so increased, could be held
any longer by any of the Powers of Nature, in the orbit of a satellite, and whether
any external Force could hold it there, he will answer me, directly, No. If I ask
a father, whether, after his son is grown up, to full strength of Body Mind and Reason,
he can be held in Pupillage, and will suffer himself to be treated and corrected as
a Child, he must answer No. Yet if I ask, an European Politician, who learns by Hearsay,
and thinks by Habit, whether N. America will { 179 } remain dependent he answers, Yes. He will have a thousand reasons, why it must be
so, altho fact rises in his face to the very contrary. Politicians, instead of being
employed to find out reasons to explain facts, are often employed with a multitude
about them, to invent and make facts, according to predetermined Reasonings. Truth,
however, will prevail. This is not said to prove, but to explain the Fact, so that
the Consequences may be seen. The present Combination of Events whether attended to
or not, whether wrought by Wisdom into the system of Europe or not, will force its
way there, by the Vigour of natural Causes. Europe, in the Course of its Commerce,
and even in the internal order and Oeconomy of its Communities, will be affected by
it. The Statesman cannot prevent its Existence, nor resist its Operation. He may embroil
his own Affairs; but it will become his best Wisdom, and his Duty to his Sovereign
and the People, that his measures coincide and cooperate with it.
The first of the Consequences is, the Effect, which this Empire, become a great naval
power, will have on the Commerce, and by Changes in that, on the political system
of the old World.
Whoever understands the Hanseatic League, and its progress, by possessing the commanding
Articles of the Commerce of the World; the command of the great Rivers; its being
the Carrier of Europe: in consequent active naval Power, that could attract, resist,
and even command the landed powers; that it was made up of Seperate and unconnected
Towns, included within the dominions, of other States; that they had no natural Communication,
and only an artificial Union: whoever considers not only the commercial but naval
and political Power, which this League established throughout Europe; will see, on
how much more solid a Basis, the Power of North America, stands: how much faster it
must grow, and to what an Ascendancy, of Interest, carrying on the greatest part of
the Commerce, and commanding the greatest Part of the Shipping of the World, this
great commercial and naval Power, must Soon arrive. If the League, without the natural
Foundation of a political Body, in Land, could grow by Commerce and navigation to
such Power: if, of Parts seperated by Nature, and only joined by Art and Force, could
become a great political Body, acting externally with an Interest and Power, that
took a lead, and even an Ascendancy in Wars and Treaties? What must N. America, removed
at the distance of half the Globe, from all the obstructions of rival powers, founded
in a landed Dominion, peculiarly adapted for Communication of Commerce, and Union
of Power, rise to in its Progress? As the Hanseatick League, { 180 } grew to Power, Denmark, Sweeden, Poland, and France, Sought its Alliance (under the
common Veil of Pride) by offers of becoming its Protectors. England also, growing
fast into a commercial Power, had commercial Arrangements by Treaty with it. Just
So now, will the Sovereigns of Europe, just so have, the Bourbon Compact, the greatest
Power in Europe, courted the Friendship of America. Standing on Such a Basis, and
growing Up, under Such Auspices, one may pronounce of America, as was said of Rome—Civitas,
incredibile est memoratu, a deptà Libertate quantum brevi creverit.25 I mark what may be, by what has been.
In the Course of this American War, all the Powers of Europe, at least the maritime
powers, will one after another, as some of the first leading Powers have already done,
apply to the States of America, for a share in their trade, and for a Settlement of
the Terms on which they may carry it, on with them. America, will then become the
arbitress of the commercial (and perhaps as the seven United Belgic Provinces were
in the Year 1647) the mediatrix of peace, and of the political business of the World.
If N: America follows the Principles on which Nature has established her; and if the
European Alliances which she has already made do not involve her in, and Seduce her
to, a Series of Conduct destructive of that System, which those Principles lead to;
She must observe, that as Nature hath seperated her from Europe, and hath established
her alone on a great Continent, far removed from the old World, and all its embroiled
Interests and wrangling Politicks, without an Enemy or a Rival or the Entanglement
of Alliances.26 1. That it is, contrary to her Interest and the nature of her Existence, that she
should have any Connections of Politicks with Europe, other than merely commercial;
and even on that ground, to observe inviolably27 the Caution of not being involved, in Either the quarrells, or the Wars of the Europeans.
2. That the real State of America is, that of being the common Source of supply to
Europe in general; and that her true Interest is therefore that of being a free Port
to all Europe at large; and that all Europe at large should be the common Market for
American Exports. The true Interest, therefore of America, is, not to form any partial
connections, with any Part to the Exclusion of the rest. If England had attended to
her true Interest, as connected with that of America, she would have known, that28 it is the Commerce, and not the Conquest of America, by which she could be benefited;
and if she would even yet, with temper listen to her true Interest, she would still
find, that that Commerce would, in a great measure { 181 } continue with the Same benefit, were the two Countries as independent of each other
as France and Spain, because in many Articles, neither of them can go to a better
Market. This is meant, as under their present Habits and Customs of Life. Alienation
may change all this.
The first great leading Principle will be, that N. America will become a free Port
to all the nations of the World, indiscriminately; and will expect, insist on, and,
demand, in fair Reciprocity, a free market in all those nations with whom she trades.
This will, if she forgets not, nor forsakes her real nature, be the Basis, of all
her commercial Treaties. If she adheres to this Principle, she must be, in the course
of time, the chief Carrier of the Commerce of the whole World: because, unless the
several powers of Europe, become to each other, likewise, free Ports and free marketts,
America alone will come to and act there, with an ascendant Interest that must command
every Advantage to be derived from them.29
The Commerce of N. America, being no longer the Property of one Country only: her
Articles of supply will come freely, and be found now in all the markets of Europe:
not only moderated by, but moderating the Prices of the like Articles of Europe. The
Furs and Peltry, will meet those of the north East part of Europe; and neither the
one nor the other can any longer be estimated by the Advantages to be taken of an
exclusive Vent. Advantages of this Kind, on Iron, and naval Stores, have frequently
been aimed at by Sweeden: and the monopoly in them was more than once used as an Instrument
of Hostility against England, which occasioned the bounties on these Articles, the
Growth of America, which gave rise to the Export of them from America: when they come
freely to the European marketts, cooperating with the Effect which those of Russia
have, will break that monopoly, for Russia, by the Conquest of Livonia,30 and the Advancement of her Civilization, has become a source of supply, in these
Articles, to a great Extent. All Europe by the Intervention of this American Commerce,
will find the good Effects of a fair Competition, both in Abundance of Supply, and
in moderation of Price. Even England who hath lost the monopoly, will be no great
loser on this score: she will find this natural Competition as advantageous to her,
as the monopoly, which, in bounties, and other costs of protection she paid so dear
for. Ship building and navigation, haveing made such progress in America, that they
are able to build and navigate cheaper than any country in Europe, even than Holland
with all her Aeconomy. There will arise a Competition in this branch of com• { 182 } merce. In this branch the dutch will find a powerful Rivalry, from that maritime people
the Americans.31 They will also find, in the Marketts of Europe, a Competition in the branch of the
Fisheries. The Rice and Corn, which the Americans have been able to export, to an
Amount that Supplied, in the European market, the defect arising from England's withholding
her Exports, will keep down depressed the Agriculture of Portugal and Spain, and in
some measure of France, if the policy of those Countries does not change the Regulations,
and order of their internal Oeconomy. The peculiar Articles, to be had as yet from
America only, which Europe so much seeks after, will give the Americans the command
of the market in those Articles, and enable them, by annexing assortments of other
Articles, to produce these also, with Advantage in these marketts. The refuse fish,
flour, Maize, meat, live stock, lumber &c., all carried in American shipping to the
W. India Islands: the African slaves, carried by a circuitous trade, in American Shipping
also to the W. India marketts: taking from thence the molasses: aiding those Islands
with American shipping, in the Carriage of their produce, must ever command and have
the Ascendency in the Commerce of that Part of the World, if this Ascendency even
Stops here. The cheap manner, in which the Americans produce their Articles of Supply:
the low rates at which they carry them to Europe, Selling also their shipping there:
the small Profits at which their merchants are content to trade, must lower the price
of the like Articles in Europe: oblige the European merchants to be content with less
profit: occasion some Reform in the Oeconomy of Europe in raising and police in bringing
to market, the native Articles of supply. But further the Americans, by their Principle
of being a free port in America, and having a free market in Europe; by their Policy
of holding themselves, as they are remote from all the wrangling Politicks, So neutral
in all the Wars of Europe: by their Spirit of Enterprise in all the quarters of the
globe, will oblige the Nations of Europe to call forth within themselves such a Spirit,
as must entirely change its commercial system also.
But will a people whose Empire Stands Singly predominant on a great Continent, who
before they lived under their own Government, had pushed their Spirit of Adventure
in Search of a N. West Passage to Asia, which as their own discovery, they meant to
have claimed as their own peculiar Right, Suffer in their borders the Establishment
of such a monopoly as the European Hudsons Bay Company? Will that Spirit which has
forced an extensive commerce in the two bays of Honduras and Compeachy, and on the
Spanish main, and who { 183 } have gone to Falklands Islands in search only of Whales, be stopped at Cape Horn,
or not pass the Cape of good Hope? It will not be long after their Establishment as
an Empire, before they will be found trading in the south Sea and in China. The Dutch
will hear of them in Spice Islands, to which the Dutch can have no Claim; and which
those Enterprising People will contest, on the very ground, and by the very Arguments,
which the Dutch used to contest the Same Liberty against Portugal.32 By the Intercourse and Correspondence which there will be between Europe and America,
it will be as well known, as Europe: by attention to the Winds, Currents, the Gulph
Stream and its Lee Currents, the Passage will be better understood and become shorter:
America will seem every day to approach nearer and nearer to Europe. When the Alarm
which the Idea of going to a Strange and distant Country gives to a Manufacturer or
Peasant, or even a Country Gentleman, shall be thus worn out; a thousand attractive
motives respecting a settlement in America, will raise a Spirit of Adventure, and
become the irresistable Cause of a general Emigration to that World. Nothing but Some,
future, wise and benevolent <Spirit of> Policy in Europe, or Some Spirit of the Evil one, which may mix itself in the Policy
of America can prevent it. Many of the most usefull enterprising Spirits, and much
of the active property will go there. Exchange hath taught the statesmen of the World
long ago, that they cannot confine money, and the Governments of Europe, must fall
back to the feudal Tyranny, in which its own people are locked up, and from which
all others are excluded, or Commerce will open a Door to Emigration.33
These Relations of Things—these Legesque et foedera rerum,34 are forming what Governor Pownal concieves to be the new System. The sublime Politician,
who ranges in Regions of predetermined systems—the man of the World, narrowed by a
selfish Experience, worse than Ignorance will not believe him: and it is but slowly,
that Nations relinquish any System, which hath derived Authority from time and habit.35 Those Sovereigns of Europe, who have despised the Awkward Youth of America, and neglected
to form Connections, and interweave their interests with those of these rising states,
shall find the system of this new Empire, obstructing and superseding the old system
of Europe, and crossing all their Maxims and measures, they will call upon their Ministers
Come Curse me this people, for they are too mighty for me. The Spirit of Truth will
answer, How shall I curse whom God hath not cursed? How shall I defy whom the Lord
hath not defied? From the Top of the Rock I see them, from the Hills { 184 } I behold them. Lo! the people shall dwell alone, and shall not be reckoned among the
nations.36 On the Contrary, those Sovereigns, who shall see things as they are, and form, if
not the earliest, yet the most sure and natural Connection with America, as an Independant
State, the Markett of, and a free Port to Europe: as that Being which must have a
free markett in Europe, will become the principal leading Power in Europe, in regulating
the Courses of the rest, and in settling the common Center of all.
England is the state that is in those Circumstances and in that situation. Similar
Modes of living and thinking, manners and fashions, Language and Habits, all conspire
naturally to a rejuncture by Alliance. If England, would treat America as what she
is, she might still have the Ascendancy in trade and navigation: might still have
a more solid and less invidious power than that magni nominis Umbra,37 with which she braves the whole World. She might yet have an active leading Interest
among the powers of Europe. But she will not. As though the Hand of Judgment was upon
her, England will not see the things which make for her peace. France, and other States
will follow the Example, acknowledging these states to be what they are, has formed
Alliances with them on terms of perfect Equality and Reciprocity.38 And behold the Ascendant, to which she directly arose, from that politick Humiliation.
There never was a wiser or firmer Step taken by any established power, than that which
the new states in America took, for their first footing in this Alliance: there never
was more Address, Art, or Policy shown by any State, than France has given Proof of
in the Same; when both agreed and became allied on terms, which exclude no other Power,
from enjoying the Same Benefits, by a like Treaty. Can it be supposed that other States,
conceiving that the exclusive trade of England, to America, is laid open, will not
desire, and have their share? They certainly will. Here then are the Beginnings of
changes in the European System.
There are two Courses in which, this general Intercourse of Commerce, between Europe
and N. America, may come into operation: one, by particular Treaties of commerce:
the other by all the maritime States of Europe, previous to their engaging in a War,
or upon the general Settlement of a Peace, meeting in Some Congress to regulate among
themselves, as well as with north America, the Free Port on one Hand, and the free
Markett on the other; as also general Regulations of Commerce and navigation, Such
as must Suit this free trader, now common to them all, indifferently, and without
preference. Such Regulations, must exclude all Monopoly of this Source { 185 } of Supply and Course of Trade; and So far make an essential Change in the commercial
System: such Regulations, not having Reference only to America, but reciprocal References
between all the contracting Parties, trading now under different Circumstances, and
Standing towards each other in different Predicaments, must necessarily change the
whole of that System in Europe.
The American will come to market in his own ship, and will claim the Ocean as Common;
will claim a navigation restrained by no Laws, but the Law of Nations, reformed as
the rising Crisis requires: will claim a free Market, not only for his Goods but his
ship, which will make a Part of his Commerce. America being a free Port to all Europe,
the American will bring to Europe not only his own peculiar Staple produce, but every
Species of his produce, which the market of Europe can take off: he will expect to
be free to offer to Sale in the European markett, every Species of wrought materials,
which he can make to answer in that markett: and further as his commerce subsists
by a circuitous Interchange with other Countries and Regions, whence he brings Articles,
not Singly for his own consumption, but as exchangeable Articles, with which to trade
in foreign marketts; he will claim as one of the conditions of the free markett, that
these foreign Articles, as well as his own produce shall be considered as free for
him to import in his own shipping: to such markett. Those states who refuse this at
first, Seeing others acquiesce in it, and Seeing also how they profit by having Articles
of supply and Trade brought So much cheaper to them, will be obliged, in their own
defence, and to maintain their ballance in the commercial World, to acceed to the
Same Liberty. Hence again, even if the American should not, by these means, become
the ascendant Interest in the Carrying Trade, and in shipping and Seamen, a most essential
change must arise in the European System.
The American, raises his produce, and navigates cheaper than any other can: his Staples,
are Articles which he alone can Supply: these will come to market assorted with others,
which he thus can most conveniently supply; and unless the same freedom of trade which
he enjoys, be reciprocally given and taken by the European powers, among each other,
he will come to the European market on terms, which no other can, but Europe will
be affected, benefited and improved by his manner of trading. The peculiar Activity
of the American, will raise a Spirit and activity among those who come to the same
market. That peculiar turn of Character, that Inquisitiveness, which in business animates
a Spirit of investigation to every { 186 } extent, and the minutest detail, enables them to conduct their dealings, in a manner
more advantageous, than is usually practiced by the European merchant. They acquire
a Knowledge not only of the marketts of Europe, i.e. of the Wants and supplies, how
they correspond, and of their relative values; but they never rest, till they are
possessed of a knowledge of every Article of produce and manufacture, which comes
to those marketts; untill they know the establishments, the operations and the prices
of labour, and the profits made on each, as well, or even better, than merchants of
the Country themselves. A little before the War, several of the American Merchants,
especially those of Pensilvania, sending some of their own house to England, became
their own factors, went immediately to the Manufacturers in Birmingham, Wolverhampton,
and Sheffield; to the woolen manufacturers in Yorkshire and Lancashire: to those of
Liverpool: and those in the west: and opened an immediate traffic with them at the
first hand. This same Spirit of Investigation and Activity, will actuate their dealings
in every other country of Europe. The Effect of this, instead of being disadvantageous,
to those countries, will become a general blessing, by raising a more general competition,
and diffusing a more proportional share of profit, between all ranks of the industrious.
While trade is solely in the hands of the merchant, he bears hard on the purchaser,
by his high profit, and oppresses the manufacturer, by the little share, he allows
him. The merchant grows rich and magnificent, makes a great Bustle and figure. It
can never be well, where Merchants are Princes. The more the merchant can make by
high profit, the less quantity will he carry to market. Whereas, when Commerce shall
be free, and by the mixture of this american Spirit, trade runs, with fair competition
in a broad channell the merchant must make his Way by being content with small profit,
and by doing a deal of business on those small profits. The consumer and manufacturer
will come nearer together. The one will save an unreasonable Advance and the other
obtain a more equal share of profit. More work will be done: the profits of Industry
more equally distributed, the circulation will spread thro the lesser vessels, and
Life Health and Growth promoted.
If these operations take this Course, it will be needless to point out to the shrewd
Speculations of the Merchants what their conduct must necessarily be: but it will
behove Statesmen, to be aware, that they do not Suffer the merchant to persuade them,
that the Commerce is languishing, merely because there is not the same parade of Wealth,
in such dazzling Instances. Let them look to the marketts { 187 } of supply, and see if there is not plenty. Next to the rude produce which is the Basis
of manufactures, and enquire, whether, while more and more Industry is daily called
forth, it is not employed and more adequately paid by a free and extended Vent? While
the No. and ingenuity of manufacturers increases, they do not all live more comfortably,
so as to have and maintain increasing families? Whether population does not increase.
Let them, in future guard against the exclusive temper of Trade. The political founders
of the old System, were totally ignorant of this principle of commerce. It was Wisdom
with them to render their neighbours and customers poor. By a wretched System of taxation
they effectually prevented the Stock of labour and profit from accumulating. But if
the Statesmen of the present enlightened Age, will follow, where Experience, leads
to truth and right, they will throw the Activity of Mankind into its proper course
of productive labour. When man has the liberty of exerting his Industry and Ingenuity,
as he can make them the most productive, finds a free Market, and his Share of profit,
then is the ground duly prepared for Population, opulence, and Strength. Then will
the Sovereigns of Europe find their Interest, and their Power in their Peoples Happiness.
If the Sovereigns of Europe, should find in the Example of England, that the System
of Colonies in distant regions for the Purpose of Monopolies, is at an end, and turn
their Attention, to give Exertion to their own internal powers like the police of
China, cultivate their waste lands, improve Agriculture, encourage manufactures, abolish
Corporations: as all the remnants of Barbarism, shall be removed, the powers of the
Community will create those surpluses which will become the Source, and open the channells
of commerce. If they should see in the Examples of Spain and England, the Disappointments
of attempts to establish a Monopoly of navigation, by the force of laws, instead of
creating or maintaining it, by the Spirit of an active commerce: that all the Prohibitions
by which they labour to oppress their neighbours do but depress themselves, they may
come to think, that giving Freedom and Activity to commerce, is the true System of
every commercial Country. Suppose them, checked in their Career of War, hesitating
on the Maxims of their old system: perceiving that the Oeconomical Activity in Europe,
is on the Turn to take a new Course: feeling the force of an active commerce; finding
themselves under the necessity of making Some reform, should begin to Speculate, how,
amidst a Number of Powers of Trade, Shifting their Scale, an even ballance may be
formed, and Secured. How amidst a number { 188 } of Interests, floating on the Turn of this great Tide in the Affairs of Men, an equal
level may be obtained. If on a review of their old System, they should perceive how
it is prepared for change—they may find that Commerce, which might have risen by Competition,
Industry, Frugality and ingenuity, hath long been an exclusive, Scrambling rivalship.
Instead of being an equal, Communication concentring the Enjoyments of all regions
and climates, and a Consociation of all nations in one Communion of the blessings
of Providence: when actuated as it has been by a selfish Principle, it hath been to
the Nations an occasion of Jealousies; alternate depressions of each others Interests,
and a never ceasing Source of Wars, perhaps they may also see that treaties, of Peace
have been but truces, and guarrantees so many entangling preparations for future Wars.
On the other hand, they should see with pleasure, that the manners of mankind, softening
by degrees have become more humanized; their Police more civilized: and altho many
of the old oppressive Institutions of Government, as they respect Husbandmen, Manufacturers,
Merchants, Marketts and Commerce, have not yet been formally abolished; yet that Practice,
by various Accommodations, have abrogated their most mischeivious operations. That
the Activity of Man finds every day, a freer Course: that there are a thousand Ways,
which altho pride will not open, prudence will connive at, through which the intercourse
of Marketts finds every year, a freer vent: and that the active Spirit of commerce
is like the Spirit of Life, diffusing itself through the whole Mass of Europe. They
will find there is an End of all their monopolizing Systems. They will see that any
one of the powers of Europe, who would aim to deal with the rest of Mankind with an
unequal ballance; will only find, that they have raised among their neighbours, a
Jealousy that shall conspire to wrest that false ballance out of their hands, and
to depress them down again, to a level with the rest of the World. The Cities of Italy,
the Low Countries, Portugal, Holland, England, have all, for their period, as commercial
powers, arisen above the common Level, but pressing with a Weight which was felt as
unequal by those below them; they have each in its turn found, even in the moment
of their highest Elevation a general rising all around them, and themselves sinking
to the common level. Statesmen must see, how much it is the interest of all, to liberate
each other, from the Restraints, Prohibitions and Exclusions, by which they have aimed
to depress each other. They will see,39 that the most advantageous Way, which a landed nation can take, to encourage and
multiply Artificers, Manufacturers and { 189 } Merchants of their own, is to grant the most perfect freedom, to the Artificers Manufacturers
and merchants of every other nation. That a contrary Practice, lowers the value of
their own internal Productions, by raising the prices of all things which must be
bought with them: and gives to the Artificers, Manufacturers and merchants a monopoly
against their own farmers. Seeing this they will encourage Population, and an universal
naturalization and liberty of Conscience. If nature has so formed man, and Policy,
Society, that each labouring in his line, produces a surplus of Supply, it is both
perfect Justice and Policy, that men and nations should be free, reciprocally to interchange
it. This communion of nations, is a right which may be enjoyed, in its genuine spirit
and utmost extent, except in time of War, and even then to a great degree, without
interfering in the political and civil power of the World. The Spirit of those exclusive
Laws of navigation will appear as the Spirit of piracy. The common ocean, incapable
of being defined, or of a Special occupancy, or of recieving exclusively the labour
of any Individual, Person or state, is incapable of becoming an Object of Property—never
an object of Dominion: and that, therefore, the ocean, should in policy, as it is
in fact, remain common and free. Pervium cunctis Iter.40 If it should be seen that the commercial system of Europe is changing, and in Wisdom
and policy ought to be changed: that the great Commerce of North America emancipated
from its provincial state, not only coincides with, but is a concurring cause of this
change; that the present Combination of Events form a Crisis, which Providence with
a more than ordinary Interposition hath prepared: and that Heaven itself Seems to
call upon sovereigns to cooperate with its gracious Providence, if they should be
convinced that there is nothing so absurd as Warring against each other about an object,
which as it is Seperated from Europe, will have nothing to do with its Broils, and
will not belong exclusively to any of them. If listening to this Voice, which as that
of an Angel, announcing Peace and good Will to mankind, summons them to leave off
the endless useless operations of War: to consider the present Crisis as an object
of Council and not of War and therefore to meet in Communications and Intercourse
of their reasoning Powers.41
The Maritime Powers, must, before Peace respecting America, and the mixed Interests
of Europe and America, can be even treated of, convene by their Consuls, Commissioners
or other Ministers, in order to consider the Several points on which the War broke
out—the points in Claim, and in contest, the points on which they may { 190 } safely suspend Hostilities, and those which must form the Basis of Treaty, and which
will enter into the future System, and on which Peace may not only made, but established
among the nations of the Atlantic ocean.42
Will not, Reason and Benevolence, then, in which true Policy and their right and best
Interest is included, Suggest to their Hearts; and actuate their Councils to convene
a Congress before they are engaged in further Hostilities before the devastation of
War extends Ruin and misery yet farther. Some such measure, as led the great trading
Bodies of Europe to convene in a Congress, which gave rise to the Hanseatic League,
is not out of the Course of public business but is, what the Nature of the present
crisis, in a more than ordinary necessity, requires.43 Whether Some general council, on the model of that concerted between the great Henry
of France and Elizabeth of England,44 two as noble Spirits and as wise Politicians as the World hath Since Seen, should
not now be proposed, not indeed a Council of Administration, for regulating and conducting
a general political system of all Europe, but a Council of Commerce, for Europe and
N. America exclusive of every point of Politicks. As such it should remain, a standing
perpetual Council of deliberation and Advice, and a seat of Judicial Administration
common to all. Also a Great and General Court of Admiralty, to take Cognizance of
Disputes, and offences, which shall be committed against the general laws of trade.
Such a Council might not only prevent, a most dreadful general War, which Seems to
be coming on in Europe (by the Way a very great mistake) but might be forever a means
of preventing, future occasions of War, from commercial quarulls, the present vague
State of the marine Law of nations, seems to be such, as creates a necessity of such
a measure. At present all Principle, Rule and Law, seems to be as much lost, as if
the nations were fallen back to the old State of Piracy, under their old Barbarism.
Europe cannot, even in War, go on under the present Abrogation of all treaties, and
all the Laws of nations.45
The Cardinal Points which will come under deliberation will be 1. how far in Right
and Policy, it may be best for all to establish, the Mare liberum:46 and how far each Nation (providing for the property and Dominion, which they hold
in Bays and Harbours,) may acceed to this Establishment, as a law of nations. 2. how
far the universal Jus navigandi47 may be established48 3. This will lead to deliberation on the Libertas universalis Commerciorum49 Free Ports and Free Marketts. Next Port Duties and Toll Marketts. It will be best
by { 191 } degrees to abolish all Port duties, and raise their revenues by Exise, Tailles, &c.
and other internal Sources of finance, immediately laid on the Consumer.50 This measure would make that Country which adopted it a free port a circumstance
very desirable to every well Wisher to his Country.51 They will deliberate first, on the Nature and Extent of the conditional grants of
Priviledges of Trade, which, Under the Air of Protection, they shall offer to America: Under this Idea, they must settle with her, and amongst
each other quite new Arrangements of Tarifs, &c.
Voila tout ce qu'on peut raisonablement, exiger. Il n'est au pouvoir, de l'humanité,
que de preparer, et agir. Le Succes est l'ouvrage d'un main plus puissante. Sulli.
Liv. 30.52
Finis.
In a former Letter I have given Congress, some Observations on a Letter of Mr. H.
This contains an Account of the substance of a Volume of Governor Pownall, which as
the Book is not my own I cannot send to Congress as I wish to do.53 Both have Relation to the Object of my Mission. These two Gentlemen have both declared
themselves, in Parliament for pacific measures, but from some sentiments in these
Writings, it is not very likely they will succeed. Both seem to be wholly uninformed
of the State of Europe. Both seem to suppose that the Powers of Europe, the maritime
Powers will go to War, with the English against us and our Allies. Congress were fully
informed last August54 that there was no danger of this. The late Declaration of the Ottoman Port, of the
Empress of Russia, and the measures taking by the other maritime Powers demonstrate
that the Information Congress then received was right, and the Imaginations of these
Writers of general Wars are groundless. There may be indeed some danger, that the
Pride and Obstinacy of the English, may involve every maritime Power, in a War as
well as a league against them.
I have the Honour to be, with entire Respect and Attachment, sir your most obedient
and humble servant.
[signed] John Adams
RC (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 479–494); docketed: “Letter from John Adams April 19. 1780 An account
of governor Pownals pamphlet entitled 'A Memorial to the sovereigns of Europe on the
present State of Affairs between the old and the New World' Recd. 19 Feby 1781.” LbC in John Thaxter's hand with corrections by JA (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “49.” The text printed here should be compared with JA's Translation (No. II, below), which is virtually identical to the Translation published at London in Jan. 1781.
1. I see the sun rising in the west.
2. This and the preceding paragraph are an accurate digest of the first four and a half
pages of the Memorial. As Pownall indicates in a note on page 1 of the Memorial, much of what he says in this section, some of it in quotation marks, was taken from
his Administration of the Colonies (London, 1764, p. 1–10), although in the Memorial it is given a different twist. This is true of his statements regarding the evolution
of a new system based on “the Spirit of Commerce,” as well as those regarding a new
“Center of Gravity.” In both the Administration (p. 2) and the Memorial (p. 1), Pownall saw changed circumstances as creating a “Nascent Crisis,” but the
two works presented fundamentally different solutions to the crisis. See Editorial Note (above).
4. In copying the remainder of this sentence from the Memorial (p. 9) JA made substantial changes that partially alter Pownall's meaning. In the Memorial the passage reads “however long, to their mutual ruin, they may continue the contest,
by which they hope to decide, to which of them as allies, foedere inequali, the Americans shall belong, the Americans will belong to neither.”
5. As an unequal partner, a party to an unequal alliance.
6. In the Memorial (p. 11–12) Pownall attributes his views on the greatness of states to the writings
of Sir Francis Bacon and then quotes (p. 12) from Bacon's unfinished work “Of the
True Greatness of the Kingdom of Britain,” which formed the basis for his later essay
“Of the True Greatness of Kingdoms and Estates.” The remainder of this sentence is
JA's reworking of the passage from Bacon to the effect “that in the measuring and balancing
of greatness, too much is ascribed to largeness of territory on one hand, and on the
other too much to the fruitfulness of soil, or abundance of commodities” (par. 2,
sentences 1 and 3).
7. This and the preceding two paragraphs are JA's condensation of approximately seven printed pages from the Memorial (p. 11–17). Some of JA's deletions were to improve Pownall's style, but most were intended to keep the focus
of the text on North America, specifically the British colonies, and to avoid digressions
on the progress of civilization or colonization elsewhere.
8. This sentence is a much condensed version of a passage in the Memorial (p. 18) in quotation marks that was taken, with some revisions, from Administration (p. 7).
9. Francis Bacon, “Of the True Greatness of the Kingdom of Britain” (par. 5).
10. This and the preceding two paragraphs, which correspond to approximately ten printed
pages in the Memorial (p. 17–27), constitute the largest block of text to be omitted from the Translation.
JA's motive for the omission was probably his belief that the references to the West
Indies and South America were not relevant to his argument. Moreover, the discussion
of the Spanish possessions in South America and their progress under Spanish rule
would naturally raise the question of the impact of the American Revolution on the
Spanish colonies. This at a time when the United States was seeking a treaty with
a Spain already troubled by the implications of the American revolt.
11. Francis Bacon, “Of the True Greatness of the Kingdom of Britain” (par. 4).
12. Except for a word or two, this paragraph is wholly JA's with no counterpart at this point in the Memorial (p. 27), but is a kind of prelude that is reprised later in much greater detail (Memorial, p. 45–51; see also note 42). JA likely had two reasons for inserting the paragraph. The first was stylistic, to provide
a smoother transition to the paragraphs on the progress of civilization in America
that follow, but the second was substantive. JA wished to emphasize from the beginning a major theme in both the Memorial and the Translation: that is, that American ingenuity, born of freedom from European restrictions, was
creating a civilization and a viable economic system that would soon be equal or even
superior to any in Europe and was progressing at a much faster pace than anyone would
have expected.
13. This and the paragraphs that follow on the progress of civilization were likely derived
and expanded from what Pownall had written in Administration (p. 3–4). But they should also be compared with JA's “Dissertation on the Canon and the Feudal Law” (vol. 1:103–128). There JA had written of the effect that freedom from the archaic European social, religious,
and political system had had on American development. It is likely that one reason
that JA was drawn to the Memorial was the similarity between Pownall's senti• { 193 } ments and his own regarding the legacy of the “Clergy” and “feudal Lords.” Such a
conclusion is supported by JA's letter to Edmund Jenings on 20 April (below), in which he requested Jenings to obtain for him a copy of a previous English
edition of the “Dissertation” and to seek its republication.
14. This paragraph is a condensation of approximately three pages of the Memorial (p. 31–33) and at this point JA entirely omitted from his copying a page and a half of text (p. 32–33). The section
commented on the effect of the practices and reasoning of the “Lords” in the development
of agriculture and was probably seen by JA as repetitious and a digression from the discussion of the farmer's condition.
15. This paragraph is a condensation of approximately eight pages of the Memorial (p. 34–42) and at this point JA entirely omitted from his copying two pages of text (p. 39–41). The section probably
was omitted because it dealt with the reasoning behind the restrictive economic system's
development, rather than with JA's primary interest: its operation and ill effects.
17. Pownall's comments in this paragraph regarding gold and silver and the balance of
trade should be compared with Adam Smith's in the Wealth of Nations, bk. 4, chap. 1.
18. By Benjamin Franklin, this piece first appeared as an appendix to [William Clarke],
Observations On the late and present Conduct of the French, with Regard to their Encroachments
upon the British Colonies in North America (London, 1755) and had numerous reprintings in both Great Britain and America. See
also, Franklin, Papers, 4:225–234.
19. In the Memorial (p. 56–58) the text of this paragraph formed part of a much longer one that filled
approximately two printed pages, three quarters of which were omitted by JA as a block. The missing text duplicated at length what was retained so that nothing
of substance was lost by its omission.
20. At this point in copying from the Memorial (p. 60) JA omitted several words. In the Memorial the sentence reads “As there never was a regulated general militia in PENNSYLVANIA,
which could enable those, whose business it was, to get accounts of the increase of
population in that province, founded on authentic lists, it hath been variously estimated
on speculation.”
21. In the Memorial (p. 65) the remainder of this paragraph was in quotation marks and was taken from
Bacon's “Of the True Greatness of the Kingdom of Britain” (par. 3). Immediately preceding
it in the Memorial, but not copied by JA, was another quotation from Bacon's essay to the effect that “The real greatness
and strength of the State arises and consists in this 'that every common subject,
by the poll, is fit to make a soldier, and not certain conditions and degrees of men
only'” (par. 3).
22. In the Memorial (p. 65–67) this paragraph is followed by almost two pages of text that JA omitted as a block. The missing material was a discourse by Pownall on the inevitable
loss of empire, regardless of its population or territorial extent, resulting from
the absence of the necessary “spirit” to govern. JA presumably thought it irrelevant in view of the paragraph that follows and because
he was far less concerned with the factors leading to the breakup of the British empire
than to the reality that, for the United States, the dissolution was an established
fact.
24. In the Memorial the preceding eight words are in quotation marks and are from Numbers 23:24.
25. It is amazing to relate how quickly the state grew once it had acquired liberty (Salust
Conspiracy of Catiline, 7. 3).
26. At this point in the Memorial there is an asterisk referring to a footnote citing “Common Sense” as the source
for three quoted passages that follow (for the 2d and 3d, see note 28). The first
passage, set off by quotation marks, was composed of two sentences designated I and
II and a third ending with the words “exclusion of the rest” (p. 78–79). JA removed the quotation marks and inserted arabic numerals, but copied the three sentences
almost verbatim. Although Thomas Paine's writings, particularly the section of Common Sense entitled “Thoughts on the Present State of American Affairs” (Phila., 1776, p. 29–60;
Evans, No. 14954), clearly influenced Pownall's views regarding the future of American
foreign policy and the com• { 194 } mercial and political relationship between the United States and Europe, the editors
have failed to locate the passage quoted here in any of Paine's work. This may indicate
that in this instance Pownall paraphrased and combined several of Paine's observations
(see Common Sense, p. 37–38), but in any case, both here and later (see note 28), some modification
of Paine's statements was necessary since Common Sense was written in 1776, prior to the Franco-American treaties and the outbreak of war
between Britain, France, and Spain.
28. The remainder of this paragraph, to the words “better Market,” formed a separate paragraph
in the Memorial (p. 79), containing two passages in quotation marks. The first begins “it is the
commerce” and ends with the word “benefitted,” while the second begins “that that
commerce” and ends with the words “better market.” JA removed the quotation marks, but otherwise copied the entire paragraph almost verbatim.
The quoted material, modified by Pownall, was taken from the “Appendix to Common Sense:
The necessity of Independancy,” from Thomas Paine, Common Sense with the Whole Appendix (Phila., 1776, p. 126; Evans, No. 14966). As it appeared in Common Sense, the passage read “It is the commerce, and not the conquest of America, by which
England is to be benefited, and that would in a great measure continue, were the countries
as independant of each other as France and Spain; because in many articles, neither
can go to a better market.”
29. In his letter to Edmund Jenings of 18 July (first letter, below), JA noted that one of the reasons that he was drawn to the Memorial was that it supported the very principles that had guided him when he had drafted
the Treaty Plan of 1776 and which he continued to hold in 1780 (vol. 4:260–261). In
fact, this and the preceding paragraph, both copied almost exactly as they appear
in the Memorial (p. 77–80), constitute as definitive a statement of JA's views on the correct course for American foreign policy as exists anywhere.
30. Ceded to Russia by Sweden in 1721 under the terms of the Treaty of Nystad, Livonia
now forms parts of Latvia and Estonia.
31. This sentence does not appear in the Translation. JA probably decided to omit it because the Dutch feared precisely such an outcome from
American independence (vol. 7:102, 128–129, 236; see also >Jean Luzac's letter of 14 Sept., and notes, below). See, however, the following paragraph for a reference to a possible
Dutch-American rivalry in the Spice Islands that was retained.
34. These laws and agreements of things.
36. From “Come Curse me” to this point, Pownall paraphrased Numbers 23:7–9.
37. Shadow of her former self.
38. For the impact on JA of this sentence in the Memorial (p. 94), see his first letter to Jenings of 18 July (below). In the Memorial the sentence read “France on the contrary, already (and other States will follow
this example) acknowledging those states to be what they are, has formed alliances with them on terms of perfect equality and reciprocity.”
39. In the Memorial (p. 113) the remainder of this sentence is in quotation marks and is preceded by
an asterisk. JA removed the quotation marks, but copied the passage verbatim. The footnote indicated
by the asterisk cites “Dr. Adam Smith” as the source for the quotation, which is taken
from Smith's An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, 2 vols., London, 1778. In the second edition, London, 1778, the passage appears
on 2:270.
40. An avenue, free and unlimited.
41. The remaining five paragraphs of JA's abridgement correspond to the final ten pages of the Memorial (p. 118–127). A comparison of this letter and the Memorial (see notes 43, 45, 48, and 51) indicates that JA included less than fifty percent of the Memorial's text and, in fact, that the two paragraphs preceding “Finis” condense the final
five pages of the Memorial. Moreover, when JA copied out the Translation for Jenings he made additional cuts (see notes 42 and
51) so that the Translation was an even greater abridgement of this section of the Memorial than this letter. For { 195 } the significance of the cuts, see note 42.
42. As printed here this paragraph very closely follows the text of the Memorial (p. 118–119), but should be compared with the corresponding paragraph in the Translation
(at note 2) which was considerably altered by JA in preparing the Translation for Jenings. JA's changes in this paragraph, his omission of portions of the Memorial's text from the remaining paragraphs of the letter to the president of Congress,
and the further deletions he made when he copied out the Translation are important
because they fundamentally changed the thrust of Pownall's argument calling for the
establishment of a council of the sovereign states to resolve the issues raised by
the American Revolution.
44. This reference is presumably to Henry IV's “grand design” to unify Europe under his
authority and leadership that was forestalled by his assassination in 1610, but with
which Elizabeth I was reportedly in essential agreement. Pownall's borrowing of this
as a model for his plan was probably due to his reading of bk. 30 of the Mémoires of Maximilien de Béthune, Duc de Sully, superintendent of finances under Henry IV.
That work is the only known source for Henry's plan and the absence of any corroboration
makes its existence debatable.
45. At this point JA omitted half a page of text from the Memorial (p. 123). The passage introduced the paragraph that follows and its omission served
to tighten up the text. It ended, however, with the statement that the delegates to
the council should come “with powers and instructions to form some general laws and
establishment on the ground of Universal Commerce.” Taken with this paragraph and
that which follows such a statement takes on some significance and to some extent
explains JA's decisions as to what material to retain or delete from the Memorial. As has been noted earlier in relation to Catherine II's declaration of an armed
neutrality (to the president of Congress, 10 April, No. 40, note 3, above) there was no provision in the eighteenth century for a principle, such as
free ships make free goods, to become part of the necessary law of nations simply
because any number of nations agreed to a particular principle, since the necessary
law had its source in natural law. A principle agreed to by two or more nations became
part of the stipulative law and was not binding on those that did not agree. Thus
JA likely saw this portion of Pownall's proposal as he did Catherine's declaration,
an opportunity to change the foundation of the law of nations in favor of the United
States at the expense of Great Britain, since it was likely that any general European
council would accept the principle that free ships made free goods and other alterations
of the law in favor of neutral trade in time of war.
46. Freedom of the seas.
47. Freedom of navigation.
48. At this point JA deleted the following text appearing in the Memorial (p. 124): “consistent with the present national claims of the several Maritime States,
or how those may be accommodated, mutually and reciprocally, so as to lead to such
establishment hereafter. On this ground they will naturally meet each other, in forming
at least some general system of regulations and laws, common to all, under which this
universal commerce may act and be protected: So that the exercise of this right may
extend wheresoever the ocean flows and be as free as the air which wafts it over that
ocean in all directions.” JA certainly was in accord with the aim expressed at the end of the passage, but was
undoubtedly dubious of principles “established consistent with the present national
claims of the several Maritime States,” since that would undermine what he sought
for the United States: complete freedom of commerce.
49. Universal freedom of trade.
50. The following sentence, considerably altered, was part of a passage taken by Pownall,
with only minor changes, from Sir Matthew Decker's essay: Serious Considerations on the Several High Duties which the Nation in General, (as
well as its Trade in Particular) Labours Under . . ., London, 1743; 7th edn., London, 1756, p. 31. Decker was a prosperous London
merchant, governor of the East India Company, member of Parliament, and sometime writer
on trade regulation (DNB). The complete quotation in the Memorial (p. 125–126) read “Add to this that it would be a means of making that country which
adopted this measure, A FREE PORT; a circumstance very desireable to every well wisher
of his country. See then whether it does not deserve the care of every worthy patriot
to make such a scheme (if it can be), feasible and practica• { 196 } ble.”
51. The remainder of this paragraph does not appear in the Translation. The decision not
to include this passage meant that JA omitted from the Translation, except for the final French quotation, the text from
the final two pages of the Memorial (p. 126–127). The portion initially omitted from this letter consisted of approximately
a page and a quarter and concerned the difficulties faced by the European nations
in integrating the United States into the system, difficulties that JA saw existing only in the English mind. The deletion of the passage from the Translation
probably reflected JA's belief that the right of the United States to trade with whomever it pleased belonged
to it by right, rather than as a grant from some outside power.
52. This is all that can reasonably be demanded. Humanity can only plan and act. Success
is the work of a hand more powerful. For Pownall's probable motive in quoting from
bk. 30 of the Mémoires of Maximilien de Béthune, Duc de Sully, see note 44. This marks the end of both Pownall's
Memorial and the Translation.
54. JA probably means his own analysis of the European political situation in his letter
of 4 Aug. 1779 to the president of Congress (vol. 8:108–120).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0115-0003
Recipient: Pownall, Thomas
DateRange: 1780-07-08 - 1780-07-14
II. Translation of Thomas Pownall's Memorial
[dateline] [ca. 8–14 July 1780]1
A Translation of the “Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe,” into common Sense and
<plain> intelligible English
A Pamphlet has been published in England, under the Title of “A Memorial to the Sovereigns
of Europe, on the present State of Affairs, between the old and new World.” It is
said to have been written by Governor Pownal:2 and there are So many quaint Words, and dark Expressions, intermixed with So many
good Thoughts and So much Knowledge of America that it seems worth translating. <into common Sense and plain English.>
The Memorialist begins, with observing very justly, that at the End of the last War,
a new System was begun, both political and commercial, which is now compleatly formed:
that the Spirit of Commerce has become a leading Power: that at that time, the Center
of this System was Great Britain, whose Government might, if it had been wise, have
preserved the Advantage of continuing the Center both of the Commerce and Politicks
of the World: but being unwise, they disturbed the Course of Things, and have not
only lost, forever, that dominion, which they had and might have held, but the extirnal
Parts of the Empire are, one after another falling off, and it will be once more reduced
to its insular Existence.
On the other hand, this new System of Power, moving round its own proper Center, which
is, America, has dissolved all the Forces { 197 } Sent against it by the English. and has formed natural Connections, with France and
Spain, and other Countries. Founded in Nature, it is growing, by accellerated motions,
into a great and powerfull Empire. It has taken its equal Station among the nations
of the Earth. Video Solem orientem in Occidente. <North America> The Congress of3 The United States of North America is a new primary Planet, which taking its Course
in its own orbit, must have an Effect upon the orbit of every other, and Shift the
common Center of Gravity of the whole System of the European World. The are De Facto,
an independant Power, and must be so de Jure.
The Politicians of Europe, may reason; and the Powers of Europe may negotiate or fight:
but such Reasonings, Negotiations, and Wars, will have no Consequence on the Right
or the Fact. It would be just as wise to fight or negotiate for the dominion of the
moon, which is common to them all; and all may profit of her reflected Light. The
Independence of America, is as fixed as Fate. She is Mistress of her own Fortune;
knows that She is So; and will manage that Power which She feels herself possessed
of, to establish her own System, and change that of Europe.
If the Powers of Europe, will See the State of Things, and act accordingly, the Lives
of Thousands may be Spared, the Happiness of millions Secured and the Peace of the
World preserved: if not, they will be plunged into a Sea of Blood. The War, which
is almost gorged, between Britain and America, will extend itself to all the maritime
Powers, and most probably afterwards to all the Inland Powers, and like the thirty
years War of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, will not end, but by a general
Resettlement of Interests, according to the Spirit of the new System, which has taken
Place. Why may not all this be done, by a Congress, of all Nations, before, as well
as after the War?
The final Settlement of Power, at a Peace, is never in Proportion to the Success of
Arms. It depends upon the Interposition of Parties, who have not meddled in the War,
but who come to the Treaty of Peace, brought forward by Intrigue, with the Aid of
Jealousy, and counteract by Negotiation the Envied Effects of Arms.
The Britons have forced the present system into Establishment, before its natural
Season. They might have Secured the Attachment of the Plantations for years to come:
but it was a principal part of the Plan of the confidential Counsellors, in a general
Reformation of the Kings Government, to reform the Constitutions of America. They
were informed it would lead to War, but they thought it would be a { 198 } good measure to force the Americans to Arms. Conquest of which they were sure, would
give them the right of giving what Constitutions they thought fit, Such as that of
Quebec, little foreseeing what a War it would prove, and Still less Suspecting, that
France and Spain, and all the rest of the World, would interpose.
None of the Powers of Europe, and few of the most knowing Politicians have considered,
what Effect this Revolution will have on the general System of Europe. (Note. Here
it Should Seem, Governor Pownal is mistaken. Every Power in Europe, and every great
Politician in Europe, except those in Great Britain, have digested this Subject.)
One Thing is certain, that on whatever Ground the War between G. Britain and Bourbon
began, whatever course it may take, however long they may continue it, to their mutual
destruction, the Americans will never belong to either Foedere inaquali. The Powers
of Europe who will become Parties, before these affairs <come> shall have been brought to the Issue will concur, in no other Settlement, than that
these States are an independant Sovereign Power, holding a free Commerce equally with
all.
In order to Shew how these matters will finally be Settled, he proposes to lay before,
the Sovereigns, a View of Europe and America, and point out, what will be the natural
Effects of the Seperation of them, and of the Independence of America, upon the commercial
and political State of Europe; and finally to Shew how, the present Crisis, may be,
by Wisdom and Benevolence, wrought into the greatest Blessing of Peace, Liberty and
Happiness, which the World hath yet Seen.
He then proceeds to compare, the new and old World, in Point of Spirit, Magnitude
and Power. In measuring the Magnitude of States too much is commonly ascribed, to
Extent of Country and Fertility of Soil. That Extent of Dominion, which is most capable
of a Systematical Connection and Communication, has the most natural Greatness. The
three other Parts of the World, are naturally Seperated from each other, and altho,
once under the dominion of the Romans, as this was an unnatural Exertion, beyond the
Resources of human nature, it Soon dissolved, and they Seperated. Europe, Asia, and
Africa, are not only Seperated by their local Positions but are inhabited by distinct
Species of the human Being. North and South America, are, in like manner naturally
divided. North America is possessed, by Englishmen, and this natural Circumstance
forms this division of America into one great Society, the Basis of a great { 199 } Dominion. There is nowhere in Europe So great and combined an Interest, communicating
through So large a Territory, as that in North America. The northern and Southern
Parts of Europe, are possessed by different nations, actuated by different Sovereignties
and Systems. Their Intercourse is interrupted: they are at perpetual Variance. Intercourse
is difficult over Land, and by Sea. They are cutt off, by intervening nations. On
the contrary, when North America is examined, you find every Thing united in it, which
forms Greatness. The nature of the coast and the Winds renders communication by navigation
perpetual. The Rivers open an Inland navigation, which carries on a Circulation through
the whole. The Country thus united, and one part of it, communicating with another,
by its Extent of Territory, and Variety of Climates, produces all that nature requires,
that Luxury loves, or that Power can employ. All those Things, which the Nations of
Europe, under every difficulty, that a defect of natural communication, under every
Obstruction that a perverse artificial System throw in their Way, barter for; are
in North America possessed, with an uninterrupted natural Communication, an unobstructed
navigation and an universal Freedom of Commerce, by one Nation. The naval Stores,
Timber, Hemp, Fisheries, and Salt Provisions of the North; the Tobacco, Rice, Cotton,
Silk, Indigo, Fruits and perhaps Wines, Resin and Tar, of the South, form a Reciprocation
of Wants and Supplies. The Corn, Flour, Manufactures &c. of the middle States, fill
up the Communication and compleat its System. They unite those Parts, which were before
connected, and organize the Several Parts, into one whole.
Civilization, next to Union of System and Communication of Parts constitute, what
Lord Bacon calls, the Amplitude and Growth of State. The Civilization of America,
may be compared to that of Europe. It is Superiour to that of Europe. Architecture,
Painting, Statuary, Poetry, oratory, and the mechanick Arts are not So well understood
and practiced nor are the Sciences, those of Government and Policy particularly, So
learnedly mastered by any Individual in America, as they are by Some in Europe. But
Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, Manufactures, Government, Policy, War, and Commerce,
are better understood by the Collective Body of the People in America than they are
by that of Europe, or any nation in it. And this is the only Way of Stating the Comparison
of Civilization, and in this Respect America is infinitely further removed from Barbarity,
than Europe.
{ 200 } Translation of the Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe upon the present State of
Affairs between the old and the new World, into common Sense, and intelligible English,
continued.
When the Spirit of Civilization began first in Europe, after the barbarous Ages of
the northern Invaders; the Clergy were the blind Leaders to Light, and the feudal
Lords, the Patrons of Liberty. What Knowledge! What Liberty! The Instruction of the
first was more pernicious than Ignorance. The Patronage of the last was the Benevolence
of the Grazier, who fattens his Cattle for the Profit of their Hides and Tallow. The
People held their Knowledge, as they did their Lands, by a servile Tenure, which did
not permit them to Use it as their own. Such was the Source of Civilization in Europe.
The first movement of Civilization, is the application of Labour to the Culture of
the Earth, in order to raise that Supply of food, which is necessary for Men in Society.
The application of Labour to Architecture, Cloathing, Tools and Instruments is concomitant
with this. Marketts, in which a Reciprocation of Wants and surplusses, is accomplished,
Succeed. Hence arise by a farther Improvement Artificers and Manufacturers: and in
succession, a surplus is created beyond what is wanted by the Individuals or the Community,
which produces Commerce, by exchanging this surplus for Articles of Conveniency, or
Enjoyment, which the Country does not produce. By the Violence of the military Spirit,
under which Europe was a second Time peopled, the Inhabitants were divided into two
Classes, Warriours and Slaves. Agriculture, was conducted by the latter; Wretches
annexed to, not owners of the Soil; degraded Animals! Cattle! Property! Not Proprietors!
They had no Interest in their own Reason, Labour or Time. They had neither Knowledge nor Motive to make an Effort of Improvement. Improvement in
Agriculture, was therefore many hundred Years at a Stand. Altho in Some Countries
of Europe it may Seem at present progressive, it is so slow, that for Ages, it can
have no great Effect, except perhaps in England, yet even here the Farmer is absurdly
and cruelly oppressed. Manufactures, or the Labour of Men, in Wool, Iron, Stone, or
Leather, were held as the Servile offices of Society, and fit only for Slaves. These
Artificers were mere Machines of the most arrogant and ignorant Masters. They would
never make Experiments—so that Mechanicks and Arts went on for Ages without Improvements.
Upon the Dissolution of the Hanseatick League, the Sovereigns, { 201 } who had Seen the Power, which arose from manufactures and Trade, began to encourage
their Subjects and invite Strangers, to establish them. Civilization took a momentary
Start. But the Policy of the Sovereigns, held the Manufacturers in a wretched Condition,
by many obstructing Regulations. The same Policy affecting to encourage Manufactures,
gave them a false help, by Setting assizes on the Produce of Land, which oppressed
Agriculture. This Same System of Policy, confined Ingenuity, by making imposing Regulations,
on every motion of Manufactures, on their coming from the Hand of the Workman; on
the Carriage; on the Sale; on the Return, whether in goods or Money. This Policy was
directed to draw into the Treasury of the State, all the Profit beyond the Labourers
Subsistance. Commercial Legislation was directed wholly, to make the subject Sell,
but not buy: export Articles, but import money of which the State must have the greatest
share. Hence exclusive Property of certain materials of manufacture, which they called
Staple Commodities—hence monopolies—exclusive Priviledges of Trade, to Persons, Articles
and Places; exclusive Fisheries; hence the notions of the Ballance of Trade: and hence
the whole Train of Retaliations, Restraints on Exportation; Prohibitions of Importation;
alien Duties, Imposts. Having thus rendered Communication among themselves almost
impracticable, they were forced to look out for foreign Settlements. Hence Colonies,
which might be worked like out Farms for the exclusive Benefit of the Metropolis.
Hence that wildest of all the wild Visions of Avarice and Ambition, the Attempt to
render the Ocean an Object of Property; the Claim of Possession in it, and dominion
over it. Thus Civilization was obstructed, the Spirit of Improvement checked, and
the Light of Genius extinguished. Events may arise, which may induce, the Rulers of Europe, to revise and reform the hard Conditions
of its Imprisonment, and give it Liberty.
In America, all the Inhabitants are free, and allow universal naturalization to all
that wish to be so, and a perfect Liberty of using any mode of Life they choose, or
any means of getting a Livelihood, that their Talents lead them to. Their Souls are
their own. Their Reason is their own. Their Time is their own. They are their own
Masters. Their Labour is employed on their own Property, and what they produce is
their own. Where every man has the free and full Exertion of his Powers, and may acquire
any Share of Profit or Power that his Spirit can work him up to, there is an unabated
Application; and a perpetual Struggle of Spirits, sharpens the Wit, and trains the
Mind. The Acquisition of Knowledge in Business, necessary to this mode of { 202 } Life, gives the Mind a Turn of Investigation, which forms a Character peculiar to
these People. This is called Inquisitiveness, which goes often to ridicule, but is
in matters of Business and Commerce an usefull Talent. They are animated with the
Spirit of the New Philosophy. Their Life is a Course of Experiments; and Standing
on as high Ground of Improvement as the most enlightened Parts of Europe have advanced,
like Eaglets commence the first Efforts of their Pinnions from a Towering Advantage.
In Europe the poor mans Wisdom is despized. The poor mans Wisdom is not Learning but
Knowledge of his own Picking up, from Facts and nature, by Simple Experience. In America,
the Wisdom and not the Man is attended to. America is the Poor Mans Country. The Planters
there reason not from what they hear, but from what they See and feel. They follow
what mode they like. They feel that they can venture to make Experiments, and the
Advantages of their Discoveries are their own. They therefore try what the Soil claims,
what the Climate permits, and what both will produce to the greatest Advantage. In
this Way, they have brought into Cultivation, and Abundance of what no Nation of the
old World ever did, or could. They raise not only plenty and Luxury for their internal
Supply, but the Islands in the West Indies have been Supplied from their Superabundance,
and Europe, in many Articles has profited of it. It has had its Fish from their Seas:
its Wheat and Flour from one Part: its Rice from another part: its Tobacco and Indigo
from another: its Timber and naval Stores from another. Olives, oranges and Wines
are introducing by Experiments.
This Spirit of Civilization first attaches itself to mother Earth, and the Inhabitants
become Land Workers. You See them labouring at the Plough and the Spade, as if they
had not an Idea above the Earth yet their minds are all the while enlarging all their
Powers, and their Spirit rises as their Improvements advance. Many a real Phylosopher,
Politician and Warriour, emerges out of this Wilderness, as the Seed rises out of
the Ground.
They have also made many Improvements in Handicrafts, Tools and machines. Want of
Tools and the Unfitness of Such as they had, have put these Settlers to their Shifts,
and these shifts are Experiments. Particular Uses calling for Some Alteration, have
opened many a new Invention. More new Tools and machines, and more new Forms of old
ones, have been invented in America than were ever invented in Europe in the Same
Space of Time. They have not turned their Labour into Arts and manufactures, because
their Labour em• { 203 } ployed in its own natural Way can produce those Things which purchase Articles of
Arts and manufactures, cheaper, than they could make them. But tho they dont manufacture
for Sale, they find Fragments of Time which they cannot otherwise employ, in which
they make most of the Articles of personal Ware and Household Use, for home Consumption.
When the Field shall be filled with Husbandmen and the Classes of Handicraft fully
Stocked, as there are no Laws, which impose Conditions, on which a Man is to become
intituled to exercise this or that Trade, or by which he is excluded, from exercising
the one or the other, in this or that Place: none that prescribe the manner in which
or the Prices at which he is to work, or that confine him even to the Trade he was
bred to; the moment that Civilization carried on in its natural Course, is ripe for
it, the Branch of Manufactures, will take root, and grow with an astonishing Rapidity.
Altho they do not attempt to force the Establishment of manufactures, yet, following
the natural Progress of Improvement, they every Year produce a Surplus of Profit.
With these Surplusses, and not with manufactures, they carry on their Commerce. Their
Fish, Wheat, Flour, Rice, Tobacco, Indigo, Live Stock, Barrell Pork and Beef, Some
of these being peculiar to the Country and Staple Commodities, form their Exports.
This has given them a direct Trade to Europe and a circuitous one to Africa and the
West Indies. The Same Ingenuity, in mechanicks which accompanies their Agriculture,
enters into their Commerce, and is exerted in Ship building. It is carried on, not
only for their own Freight, and that of the West Indies, but for Sale, and to Supply
a great Part of the Shipping of Britain; and if it continues to advance will Supply
a great Part of the Trade of Europe with Ships, at cheaper Rates, than they can any
where, or by any means Supply themselves. Thus their Commerce, altho under various
Restrictions, while they were Subordinate Provinces, by its advancing Progress, in
Shipbuilding, hath Struck deep Roots, and is now Shot forth into an active Trade,
Amplitude of State and great Power.
It will be objected, that the Ballance of Trade has been at all Times against America
So as to draw all the Gold and Silver from it, and for this Reason it cannot advance
in commerce and opulence. It will be answered, that, America, Even while in depressd
and restrained Provinces, has advanced its Cultivation to great Opulence, and constantly
extending the Channells of its Trade, and increasing its Shipping. Tis a fallacious
Maxim to judge of the general Ballance of Profit in Commerce, by the motions of one
Article of Commerce, the { 204 } prescious metals. These metals will always go to that Country that pays the most for
them. That country, which on any Sudden Emergency wants Money, and knows not how to
circulate any other than Silver and gold, must pay the most for them. The Influx of
them, therefore, into a Country, instead of being a Consequence of the Ballance of
Trade being in its Favour, or the Efflux being a Mark of the Ballance being against
it, may be a Proof of the Contrary. The Ballance of Trade, reckoned by the Import
or Export of Gold and Silver, may in many Cases be Said to be against England and
in Favour of the Countries to which its Money goes. If this Import or Export, was
the Effect of a final Settled Account, instead of being only the Transfer of this
Article to or from an Account currant (as it commonly is) yet it would not be a Mark
of the Ballance of Trade. England, from the Nature of its Government, and Extent of
its Commerce, has established a Credit, on which, in any Emergency, it can give Circulation
to Paper Money, almost to any Amount. If it could not, it must at any Rate, purchase
gold and Silver, and there would be a great Influx of the prescious Metals. Will any
one Say, that this is a Symptom of the Ballance of Trade being in its favour! But,
on the contrary having Credit, from a progressive Ballance of Profit, it can, even
in Such an Emergency, Spare its Gold and Silver, and even make a Profit of it, as
an Article of Commerce exported. Here We See, the Ballance of Profit creating a Credit,
which circulates as money, even while its gold and Silver are exported. If any Event
like the Recoignage of the Gold in England which called in the old Coin at a better
Price, than that at which it was circulating abroad, Should raise the Price of this
article, in England, it will for the Same reason, as it went out, be again imported
into England, not as a Ballance of Accounts, but as an Article of Trade, of which,
the best profit could at that moment be made. The Fact was, that at that period, Quantities
of English Gold Coin, to a great Amount, were actually imported into England in bulk;
and yet this was no mark of any Sudden Change of a Ballance of Trade in favour of
that Country. The Ballance of Trade reckoned by this false Rule, has been always Said
to be against North America: but the Fact is, that their Government, profiting of
a Credit arising from the progressive Improvements, and advancing Commerce of the
Country hath, by a refined Policy, established a Circulation of Paper money, to an
Amount that is astonishing. That from the immense quantity, it should depreciate,
is nothing to this argument, for it has had its Effect. The Americans therefore can
Spare their Gold and Silver as well as England, and { 205 } Information Says, there is now locked up in America, more than three millions of English
money, in Gold and Silver, which when their Paper is annihilated, will come forth.
The Efflux, therefore of Gold and Silver, is no Proof of a Ballance against them:
on the contrary, being able to go without Gold and Silver, but wanting other Articles
without which they could not proceed in their Improvements, in Agriculture, Commerce,
or War, the Gold and silver is, in Part hoarded, and part exported for these Articles.
In Fact, this objection, which is always given as an Instance of Weakness in America,
under which, she must Sink, turns out, in the true State of it, an Instance of the
most extensive Amplitude and Growth of State. It would be well for England, if, while
She tryumphs over this mote in her Sisters Eye, She would attend to the Beam in her
own, and prepare for the Consequences of her own Paper Money.
From this Comparison of the State of Civilization, applied to Agriculture, Mechanicks
and Commerce, extended through a large Territory, having a free Communication through
the whole, it appears, that North America has advanced, and is every day advancing,
to a Growth of State, with a constant and accellerating motion, of which there has
never been any Example in Europe.
To be continued.
Translation of the Memorial to the Souvereigns of Europe, continued.
The two Countries may be compared, in the Progress of Population. In North America
Children are a Blessing. They are Riches and Strength to the Parents. In Europe, Children
are a Burden. The Causes of which have been explained in the observations concerning
the Increase of Mankind, the Peopling of Countries &c. Take a few Examples. The Massachusetts
Bay, had, of Inhabitants in the Year 1722 Ninety four Thousands. In 1742 one hundred
Sixty four Thousands. In 1751 when there was a great depopulation both by War and
the Small Pox one hundred and Sixty four Thousand, four hundred and Eighty four. In
1761, 216,000. In 1765 255,500. In 1771 292,000. In 1773 300,000. In Connecticutt,
in 1756 129,994. In 1774 257,356. These Numbers are not increased by Strangers, but
decreased by Wars and Emigrations to the Westward, and to other States, yet they have
nearly doubled in Eighteen years.
In N. York in 1756—96,776—in 1771—168,007. In 1774—182,251. In Virginia in 1756—173,316.
In 1764—200,000. In 1774—300,000. In S. { 206 } Carolina in 1750—64,000. In 1770—115,000. In R. Island in 1738—15,000. In 1748—28,439.
As there never was a militia in Pensilvania, with authentic Lists of the Population,
it has been variously estimated on Speculation. There was a constant Importation for
many years of Irish and foreign Emigrants, yet many of these Settled in other Provinces:
but the Progress of Population, in the ordinary course advanced in a Ratio, between
that of Virginia and that of Massachusetts Bay. The City of Philadelphia advanced
more rapidly. It had in 1749—2076 Houses. In 1753—2300. In 1760—2969. In 1769—4474.
From 1749 to 1753 from 16 to 18,000 Inhabitants; from 1760 to 1769 from 31,318 to
35,000. There were in 1754 various Calculations and Estimates made of the Numbers
on the Continent. The Sanguine made the Numbers, one million and an half. Those who
admitted less Speculation into the Calculation, but adhered closer to Facts and Lists,
Stated them at one million, two hundred and fifty thousand. The Estimate Said to be
taken in Congress in 1774 makes them 3,026,678. But there must have been great Scope
of Speculation in that Estimate. Another after two or three years of War is Two Million
Eight hundred and Ten Thousand. 2,141,307 would turn out nearest to the real amount
in 1774. But what an Amazing Progress, which in 18 years has added a million to a
million two hundred and fifty thousand, altho a War was maintained in that country
for seven years of the Term. In this View one sees a Community unfolding itself beyond
any Example in Europe.
But the Model of these Communities, which has always taken Place, from the Beginning,
has enrolled, every Subject as a Soldier, and trained a greater Part or 535,326 of
these People to Arms, which number the Community has, not Seperate from the civil,
and formed into a distinct Body of regular Soldiers, but remaining united in the internal
Power of the Society, a national Piquet Guard, always prepared for defence. This will
be thought ridiculous by the regular Generals of Europe: But Experience hath evinced,
that for the very Reason, that they are not a Seperate Body, but members of the Community,
they are a real and effectual Defence. The true Greatness of a State consists in Population,
where there is Valour, in Individuals, and a military Disposition in the Frame of
the Community: where all, and not particular Conditions and degrees only, make Profession
of Arms, and bear them in their Country's defence.
This Country is now an independent State, and has been avowedly and compleatly so,
for more than four Years. It is indeed Six years, Since it was so in Effect. It hath
taken its equal Station among the { 207 } Nations. It is an Empire, the Spirit of whose Government, extends from the Center
to the extream Parts. Universal Participation of Council, creates Reciprocation of
universal Obedience. The Seat of Government, will be well informed of the State and
Condition of the remote and extream Parts, which by Participation in the Legislature,
will be informed and Satisfied in the Reasons and necessity of the Measures of Government.
These will consider themselves as acting in every Grant that is made, and in every
Tax imposed. This Consideration will give Efficacy to Government, that Consensus Obedientium,
on which the permanent Power of Empire is founded. This is the Spirit of the new Empire
in America. It is liable to many disorders, but young and Strong, like the Infant
Hercules it will Strangle these Serpents in the Cradle. Its Strength will grow with
Years. It will establish its Constitution and perfect Growth to Maturity. To this
Greatness of Empire, it will certainly arise. That it is removed Three thousand miles
from its Ennemy; that it lies on another Side of the Globe, where it has no Ennemy:
that it is Earth born and like a Giant ready to run its Course, are not the only Grounds,
on which a Speculatist may pronounce this. The fostering Care with which the Rival
Powers of Europe will nurse it, ensures its Establishment, beyond all doubt or danger.
When a State is founded on such Amplitude of Territory; whose Intercourse is So easy;
whose Civilization is So advanced; where all is Enterprize, and Experiment: where
Agriculture has made So many discoveries of new and peculiar Articles of Cultivation:
where the ordinary Produce of Bread Corn, has been carried to a degree, that has made
it a Staple Export, for the Supply of the old World: whose Fisheries are mines, producing
more Solid Riches than all the Silver of Potosi: where Experiment hath invented so many new and ingenious Improvements in mechanicks:
where the Arts, Sciences, Legislation and Politicks, are Soaring with a Strong and
Extended Pinion; where Population has multiplied like the Seeds of the Harvest: where
the Power of these numbers, taking a military Form, shall lift itself up as a young
Lion: where Trade of extensive orbit, circulating in its own Shipping, has wrought
these Efforts of the Community to an active Commerce: where all these Powers have
united and taken the Form of Empire; I may Suppose I cannot err, or give offence to
the greatest Power in Europe, when upon a Comparison of the State of Mankind and of
the Powers of Europe, with that of America, I venture to Suggest to their Contemplation,
that America is growing too large for any Government in Europe to manage as subordinate.
{ 208 } That the Government of Congress and the States is too firmly fixed in the Hands of
their own Community to be either directed by other Hands, or taken out of those, in
which it is. And that the Power in Men and Arms is too much to be forced, at the distance
of Three Thousand miles. Were I to ask an Astronomer whether, if a Satellite Should
grow, untill it could ballance with its Planet, whether it could be held any longer,
by any of the Powers of nature in the orbit of a Satellite, and whether any external
Force could keep it there, he will answer me directly, no. If I ask a Father, after
his Son is grown up to full Strength of Body, Mind and Reason, whether he can be held
in Pupillage, and will Suffer himself to be treated and corrected as a Child, he must
answer, No. Yet, if I ask an European Politician, who learns by Hearsay and thinks
by Habit, whether North America will remain dependent, he answers, Yes. He will have
a Thousand reasons why it must be So, altho Fact rises in his Face to the very contrary.
Politicians, instead of being employed to find out Reasons to explain Facts, are often
employed with a Multitude about them, to invent and make Facts according to predetermined
Reasonings. Truth, however, will prevail. This is not Said to prove, but to explain
the Fact, So that the Consequences may be Seen. The present Combination of Events,
whether, attended to or not, whether wrought by Wisdom into the System of Europe or
not, will force its Way there, by the Vigour of natural causes. Europe, in the course
of its commerce, and even in the internal order and Oeconomy of its communities, will
be affected by it. The Statesman cannot prevent its Existence, nor resist its operation.
He may embroil his own Affairs, but it will become his best Wisdom, and his duty to
his Sovereign and the People, that his measures coincide and cooperate with it.
The first Consequence of this Empire, is, the Effect it will have as a naval Power
on the Commerce, and political System of Europe.
Whoever understands the Hanseatic League, and its Progress, in naval Power, by possessing
the commanding Articles of the Commerce of the World; the command of the great Rivers;
its being the Carrier of Europe; that it could attract, resist and even command the
landed Powers; that it was made up of Seperate and unconnected Towns, included within
the dominions, of other States; that they had no natural communication, and only an
artificial Union: whoever considers, not only the commercial but naval and political
Power, which this League established throughout Europe, will See, on how much more
Solid a Basis, the Power of North America Stands; how much faster it must grow, and
to what an Ascendancy of Interest, { 209 } carrying on the greatest Part of the Commerce, and commanding the greatest Part of
the Shipping of the World, this great commercial and naval Power must Soon arrive.
If the League, without the natural Foundation of a political Body, in Land, could
grow by commerce and navigation to such Power: if, of Parts Seperated by nature and
only joined by Art and Force, they could become a great political Body, acting externally
with an Interest and Power, that took a lead and even an Asendancy, in Wars, and Treaties.
What must North-America, removed at the Distance of half the Globe, from all the Obstructions
of Rival Powers, founded in a landed Dominion peculiarly adapted for Communication
of Commerce, and Union of Power, rise to in its Progress? As the Hanseatic League
grew up to Power, Denmark, Sweeden, Poland, and France, Sought its Alliance, under
the common Veil of Pride, by offers of becoming its Protectors. England also growing
fast into a commercial Power, had commercial Arrangements, by Treaty, with it. Just
so now, will the Sovereigns of Europe; just so have, the Bourbon Compact, the greatest
Power in Europe, courted the Friendship of America. Standing on Such a Basis, and
growing up under Such Auspices, one may pronounce of America, as was said of Rome
Civitas incredibile est memoratu, adepta Libertate, quantum brevi creverit.
In the Course of this American War, all the Maritime Powers of Europe, will one after
another, as Some of the leading ones have already done, apply to the States of America,
for a Share, in their Trade, and for a Settlement of the Forms, on which they may
carry it, on, with them. America, will then become, the Arbitress of the Commercial,
and perhaps as the Seven united Belgic Provinces were in the Year 1647 the Mediatrix
of Peace, and of the political Business of the World.
If North America follows the Principles on which nature has established her; and if
the European Alliances Which She has made do not involve her in and Seduce her to,
a Series of Conduct, destructive of that System, which those Principles lead to, She
must observe, that as nature hath Seperated her from Europe, and established her alone
on a great Continent, far removed from the old World, and all its embroiled Interests,
and wrangling Politicks, without an Ennemy or a Rival or the Entanglement of Alliances.—1.
that it is contrary to her Interest, and the Nature of her Existence, that She Should
have any Connections of Politicks with Europe, other than merely commercial; and even,
on that Ground, to observe inviolably the caution of not being involved, in either
the Quarrells, or the Wars of Euro• { 210 } peans. 2. That the real State of America is, that of being the common Source of Supply
to Europe in general, and that her true Interest is therefore, that of being a free
Port to all Europe at large, and that all Europe, at large, Should be the common market
for American Exports. The true Interest therefore of America, is, not to form any
partial Connections with any Part, to the Exclusion of the rest. If England had attended
to her true Interest, as connected with that of America, She would have known that
it is the Commerce, and not the Conquest of America by which she could be benefited:
and if She would even yet, with temper listen to her true Interest, She would Still
find, that that Commerce, would in a great measure continue, with the Same benefit,
were the two Countries as independent of each other as France and Spain, because in
many Articles, neither of them can go to a better market. This is meant as under their
present habits and Customs of Life. Alienation may change all this.
The first great leading Principle will be that North America, will become a free Port
to all the nations of the World, indiscriminately; and will expect, insist on, and
demand, in fair Reciprocity, a free market in all those nations with whom She trades.
This will, if She forgets not, nor forsakes her real nature, be the Basis of all her
commercial Treaties. If She adheres to this Principle, She must be in the course of
Time, the chief Carrier of the commerce of the whole World, because unless the Several
Powers of Europe, become to each other, likewise free Ports and free marketts, America
alone will come to and act there, with an ascendant Interest, that must command every
Advantage to be derived from them.
The Commerce of North America, being no longer, the Property of one Country only,
her Articles of Supply will come freely, and be found now in all the Marketts of Europe:
not only moderated by, but moderating the Prices of the like Articles of Europe. The
Furs and Peltry will meet those of the North East Parts of Europe; and neither the
one nor the other can any longer be estimated by the Advantages to be taken of an
exclusive Vent. Advantages of this Kind, on Iron and naval Stores, have frequently
been aimed at by Sweeden: and the Monopoly in them was more than once used as an Instrument
of Hostility against England, which occasiond the Bounties on those articles, the
Growth of America, which gave rise to the Export of them from America. When they come
freely to the European Market co-operating with the Effect which those of Russia have,
will break that monopoly. For Russia, by the Conquest of Livonia, and the Advancement
of her Civilization has become a Source of Supply in { 211 } these Articles, to a great Extent. All Europe by the Intervention of this American
Commerce, will find the good Effects of a fair Competition, both in Abundance of Supply,
and in moderation of Price. Even England who hath lost the Monopoly, will be no great
Looser. She will find this natural Competition as advantageous to her, as the Monopoly,
which in Bounties and other Costs of Protection, She paid so dear for.
Translation &c. continued.
Ship building and navigation having made Such Progress in America, that they are able
to build and navigate cheaper, than any Country in Europe, even than Holland with
all their Oeconomy, there will arise a Competition in this Branch of Commerce. There
will also be a Competition in the marketts of Europe, in the Branch of the Fisheries.
The Rice and Corn, which the Americans have been able to export, to an amount that
Supplied in the European Markett, the defect arising from Englands withholding her
Exports will, when, that Export Shall again take Place, keep down depressed, the Agriculture
of Portugal and Spain and in Some measure of France, if the Policy of those countries
does not change the Regulations, and order of their internal Oeconomy. The particular
Articles, to be had as yet from America only, which Europe So much Seeks after, will
give the Americans the Command of the Markett in those Articles, and enable them,
by annexing assortments of other Articles, to produce those also, with Advantage in
these marketts. The Refuse Fish, Flour, Maize, Meat, Live Stock, Lumber &c. all carried
in American Shipping to the West India Islands: the African Slaves, carried by a circuitous
Trade, in American Shipping also to the West India Marketts: taking from thence the
Molasses: aiding those Islands with American shipping in the Carriage of their produce,
must ever command, and have the Ascendancy, in that Part of the World, if this ascendency
even Stops here. The cheap manner, in which the Americans produce their Articles of
Supply: the Low Rates, at which they carry them to Europe, Selling also their shipping
there: the Small profits at which their Merchants are used to Trade, must lower the
Price of the like Articles in Europe: oblige the European Merchants to be content
with a less Profit: occasion Some reform in the Oeconomy of Europe, in raising and
Police in bringing to Markett, the active Articles of Supply. But further, the Americans
by their principle of being a free Port in America and having a free Markett { 212 } in Europe; by their Policy of holding themselves, as they are remote from all the
wrangling Politicks, So neutral in all the Wars of Europe: by their Spirit of Enterprize,
in all the quarters of the Globe, will oblige the nations of Europe to call forth
within themselves Such a Spirit, as must entirely change its commercial System also.
But will a People whose Empire Stands Singly predominant, on a great Continent, who
before they lived, under their own Government, had pushed their Spirit of Adventure
in Search of a North West Passage to Asia, Suffer in their Borders the Establishment
of Such a Monopoly as the European Hudsons Bay Company? Will that Spirit which has
forced an extensive Commerce in the two Bays of Honduras and Campeachy, and on the
Spanish main, and which has gone to Falkland's Islands in Search only of Whales, be
Stopped at Cape horn, or not pass the Cape of Good Hope? It will not be long, after
their Establishment as an Empire, before they will be found trading in the South Sea
and in China. The Dutch will hear of them in Spice Islands, to which the Dutch can
have no Claim, and which those Enterprizing People will contest, on the very ground,
and by the very Arguments, which the Dutch used to contest the Same Liberty against
Portugal. By the Intercourse and correspondance, which there will be between Europe
and America, it will be as well known, as Europe. By Attention, to the Winds, Currents,
the Gulph Stream and its Lee Currents, the Passage will be better understood, and
become shorter. America will Seem every day to approach nearer and nearer to Europe.
When the Alarm which the Idea of going to a Strange and distant Country, gives to
a Manufacturer or Peasant, or even a Country Gentleman, Shall thus be worn out; a
thousand Attractive motives respecting a Settlement in America will raise a Spirit
of Adventure, and become the irresistable Cause of a general Emigration to that World.
Nothing but Some future, wise and benevolent Policy in Europe, or Some Spirit of the
Evil one, which may mix itself in the Policy of America can prevent it. Many of the
most usefull Enterprizing Spirits, and much of the active Property will go there.
Exchange hath taught the Statesmen of the World long ago, that they cannot confine
money: and the Governments of Europe, must fall back to the Feudal Tyranny, in which
its own People are locked up, and from which all others are excluded, or Commerce
will open a Door to Emigration.
These Relations of Things; these Leges et Foedera Rerum are forming the new System.
The Sublime Politician, who ranges in Regions of predetermined Systems—the Man of
the World, narrowed { 213 } by a selfish Experience, worse than Ignorance, will not believe: and it is but Slowly,
that nations relinquish any System, which hath derived Authority from Time and Habit.
These Sovereigns of Europe, who have despized the awkward Youth of America, and neglected
to form Connections, and interweave their Interests with these Rising States, will
find the System of this new Empire, obstructing and Superseding the old System of
Europe, and crossing all their maxims and measures. They will call upon their Ministers
Come curse me this People, for they are too mighty for me. The Spirit of Truth will
answer How shall I curse, whom God hath not cursed? How shall I defy, whom the Lord
hath not defied? From the Top of the Rock, I See them, and from the Hills, I behold
them. Lo! the People shall dwell alone, and shall not be reckoned among the nations.
On the contrary those Sovereigns, who Shall See Things as they are, and form, if not
the earliest, yet the most Sure and natural Connections with America, as an independent
State; as the Market of and a free Port to Europe: as that being which must have a
free Markett in Europe, will become the principal leading Powers in Europe, in regulating
the Courses of the rest, and in Settling the common Center of all.
England is the State in those Circumstances, and in that Situation. Similar modes
of living and thinking, Manners, and Fashions, Language and Habits, all conspire naturally
to a Rejunction by Alliance. If England would treat America, as what She is, She might
Still have the ascendency in Trade and navigation: might Still have a more Solid and
less invidious Power than that Magni Nominis Umbra with which she braves the whole
World. She might yet have an active leading Interest among the Powers of Europe. But
She will not. As though the Hand of divine Vengeance was upon her, England will not
See the Things which make for her Peace! France, who will be followed by other nations,
acknowledging these States to be what they are, has formed Alliances, with Terms of
perfect Equality and Reciprocity. And behold the Ascendant to which She directly arose,
from that politick Humiliation. There never was a wiser or a firmer Step taken by any established Power, than that
which the new States took for their first Footing in this Alliance. There never was
more Address, Art, or Policy Shewn by any State, than France has given Proof of, in
the Same, when both agreed and became allied on Terms, which exclude no other Power,
from enjoying the Same Benefits by a like Treaty. Can it be Supposed that other States,
conceiving that the exclusive Trade of England to America is laid open, will not desire,
and have their { 214 } Share? They certainly will. Here then are the Beginnings of Changes in the European
System.
There are two Courses, in which this general Intercourse of Commerce, between Europe
and North America, may come into operation: one, by particular Treaties of Commerce
the other by all the maritime States of Europe, previous to their engaging in a War
or upon the general settlement of a Peace, meeting in Some Congress, to regulate among
themselves as well as with north America; the Free Port, on one Hand, and the free
Markett on the other, as also general Regulations of Commerce and navigation, Such
as must Suit this free Trader, now common to them all, indifferently, and without
Preference. Such Regulations, must exclude all Monopoly of this source of Supply and
course of Trade, and So far make an essential Change in the commercial system. Such
Regulations, not having Reference only to America, but reciprocal References, between
all the contracting Parties, trading now, under different Circumstances, and standing
towards each other in different Predicaments, must necessarily change the whole of
that System in Europe.
The American will come to Markett in his own ship, and will claim the Ocean as common:
will claim a navigation restrained by no Laws, but the Laws of nations, reformed as
the rising Crisis requires: will claim a free Markett, not only for his Goods but
his ship, which will make a Part of his Commerce. America being a free Port to all
Europe, the American will bring to Europe not only his own peculiar Staple Produce,
but every Species of his produce which the Markett of Europe can take off: he will
expect to be free to offer to Sale in the European Markett, every Species of wrought
materials, which he can make to answer in that markett: and further as his Commerce
Subsists, by a circuitous Interchange with other Countries, whence he brings Articles
not Singly for his own Consumption, but as exchangeable Articles, with which he trades
in foreign Marketts; he will claim as one of the Conditions of the free Markett, that
these foreign Articles, as well as his own Produce, Shall be considered as free for
him to import in his own shipping to such Market. Those States who refuse this at
first, Seeing others acquiesce in it, and Seeing also how they profit by having Articles
of Supply and Trade, brought so much cheaper to them, will be obliged, in their own
defence, and to maintain their Balance in the commercial World, to accede to the Same
Liberty. Hence again, even if the American should not, by these means, become the
ascendant Interest in the carrying Trade and in { 215 } shipping and Seamen, a most essential Change, must arise in the European System.
The American raises his produce and navigation cheaper, than any other can: his Staples
are Articles which he alone can Supply. These will come to market assorted with others,
which he thus can most conveniently Supply; and unless the Same freedom of Trade which
he enjoys, be reciprocally given and taken by the European Powers, among each other,
he will come to the European market, on Terms, which no other can: but Europe will
be affected, benefited, and improved by his manner of trading. The peculiar Activity
of the Americans, will raise a Spirit and Activity among those, who come to the Same
market. That peculiar Turn of Character, that Inquisitiveness, which in Business animates
a Spirit of Investigation to every Extent, and the minutest detail, enables them to
conduct their dealings in a manner more advantageous, than is usually practised by
the European Merchant. They acquire a Knowledge not only of the Marketts of Europe,
that is of the Wants and Supplies, how they correspond, and of their relative Values;
but they never rest, till they are possessed of a Knowledge of every Article of Produce
and Manufacture, which comes to those Marketts; untill they know the Establishments,
the operations and the Prices of Labour, and the Profits made on each, as well, even
better, than the Merchants of the Country themselves. A little before the War, Several
of the American Merchants, especially those of Pensilvania, Sending some of their
own Houses to England, became their own Factors, went immediately to the Manufacturers
in Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Sheffield; to the woolen Manufacturers in Yorkshire,
and Lancashire: to those of Liverpool, and those in the West: and opened an immediate
Trafick with them at the first hand. This Same Spirit of Investigation and Activity,
will activate their dealings in every other Country of Europe. The Effect of this,
instead of being disadvantageous to those Countries, will become a general Blessing;
by raising a more general Competition, and diffusing a more proportional Share of
Profit, between all Ranks of the industrious. While Trade is Solely in the Hands of
the Merchant he bears hard on the Purchaser, by his high Profit, and oppresses the
Manufacturer by the little share he allows him. The merchant grows rich and magnificent,
makes a great Bustle and Figure. It can never be well where Merchants are Princes.
The more the Merchant can make by high Profit, the less quantity will he carry to
markett. Whereas when Commerce Shall be free, and { 216 } by the Mixture of this American Spirit, trade run with fair Competition in a broad
Channell, the Merchant must make his Way by being content with small profit, and by
doing a deal of Business, on those Small Profits. The Consumer and Manufacturer will
come nearer together—the one will Save an unreasonable Advance, and the other obtain
a more equal Share of Profit. More Work will be done: The Profits of Industry more
equally distributed—The Circulation will Spread through the lesser Vessells, and Life,
Health, and Growth be promoted.
If these operations take this Course, it will be needless to point out to the Shrewd
Speculations of the Merchants, what their Conduct must necessarily be. But it will
behove Statesmen, to be aware that they do not Suffer the Merchant to perswade them,
that the Commerce is languishing merely because there is not the Same Parade of Wealth,
in such dazzling Instances. Let them look to the Marketts of Supply, and See if there
is not plenty. Next to the rude produce, which is the Basis of manufactures, and enquire,
whether, while more and more Industry, is daily called forth, it is not employed,
and more adequately paid, by a free and extended Vent? While the Numbers and Ingenuity
of Manufacturers increase they do not all live more comfortably, so as to have and
maintain increasing Families? Whether Population does not increase? Let them in future
guard against the exclusive Temper of Trade. The political Founders of the old System,
were totally ignorant of this Principle of Commerce. It was Wisdom with them to render
their neighbours and Customers poor. By a wretched System of Taxation they effectually
prevented the Stock of Labour and Profit from accumulating. But if the Statesmen of
the present enlightened Age, will follow, where Experience leads to Truth and Right,
they will throw the Activity of mankind into its proper Course, of productive Labour.
When Man has the Liberty of exerting his Industry and Ingenuity as he can make them
the most productive; finds a free market, and his share of Profit; then is the Ground
duely prepared for Population, Opulence and Strength. Then will the Sovereigns of
Europe find their Interest and their Power, in their Peoples Happiness.
Translation &c
If the Sovereigns of Europe, Should find, that the System of Colonies in distant Regions,
for the Purpose of monopolies, is at an End, and turn their Attention, to give Exertion
to their own internal { 217 } Powers, like the Police of China, cultivate their waste Lands, improve Agriculture,
encourage manufactures, and abolish Corporations: as all the Remnants of Barbarism
Shall be removed, the Powers of the Community will create those Surplusses which will
become the Source, and open the Channels of Commerce. If they Should See the Dissappointments
of attempts to establish a monopoly of navigation by the Force of Laws, instead of
creating or maintaining it, by the Spirit of an active Commerce; that all the Prohibitions
by which they labour to oppress their neighbours do but depress them Selves, they
may come to think that giving Freedom and Activity to commerce, is the true System
of every commercial Country. Suppose them checked in their Career of War, hesitating
on the maxims of their old Systems, perceiving that the Oeconomical Activity of Europe,
is on the Turn to take a new Course, feeling the Force of an active Commerce, finding
themselves under the Necessity of making Some Reform, Should begin to Speculate, how
amidst a Number of Powers of Trade, Shifting their Scale, an even Ballance may be
formed and Secured; how amidst a Number of Interests, floating on the Turn of this
great Tide in the affairs of Men, an equal Level may be obtained, if, on a Review
of their old System they should perceive how it is prepared for Change, they may find,
that Commerce, which might have risen by Competition, Industry, Frugality, and Ingenuity,
hath long been an exclusive Scrambling Rivalship. Instead of being an equal Communication,
concentring the Enjoyments of all Regions and Climates, and a Consociation of all
nations, in one Communion of the Blessings of Providence; when actuated as it has
been by a Selfish Principle, it hath been to the nations an occasion of Jealousies,
alternate depressions of each others Interests, and a never ceasing Source of Wars,
perhaps they may also See that Treaties of Peace have been but Truces and Guarrantees
so many entangling Preparations for future Wars. On the other Hand they Should See
with Pleasure, that the manners of Mankind, Softening by degrees, have become more
humanized; their Police more civilized; and altho many of the old oppressive Institutions
of Government, as they respect Husbandry, Manufactures, Merchants, Marketts and Commerce,
have not yet been formally abolished; yet that Practice, by various Accommodations,
has abrogated their most mischievous operations; that the Activity of Man finds every
day, a freer Course; that there are a Thousand Ways, which although Pride will not
open Prudence will connive at; through which the Intercourse of Marketts finds every
Year, a freer Vent; and that the active Spirit of Commerce is { 218 } like the Spirit of Life, diffusing itself through the whole Mass of <Life> Europe. They will find there is an End of all their monopolizing Systems: They will
See that any one of the Powers of Europe, who would aim to deal with the rest of mankind,
with an unequal Ballance, will only find, that they have raised among their Neighbours
a Jealousy, that will conspire to wrest that false Ballance out of their Hands, and
to depress them down again to a level with the rest of the World. The Cities of Italy,
the low Countries, Portugal, Holland, England, have all, for their Period, as commercial
Powers, arisen above the common Level, but pressing, with a Weight which was felt
as unequal by those below them, they have each in its Turn found, even in the moment
of their highest Elevation, a general Rising all around them, and themselves Sinking
to the common Level. Statesmen must See, how much it is the Interest of all, to liberate
each other, from the Restraints, Prohibitions, and Exclusions, by which they have
aimed to depress each other. They will See, that the most advantageous Way, which
a landed nation can take, to encourage and multiply Artificers, Manufacturers and
Merchants of their own, is to grant the most perfect Freedom, to the Artificers, Manufacturers,
and merchants of every other nation. That a contrary Practice lowers the Value of
their own internal Productions, by raising the Prices of all Things, which must be
bought with them; and gives to the Artificers, Manufacturers and Merchants a monopoly
against their own Farmers. Seeing this, they will encourage Population, and an universal
Naturalization, and Liberty of Conscience. If Nature has so formed man and Policy,
Society, that each labouring in his Line, produces a Surplus of Supply, it is both
perfect Justice and Policy that Men and nations Should be free, reciprocally to interchange
it. This Communion of nations is a Right, which may be enjoyed in its genuine Spirit
and utmost Extent, except in Time of War, and even then to a great degree, without
interfering in the political and civil Power of the World. The Spirit of those exclusive
Laws of navigation will appear as the Spirit of Piracy. The common Ocean, incapable
of being defined, or of a Special Occupancy, or of receiving exclusively the Labour
of any Individual, Person, or State, is incapable of becoming an Object of Property,
never an Object of Dominion: and therefore the Ocean, Should in Policy, as it is in
Fact, remain common and free. Pervium cunctis Iter. If it should be Seen, that the
commercial System of Europe is changing, and in Wisdom and Policy ought to be changed:
that the great Commerce of North America, emanci• { 219 } pated from its provincial State, not only coincides with, but is a concurring Cause
of this Change: that the present Combination of Events form a Crisis, which Providence,
with a more than ordinary Interposition hath prepared: and that Heaven itself Seems
to call upon Sovereigns to co-operate with its gracious Providence: if they should
be convinced, that there is nothing so absurd, as warring against each other about
an Object, which as it is Seperated from Europe, will have nothing to do with its
Broils, and will not belong exclusively to any one of them: if listening to this Voice,
which as that of an Angel, announcing Peace and good Will to Mankind, Summons them
to leave off the endless, useless operations of War; to consider the present Crisis
as an Object of Council and not of War, and therefore to meet in Communication and
Intercourse of their reasoning Powers.
The maritime Powers must before Peace respecting America, and the mixed Interests
of Europe and America, can be Settled, convene, by their ministers, in order to consider
the Points on which they may Safely Suspend Hostilities, and those which must form
the Basis of Treaty, and which will enter into the future System and on which Peace
may not only be made, but established among the nations of the Atlantic Ocean.4
Will not Reason and Benevolence, then, in which true Policy, and their Right and best
Interest is included, Suggest to their Hearts, and actuate their Councils to convene
a Congress, before they are engaged in further Hostilities; before the devastation
of War, extends Ruin and Misery yet farther. Some Such measure, as led the great trading
Bodies of Europe to convene in a Congress, which gave rise to the Hanseatic League,
is not out of the Course of public Business but is what the nature of the present
Crisis, in a more than ordinary Necessity requires. Whether Some general Council,
on the Model of that concerted between the Great Henry of France and Elizabeth of
England, two as noble Spirits and as wise Politicians as the World hath Since Seen,
Should not now be proposed; not indeed a Council of Administration, for regulating
and conducting a general political System of all Europe but a Council of Commerce
for Europe and North America, exclusive of every Point of Politicks.
Such a Council might prevent future Occasions of War, from commercial Quarrells. The
present vague State of the marine Law of Nations, Seems to be Such, as creates a necessity
of Such a measure. At present, all Principle, Rule, and Law, Seem to be as much lost
as { 220 } if the nations were fallen back to the old State of Piracy under their old Barbarism.
Europe cannot, even in War, go on under the present Abrogation of all Treaties, and
all the Laws of Nations.
The Cardinal Points which will come under Deliberation, will be 1. how far, in Right
and Policy, it may be best for all to establish the Mare liberum. And how far each
nation, providing for the Property and Dominion, which they hold in Bays and Harbours,
may accede to this Establishment, as a Law of Nations. 2. How far the universal Jus
navigandi, may be established. 3. This will lead to Deliberation on the Libertas universalis
Commerciorum; free Ports; and free Marketts. It will be best by degrees to abolish
all Port Duties, and raise their Revenues by Excise, Tailles &c. and other internal
Sources of Finance, immediately laid on the Consumer. This Measure would make that
Country which adopted it a free Port, a Circumstance very desirable to every well
wisher to his Country.
Voila tout ce qu'on peut, raisonablement, exiger. Il n'est au Pouvoir de l'humanité,
que de preparer, et agir. Le Succés est l'ouvrage d'un main plus puissantt. Sully
Liv. 30.
Finis5
MS (Adams Papers); notation by Edmund Jenings on final page: “The Manuscript must be preserved about
54 pages”; filmed at [5 Sept. 1780], Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 352. The text presented here represents the editors' attempt to present
the Translation as it appeared when JA sent it off to Edmund Jenings, and thus it does not contain editorial changes made
by either Jenings or his printer, John Stockdale. Substantive changes made by JA as he prepared the manuscript are indicated in the text or notes, but annotation
has been limited to matters unique to this document. For JA's preparation of the manuscript, its dispatch to Jenings, and its editorial treatment,
see the Editorial Note (above). For the issues raised in the manuscript, see the notes to JA's letter of 19 April to the president of Congress (No. I, above).
1. These dates are derived from JA's letters to Edmund Jenings of 8 July (Adams Papers), with which were enclosed the first four sections of the manuscript, and of 14 July (below), with which the final section was sent; but see also Jenings' replies of
15 and 21 July (both below). The division of the manuscript into five sections, each with its
own title, may indicate that JA expected his Translation to be published in the form of newspaper essays, rather
than combined in a pamphlet.
2. “Pownall” appears throughout the published Translation as “P——l.” In Pensées, however, “Pownall” is retained throughout and at this point is followed by a passage
identifying him as the former lieutenant governor of New Jersey and governor of Massachusetts.
3. Here JA canceled “North America,” replaced it with “The United States of North America,”
and then decided to begin the sentence with “The Congress of.” The changes focused
the reader's attention on the new nation, but they also substantively changed the
meaning. This is particularly so of the second with its implication that United States
sovereignty resided in Congress rather than in the states, probably the prevailing
view in 1780.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0116
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1780-04-20
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Paris April 20. 1778 [1780]1
[salute] Secret and confidential
My dear Sir
There is a little Pamphlet, which was written by me in the Year 1765, and published
at Boston, afterwards reprinted in England, under the Title of “a Dissertation on
the Cannon and the feudal Law.” It is a kind of philosophical and political Rhapsody,
written when I was not very old, and when I had certainly Seen very little of this
World, and knew but little of Men or Things. It was ascribed, in the time of it to
Jeremiah Gridley Esq, the greatest Lawyer, that ever was in Boston, who was my Patron
in my Youth. He died before the Pamphlet came over under his name or he would have
publickly disclaimed it, because he was on the other side in Politicks. It was printed,
or bound up in a small Pamphlet under the Tittle of the true sentiments of America,
with Letters from the House of Representatives of Mass Bay, to several great Men.
I want to beg the favour of you to write to England to obtain it for me, and to get
it printed in the Remembrancer.2 They may put my name to it, if they please. It may be thought vanity in me, perhaps
to say it, but it had an Effect upon the People of New England beyond all Imagination.
It appeared to them to point out the means by which human nature had been degraded
in Europe, to shew them that their Ancestors had wisely and virtuously endeavored,
to Screen them from those means, and perhaps no one thing that ever was written or
done contributed more than that Publication, to unite the People of New England, as
one Man in the Resolution of opposing force, to the stamp Act, and of having recourse
to Arms rather than submit to it. I have Reasons of a public nature to wish to see
this published at this time,3 which perhaps sometime or other you may know. I shall, take occasion to let you further,
into some particulars of my History, which is altogether unknown I find in Europe.
You will never find me any, very great Matter, but you will find, that I have been
twenty Years, in the midst of Politicks and through the whole of it, invariably constant
to the same Principles and the same system, through all Opprobriums, Obloquies, Dangers,
Terrors, Losses, and Allurements.
I ask your Pardon sir, for giving you so much trouble, but I take Advantage of your
friendly Professions, and I assure you confidence { 222 } is a Plant of slow growth in my Bosom, Altho it was very far otherwise twenty years
ago. I have not yet found in Europe another Person, to whom I can unbosom myself.
I shall put you to expence, perhaps for Postage or otherwise, which I shall be glad
to repay.
Adieu.
RC (Adams Papers); filmed at 20 April 1778, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 349.
1. This letter was long thought to be the first from JA to Jenings (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:355–356). It is now apparent that it was written in 1780, since Jenings' letter of 24 April (below) is clearly a reply.
2. For the text of “A Dissertation on the Canon and the Feudal Law,” together with an
account of its origin, importance, and various printings, including that referred
to here by JA: The True Sentiments of America, London, 1768, see vol. 1:103–128. Despite JA's request in this letter, the “Dissertation” was not reprinted until 1782 and then
as part of A Collection of State-Papers, Relative to the First Acknowledgment of the Sovereignty
of the United States of America, and the Reception of Their Minister . . . by . .
. the states General of the United Netherlands. To which is Prefixed the Political
Character of John Adams, Ambassador . . . to . . . the Netherlands. By an American.
Likewise an Essay on Canon and Feudal Law, by J. Adams, Esq., London, 1782. See also Jenings' reply of 24 April, and JA's letter to Jenings of the 29th (both below).
3. JA's motivation for having the “Dissertation” reprinted was almost certainly his reading
of Thomas Pownall's pamphlet, A Memorial, Most Humbly Addressed to the Sovereigns of Europe, London, 1780. For the linkage perceived by JA between the “Dissertation” and Pownall's Memorial, see JA's Translation of Pownall's Memorial, 19 April – [ca. 14 July], Editorial Note and No. I., note 13 (above).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0117
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-20
From James Wilson
Duplicate
[dateline] Philada. 20th. April 1780
[salute] Sir
Your Inclination to oblige will excuse the Trouble, which I intend to give you. I
was nominated by Mr. Gerard to be Advocate General for the French Nation in the United
States, subject to the Ratification of the King.1 If his Majesty shall be pleased to honour me with his Commission, I have requested
that two hundred Pounds Sterling may be appropriated for the Purchase of Books; and
have taken the Liberty to mention you to Mr. Gerard, as the Gentleman, who would perform
the good Office of purchasing them for me. I aim at a good Collection of Treaties,
and of Books on the Laws of Nations, the Laws maritime, and the Laws of France respecting
Navigation and commercial Affairs. I wish to have also some of the best Books on the
History and Policy of the Kingdom. You can form the Catalogue much better than I can
do. Mr. Deane will be good enough to take the Care of sending them to America.
{ 223 } I have been favoured, by Mr. Marbois, with the Perusal of the Plan of a Constitution
for Massachussets, reported by a Committee of the Convention of that Commonwealth.
From the masterly Strokes of profound Jurisprudence, and of refined and enlarged Policy,
which distinguish that Performance, I can easily trace it to its Author. The Constitution
of every State in the Union is interesting to the Citizens of every other State; as
each spreads, in some Degree, its Influence over all. For this Reason, I feel a very
sensible Pleasure, when I see a Prospect that happy Governments will be established
around me. This Sentiment has, in no Instance, been more highly gratified, than by
the Plan reported for the Government of Massachussets.
I have the Honour to be, with the greatest Esteem, Sir Your most obedient and most
humble Servant
[signed] James Wilson
Dupl (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr. Wilson. 20 April. Duplicate. recd. 21st. of June. and. 24. June
1780;” addressed: “His Excellency John Adams Esquire Hotel de Valois Rue de Richlieu.”
The intended recipient's copy, which JA received later, is also in the Adams Papers.
1. In anticipation of profiting from a greatly expanded Franco-American trade, Wilson
had proposed his appointment as “advocate-general” to John Holker, French Consul-general
at Philadelphia, in Dec. 1779. Although Holker and Silas Deane, after Deane's return
to France in July as Wilson's agent in various matters, strongly supported his candidacy,
the French court balked at Wilson's fee and did not grant him the desired appointment
(Charles Page Smith, James Wilson: Founding Father, 1742–1798, Chapel Hill, 1956, p. 140–142).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0118
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-21
From Benjamin Franklin
[dateline] Passy, April 21. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
The Letter your Excellency did me the honour of writing to me Yesterday,1 gives me the first Information of the Resolution mentioned as taken by the State
of Maryland relating to their Money in England. If there is no Mistake in the Intelligence,
(which I apprehend there may be) and such a Power as is supposed should come to my
Hands, I shall then take your Excellency's Recommendation, (which has great Weight
with me) into Consideration. At present I can only say that I shall not name my Nephew
Mr. Williams. For tho' I have a great Opinion of his Ability, and Integrity, and think
that by his early Declaration and Attachment to our Cause, and Activity in its Service,
he has a good deal of Merit with the States in general, I know of none that he has
with Maryland in particular; and as the other four are Natives of that State, I think
the Choice ought to be { 224 } from among them. Mr. Williams will however be very sensible of the Honour done him
by being put into the Nomination.
With the greatest Respect, I have the Honour to be Your Excellency's most obedt. and
most humble Servant.
[signed] B Franklin
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0119
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1780-04-22
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Paris Ap. 22. 1780
[salute] Dr sr
If you think that any thing I sent you lately is improper for publication, I hope
you will stop it, or alter and correct it, by your own discretion, or delay it, till
you think the time, proper.
A vessell has arrived at Bilbao, from Newbury Port, by which I wrote to Congress and
to my friends from Corunna,1 she brings news that two Vessells which lay at Bilbao when I was there, have also
arrived. I wrote by these also. She sailed from Newbury Port 14 March, all quiet.
The English close shut up by our Army in N. York. Clintons fleet Scattered in a storm.
This is every Word, I can get. This lazy fellow must not have let it be known he was
coming, or I should have had Letters. I inclose you a Letter from Dr. F.2
Adieu,
RC with enclosure in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers); endorsed: “John Adams Esqr. Inclosing a copy of a Letter from B Franklin Esqr.
April 22 1780.”
1. Probably the schooner Success commanded by Capt. Philip Trask. The vessel had sailed from La Coruña on 17 Dec.
1779 and arrived at Newburyport on 23 Feb. 1780 (JQA, Diary, 1:14; Adams Family Correspondence, 3:251–252, 281–283; JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:410).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0120
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-22
From John Bondfield
[dateline] Nantes 22 April 1780
[salute] Sir
This day arrived from Baltimore a small Schooner which port she left the 15 March.
General Clinton with the remainder of the transports saved from the general despersion,
arrived at Savannah to the Number of 44 or 45 Ships.1 General Gates was sent to Command at Charles Town.2 No movements had been made since the Arrival of the Troops In Georgia, all the Enemys
Horse were thrown overboard. The American Frigates Boston Providence & Ranger were
at Charles Town, and they report every preparation were making to prevent the British
Troops { 225 } penetrating into Carolina, with respect I have the Honor to be Sir your very hhb.
Servt.
[signed] John Bondfield
RC (Adams Papers).
2. This report was supplied by Capt. W. Kindy of the schooner Dove from Baltimore (from Joshua Johnson, 22 April, below). Maj. Gen. Benjamin Lincoln was in command at Charleston until the surrender
of the city and his army on 12 May. Congress did not appoint Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates
commander of the southern department until 13 June and he did not take command in
the field until 25 July (Robert Middlekauf, The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763–1789, N.Y., 1982, p. 442–443, 448, 453; JCC, 17:508). For JA's use of the information regarding Gates, see Joshua Johnson's letter of 22 April,
note 1 (below).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0121
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-22
From William Carmichael
[dateline] Madrid 22d. April 1780
[salute] Sir
I received with much pleasure your obliging letter of the 8th. Instant and take the
earliest opportunity of thanking you for the information it contained. I should have
certainly commenced my correspondence with you earlier, had I thought Mr. Jay would
have been constrained by various circumstances to reside so long at Cadiz. Your Observations
with respect to the conduct which France and Spain ought to follow correspond with
the opinions of the Swedish and Dutch Ministers here both of whom I have an opportunity
of frequently seeing. The crisis seems near, when Others beside Britain may play the
Part of the Bully.
If the Patriots in Ireland are content with that which they have forced G. Britain
to grant them, I shall be much mistaken, and their conduct in that case will not correspond
with the history of Mankind. I resided three Months in that Kingdom in the year 1768
and am well acquainted with some of the men who now appear to take a lead in their
Affairs. Some of these will be for pushing things to the greatest Extremity and perhaps
would succeed, if they had liberality enough to tolerate a religion against which
they have the most violent animosity. A fleet of 12 sail of the Line besides frigates
and other armed Vessels with 11500 men and a fine train of Artillery will sail this
month from Cadiz, If it hath not already sailed, the troops embarked the 14th, I suppose
that from Brest sails about the same time.1
From these Armaments you may Judge whether your Ideas of carrying the war into the
American seas are not conformable to the Intentions of the Allies. We have the same
news from America which you announce to me. And our Papers are as late as the 10th
of March. { 226 } By several Captures taken from the Enemy it appears that Arbuthnots fleet must have
suffered severely and their dispersion must have been compleat for no news of their
arrival in any port was received at Newberry in Massachussets bay the 14th of March
altho they sailed the 26th of December from N. York. It appears that Congress meant
to leave Philadelphia the 1st of April, but to what place is not mentioned. I have
advice from Bourdeaux that several letters for me arrived in the Buckskin and were
sent on to Madrid. Unhappily I have not received them, which chagrins me not a little.
Mr. Jay and Family present their respects to you. Most of them have been unwell since
their arrival here. I beg you to make the proper Compliments for me to Mr. Dana and
to beleive me Your Obliged & Humble Sert.
[signed] Wm. Carmichael
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Carmichael accurately describes Adm. Don Josef Solano's fleet, which sailed from Cádiz
on or about 2 May. After evading a British blocking force, Solano sailed to the West
Indies and joined with Guichen's fleet on 16 June. The combined fleet numbered 27
ships of the line to Rodney's 18, but in fact the naval balance was little changed
because the effectiveness of the disease ridden Spanish sailors was questionable at
best. Carmichael's second reference was to Ternay's convoy for Rochambeau's army,
which also sailed on 2 May (Mackesy, War for America, p. 328–329, 333; W. M. James, The British Navy in Adversity: A Study of the War of American Independence, London, 1926, p. 215–216).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0122
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-22
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels April 22. 1780
[salute] Sir
I Hereby Acknowledge the Honor of receiving from your Excellency your Letters of the
15th, and at this Moment, of the 19th Instant; the Inclosure of the last shall be
taken due Care of. The perusal thereof gives me most pleasing Sensations. To some
perhaps it may be Ungrateful but they ought to see it. Others Consider themselves
highly honord thereby, and I wish they saw it: they may do it in a Translation.
You ask in your favor of 16th.1 my impartial Judgment of the Declaration of Russia. I think it proceeds from the
New School of Magnanimity, notwithstanding the Opinion of Lord Camden, who treats
it as a violation of the Law of Nations.2 I am sure it is the Law of Nature, which ought to dictate, what is the Law of Nations.
Never did I see a System of more public Utility, Justice, Right and Humanity laid
down. It is entirely Conformable to the public Acts, coming from the Throne of Russia,
which has lately astonishd the Admiring World. Permit me, Sir, to Suggest an Idea,
which occurs to me at this Juncture, of which I entreat your Consideration. We Know
the Back• { 227 } wardness of all powers to plunge themselves into War, it is a Wise and humane Spirit.
The Contrary is left only to the Malice, folly and desperateness of England. Suppose
that the Northern Powers confederatd and Compleatly armd, shoud before they go to
Extremities, to which they are not inclind, shoud insist on the belligerent Powers
on the given Day to subscribe to the Law of Nature, as laid down by the Empress or
Else expect a declaration of all, not to supply such refusing State with Naval Stores.
The Consequence thereof is evident. If you approve of this Idea, you will Carry it
further.
The paper sent to England3 has been insertd in almost all the Gazettes, likewise Care was taken that it shoud
appear in the foreign ones of which I Hope you approve. It has occasiond much Speculation
and some good Observations. I have some active Friends in England, who omit Nothing
in the Cause of Liberty and Mister Hartly receivd it, and I beleive gave Notice of
the Day of his intended Motion on it, which is put off on account of the Speakers
Illness—and Lord Albingden, his good friend, went immediately to Ld. Shelburn and
others to talk of it—but I mistake much if you have not already had some applications
to You, my information from England is otherwise Erroneous.
I thank you much for your obliging Disposition towards me, I know if any thing coud
do me Honor was in your power, I shoud have it. Other people may Act otherwise, but
I coud wish they Knew where I was, that they might not have an Excuse of Neglect.
Have you now, Sir, or have you had at Paris a General Lloyd, formerly in the <Russian> Austrian Service, I am told He is at Paris; He was there last Year, Care must be
taken of Him, He is a very bad Man and a pensioner of our Ennemy. Let Him be Watchd,
if He is there pray give Notice to the Minister that He may be attended to.4
[salute] I am Dr Sir your Excellencys Most Obt & Faithful Hbl Sert.
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers).
4. For Henry Lloyd, see Jenings' letter of 5 March, and note 12 (above). JA copied this paragraph and included it in his letter of 27 April to Vergennes (Arch. Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. Pol., E.-U., vol. 11).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0123
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-22
From Joshua Johnson
[dateline] Nantes 22 April 1780
[salute] Sir
Inclosed I forward you five American Newspapers which I received last Evening by the
Dove Capt. W. Kindy, they will give you an Account of Clintons arrival in Georgia.
I have likewise to inform you that the Capt. and a passinger informs me Genl. Gates
was appointed to Command the Southern Army and that he was on his way to Join it.
The same Gent. add that Vessell from Martinique had Just arrived and brought an Account
that the Dean Captain Nicholson had sent in there an English Frigate Sheathed with
Coper and mounting twenty Eight Gunns she struck after a severe Action.1 Had I been a ceremonious man I should have waited on you before with my Congratulations
on your appointment. You will beleive me as an honest one that I am very happy my
Country has shown so much wisdom, and I am not without hopes that your endeavours
will extricate her out of her difficulties in which I wish you every Success and am
with my sincere and very best offers of service Sir, Your most Obedt. & most Humble
Servant
[signed] Joshua Johnson
RC (Adams Papers).
1. These reports concerning Horatio Gates and the frigate Deane were both false. For that concerning Gates, see John Bondfield's letter of 22 April,
note 2 (above). In regard to the Deane, no record of such a capture by the frigate in 1780 has been found. In any event,
JA included both reports in his letter of 25 April to Vergennes (Arch. Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. Pol., E.-U., vol. 11).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0124
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-23
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 50
Paris, 23 April 1780. LbC (Adams Papers).
Although a note to the Letterbook copy of Adams'letter of 3 May to the president of Congress (No. 58, calendared, below) indicates that this letter
was sent and the Journal of Congress shows it to have been received on 19 Feb. 1781 (JCC, 19:175), no copy has been found in the PCC. With this letter John Adams enclosed newspapers from Britain, France, and elsewhere
concerning events in England, “where the old Monarchy seems to be tumbling about their
Heads.”
LbC
(Adams Papers.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0125
Recipient: Sarsfield, Guy Claude, Comte de
Date: 1780-04-24
To the Comte de Sarsfield
[dateline] Hotel de Valois Ap. 24. 1780
[salute] Sir1
I have both heard and read So exalted a character of the Eloquence and Integrity of
Monsieur Malesherbes, that I have a Strong Curiosity to become acquainted, with his
Writings.2 I am told there are Some { 229 } of his Speeches and remonstrances when he was first president of the court of Aids,
in print, and a discourse, pronounced at his Admission to the french Academy. I should
esteem it a favour, if you would let me know, at what Booksellers I can find them.3 I am also informed, that there are others of his Discourses, as premier president,
preserved in manuscript, but never printed. I wish to know if it is practicable to
obtain the reading of them. I have heard his Eloquence compared to that of Demosthenes
and his Justice to that of Aristides, and as it is rare, I think to find either of
those qualities in such degrees, in this age of the World, and rarer still to find
them both So remarkably united in any: you will pardon the trouble I give you, by
making this Inquiry, on Account of its motive. I am, with great respect, sir, your
most obedient servant
LbC
(Adams Papers.)
1. Guy Claude, Comte de Sarsfield, was a French officer of Irish ancestry and a would
be philosophe. He became JA's friend and correspondent in 1778 (vol. 6:85), and remained so through the Adamses' residence in London from 1785 to 1788. For
a detailed sketch of Sarsfield, see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2: 381.
2. Chrétien-Guillaume de Lamoignon de Malesherbes, celebrated jurist, succeeded his father as
president of the cour des aides, a royal tax court, in 1750. Louis XV suspended the
court in 1771 and banished Malesherbes to his estate because of the jurist's famous
remonstrances on behalf of the prorogued parlements. Louis XVI revived the court and
upon his ascent to the throne in 1774, reinstated Malesherbes. The jurist's advocacy
of moderate constitutional reform led to his resignation from the court in 1775 and
from the post of minister of the royal household in 1776. Officially out of favor,
Malesherbes traveled extensively in Europe and avoided political entanglements until
the King recalled him to be minister of state in 1787. Confronted with a rising tide
of political radicalism hostile to the monarchy, Malesherbes resigned the following
year. The former jurist defended Louis XVI at the King's trial in 1792 and was himself
condemned as a royalist and guillotined in 1794 (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale).
3. Malesherbes' Remonstrances au roi au nom de la Cour des Aides en 1770, 1771, et 1774 were included in his Mémoires pour servir a l'histoire du droit public de la France, Bruxelles, 1779. His speech before the French Academy was preserved in the Discours prononcés dans l'Academie Française, le jeudi XVI février M.DCC.LXXV. à la
réception de M. de Lamoignon de Malesherbes. . . ., Paris, 1775.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0126
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-24
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 51
Paris, 24 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 495–498). printed:Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:626–628.
In this letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, John Adams sent intelligence
derived from newspaper reports originating at Stockholm, Ratisbone (Regensburg, Germany),
Amsterdam, and The Hague. Included were reports on Russian demands for Swedish compliance
with the principles of the armed neutrality, Russian naval preparations in the Baltic
and White seas, the possibility of Estaing assuming command of a combined allied fleet,
Dutch naval developments, and the progress of efforts to form a “universal Code for
the Sea.” Finally, Adams provided an English translation of Hol• { 230 } land's memorial of 13 April to the States General regarding that body's reply to Prince
Gallitzin's memorial.
RC in John Thaxter's hand
(PCC, No. 84, I, f. 495–498.)
printed:
(Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:626–628.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0127
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-24
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels April 24. 1780
[salute] Sir
I have receivd your Excellencys Letter of the 19th Instant, inclosing the Copy of
Another of the 15th Addressed to his Excellency Mr. Franklin.1 I feel in the most Sensible Manner, the Marks you give me of your Benevolence and
Trust. Nothing can be more flattering, and more Animating to me to persist in these
Sentiments and that Conduct, which have fortunately drawn your Notice on me. I entreat
your Excellency to rely on my Faithfulness and strict Adherence to privete and public
Honor.
I will make particular Enquiries after the Pamphlet, but as it was publishd 15 Years
Ago it will perhaps be difficult to find it. No Endeavours however will be spared;
I can trust my Friends Diligence which woud be much assistd, if your Excellency coud
inform me of the Name of the Bookseller, who published it.2
I send your Excellency the inclosd Newspaper. It Contains the debate on the Contractors
Bill in the House of Lords, which, being thrown out, is a strong Proof of the Absurdity
of endeavouring to reform and save the adjacent Island of Corruption. It Contains
too a Paragraph on a late publication, and the Sentiments and Motions of a Mr. Nichols
in a County meeting.3 That Gentleman has been long esteemd by me as a Friend, for He has ever been a Friend
to America.
The Astonishment is great in these Countries, to hear that England has annulld the
Dutch Treaties, Oh! that Mr. Laurens was in Holland at this Instance. What an Opportunity
has France to bind the States general to Her for Ever! A liberal Plan of Conduct would
do it, and Holland renderd thereby more subservient to Her in War and Peace, than
by the violence of Conquest and Actual Possession. Altho I am convincd, that the Moderation,
Respect and Submission, that the Duch have showed towards England has encouragd that
Infatuatd Country, in its arrogant and desperate Measures, Yet being scornd, as they
have been, cannot but condemn the one and satisfy the other in future proceedings
and imitate and Revolt the Spirit of Europe against the Aggressor.
[salute] I am with the greatest Sir Your Excellencys Most Faithful & Obd Hble Sevt
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The “9” and the “5” in the two dates given in this sentence are written over other
illegible numbers, but Jenings presumably means JA's letter of 19 April to Benjamin Franklin (above), for no letter of the 15th has been found. JA's only known letter of the 19th to Jenings, a cover for an enclosed account of JA's journey through Spain (above), makes no mention of enclosing JA's letter to Franklin.
3. The enclosed newspaper has not been found, but it was probably published on 15 April.
The contractors bill, which was finally defeated on 17 April, would have prohibited
any member of the House of Commons from being a party to a government contract unless
the contract was put up for public bid. It was debated in the House of Lords on the
14th and reported in the London Courant and other London papers of the 15th.
The “late publication” may have been the announcement of JA's mission (to Jenings, 2 April, and note 1, above). The London Courant of 15 April contained a paragraph which reported that Lord North, upon hearing of
JA's arrival in France to conclude a peace treaty, had expressed his wish that JA had come immediately to London, but that he had since learned that JA had neither confidence in him nor any desire to go to England, “having nothing at
all to propose to the Court of London; neither is he in a hurry for peace.” The author
of the article then stated that JA had come “with the most ample powers to treat upon, and finally to conclude (in conjunction with the Courts of France and Spain) upon a fair and honourable peace
with England, on terms of perfect equality, as independent sovereign powers; and his
Lordship may wait till he is much larger in the girth than he at present is, if he
waits till he recieves any kind of overture from Mr. Adams—The man won't come to the
mountain.”
Finally, the London Courant of the 15th also contained an account of a meeting “of the Freeholders of the County
of Surry” at Epsom on 14 April at which John Nicholls, later a member of Parliament,
spoke against the war in America and offered two resolutions. The first declared that
the war in America stemmed “from the corrupt influence of the Crown, and the illfounded
assertions of the Kings Ministers in Parliament” and was responsible for the “calamitous
situation of the country,” while the second denounced further offensive operations
in America. JA quoted from the portion of the article containing the resolutions in his letter of
29 April to the president of Congress (No. 55, calendared below).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0128
Recipient: Bondfield, John
Date: 1780-04-25
To John Bondfield
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu April 25th. 1780
[salute] Sir
I am very much obliged by your kind Attention, in your Letter of 22d. April.
Clinton has then arrived at Georgia, where he is destined to be as well watched and
guarded and finally as compleatly ruined as Burgoyne was at Saratoga or Preston at
Rhode Island,1 and that favorite Child of Fortune Gates is to have the Glory of it all. I am quite
easy since I know, he commands. There is an Affection for him and a Confidence in
him, a kind of devotion to him, in the Mind of the American Soldier, that makes him
infallible. I have also recieved your Letter concerning my Wine—the one you inclosed
to Mr. L never reached me.2
{ 232 } Pray let me know, when the Genl. Livingston and Mary Ferran will sail and for what
port, and what other Vessels are going to America from Nantes, and all other News.
When may I expect the Wine you ordered me, and where must I look for it?
What think You of the Conduct of the neutral maritime Powers? what Effect will it
have on England? I am with Respect Yours &c.
LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers).
1. Probably Maj. Gen. Richard Prescott who was captured at Montreal in 1775 and again,
near Newport, R.I., in July 1777 (vol. 3:374; Adams Family Correspondence, 2:285–286).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0129
Recipient: Johnson, Joshua
Date: 1780-04-25
To Joshua Johnson
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu April 25. 1780
[salute] Sir
I have this Moment, your Favour of 22. of April, inclosing, five American Newspapers.
I cannot express in two Strong terms, my Thanks for this instance of your Attention
and Kindness, and if upon future Occasions, you will shew me, the same Goodness, you
will very much oblige me. You have, many Vessells arrive consigned to you, and your
Correspondences in America, are with Persons of such Consideration and Authority,
that you will frequently have Intelligence of the best Kind and from the highest Sources.
I cannot but wish that Congress would avail themselves to this Channell, to convey
sometimes their Commands to their servant abroad.
I have great Consolation in the appointment of General Gates to the Command of the
southern Army. The Affection and Confidence of the Soldier in their General, never
fail to have great Effects, these have appeared, more than once, in Gates's favour,
and I am persuaded will another time. I hope Charlestown will be saved, but if unhappily
it should not, it will be soon regained.
A small Vessell, by which I wrote to America from Corunna, has been there, and returned
to Bilbao from Newbury port, which she left 14 March. Two large Letters of Mark, which
lay at Bilbao when I was there, by which I also wrote have arrived. English close
shut up in N. York by Gen. Washington, Clintons fleet dispersed in a storm—no other
News—not a Letter. He must have conceald his designd Voyage.1
The wise and prudent Negotiations among the neutral maritime { 233 } Powers, which will prevent the flames of War from Spreading farther, the Proceedings
in Ireland and in England together with the Operations of the Armaments from Brest,
and Cadiz, wherever they are destined, afford Us a Prospect, of tolerable Tranquility
to our Country, how long soever the War may continue.
If you can inform me, when the Dove or any other Vessell intends to sail for America
from Nantes I shall be glad to send a Letter.
I thank you, sir, for your polite Congratulations, on my late Appointment. Happy,
indeed shall I be if any Endeavours of mine, should contribute to extricate our Country
out of her difficulties. Every American, may do somewhat; and few on this side the
Water have more oppertunities than you, which renders your obliging offers of service,
very precious to me.
As I Am determined to spare no expence to obtain Intelligence, if you will write for
the Printer of the Baltimore Paper to send them me, regularly, and will undertake
to pay for it, I will thankfully repay you.
Please to present my Respects to Mrs. Johnson and the little family, and believe me,
with much esteem, your most obedient and humble sert.
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. This paragraph as well as the fifth and seventh paragraphs were interlined.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0130
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-25
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 52
In this letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, John Adams included long newspaper
accounts from Dublin of events in Ireland, particularly the progress of the volunteer
movement, and from London of the efforts of the British ministry to bring about a
resolution of the Irish problem.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0131
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-25
From William Lee
[dateline] Bruxelles Apl. 25. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I thank you for the intelligence contain'd in your favor of the 13th. and when there
are any other arrivals from America you will greatly oblige me by communicating any
intelligence they may bring. I confess I am uneasy to hear from Chas. Town, for there
is no doubt of Clinton having design'd his principle Force against that Town; as I
cannot give any credit to the surmises of some people, that the rendevouze was at
Tybee, in order to be ready for an attack on some of the Spanish possessions.
{ 234 } The infatuation of our Enemies is evidently the work of Providence therefore I have
no expectation of a speedy Peace because the measure of their punishment is not yet
full.
Their frenzy is turn'd into raving madness, as you will see by the proclamation against
the Dutch,1 which is tantamount to a declaration of War, and the insulting language used against
the Russians in the Ministerial papers; therefore as you say, we need not be surprised
if they were to declare War against the whole World. This would be a favorable minute
for Mr. Laurens, if he was in Holland, where no doubt his prudence will direct him
to examine well his ground before he moves, for he may meet with, Characters both
inimical and selfish, who under the garb of Patriotic and friendly zeal, may endeavor
to lead him into error. The Dutch who are so jealous of any other nation but themselves,
catching a Hering in the open Sea, think it not unreasonable or immodest to expect
exclusive privileges in some part of the American trade and an equal freedom with
others, to the fishery on the banks of Newfoundland.
By the last accounts from England Walsingham was not sail'd So that the fleet from
Brest may get the start, if it has kept to the time appointed viz the 15th. of this
month.
If you can prevail where you are to have a good look out kept to intercept the first
West India fleet, which probably will be coming into the channel in June or July,
I think our Enemies cannot have this year for channel service more than 30 Ships of
the Line at the utmost for want of Men.2
Pray tell me if you heard before you left America, of my answer to Mr. Deanes charges
having been read in Congress.3 That Gentlemans Agent and Correspondent in Holland,4 it is said, has reported there, that he is again in Congress, but I do not hear of
any letters from America that mention such a circumstance.
With great regard I remain &c. Adieu.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. This was the Order in Council of 17 April, which formally suspended the provisions
of existing Anglo-Dutch treaties relating to Dutch trade in time of war and placed
subjects of the Netherlands under the same restrictions as the subjects of other neutral
nations with whom Great Britain had no treaties. The order was printed in various
London newspapers on or about 19 April, including the London Courant and the Morning Post.
2. In fact, this estimate was too high. When Adm. Francis Geary took command of the channel
fleet in May, he had but 24 ships of the line, placing him at a serious disadvantage
in the event he met with a combined Franco-Spanish fleet. The number of ships committed
to the channel fleet did not significantly increase in 1781 or 1782, although the
balance became less lopsided in favor of France and Spain as the focus of naval activities
changed to American and East Indian waters (Mackesy, War for America, p. 356; Dull, { 235 } French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 365–376).
3. This was Lee's 36-page rebuttal to Silas Deane's address of 5 Dec. 1778 “To the Free
and Virtuous Citizens of the United States.” Lee's response was dated 8 March 1779
and was sent under a covering letter of 17 March to the president of Congress. The
two documents were received on 11 Oct. 1779 (PCC, No. 90, f. 472–507; No. 105, f. 107–110; JCC, 15:1161–1162).
4. The source of this false report was probably C. W. F. Dumas, with whom Deane had corresponded
between 1776 and 1778 (Deane Papers, 3:149–150). See also Lee's letter of 10 May and JA's reply of 6 June (both below).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0132
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1780-04-26
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Paris April 26th. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
Your's of the 22d have just recieved. I wrote You a Line the 22d. Am happy to find
that We agree so well in Opinion concerning the Equity of the Russian Negotiation.
If that Court had gone farther, and endeavoured to abolish the whole doctrine of Contraband,
excepting in Case of Siege, I should have thought it a beneficial Improvement in the
Law of Nations. I can't see, that because two Nations have quarrelled, this should
give them a right to meddle at all with the Vessels of Neutrals—neither of the contending
Nations gain any Advantage by it, because both have an equal right to make use of
Neutral Ships, and the stopping and searching of neutral Ships is a real damage and
injury, and only tends to embarrass the Intercourse among Mankind, to multiply disputes,
and provoke Neutral Nations to join one or other of the belligerent Powers. But this
might have been too large a Stride to have taken at once.
This doctrine of free Ships making free Goods, is an old Object with the Dutch. They
have aimed at it above an hundred Years, and but for England would have carried it
in De Witts Time.1 When I was employed in draughting the Original Treaty, which was sent by Congress
to be proposed to the Court of France, I spent a good deal of time, in searching the
Books upon this Subject. I found a small Collection of marine Treaties, in the preface
to which some Account is given of this Disenssion between the Dutch and English, but
I found a much clearer and more ample Relation of it, in the preface of a Work in
two Octavo Volumes, called I think, the Law of the Admiralty, which Mr. E. Rutledge
borrowed for me of C. Justice Chew.2 I wish I could find this Book again, which I have not seen this four Years. I spoke
to a Bookseller here six Weeks ago to write for it, but I hear nothing of it. The
Sum of the Argument, as it appears to me, has been this—the Dutch are our Rivals in
Trade—their common System is Neutrality—if we agree that free Ships make free Goods,
they will run away with all the carrying Business—France and { 236 } Spain are our natural Enemies—if We suffer Neutral Ships to carry them naval Stores,
France and Spain will be able to dispute with Us the Empire of the Sea—the Situation
of our Island gives us an opportunity to intercept their Supplies, and it is necessary
in order to maintain our Superiority that we should embrace it. This is the Reasoning
of the English, and while France and Spain were odious in Europe, other Nations did
not choose to decide against them: but since the Ballance of Odium has shifted, and
France is pursuing a System, that all the World sees is for the public Good, and England
is acting a part, which all Nations dread and abhor, they all seem to be convinced
of the Rectitude of the Dutch Doctrine, and ready to decide in its favour.
I am much pleased with your Idea of obliging the belligerent Powers to subscribe to
the Empress's Doctrine, and I have no doubt it will be readily done by France and
Spain—the doctrine is already settled in the Treaty between France and the United
States. England will not be willing to subscribe it, tho' She must conform to it in
practice.
I thank You for all favors. As to your Information from England, I can only say, that
whenever or wherever any Application shall be made to me, I shall think myself bound
to inpenetrable Secresy towards all, but my Sovereign, and its Ally. A Bird in the
hand is worth two in the Bush. Our Alliance with the House of Bourbon is a Measure
that I have ever had extreamly at Heart: it ever appeared to me a natural and necessary
Alliance, and I would continue the War against Great Britain an hundred Years before
I would give it up. Great Britain will be our natural Enemy for the future. We shall
be her Rival in Fisheries, in Carriage, in Commerce of various Sorts, nay dont think
me extravagant or enthusiastic when I say, in Naval Power. She will be eternally wishing
and endeavouring to destroy our Commerce and our Navy, as She is that of France and
Spain. Let Us cultivate then, the Connection with these Powers, as a Rock of defence.
I shall therefore communicate to this Court whatever Proposition may ever be made
to me. It is most certain I have no Propositions to make, until Conferences shall
be opened, if ever that should be. I am very far from being over anxious about this.
I know we are marching on in a sure and certain Mode. <My> Our Country can sustain this War for thirty Years to come, better than France, Spain
or England can, especially the latter, or for any other given Number of Years, more
or less. It is in vain to reason. The politicians of Europe are incapable of concieving
our Situation, and the great Causes now { 237 } at work must be allowed Time to produce their Effects. So far from expecting any serious,
sensible proposals for Peace, I think the Parties in England will go to War with each
other, and they must fight their Battle out, before we shall know, which has the national
Power in its Hands to make peace with Us. They have a point to settle first, whether
we shall make Peace with a British King or a British Congress.
I assure You, the picture of the British Nation at present gives me no pleasure—it
is a melancholy Sight to me. It would give me as much Joy as my Nature is capable
of, if She would come to her Senses, and act a just and reasonable part: but I know
it is impossible. Mens minds are not suddenly changed—they will go on, and for ought
I can see, will have a Civil War. The least Accident may put all in a blaze—a drunken
Mob may provoke a Soldier to fire, and set the Nation all in Arms.
Clinton has arrived in Georgia with forty four Ships escaped from the Storm. The News
of this will raise a flash in England, like throwing Oil on Fire: but Gates is to
command against him, and Gates is a Master of his Trade, has the Confidence and Affection
of the Soldier and the Citizen, and will give as good an Account of him, as he did
of Burgoyne and Prescot.3 I communicate my Sentiments to You on these points in Secresy and Confidence—if you
think any of them wrong, tell me. You must be sensible that is improper for me to
make a Talk about these Things.
Adieu.
RC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr A April 26. 1780.”
1. That is, during the rule of John De Witt, the grand pensionary from 1665 to 1672.
In fact, following De Witt's death, the Dutch gained British acceptance of the doctrine
of free ships make free goods in the Anglo-Dutch treaty of 1674 and its Explanatory
Convention of 1675. That, however, was the very treaty that Britain suspended in 1780
in so far as its provisions relating to neutral trade were concerned. For a discussion
of the treaty and convention of 1674 and 1675, see C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners,
13 Sept. 1778, note 5 (vol. 7:34–35).
2. The “small Collection” was probably Henry Edmunds and William Harris, comps., A Compleat Collection of All the Articles and Clauses which Relate to the Marine,
in the Several Treaties Now Subsisting Between Great Britain, and Other Kingdoms and
States . . ., London, 1760. The two-volume work on “the Law of the Admiralty,” borrowed from Benjamin
Chew, chief justice of Pennsylvania from 1774 to 1776 (DAB), has not been identified. For the Treaty Plan of 1776 and works that JA used to draft it, see vol. 4:260–278.
3. Probably British Maj. Gen. Richard Prescott.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0133
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-26
To the President of Congress, No. 53
[dateline] Paris April 26th. 1780
[salute] Sir
At last, even the Morning Post, of the eighteenth of April, confesses, that1 the Memorial from the Empress of Russia to the States General, has dissipated all
their golden dreams of an Alliance, with the Czarina. It was announced to us last
Week, that a Russian Squadron had left Cronstad, with an Intention to sail to our
Assistance, nay some of the public Papers went so far as to announce their Arrival
at Plymouth, how sadly are we, now disappointed! instead of Alliance, we find her
Czarish Majesty talks of Neutrality. So that at present it is pretty clear, that the
various powers in Europe seem determined to stand off, and leave us to our fate.
In some confused Minutes of a debate in the House of Lords on the fourteenth of April,
it is said that Lord Cambden expressed2 his Astonishment and regret at the Memorial from Russia, in which, contrary to the
established Laws of Nations, the Empress insisted upon free Ships and free Goods:
he pointed out, how injurious to the Country it must be, if neutral Vessels were permitted
to supply our Enemies, whom we might blockade, with every thing they might want, and
remarked, the Queen of the Seas was now deposed, and the Empress had taken possession
of her Throne. In another Paper Lord Shelburne3 is represented remarking the very dangerous and alarming Situation they stand in
with regard to their Wars and foreign Alliances: of the former, said his Lordship
we have three, of the latter none; even the Empress of Russia, that great Potentate,
who was constantly held out by the noble Lord in the green Ribbon, Lord Stormont4 to be our principal Ally, now shows to all Europe, by her late maritime Manifesto,
what sort of an Ally She meant to be to England. The thought of that Manifesto made
him shudder, when he first read it, particularly as he knew how this Country stood,
in respect to other Powers, when Denmark must follow wherever Russia led, and when
Sweeden was nearly at the Nod of France. Think of the probability of having the whole
force of the Northern Powers against Us, already engaged in three Wars, and striving
all we can to make a fourth with our old Friends and natural Allies, the States General.
There have appeared, few other Reflections, as yet, upon this great Event, the Russian
declaration. Even Opposition seem afraid to lay it open, in all its Terms to the people.
They repeat the Word Neutral• { 239 } ity, Neutrality, but it is very [nearly]5 as decisive a determination against them, as a declaration of War would have been,
perhaps more so, because now there is a probability that the maritime Powers will
be unanimous, whereas in the other Case they might have been divided. It is very surprising
that the Peace between Russia and the Turk, and that between the Emperor and the King
of Prussia, in which the Empress of Russia took a part as decided and spirited, as
She has upon this Occasion, in both of which Negotiations the British Ministry ought
to have known that Russia and France, acted in perfect Concert,6 should not have earlier dissipated their golden Visions: but so it is: and so it
has been. England, as Governor Pownal says, cannot or will not see.7
The Improvement in the Law of Nations which the Empress aims at, and will undoubtedly
establish, is hurtful to England, it is true, to a very great degree: but it is beneficial
to all other Nations, and to none more than the United States of America, who will
be Carriers, and I hope forever Neuters.
I have the Honor to be, with the greatest Respect & Esteem, Sir, your most obedient
and most humble Servant,
[signed] John Adams
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 504–507); endorsed: “Letter from John Adams April 26. 1780 recd. Feb
19. 81 Influence of the Northern Association on England.” LbC (Adams Papers); notation: “No. 53.”
1. Except for minor changes, the remainder of this paragraph is an exact quotation from
the Morning Post of 18 April. As late as 12 April, the day after it had printed the text of the Russian
memorial to the States General, the Morning Post reported “it is confidently said, that a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive
is at last actually signed with Russia” and would “be announced to parliament soon
after the recess.” On the 14th it declared that “the Russian declaration at the Hague
has had the desired effect; the Dutch now finding how much the Czarina interests herself
in favour of Great Britain, begin seriously to think of returning such an answer to
Sir Joseph Yorke's memorial as may at least not irritate the Court of London to set
them on a footing with other neutral powers.”
2. The remainder of this sentence is an exact quotation from the Morning Post of 15 April. In another account of the speech by Charles Pratt, 1st earl of Camden
and former Lord Chancellor, that is much longer and quite different, he is reported
to have stated that the Russian declaration “was totally subversive of the first principle
of the law of nations, which had never went so far as to say that neutral bottoms
protected the goods and effects of an enemy” (Parliamentary Hist., 21:446).
3. The newspaper from which this report of Lord Shelburne's speech in the House of Lords
on 14 April was taken has not been identified. For a much fuller account of the speech,
see Parliamentary Hist., 21:426–428.
5. Supplied from the Letterbook.
6. JA is referring to the Russo-Turkish Convention of Ainalikawak signed in 1779 which
clarified their 1774 Treaty of Kutschuk-Kainardji and to the Peace of Teschen which
brought an end to the War for the Bavarian Succession between Prussia and Austria.
In the first instance the French ambassador to the Ottoman Empire had assisted in
the negotiations and in the second, France had been as eager as Russia to end the
war (De Madariaga, Armed Neutrality of 1780, p. 98–99).
7. A reference to Pownall's A Memorial Most Humbly Addressed to the Sovereigns of Europe. See A Translation of Thomas Pownall's Memorial, 19 April – [ca. 14 July] (above).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0134
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-26
From John Jay
[dateline] Madrid 26 April 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I have at Length had the Pleasure of recieving your very friendly Letter of the 22d.
Feby. last. It has been very long on the Road. Accept my Thanks for your kind Congratulations;
and permit me to assure you that I sincerely rejoice in your having safely reached
the Place of your Destination on a Business which declares the Confidence of America,
and for an Object, in the Attainment of which, I am persuaded you will acquire Honor
to yourself and Advantage to her.
The Circumstances you mention as Indications of the Disposition of Spain undoubtedly
bear the Construction you give them. As the Count de Florida Blanca is I am told a
man of Abilities, he doubtless will see and probably recommend the Policy of making
a deep Impression on the Hearts of the Americans by a seasonable Acknowledgement of
their Independence, and by affording such immediate Aids as their Circumstances and
the obvious Interest of Spain demand. Such Measures, at this Period would turn the
Respect of America for Spain, into lasting Attachment and in that Way give Strength
to every Treaty they may form.
Sir John Dalrymple is here.1 He came from Portugal for the Benefit of his Ladys Health (as is said). He is now
at Aranjues.2 He has seen the imperial Embassador, the Govr. of the City, Segnr. Campomaner, the
Duke of Alva and several others, named to him I suppose by Lord Grantham3 who I find was much respected here. He will return thro France to Britain. I shall
go to Aranjues the Day after tomorrow and shall form some Judgment of his Success
by the Conduct of the Court towards America.
I am much obliged by your Remarks on the most proper Route for Letters and Intelligence
to and from America and shall profit by them. You may rely on recieving the earliest
Accounts and whatever interesting Information I may obtain, and that I shall be happy
in every opportunity of evincing the Esteem with which I am Dear Sir Your most obedient
Servant
[signed] John Jay
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr. Jay. Ap. 26. 1780 ansd. 13. May.”
1. Sir John Dalrymple, author of numerous legal, historical, economic, and scientific
works, had no previous diplomatic experience and it is likely that his efforts in
Spain had no { 241 } official sanction. Dalrymple's memorial to Conde de Floridablanca, in which he emphasized
his close ties to the North ministry, proposed a joint guarantee of colonial possessions
by Great Britain, France, Portugal, and Spain. The thirteen American colonies would
remain in British hands, but with perhaps some modification in their government. Dalrymple
apparently also offered to exchange Gibraltar for the Canary Islands. Floridablanca,
who provided both Jay and the French ambassador with copies of the memorial, never
seriously considered Dalrymple's proposals, but the existence of any negotiations
was enough to make Vergennes suspicious of his Spanish ally (DNB; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:726–731; Morris, Peacemakers, p. 56, 60).
2. Aranjuez, the Spanish royal summer residence thirty miles south of Madrid.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0135
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-26
From William Carmichael
[dateline] [Madrid, ca. 26 April 17801]
[salute] Sir
I did myself the honor of writing to you last Post in answer to yours of the 8th of
April, at that time I had suspicions that a Sir John Dalrymple who has now been here
near three weeks, was imployed by G. Britain to sound the Disposition of this Court
and in the mean time to work under Ground for the interests of his own Country. I
have been hitherto able to trace most of his motions, which are somewhat suspicious.
He came hither from Lisbon under pretence or really on account of his Ladys bad State
of health: He had a Passport from the Ministry here for that purpose as I have been
informed from those who are personally imployed about him. He hath visited several
of the Principal Grandees and all those who were most connected with Ld. Grantham.
He hath been at Aranjuez, where the Royal family is at present, hath seen the French
Embassador and as I have been told will soon set out for France. This last circumstance
occasions me to give you the present Trouble. Altho I ought to have no other apprehension
of his residence here or at Paris at this Crisis unless it be the singularity of the
Circumstance, for I know he had at one time the Confidence of his King and at least
that of part of the Administration. I have never heard that he hath done any thing
to forfeit it. If he is imployed in the way I suspect He may be induced to pay you
a visit if he passes thro Paris, which altho it may be unnecessary, induces me to
put you on your Guard. I shall endeavor to inform you punctually of his rout and shall
be always happy on every occasion of testifying to you and Mr. Dana how much I am
Your humble Sert.
[signed] Wm. Carmichael
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0136
Recipient: Gerry, Elbridge
Date: 1780-04-28
To Elbridge Gerry
[dateline] 28th. April 1780
[salute] My dear Friend
Since my Arrival in Europe I have had Reason to be very well Satisfied with my Reception,
hitherto, in Spain, in France, and especially among the Americans in Europe. I have
received Letters, from various Quarters of warm Congratulations and full of Professions,
of Respect and offers of service. Such Letters I have had from Mr. Bondfield at Bordeaux,
Mr. Williams and Mr. Johnson, and Mr. Livingston at Nantes, and from Mr. Jennings
and Mr. W. Lee at Brussells.
I am much obliged to Mr. Johnson, for his kind Letter,1 and for good Intelligence. He has many Vessells, which arrive in Nantes to his Consignment
from Baltimore: I wish that Congress, and Members of Congress, would sometimes send
Letters and Newspapers to me that way: as also by another Way, I mean from Boston
and Newbury Port, by the Way of Spain, Bilbao or Cadiz for Example, in this Case they
should be directed to the Care of some particular Gentleman in those Cities, that
he may inclose them, to avoid the enormous Expence of Postage, from America. The postage
of large Packetts this Way would be terrible: but single Letters, containing, Articles
and Paragraphs cut out from the Newspapers, will have a better Chance of coming soon
this Way than any other. I give to Congress such tedious Histories of public affairs
that I need not repeat, any of them to you, in my private Letters.
My Mission has been announced with so much Pomp, and there have been so many Speculations
about me, that I expected, before this Time, the Gall of the Tories and Refugees,
would attacked me, in the English Newspapers. I expected that Parson Bates and Parson
Vardel would have been employed, to bespatter me, with their Dirt and Lyes: but You
know very well that I am acquainted with these Gentlemen, and perhaps they may think
that I am as able to tell a Truth, as well as their Parsons can tell lies.2 And I am persuaded they dread my Truths, more than I do their Lies. Hitherto however
they have had the Philosophy, and magnanimity, to treat me with the Contempt I deserve.
If there should be any Representations to you, or in America, concerning me, let me
beg you to acquaint me with it, by the surest { 243 } Channells and by several Ways. I have no reasons to Suspect any one in particular,
but after, the Scraps, which were laid before the Committee of 13, I should not be
surprised, if others should go.3 There is more Guise in Europe, than in America—the bad Passions are stronger, here,
by habit, and necessity arising from their Luxury and Intrigues but they are more
concealed. One sees the Reasons of the divine Precepts against Hipocrisy more clearly
here than there.
There is an American here, of great Learning and Ingenuity, close Application, great
Candour and good Judgment, who has been, more than any other, forward in testifying
his Affection to me, and his Zeal for the service of his Country. It is Counciller
Edmund Jennings a native of Maryland. He lives now at Bruxells. I could wish that
his Character was more known in America. I suppose however, that Congress will for
the future bestow their Commissions of Importance upon, Persons of whom they have
had more Experience. I hope this will generally be the Case, for our greatest misfortunes
abroad have arisen from employing Persons who were not known to Congress nor to America,
who did not know, at least very lately America, and in whom America had not Sufficient
Grounds of Confidence, and who had not sufficient Grounds of Confidence in America.
It is a severe Misfortune that the Laurens's are not arrived, nor that I can learn
likely to arrive. If they dont come, pray send somebody else.
Adieu.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0137
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-28
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 54
Paris, 28 April 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 508–510). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:635–639.
In Wharton's printing, the dates for the paragraphs beginning “Hague 23. April” and
“Hague 22 April” should be reversed. This long letter, which Congress received on
19 Feb. 1781, was based on newspaper accounts from Hamburg, London, and The Hague.
Adams first reported the communication of Russia's declaration of an armed neutrality
to the cities of Hamburg, Lübeck, and Bremen. The bulk of the letter consists of the
texts of the British Order in Council of 17 April suspending its treaties with the
Netherlands (from William Lee, 25 April, { 244 } and note 1, above); two reports by the Dutch province of Groningen, the first calling for convoys
for all non-contraband goods and the second recommending that the States General refuse
the assistance demanded by Britain under the terms of the Anglo-Dutch treaty of 1674;
and the resolution of 13 April by the States of Holland calling for the acceptance
of the Russian invitation to join a League of Armed Neutrality. Adams also noted the
decision of the Dutch province of Gelderland to call for unlimited convoys and the
refusal of the aid demanded by Britain.
Reflecting on these and other events, John Adams predicted the likelihood of Britain
becoming involved in a war with the Netherlands, Russia, and the other neutral powers,
and observed: “When, where or in what manner, we shall see the Unravelling of the
Vast Plot, that is acting in the World, is known only to Providence. Although my Mind
has been full twenty Years preparing to expect great Scenes, yet I confess the Wonders
of this Revelation exceed all that I ever foresaw or imagined. That our Country so
young as it is, so humble as it is, thinking but lately, so meanly of itself should
thus Interest the Passions, as well as employ the Reason of all Mankind in its favour,
and effect in so short a Space of Time, not only thirteen Revolutions of Government
at home, but so compleatly accomplish a Revolution in the system of Europe, and in
the Sentiments of every Nation in it, is what no human Wisdom perhaps could foresee.”
RC (PCC, No. 84, I, f. 508–510). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:635–639.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0138
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-28
From Thomas Digges
[dateline] Dulwitch 28 Apr. 1780
[salute] Dr. Sir
I attend to what you mention by Capt. C.1 the 15th. Instant, and have in consequence, some days ago shippd for Ostend, in a
box marked A, with a card direction to Monsr. Frs. Bowens Merchant there, sundry pamphlets and papers as you require;2 and have written to Mr. B to forward it on in the manner He may think safest, and
to hereafter attend to any other parcels I may send in the same way. It may be better
you write to Him and point out the mode of conveyance from Ostend to Paris which you
may think best. This will be by much the best way for Books or Pamphlets when private
opportunitys (which are very rare) do not offer; but it will not do so well for News
papers as the ordering them immidiately yourself from the Post Masters at Paris, who,
having an understanding with the Post Office here, can get any papers by post which
you may want. The morning Papers you mention, and the one I have lately sent, will
be sufficient, and those of the Evening, two will answer your purpose; they come out alternate. The London Evening Post, and the
London Packet. I could get a friend who is concernd in the neutral Vessels and who
lives near the tower, to send you a packet of these papers of every 8 { 245 } or 10 days, as the vessels may sail, directed as the Box is to Mr. Bowens, if you
think this a better mode; at any rate I will do it (in order that you may be supplyd
with the Papers) until I get your answer to this letter, or the fixing on any other
mode. I will continue to You the Courant, because it shews every movement of the People
here relative to Petitions assosiations the proceedings of the Deputies &c. &c. For
this reason I sent you a bound parcell compleat from the 25 Novr. to the 18 Apr. and
a few loose ones to the 26th which I had done up for the purpose of sending to a more
distant quarter. I will make up another parcell of Pamphlets in a few days and forward
them as the last were sent.3 I am obligd to You for the Pamphlet by Dr. L,4 when it comes to your hands revisd and as the Establishd Law, I pray You send it to me together with any papers that
are worth publishing here, if the parcell is too heavy for post, send them to Mr.
Bowens who will forward them by neutral vessels to the person near the Tower who will
send You the papers and shipps most of my packages. By such a channell as this, (which
I have long been wishing for) many useful publications may come to light. I will keep
an account open for the Expence of so doing, and will apply to M. Louis Tessier (whom
I have applyd to on former occasions) for my riembursement; better that Monsr. G——d
should write a line to Him, for me to deliver, to pay me these sums as they are calld
for. You will have annexd a list of what I have already sent you.5
We have at length got news of Gen. Clinton, which came by a packet from N York which
saild from thence the 30th. March.6 It appears (tho there are no official dispatches from Clinton Himself) that the fleet
after being much buffetted about by the Storm and with the loss of four or five transports,
got to Tybee about the begining of Feby. and that the body of the fleet got to the
Bars of Chs. Town the 9 or 10th. March, and were nearly landed the 12th. when the
Russell man of War saild from thence to N York with the account. It appears they have
occupied some posts 8 or 10 miles from Cs. Town particularly that of Stono ferry,
but have neither attackd James fort nor fort Sullivan. By the Ministerial reports
we are informd Lincolns army was between 5 and 6,000 Men well posted out of the Town, and that some strong works had been thrown up on the neck and to defend
the Town. The Army of Clinton when it saild consisted of 7,500 Men and he took a Regiment
with him from Georgia; every account says He will not have more than 5,500 men effectives to opperate with, and I think from the feeble flat manner the whole storey is told
in the New York papers and from the accounts I have gatherd since the { 246 } packets arrival that his force is not equal to the possessing Chas. Town. He has but
one ship of the line and 4 or 5 lesser men of war to act against the Forts and Town;
there are 5 or 6 American and french frigates within the harbour, and if Fort Sullivan
is as strong as it was in 1776, I think with the united Naval Force it will be able
to give the British Ships of war a second drubbing. It cannot be many days before
we have accounts here of the decided fate of the place. There are many particulars
in the news papers, which you will have as soon as this, but the above is the substance
of what I hear.
The late Russian Memorial for Neutrality is not at all relishd by the Ministerealists
here, 'tho they attempt to palliate it by saying it is only a manoeuvere of that Court
for arming their Ships, which when armd, are to join England, this is too bad to be
related, but such is the conversation of some who are determind to go on blindfolded
to distruction. It appears that Holland has acceeded to the wish of Russia in the
substance of that memorial for neutrality and they are seemingly determind to defend
their Ships at Sea against English Cruisers. If some better understanding does not
soon take place between this Court and the States, it is more than probable there
will soon be a dutch war. How the northern powers of Sweeden and Denmark Stand, you
are better informd than I can be. Portugal most likely will acceed to it, for they
seem bent upon neutrality If such a disirable state will be allowd them.
The Parliament of Ireland on the two late great national questions, has produced a
majority of 39 in favour of the Court, tho directly contrary to the wishes of a great
majority of the People.7 The Commons have been touchd with English Gold or English paper, and have provd themselves
as corrupt as another parliament nearer me. It is most likely the disputes will not
stop there but that the People will right themselves.
Every body hereabouts seems sick of the American War, but how to get rid of it is
the question. The State of that war will be probably canvassd next Tuesday, when Gen.
Conway is to make a motion relative to accomodation with America.8 Much secrecy is observd as to the substance of his intended motion, but some folks
think He will move for some profers to be made to America on the preliminary of a
truce; but then the sending this profer over to America puts at so remote a period
in point of time, as to make some friends speak discourageingly of the proposition
or motion. Most likely some Members of that House such as Gen. C——y and Govr. P——l, are urgd by Ministers9 to bring forth such conversations in the House in order { 247 } to feel the pulses of its members upon that topic. If they could well do it, I beleive
they would try to get the opinion of Mr. J. A. (whom I understand is at Paris a Commission
to speak upon peace) upon the mode of making profers to America for tho our ministers
try to make people beleive they know not the nature of Mr. A——ms's Commission, yet
I cannot suppose them so blind and ignorant not to know something of the nature of
it.10 I am your very Obt. Servt.
[signed] Wm. Ross
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “A Monsieur Monsr. Ferdinando Raymond San &c. &c. Paris” docketed by
CFA: “W. S. C. 28. April 1780.”
1. Isaac Cazneau.
5. No list enclosed with this letter has been found, but see notes 2 and 3.
6. Digges' account of the situation at Charleston is essentially a digest of reports
appearing in London newspapers on or about 28 April. For the British invasion fleet,
the forces available to Clinton, and the opening of the siege, see Digges' letter
of 3 March, note 6 (above); for a detailed account of the siege that led to the surrender of Charleston
on 12 May, see Robert Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763–1789, N.Y., 1982, p. 438–449.
7. For Ireland the two great national issues were the repeal of Poyning's Law of 1495
and the Irish Declaratory Act of 1719, thereby resulting in Irish legislative independence
(to Edmund Jenings, 27 Feb., note 5, vol. 8:370–371). On 19 April, Henry Grattan moved “that the King's Most Excellent
Majesty and the Lords and Commons of Ireland, were the only power competent to bind,
or enact laws in this kingdom.” After a long debate the motion was postponed and never
considered again. The vote to which Digges refers came at the end of the debate on
an amendment to the motion which declared “the Irish to be subjects as free as the
English.” The amendment was defeated 136 to 97. For the debate, see the London Courant of 27 April.
9. “By Ministers” was interlined.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0139
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-28
From Benjamin Rush
[dateline] Philada. April 28th. 17801
[salute] My Dear friend
This letter will be handed to you by Dr. John Foulke2 (a Graduate in our University) a young gentleman of a respectable Quaker family who
goes to France to finish his Studies in Medicine. He is a youth of a fair character,
and promising Abilities, and friendly to the liberties of his country.
It gave me great pleasure to hear of your safe Arrival, and favourable reception in
Spain. We long to hear of your entering upon the { 248 } business of your embassy. I almost envy your Children the happiness of calling that
man their father who After contributing his Share towards giving liberty and independance,
will finally be honoured as the instrument of restoring peace to the united States of America.
Our Affairs wear their usual checkered Aspect. Our Governments are daily acquiring
new Strength. Our Army which I saw a few weeks ago at Morristown3 has improved greatly since our former correspondence in discipline, Oeconomy, and
healthiness. The number of our Soldiers is small, occasioned not by a decay of the
military, or whiggish Spirit among us, but by the want of money to purchase recruits.
The new Scheme of Congress for calling in the circulating money at 40 to 1, will I
beleive be adopted with some Alterations by the States.4 This will We hope restore to our counsels and arms the vigor of 1775.
The french Alliance is not less dear to the true Whigs than independance itself. The
Chevr. de la Luzerne has made even the tories forget in some degree, in his liberality
and politeness, the Meschianzas5 of their British friends. Monsr. Gerard is still dear to the faithful citizens of
America. We call him the “Republican Minister.”
Charlestown is in Jeopardy, but we beleive all things will work together for good
for those who love the good old cause—the cause not to be repented off. Commerce and agriculture flourish in Spite of the power of Britain by land and water,
and even Pennsylvania enjoys a temporary Security for property and life under her
new Constitution.
Adieu—Compts: to Mr. Dana. Yours—yours—yours
[signed] Benjn: Rush
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “The Honble: John Adams Esqr: (of the United States) now at Paris.”
endorsed: “Dr. Rush Ap. 28. ansd. 1 July.” docketed by CFA: “1780.”
2. John Foulke, who remained abroad until at least 1783, was later a prominent teacher
and physician in Philadelphia (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 4:98; Benjamin Rush, Letters, 1:252).
3. Rush had been to Washington's headquarters at Morristown in March to testify against
William Shippen Jr., Director General of Hospitals for the Continental Army, at his
court martial (Benjamin Rush, Letters, 1:247–249).
4. On 18 March Congress adopted a plan that was intended to stem the runaway inflation
that was crippling the economy and damaging the war effort. Under the new measure
the monthly payments by the states, which had been set at $15,000,000 by a resolution
of 7 Oct. 1779, would be redeemed at the rate of forty continental dollars to one
Spanish milled dollar (JCC, 16:262–267, 15:1150). This had the immediate effect of revaluing the existing emission
from $200,000,000 to $5,000,000, but was to result in a new emission, as the old was
redeemed and destroyed over a period of approximately thirteen months, of $10,000,000.
So that they would retain their value, the new bills were to be backed by both the
states and { 249 } Congress and carry a five percent interest rate. The plan failed because it proved
impossible for the states to remit all of the funds due Congress in the form of continental
currency, with the result that by June of 1781 only $31,000,000 of the old emission
had been retired. At that point the currency was valued at 500 to 1 and for all intents
had ceased to exist except as a vehicle for speculation (E. James Ferguson, The Power of the Purse, Chapel Hill, 1961, p. 51–53, 64–66).
5. For a description of the mischianza, the elaborate farewell pageant staged by Sir
William Howe's officers upon his departure from Philadelphia in May 1778, see Ira
D. Gruber, The Howe Brothers and the American Revolution, N.Y., 1972, p. 298–299.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0140
Recipient: Genet, Edmé Jacques
Date: 1780-04-29
To Edmé Jacques Genet
[dateline] Paris April 29. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
Do you think it worth while to work into your next Article, from London, the following
Observation of Lord Bolinbroke?
“The precise Point, at which the Scales of power turn, like that of the Solstice,
in either Tropic, is imperceptible to common Observation; and, in one case, as in
the other, Some progress must be made, in the new direction, before the change is
perceived. They who are in the sinking Scale, for in the political ballance of power,
unlike to all others, the Scale that is empty Sinks, and that which is full rises;
they who are in the Sinking Scale do not easily come off, from the habitual prejudices
of Superiour Wealth, or power, or Skill, or courage, nor from the Confidence, that
these Prejudices inspire. They who are in the rising Scale, do not immediately feel
their Strength, nor assume that Confidence in it, which successfull Experience gives
them afterwards. They who are the most concerned to watch the Variations of this ballance,
misjudge often, in the Same manner, and from the Same Prejudices. They continue to
dread a Power no longer able to hurt them, or they continue to have no apprehension
of a Power, that grows daily more formidable. Spain verified, the first Observation,
when proud and poor, and enterprizing and feeble, she Still thought, herself a Match
for France, France verified the Second Observation, when the tripple Alliance, Stopped
the Progress of her Arms, which Alliances much more considerable, were not able to
effect afterwards. The other principal powers of Europe, in their turns, have verified
the third Observation in both its parts.”1
Sketch of the History and State of Europe.
These Observations were never more remarkably verified, than in these times. The English
proud and porr, and enterprising and feeble, { 250 } Still think themselves a Match for France and Spain, and America2 if not for all the World, but this delirium cannot last long.
France and Spain and Holland continue to dread, a Power no longer able to hurt them,
but this will be over as Soon.
England continues to have Small Apprehensions of Powers, that grow daily more formidable
but these Apprehensions will increase every day.
Your Correspondant from London or Antwerp, among his Lamentations over the Blindness
and Obstinacy, and Madness of the Ministry, may introduce these Observations with
Propriety enough.
The Ballance of Power, was never perhaps Shifted, in So remarkable a manner, and in
So short a Space of Time. If the Minds of the French and Spaniards had grown in Confidence,
in proportion to the Growth of their power; and if the Confidence of the English,
had decreased in proportion to the diminution of theirs, it would have been all over,
with England, before now.
You know very well, that Lord Bolinbroke was the most eloquent Writer, that England
ever produced. His political Writings, particularly, are more admired than any in
that Language. His Name and Authority, added to the obvious Truth of these Observations,
and their apposite Application to the present times, will make an Impression upon
many minds, in all the nations at War. If you think so, and that it will increase
the Spirit of our Friends, and diminish the Insolence of our Ennemies, as it ought,
you will make Use of it, in your own excellent manner. If not, burn it.
Your Friend
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. This quotation is from letter 7, “A Sketch of the State and History of Europe, from
the Pyrenean Treaty in 1659, to the Year 1688,” in Henry St. John, viscount Bolingbroke,
Letters on the Study and Use of History, 2 vols., London, 1752, 1:259–261. Genet printed the piece, together with JA's comments on it, in the Mercure de France, “Journal Politique de Bruxelles” (p. 128–129), of 20 May.
2. The preceding two words were interlined.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0141
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1780-04-29
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Paris April 29 1780
[salute] Confidential & secret
Dear Sir
Thank you for yours of 24. The Pamphlet, was printed by Almon, at the Desire of a
Mr. Hollis who took <an extravagant> mild fancy to the dissertation on the cannon and feudal Law, had it printed and { 251 } bound in an elegant manner, and sent it as a present to Harvard Colledge in Cambridge,
with a Compliment written in it with his own Hand. It was a long story, but it began
with these Words “this is the finest Production that has ever appeared from North
America, the author of it was said to be Jeremy Gridley Esq. but I find that the Author
of it happily, still lives.” He wrote to his Correspondant Dr. Elliot to enquire,
who wrote it. Elliot at last heard from a Gentleman that knew that it was John Adams.
He came to me to know. I told him it was no secret who wrote it, he desired I would
give him leave to mention my name. I told him I had rather be excused for the present.
Hollis wrote over immediately that the Province ought to choose me their Agent at
the Court of St. James's, and 20 other Extravagancies of the like sort.1 The thing itself is indeed but a Bagatelle: but the Time when it was written and
the Effect it certainly produced at the Time, make it of some importance, in a public
View as a document of History, but of more Importance to me, and my Children, as a
family Memorial.
Thank you for the Newspaper, and am of your mind, that all Endeavours in parliament
to reform, will be ineffectual. Reformation must be made in a Congress if any Way.
Corruption has too many hereditary, and legal Supporters in Parliament. Whether it
has or not out of parliament is the question. Whether there is enough of Unanimity
and Firmness among the people, to struggle against this formidable phalanx? But one
thing seems clear, that either the remaining Virtue in the Nation must overcome the
Corruption, or the Corruption will wholly exterminate the remaining Virtue. I see
but one Alternative and no middle Way. Either Absolute Monarchy, or a Republic and
Congress. I am happy to see that York, Surrey and Hertford have resolved against the
American War. We shall see whether these Examples will be followed.
The Astonishment is great Every, where, at the Proclamation against the Dutch, which
is in Effect, little Short of a Declaration of War against Holland, and Russia. Russia
has said I will. England has said you shall not. We shall see, how this question will
be decided. The Lady has on several occasions discerned a Spirit that is not to be
trifled with. Do you know the Character of Panin?2 We see in the Instance of England, what has been observed in a Multitude of Examples,
before that nations do not easily come off, from the Prejudices, of Superiour Wealth,
or Power, Skill or Courage, nor from the Confidence which these prejudices Inspire.3 We see in the Examples of France Spain and Holland, that they who are on the rising
{ 252 } Hand do not immediately feel their Strength, nor assume that confidence in it, which
Successfull Experience gives them afterwards. They continue to dread a power, no longer
able to hurt them. Observations which were applied to Spain, and the nations at War
with her heretofore, when she was in a situation, very similar to the present Case
of G. Britain. But her Pride came down and so must that of G. Britain. I am afraid
Mr. Laurens is not coming. I see he was chosen, by Carolina, a Delegate to Congress,
in January, I think.4 Your Friend Gates will have the Honour of, ruining Clinton yet.
Adieu
LbC (Adams Papers); notation: “Mr <Genet.> Jenings.” In the Letterbook JA's letter of 29 April to Edmé Jacques Genet was the second letter after that to Jenings.
1. For the pamphlet, True Sentiments of America, London, 1768, see JA to Jenings, 20 April, and note 2; and Jenings' reply of 24 April, and note 2 (both above). For the letters of 27 Sept. and 17 Oct. 1768 from Rev. Andrew Eliot,
then minister of Boston's New North Church, to Thomas Hollis identifying JA as the author of the “Dissertation,” see MHS, Colls., 4th ser., 4 [1858]:426–427, 434. Hollis' reply in which he recommended JA's appointment as Massachusetts' agent in England was dated 10 May 1769 (MHi:Thomas Hollis Papers).
2. The preceding two sentences were interlined. Count Nikita Ivanovitch Panin was Catherine
II's chancellor, responsible for the conduct of foreign affairs as president of the
college of foreign affairs (De Madariaga, Armed Neutrality of 1780, p. 17–18).
4. Before assuming his post as commissioner to negotiate a commercial treaty and loan
with the Netherlands, Henry Laurens returned to South Carolina to seek reelection
to Congress as an endorsement of his mission. He was reelected on 1 Feb. (Wallace, Life of Henry Laurens, p. 353; Smith, ed., Letters of Delegates, 14: xxiii).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0142
Recipient: Lee, William
Date: 1780-04-29
To William Lee
[dateline] Paris April 29. 1780
[salute] Dear sir
I have the Honour of yours of the 25th. and am in equal pain with you for Charlestown,
especially Since the Arrival of A Vessell at Nantes from Baltimore, which brings a
certain Account of Clintons Arrival the latter End of February, at the southward,
with forty five Ships, escaped from the Wreck of the Tempest. There is no certain
Account of his Landing nor of the precise Place where he intended to land. G. Gates
was appointed to command in the southern department, and was gone thither, but am
not certain that he was arrived. Gates is a Master of his Profession, and possesses
the Confidence and Affection of the American soldier and Citizen, So that, if Clinton
should get in Possession of Charlestown, it will be but the Tryumph of a day, serve
to give the Ministry a momentary Ecclat, and damp { 253 } the Ardour of <Committees> Associations for a few days: but it will serve the Cause of Patriotism in the End,
by exhausting the ministerial forces in that Part, by leaving more scope for the Armaments
from Brest and Cadiz, wherever they are destined.
Nil admirari,1 is my Maxim in Politicks. I am not surprised at the Proclamation, annulling all Treaties
with the Dutch. This ministry leave themselves no other Resource but such desperate
measures. They pledge themselves, ignorantly and blindly, in such a manner, that when
Events turn up, ever so much against their Plan, they are bound in honour to go on.
They cannot retract nor receed. And So sure, as they now exist they will go on, untill
Force and Arms, obstruct them at home.
I wish with you, that Mr. L. was in Holland, but I fear he is not coming. I see by
an American Paper that in Jany. I think he was reelected into Congress, which looks
As if, he was not only there, but did not intend to come. The Dutch may expect what
they please, but they will expect to all Eternity, if they expect, one Iota of an
exclusive Priviledge in American trade. I wonder in Gods name what obligation We are
under to the dutch? Nor can I conceive what Pretensions they can have to the Fishery,
on the Banks of Newfoundland.
I dont remember to have heard particularly, of your answer being read in Congress.
I heard your Brothers was, from Several Quarters, and I doubt not yours was.2 I know nothing of that Gentlemans being in Congress, there was a paragraph inserted
in a Fish Kill Newspaper, that the following are the Delegates for Connecticut, and
then mentioned that Gentlemans name and Eleven others. But it appeared to me a manifest
fiction. I am myself persuaded, he is not, and will not soon be. I wish I knew the
name of that Gentlemans Agent and Correspondent in Holland.
Adieu
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. Nothing astonishes. These are the opening words of the sixth letter in bk. 1 of Horace's
Epistles.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0143
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-29
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 55
Paris, 29 April 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 3–5). LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers); marked: “55.” printed:Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:640–642.
In this letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, { 254 } John Adams provided information that had appeared in London newspapers between 11
and 18 April. He included the names of the newly appointed commander and principal
officers of the channel fleet and summarized reports from Portsmouth regarding mutinies
by the crews of the Invincible and Resolution over pay. Both vessels were part of the Rear Adm. Thomas Graves' fleet that was intended
to intercept the French fleet under Ternay (see Thomas Digges' letter of 14 April, and note 5, above). Adams quoted from resolutions opposing the war in America adopted on 14
April by a meeting of “the freeholders of the county of Surry” (see Edmund Jenings'
letter of 24 April, and note 3, above). In a postscript, not printed by Wharton, Adams quoted from resolutions adopted
by the County of Hertford on 17 April to the effect that the war in America, “by obliging
Us to carry all our Forces to that Quarter puts us out of a Condition to resist with
Vigour, As We might otherwise do, the united Efforts of France and Spain while the
Said War produces no other Effect upon the Americans than to add to the Enmity, which
has but too long subsisted between Us: an Enmity, of which We have felt, the fatal
Effects, and which by putting an obstacle to our Union, threatens England, with a
Ruin as compleat as it is inevitable.”
RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 3–5). LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers); marked: “55.” printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:640–642.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0144
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-04-29
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 56
Paris, 29 April 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 1–2). LbC (Adams Papers); marked: “56.” printed:Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:640.
Congress received this letter on 16 October. Relying on newspaper accounts, John Adams
reported on the number and size of the warships forming the fleets commanded by Como.
Robert Walsingham and Rear Adm. Thomas Graves and their departure on 8 and 11 April
respectively. He then estimated the strength of the British West Indian fleet if the
vessels under Walsingham and Graves were joined with those commanded by Rodney and
Vice Adm. Sir Hyde Parker, the British commander in the West Indies. Adams noted,
however, that there were conflicting rumors about Graves' destination. Finally, he
told of the return of the fleet under Walsingham, reportedly because a French fleet
was in its path (see Edmé Jacques Genet's letter of 29 April, below).
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 1–2). LbC (Adams Papers); marked: “56.” printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:640.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0145-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-29
From Edmé Jacques Genet
[dateline] le 29. avril [1780]
J'ai l honneur d'envoyer à Monsieur Adams une Notice Sûre des Flottes parties de Brest
dans le tems où Walsingham a eu avis que l'Escadre francoise paroissoit a l'ouvert
de la manche, et qu'une terreur panique l'a fait retourner à Plimouth, quoi qu'il
eût le vent bon pour continuer Sa route. Il Seroit amusant de voir ces détails dans
les papiers anglois, et qu'ils y fussent présentés comme bien autentiques.1
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0145-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-29
Edmé Jacques Genet to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] 29 April [1780]
I have the honor to send Mr. Adams a reliable account of the fleet which left Brest
at the same time that Walsingham was informed that the French squadron would appear
at the entrance of the Channel and, in total panic, returned to Plymouth, despite
having a favorable wind to continue his voyage. It should be amusing to see these
details in the British newspapers, particularly if presented as authentic.1
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “M. J. Adams rue de Richelieu.”
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0146
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-04-29
From the Comte de Sarsfield
[dateline] Saturday april the 29th. 1780
Count Sarsfield thinks, that, though in fact it is an injury done to his friendship
for Mr. Adams, Mr. Adams doth not Know him so thoroughly as not to suspect him of
having neglected the commission he gave him about Mr. de Malesherbes's remonstrances.1
He will most likely wonder at their being prohibited, nothing however is more true
there is a [Very?] great difficulty to get them. Count Sarsfield [bestirs?] him Self, has given orders and till now could not succeed.
Perchance Mr. Adams could succeed better as a foreigner. He must apply to one Mos.
Amaury a bookseller Au palais (the Palais is our Westminster Hall) but if he finds them there, he is desired to
give forthwith notice of his good luck to Count Sarsfield to avoid getting two copies
of those performances as there is a man searching for one in every corner of the town.
Count Sarsfield wishes to Know if this note was understood, for if not he will write
another in french. Begs Mr. Adams and Mr. Dana to be persuaded of his most Sincere
Attachment.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “a Monsieur Monsieur Adams ministre Plenipotentaire des Etats Deunis
D'Amerique a l hotel de Valois Rue de Richelieu” endorsed: “Comte Sarsefield” in another
hand: “1780.”
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0147
Recipient: Watson, Elkanah Jr.
Date: 1780-04-30
To Elkanah Watson Jr.
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu April 30. 1780
[salute] Sir
Your Letter of the 10th. of March, I recieved but Yesterday. I recollect that General
Warren mentioned to me, his having given You Letters to me, but I cant recollect seeing
those Letters. I am obliged to You for writing to me, and if it should be in my power
to be of any Service to You, it will give me pleasure to do it, altho' I have not
the Satisfaction to know You personally. I have been so long from home and so much
longer from Plymouth, that it is impossible for me to say any thing of your Character,
but this that I doubt not it is good, having no Cause to suspect otherwise. Your Family
I know very well to be one of the most respectable in the County of Plymouth. Your
Father, I had the Honor to know very well,1 and I know that he was, in those days universally respected to have an independent
hereditary Fortune which I have no doubt he still possesses undiminished, very probably,
with large Additions to it, by the profits of Business. [I knew] too, that in ancient Times (for I must talk to [you like] an old Man), when the Friends to the American cause were not so numerous, nor so
determined as they are now, we always found your Father firm and consistent, as a
friend to his Country. This I know, for more than ten Years before the Commencement
of the War, and therefore have no difficulty in believing, that he has been since
that period uniformly strenuous in Support of Independence.
You tell me, Sir, You wish to cultivate your Manners, before You begin your Travels;
and since You have had so much Confidence in me, as to write to me upon this Occasion,
permit me, to take the Liberty of advising You to cultivate the Manners of your own
Country, not those of Europe. I don't mean by this that You should put on a long face,
never dance with the Ladies, go to a play, or take a Game of Cards. But you may depend
upon this, that the more decisively You adhere to a manly Simplicity in Your Dress,
Equipage, and Behaviour, the more You devote yourself to Business and Study, and the
less to Dissipation and Pleasure, the more You will recommend yourself to every Man
and Woman in this Country whose Friendship or Acquaintance is worth your having or
wishing. There is an Urbanity without Ostentation or Extravagance, which will succeed
every where, and at all Times. You will excuse this freedom, on account of my friendship
for your Father, and consequently for You, and because { 257 } I know that some young Gentlemen have come to Europe with different Sentiments, and
have consequently injured the Character of their Country as well as their own both
here [and at home.] All Europe knows that it was [American manners] that have produced such great [Effects from that] young and tender Country. I should [be glad to] hear from You, as often as You please [and shall be glad to] recieve from You any Intelligence, [from America] or elsewhere, and to wait on You in [Paris. You] may show this Letter in whole or in Part, to Mr. Williams and Mr. Schweighauser,
to both of whom You will please my Compliments, and to any others that You think proper.
[salute] I am with much Respect, Sir, your most obedient & humble Servant
[signed] John Adams
RC in John Thaxter's hand (N:Elkanah Watson Papers); notation between the dateline and greeting in Watson's hand:
“(Letter from John Adams I was then 22 years of Age at the College at Ancenis on the
Rivre Loire 24 Miles E. of Nantes in France).” LbC (Adams Papers). The recipient's copy is damaged with the loss of a number of words, particularly
on the third page, which have been supplied from the Letterbook.
1. JA probably knew Elkanah Watson Sr. from visits to Plymouth. He had also represented
him in the case of Watson v. Caesar in 1771 (JA, Legal Papers, 2:50).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0148
Recipient: Williams, Jonathan
Date: 1780-04-30
To Jonathan Williams
[dateline] Paris April 30. 1780
[salute] Dr. sir
I have, this day recieved your favour of the 25th.,1 which gave me the first Intimation I had of your Intentions for Home.2 I am glad to learn that Captain Snelling delivered the Letters to you. I will endeavour
to Send Some more, by Captain Jones or Some other Safe hand: but are you not Suspicious
of your Passage? Be Sure to keep with your Convoy: for my own part I hardly see a
Possibility of an unarmed Vessells geting safe over, without. We were surrounded by
5 or 6, very sawcy Privateers at a time, when I went home, and nothing but our twelve
Pounders saved Us and the Convoy. I wish you, a safe and agreable Passage, and an
happy sight of your Friends. You could not have a better month to sail. Pray do you
take Mrs. Williams, to America? I have never had opportunity to wish you and Mrs.
Williams happy, in Words, I have ever done so in my Heart. My Respects to your Father,
and your Unkle and all Frids. I am with much respect & Esteem yr most obt. servant
{ 258 } LbC (Adams Papers).
1. Not found.
2. JA learned from a subsequent conversation with Benjamin Franklin that the letter of
25 April was not from Jonathan Williams, Franklin's nephew and the person to whom
this letter is addressed (to Williams, 14 May, below). Williams, who married Mariamne Alexander in 1779, did not return to America
until 1785 (DAB). Nor was the letter from JA's former law clerk, Jonathan Williams III. He had already left for America where
he died on 1 May (Adams Family Correspondence, 3:390).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0149
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-01
From François Louis Teissèdre de Fleury
[dateline] Brest 1st. May 1780
[salute] My dear sir
I expected for writting to you, that I could tell, the wind serves, we sail to Morrow
for your dear Country, and in six weeks hence, I shall see Mrs. Adams and Mrs. Dana,
but since twenty days that we are on board, the wind has been Constantly to the south-west;
it is only since this morning that we expect it will Come to the north, or est.
To Morrow, I hope, we shall sail, for ——xxx you know it better than I; but I can neither
suppose or desire, that our expedition be entended for N. York. I think sooner, we
go at New port, and our squadron, will at the meantime Cruze before Sandy Hook, to
starve the british in their inexpugnable Lines. We are too few, for any thing else,
and if we do attempt Rashly any important attacks, we may find an other Savanah.1
Whatever may be the place of our Landing in America, I hope to find means of forwarding,
your Letters, to your familly and friends, and if it is Rhode Iland, I shall my self
go to Braintree et Cambridge, and be the bearer of your packets.
Farewell. Be happy as much I desire & you deserve it, & believe me with a Respect
equal to my gratitude for your kindness, your most obedient humble servant.
[signed] L. Fleury2
My best Respects to Mr. Dana, & your familly.
RC (Adams Papers).
2. For a sketch of Fleury, who had served as a volunteer in the Continental Army between
1776 and 1779 and who returned to America with Rochambeau's army in 1780, see Adams Family Correspondence, 3:317. Fleury carried JA's letter of 24 March and two small packages to AA, which were received on 23 July (same, 3:316–317, 381; 4:1).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0150
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-05-02
To the President of Congress, No. 57
Paris, In this letter, { 259 } which Congress received on 19 Feb. 1781, John Adams included an English translation
of a memorial presented by the French ambassador to the States General on 26 April
(given as 10 April in Wharton) that announced the repeal of the fifteen percent tariff
levied by France on most Dutch goods by various decrees in 1778 and 1779, together
with the return of all duties collected on Dutch goods that had entered France while
the tariff was in effect. Adams also reported that news from The Hague as late as
26 April indicated that the various Dutch provinces and the States General were prepared
to reject British demands for assistance under the terms of the Anglo-Dutch treaties;
to grant unlimited convoys for Dutch merchant ships except those carrying goods explicitly
labeled as contraband in existing treaties; and to accept Catherine II's invitation
to join in a league of armed neutrals. He then communicated the substance of an instruction
that the provinces of Holland and West Friesland proposed be sent by the States General
to its ambassador in London totally rejecting Lord Stormont's justification of Como.
Charles Fielding's seizure of the Dutch convoy. John Adams then noted Sweden's authorization
of convoys, general European support for the French and Russian diplomatic position,
and the general consensus in Europe that Britain now would seek peace. He disagreed
with the last point, stating that “Signal Success on the part of the Allies, might
compel them to it but signal Success in favor of the English, would urge them giddily
on, no one can say to what lengths.” Finally, he gave the substance of a “speculative
Article from Brussells” on the positions of Britain, France, Spain, and the Netherlands
with regard to the Russian declaration of an armed neutrality and how it might effect
the duration and outcome of the war.
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 7–14). printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:644–648.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0151
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-02
From John Bondfield
[dateline] Bordeaux 2 May 1780
[salute] Sir
I am this day honord with your favor of the 25th. The post of this day from Rochfort
brings advice of the arrival at Isl deé1 of a Small Vessel from Baltimore that left the Bay the 28 March. The Commandant at
Bell Isl writes the advices brought by the Sloop are that Clinton had receved in Georgia
a Compleat defeat and Genl. Washington with 14000 Man had open'd the Seige of New
York. I give you the Channel by which we came at this inteligence of its authenticity
you will if it be real in a day or two have the fullest information.
They write from Cadiz 10000 Troops are orderd to embark imediately on board the Fleet
fitting at that port destind for the West Indies others give out they are to join
the Fleet fitted out at Brest under Mr. de Ternay of the Madeiras and the Combind
Fleets are to proceed to the United States.
The delay the french Fleet has sustaind at Brest is said to spring { 260 } | view from a want of Funds to form the Military Chest for the Expedition it is scarce probable
but it is given as the true Cause. What has L. R de C2 to say in the Naval Department. Mr. Williams while I remaind at Nantes sent off by
order of that Gentleman a very considerable supply of Cloathing and Broad Cloths.
If for the American Army it is a very exelent method of transporting them in French
Men of War.3
Having offerd our Ships to The Doctor who referd us to Mr. Le R de C. our terms were
found too high which answer we received thro' Mr. Williams conveyed to him by Mr.
De C. and as the Capital is too considerable to send over for one House we are constraind
to alter our plan and propose taking the freight offer'd by this Government for their
Islands. We are sorry to be forced to renounce sending our ships to America but the
premiums are so exorbitant we cannot sail in that Trade without Loss in Ships of value.
The wine you was pleased to Commissio[n] me was forwarded by our friend Mr. Tesier4 last friday. He assures me the quality will be found to your wishes inclosed you
have the Cost and charges amounting to 390. 12s which I have past to your debit.
We wait with anxiety the arrival of saturdays post that we may see the Steps Holland
will pursue in virtue of the declaration of England. Affairs are ripening it cannot
be long before some very extraordinary sceens must take place in Great Britain. We
have a report of Mons. De Luxemburg5 being gone to England in a private line, this has given cause to many Speculative
Sentiments at any rate we expect to see a very vigerous Campaign.
We are told the Docter has been very Sick I have not been honord with a line from
him of some time. Wi[th] due respect I have the Honor to be Sir [yo]ur very hhb Sert
[signed] John Bondfield
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “The Honble. John Adams Esq Hotel Valois Rue Richelieu Paris” endorsed:
“Mr Bondfield 2 May. 1780.” Portions of three words on the third page were lost when
the seal was removed.
1. Bondfield likely means the Ile de Ré opposite La Rochelle and northwest of Rochefort.
His mention of a letter by the commandant at Belle Ile probably indicates that the
sloop put into Belle Ile, which is considerably north of Rochefort opposite St. Nazaire,
before proceeding on to its final destination.
2. Le Ray de Chaumont.
3. Acting under Benjamin Franklin's orders, Jonathan Williams had collected large quantities
of clothing and blankets at Brest between 21 March and 15 April for shipment to the
Continental Army. Williams, however, managed to place only a small portion of the
merchandise aboard a single transport in Ternay's convoy (Jonathan Williams to the
Committee for Foreign Affairs, 6 April and 25 July, PCC, No. 90, f. 601; No. 78, XXIV, f. 217–222).
5. “Mons. De Luxemburg” remains unidentified.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0152
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-02
From Thomas Digges
[dateline] Wandsworth12d. May 80
[salute] Dr Sir
You will have read, before this can reach you, the Gazette account of the Chas. Town
Expedition; which is universally esteemed here rather a disagreeable account for Government,
and plainly indicative of very great doubts if Clinton will succeed or not.2 I am perswaded by all I can hear He will be a second time disgraced and baffled in
his attempts on that place.
A parcell containing Pamphlets and papers to the amount of 3. 5. 9d was lately forwarded
to you via Ostend3 directed to M Francis Bowens Merchant there, who has orders to forward them on in
the safest and best manner he can. He is made acquainted with the contents of the
box, and has direction to forward in like manner to you any other parcell which may
reach his hands (with or without any accompanying letter) markd A. It may be not be improper for you to write Him a line how and by what conveyances He is to forward you any thing else in future.4 My motive for sending you the whole of the Courants is because that paper contains every petition, address, Remonstrance, County meetings &c. &c. that are
agitated in this Country, and is of itself a history of all the movements of the people
as to obtain a reform in the Constitution.
The English Papers ie the Londn. Evg. [Post]5 and London Packet, will be sent on with the Courant in future until I have your orders
to stop them; which, you had better do when you can fix a mode with the Paris post
office how to get them by Post. A small paper parcell of other Pamphlets and the News papers will be forwarded you
about this day week.
There are accounts in the City today that the Jason Man of War and her Convoy about
15 sail transports (which is given out were bound up the North Seas to bring the Hessian
recruits said to be 1500 Men to England) have been met by two french frigates and dispersd, several of the transports
are put into Scarborough, the others and the Man of War still missing and supposd
to be taken.6
Genl. Conways motion relative to Ama. was put off today for some future period, Hartleys
stands for fryday the substance of which you will have in the Genl. Advertiser of
the 1st of May.7 Some deviltry has got into Conways head for He seems to think there is yet a door
open for Peace with Ama. short of Independence, than which nothing can be so falacious
and absurd. How the Devil he can inbibe such notions { 262 } I cannot think, but I am told He is much in the circle of a Scotch acquaintance and
some times talks to Refugees such as Mr. Galloway, Allen8 &c. I cannot account for it otherways than that He is looking up to the Command of
the Army.
I should be glad, when you see and read the Debates upon those motions to know what
you think thereof. I am on all occasions Your Obedt. Servant
[signed] Wm Russell
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Flanders A Monsieur Monsieur Ferdinando Raymond San Negotiant Chez Monsr. Hocherau Libraire
pont neuf Paris” docketed by CFA: “W.S.C. 2 May 1780.”
1. A borough of London.
2. This was an extract from a letter of 9 March from Clinton that appeared in the London Gazette of 1 May and which was reprinted in other London papers. That it was seen as “a disagreeable
account” was probably owing to Clinton's reports of his losses during the fleet's
stormy passage, the formidable defenses thrown up by the defenders, and, in a postscript,
the arrival of 2,000 troops to reinforce the rebel army.
6. The London Courant of 3 May reported that three French privateers had attacked the frigate Jason and its nine-ship convoy, taking one transport and damaging the frigate.
7. On 1 May David Hartley declared in the House of Commons that he intended to introduce
three motions concerning the war in America. The first sought a declaration that hostilities
against America were enormously expensive, futile, and ruinous to the empire; the
second proposed an address to the King, requiring a change of ministry, reconciliation
with America, and a united military campaign against France and Spain; and the third
called for passage of a bill appointing commissioners with sufficient powers to settle
the American dispute. Hartley was followed immediately by Gen. Henry Seymour Conway
who indicated his desire to introduce a bill for reconciliation. It was Conway's bill,
however, that was introduced and debated on 5 May. Hartley's proposals in the form
of resolutions were not introduced until 11 May, and his bill to end the war did not
appear until 27 June (Parliamentary Reg., 17:606, 650–670, 696, 753; for Hartley's “Bill for Conciliation” of 27 June, see the Descriptive List of Illustrations, vol. 10, below). For Conway's
bill and the progress of Hartley's proposals, together with JA's comments thereon, see JA's letters of 13 May to Thomas Digges, [17 May] to Edmé Jacques Genet, and 7 July, No. 90, to the president of Congress (all below).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0153
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-02
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels May 2d. 1780
[salute] Sir
I have receivd your Excellencys Letters of the 22d and 26th of last Month, I find
myself much honord by both. I took the Liberty of writing to you on the 24th inclosing
therein News Paper from England. The Paper receivd was sent immediately to be made
as public as possible.1 The Benevolence of Spain and the Gratitude of America cannot be made too public;
they will shew the ground of Union is Solid, for they will shew an Excellent Disposition
in both Parties to maintain it.
{ 263 } I have sent for the Treatise on the Admiralty Laws, I well remember the Agitation
of the Question of free Bottoms making free Goods, during the last War. The writings
on the Subject were Voluminous, I read many of the best, and One of the worst, written
and given me by Sir James Marriot, the present Judge of the Admiralty.2 Upon the whole I was of Opinion, (altho with all my English prejudices About me,
for I had them then) that the contrary doctrine was false, and that the ground of
the English System was that of convenience and force. Natural Law and the combined
force of Europe will I trust now totally defeat this insulting and dangerous procedure
of the Common Ennemy.
The last resolutions of the States General are clear and Manly. They give us room
to expect much if England persists in her Plan. Has your Excellency seen Linguets
last Number of his Annales politiques &c. it treats of the present State of Affairs,
it may had at Paris.3
I congratulate your Excellency on the total defeat of the Opposition, their Mad Virtue
is checked in Parliament, and other proceedings must now be taken, if England would
Escape that Pit, which She had diggd for others. I agree with your Excellency, that
Slight Matter will give Occasion to the burst of Civil War—the whole is inflameable
and there are many more appearances of internal Tumult, than those remarkd by Lord
Clarendon in his Unhappy Time,4 but then there are also more Probability of Success on the part of the Crown then
in his days, for the King has much more Influence and force.
I most sincerely concur with your Excellency in Opinion with respect to England. Her
Conduct will be during this Mans Life Malicious to Us, and she will ever after be
our rival in Trade, and our natural and enragd Ennemy. We must therefore be ever distrustful
of Her, the American Alliance with France is for the Interest and Honor of Both. I
trust it will ever be Kept up with the Utmost Liberallity; I assure your Excellency
it has ever been my opinion, that every suspicion and doubt of it ought to be discountenancd,
and I have done it on more Occasions than One, and that too with some Warmth, for
I know nothing more dangerous to Friendship of every Sort, than harbouring Jealousies,
and even hearing Insinuations against those, we have a natural Affection to or with
whom we have an Interest and Duty to be well with. You know Too that it has always
been my opinion, that there cannot be too great a Shew, or indeed I ought rather to
say too much real Candour and Openess towards our great and good Ally. On the Contrary
it is the Sistem of England to bring { 264 } on a distrust of One that she may ruin both. I Hope both will be wisher than to give
into her Snares!
It is said, that Parliament will be soon prorogued and dissolved in October and another
Chosen in a Hurry. Hartly seems fearful that he shall not be supportd in his Motions,
this may bring Conway and Pownal to make theirs. I wish some one woud do it, that
we might get at the present sense of the Minister.
I am Anxious to hear what has been done and is now doing at Charles Town and N York.
There will be much Blood Spilt in both Places.
I sent the Dialogue5 to a Friend in England. He has thought proper to publish it. I take the Liberty of
sending the first part to your Excellency.
[salute] I am Sir with the greatest Respect Your Excellencys Most Faithful & Obd Hble Servt
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers).
2. This was Sir James Marriott, judge of the court of admiralty from 1778 to 1799 (DNB). Jenings likely is referring to Marriott's The Case of the Dutch Ships, Considered, London, 1758, in which he defended British seizures of neutral ships bound to enemy
ports and denied any basis under the law of nations for the doctrine that free ships
made free goods. For Marriott's ruling in the case of a Dutch ship seized from the
van Bylandt convoy in late Dec. 1779, in which he took essentially the same position,
see JA's letter of 6 April to the president of Congress (No. 37, calendared, above).
3. Simon Nicolas Henri Linguet was a brilliant but eccentric lawyer, journalist, and
author. During a self-imposed exile in England and in various places in continental
Europe, he began the publication of the Annales politiques, civiles et littéraires du dix-huitième siècle, 19 vols., London, 1777–1792 (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale). The specific issue of the Annales to which Jenings refers has not been found, but for JA's evaluation of Linguet, see his letter of 15 May to Jenings, and notes 1 and 2 (below).
4. Edward Hyde, 1st earl of Clarendon, was a trusted advisor of both Charles I and Charles
II. A strong royalist, he was an equally ardent supporter of rule according to constitutional
principles, but was unwilling to adapt his policies to the changed circumstances brought
on by the civil war (DNB). Jenings probably refers to Clarendon's views as expressed in his personal narrative
of the events in which he participated, his History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England, Begun in the Year 1641, 3 vols., London, 1702–1704. In 1766, JA adopted “Clarendon” as a pseudonym in a newspaper controversy over the Stamp Act
(“Clarendon to Pym,” 13–27 Jan. 1766, vol. 1:155–170).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0154
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-02
From Joshua Johnson
[dateline] Nantes 2 May 1780
[salute] Sir
I am duly honord with your very polite and Freindly favour of the { 265 } 25th. Ultimo for which I pray your acceptance of my best thanks. I hasten to inform
you the Dove will be ready to depart the latter end of next Week and any Commands
that you have to convey by her shall be taken particular care of and delivered safe
in America if she is fortunate enough to arrive safe, if not I can rely on the prudence
of the Capt. to destroy them.1 A Small Brig departs from this Tomorro for Boston2 she first touches at L'Orient for the protection of the Alliance, hereafter I will
give you timely notice of the Sailling of every America Vessell and will with pleasure
receive and forward your Dispatches. I have directed my Freinds to forward me the
Maryland News Papers and you may rely on my forwarding you them immediatly on their
Arrival and every other interesting Inteligence that comes to my knowledge, in turn
I have only to solicit the favour of you to drop me a hint if any thing should be
proposed that may affect the price of Tobacco for in this article I am much interested
being one of the largest holders in Europe, you may rest assured that I will not abuse
your confidence. Mrs. Johnson begs your acceptance of her thanks for your remembrance
and kind Inquirys, she presents you and the Young Gentlemen with her respectfull Compliments,
and I am with the most sincere regard and esteem Sir, Your Most Obedt. & most Hbl.
Serv
[signed] Joshua Johnson
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “M. Johnson 2 May. ansd. 16. by [but] the answer not copied. inclosed
in it a Letter to Congress, with the Decn. of Russia. to be sent by first Vessel”
docketed by CFA: “1780.” The letter to Congress is that of 10 April (No. 40, descriptive note, above).
1. JA's reply of 16 May (not found) was answered by Johnson in a letter of the 20th (Adams Papers), in which he reported that the enclosed letter to Congress would be carried to America
by the Dove.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0155
Recipient: Allen, Jeremiah
Date: 1780-05-03
To Jeremiah Allen
[dateline] Paris May 3. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I yesterday received yours of 28. Ultimo. Thank you for the Information of the Brig
bound to Boston, beg you would send the inclosed by her.1 Had yesterday a Letter from Mr. Smith2 by Way of Holland 26 Feb. mentions Trash's Arrival and Letters from you. Incloses
a Boston Gazette of 21. Feb. containing an Account of Captn. Waters in the Thorn,3 taking three Privateers, after obstinate Engagements—two of them at once from New
York—one of the most glorious Actions { 266 } of this War. You will Soon See the Account at large in the public Papers.
By Mr. S's Letter the Convention had been Sitting almost two months, and had got well
nigh through the Constitution, which they have not very materially altered from the
Report. This Report is publishing in the Courier de L'Europe,4 and there are some Compliments upon it in the English Papers, and more still in the
private Conversations in Paris.
The Confederation among the maritime Powers, the Politicks of Ireland, the Associations
in England added to the military Exertions of France, Spain and America, would in
time, one would think, be Sufficient to bring England to reason, and make her think
of Peace. I should be obliged to you for News as it arrives, and hope to have the
Pleasure of Seeing you Soon, a l'hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu. Mr. D. Mr. T. and
the young Gentlemen send Respects. Yours &c.
LbC (Adams Papers).
2. This was Isaac Smith Sr.'s letter of 26 Feb., of which JA gives an account in this and the following paragraph. JA's letter to Vergennes of 1 May (Arch. Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. Pol., E.-U., vol. 12), indicates that Smith's letter arrived on that date,
rather than the 2d as JA seems to indicate here (see note 3).
3. On 25 Dec. 1779, Capt. Daniel Waters of the Thorne successfully engaged the New York loyalist privateers Governor Tryon and Sir William Irskine, capturing the first and sinking the second; and on 13 Jan. 1780, he captured the
Liverpool privateer Sparling. Seeking to have the Boston Gazette's account of the Thorne's exploits published in France, JA enclosed both it and an extract from Isaac Smith Sr.'s letter of 26 Feb. in his letter
to Vergennes of 1 May (see note 2) and took up the matter in more detail in his letter
of 3 May to Edmé Jacques Genet (below). In a further effort to publicize the incident, JA enclosed an extract of the account in the Boston Gazette in a letter of 4 May to Trouchin Dubreuil, publisher of the Gazette d'Amsterdam, requesting that he insert it in his newspaper (LbC, Adams
Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0156
Recipient: Genet, Edmé Jacques
Date: 1780-05-03
To Edmé Jacques Genet
[dateline] [Paris May 3. 1780]
[salute] [Dear Sir]
I had, two days ago the Honour to inclose to the Minister a Boston Gazette of 21 February,
in which is a Relation of a glorious Combat and Cruise of my Countryman Captain Waters
of the Thorn. Let me beg of you sir, to insert this Account in the Gazette and the
Mercure.1 There has not been a more memorable Action this War, and the Feats of our American
Frigates and Privateers have not been Sufficiently { 267 } published, in Europe. It would answer valuable Purposes, both by encouraging their
honest and brave Hearts, and by exciting Emulations elsewhere, to give them a little
more than they have had, of the Fame that they have deserved. Some of the most Skillful,
determined, persevering, and successfull Engagements, that have ever happened upon
the Seas, have been performed by American Privateers against the Privateers from New
York. They have happened upon the Coast and seas of America, which are now very well
swept of New York Privateers2 and have seldom been properly described and published even there, and much seldomer
ever inserted in any of the Gazettes of Europe, whether it is because, the Actions
of single and small Vessells and these Privateers are not thought worth publishing,
or whether it has been for Want of some Person, to procure it to be done.
[salute] Yours most sincerely
[signed] John Adams
RC (CLjC). LbC (Adams Papers). Due to fire damage, the dateline and greeting have been supplied from the Letterbook
copy.
1. Genet promised to print the account, which appeared on 13 May in the Mercure de France, “Journal Politique de Bruxelles,” p. 75–77 (from Genet, 4, 10 May, Adams Papers).
2. The preceding ten words were interlined.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0157
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-05-03
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 58
Paris, 3 May 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 15–17). LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “N.B. Nos. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58 were delivered
the 7th of May by Mr. Adams to Dr. Franklin, who was to send them with his own Dispatches
to Captain John Paul Jones.” printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:648–649.
In this letter, received by Congress on 19 Feb. 1781, John Adams sent the terms of
an Anglo-French cartel for the exchange of prisoners, signed at Versailles on 12 March
and at London on 28 March, noting that the agreement brought honor to both sides.
RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 15–17). LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “N.B. Nos. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58 were delivered
the 7th of May by Mr. Adams to Dr. Franklin, who was to send them with his own Dispatches
to Captain John Paul Jones.” printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:648–649.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0158
Recipient: Sarsfield, Guy Claude, Comte de
Date: 1780-05-03
To the Comte de Sarsfield
[dateline] Hotel de Valois May 3. 1780
[salute] Sir
I have the Honour of your Billet1 and thank you for the Pains you have taken, to procure me the Remonstrances. I went
to the Palais, but was too late. I employed a Bookseller, but without Success. It
is astonishing to me, that there should be So total a Suppression of Such a set of
finished Models of oratory, and such golden monuments of public Virtue, as I have
heard them represented to be. Your Billet { 268 } in English was very well understood, because it was very well written: but, another
time, let me beg you to write in french, because I suppose it is more familiar to
you to write in that language, and it is quite as easy for me to read. The Gentlemen
with me present their respects. I have the Honour to be, with great Esteem, sir your
most obedient servant
LbC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0159-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-04
From Bidé de Chavagnes
[dateline] a nantes ce 4e. may 1780
[salute] Mon cher monsieur
Quoyque depuis bien du temps je n aye pas eu l'honneur ny le plaisir de vous demander
des nouvelles de votre santé et de celle de votre chere famille,1 je nay pas moins eté occupé de vous et d'eux, et je ne vous oublieray jamais ainsi
que vos compatriottes leurs bontés et amitiés et les votres particulierement pour
moy. Et si vous ne jouissez pas dans notre patrie de toutte la santé et le bonheur
que vous puissiez desirer, cest que les voeux que je fais en consequence ny peuvent
rien. L'interest que je prends a vous et aux votres etant bien vif et bien sincere.
Vous avez du avoir bien des affaires depuis votre arrivée a notre cour. Pour moy depuis
2 mois que l'on a bien voulu me laisser passer auprès de madame de chavagnes qui est
bien sensible a votre souvenir depuis notre depart de l'orient et qui en consequence
vous presente ses compliments. Jay tasché par une vie douce et tranquille de me dedommager
des peines de corps et d'esprit de notre traversée humide de boston en europe. Je
me las rappelle cependant avec plaisir mayant procuré celuy de vous y avoir ramené
et de continuer a notre partie l'avantage d'avoir un negotiateur honneste comme vous
lestes. Me voila au moment de retourner a brest. Bien portant mais ne scachant ce
a quoy l'on m'employera. Je nay point demandé a monsieur de sartines a commander.
1°. Cest que arrivé aussi tard En france jay imaginé que le ministre devoit estre
obsedé de demandes, de commendements, que je les ay trouvés presque tous donnés et
quil ne faut pas estre indiscret. 2°. Cest que javois besoin de me reposer 2 ou 3
mois et de reparer un peu ma bourse qui sans estre absolument depourvue a eté cependant
un peu maltraitée surtout au ferol. Vous scavez cequi en est. Jay envoyé a mr le docteur
francklin une petite caisse. A mr de sartines ceque javois pu sauver des petits canards
de boston ainsi que le tableau du general { 269 } ancohk.2 Je nay pas eu connoissance de la reception D'aucuns de ces effets. Jay revu icy avec
bien du plaisir monsieur alain chez mr o williams.3 Cen est toujours un pour moy de revoir vos compatriottes et si vous pouviez pour
votre compte nous negotier une bonne paix je me croirois bien heureux de vous reconduire
a boston dont je cheris bien sincerement tous les habitants et habitantes et avec
raison car je me trouvois tres bien et honorablement employé la etant en chef au lieu
que actuellement quoyque toujours bien dans tous les genres de service ou je seray.
Je ne dateray pas de grandes choses. Avec un peu de patience jauray peutestre quelquechose
un jour. Je desirerois de tout mon coeur que mon service put me permettre l'hyver
prochain d aller a paris ou jay bien quelques petites affaires. Jy aurois bien du
plaisir a vous y revoir et les votres, a vous y demander la continuation de votre
amitié et a vous y reiterer de vive voix lassurance des sentiments du plus sincere
et respectueux attachement avec lequel jay lhonneur d'estre Mon cher monsieur Votre
tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
[signed] Bidé de chavagnes capne. des vaux du roy
J'embrasse de tout mon coeur les chers jony et carly le petit couppers. Mille compliments
et souvenirs a mrs dena et taxter. De vos nouvelles je vous prie, mais a brest je vais partir.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0159-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-04
Bidé de Chavagnes to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Nantes, 4 May 1780
[salute] My Dear Sir
Although for some time I have had neither the honor nor the pleasure of inquiring
after your health and that of your dear family,1 I, nevertheless, have been thinking about you and them, and, at the same time, shall
never forget the kindnesses and friendship shown me by you and your countrymen, particularly
by you. And if you do not enjoy, in our country, all the health and happiness that
you could desire, it is because all my wishes to that end have come to nothing. The
interest that I take in you and yours is most lively and sincere. Much must have happened
to you since your arrival at our court. As for myself, I have kindly been allowed
to spend the last two months with Madame de Chavagnes, who remembers you fondly from
our departure from Lorient and who consequently sends her regards. I have tried to
lead a pleasant and tranquil life to compensate for the physical and mental exertions
of our wet crossing from Boston to Europe. I remember it with much pleasure, however,
since I was returning you so as to continue for our side the advantage of having an
honest negotiator amongst us. I am now ready to return to Brest. I am in good health,
but do not know how I will be employed. I did not ask M. de Sartine for a command
because: 1. I came { 270 } back so late to France that I assumed the minister would be swamped with requests
for commands with most of them already filled, and I did not want to be indiscreet;
2. I needed to rest for two or three months and replenish my purse which, although
not completely depleted, had been somewhat battered, particularly at El Ferrol. You
know how it is. To Dr. Franklin I sent a small chest and to M. de Sartine what I had
preserved of the Boston papers and the portrait of General Hancock.2 It was with great pleasure that I met Mr. Allen again at Mr. O. Williams'.3 I am always happy to meet one of your compatriots and if you yourself could negotiate
a good peace settlement, I would consider myself the happiest of men in bringing you
back to Boston, whose men and women I sincerely cherish. And with good reason, since
I was very well and very honorably employed there, in command, instead of the position
in which of course I always find myself: that of jack-of-alltrades. I will not leave
my mark on big things. But with a little patience something might come my way some
day. I desire with all my heart that my duties will take me to Paris next winter,
where I have to take care of some small matters. I would be most happy to see you
and your family again, and to renew our friendship and have the pleasure of reiterating,
in person, the assurances of my sincerest and most respectful devotion, with which
I have the honor to be your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Bidé de chavagnes capne. des vaux du roy
I embrace with all my heart your dear Johnny and Charley and the young Cooper. A thousand
regards and fond memories to Messrs. Dana and Thaxter. Send me news of yourselves, but I am about to leave for Brest.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “ansd. 16. May.”
2. For Chavagnes' letter to Franklin concerning the small chest, see Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 2:332. The portrait of John Hancock has not been identified.
3. Probably Jeremiah Allen and Jonathan Williams, both of whom were at Nantes.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0160
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-04
From James Lovell
[dateline] May 4 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
The Bearer Mr. Mease is Brother to the late Cloathier General and is intimately connected
with an Irish Gentleman here for whom I have great Regard as a zealous Republican
and Friend to America.1 It is more on Account of that Connection with my Friend than of any personal Acquaintance
that I have been led to introduce Mr. Mease to your Civilities. His Care of sundry
Pacquets for you would indeed alone have been sufficient to merit your Attention.
I chiefly rely on them and his Conversation to what ought to be the Task of the Committee
of foreign Affairs if that Committee was { 271 } | view not a mere Shadow without a Quorum a Secretary or Clerk. I send regularly to Mrs.
Adams the News Papers and Journals for you that she may not be without some Informations
of that kind herself during your Absence. She sends them to the Navy Board, doubtless
with the Addition of Something still more agreable to you individually considered.
This Testimony of my affectionate Remembrance of You will reach your Hand at all Events
as I mean it to be useful to Mr. Mease whatever may be his Lot as to a safe Passage.
If you receive any Thing from me in Cyphers it will be upon the same Mode as that
which I have communicated to Doctr. Franklin and which will serve great Numbers with
equal safety. It is the Alphabet squared as on the other Side and the key Letters
are the two first of the Surname of the Family where you and I spent the Evening together
before we sat out from your House on our Way to Baltimore.2
[salute] Your affectionate humble Servant
[signed] James Lovell
All your Letters from Spain came safely. Give my Love to your Family, to Mr. Dana
in particular and tell him I imagine all his came safely too though no Body at Philada. knows any thing about them.
| 1 | a b c |
| 2 | b c d |
| 3 | c d e |
| 4 | d e f |
| 5 | e |
| 6 | f |
| 7 | g |
| 8 | h |
| 9 | i |
| 10 | j |
| 11 | k |
| 12 | l |
| 13 | m |
| 14 | n |
| 15 | o |
| 16 | p |
| 17 | q |
| 18 | r |
| 19 | s |
| 20 | t |
| 21 | u |
| 22 | v |
| 23 | w |
| 24 | x |
| 25 | y |
| 26 | z |
| 27 | & |
Make use of any of the perpendicular columns according to your key Letters. You may
reply to me by the use of any new ones. For Instance you may refer to the 2 3 4 &c.
Letters of a Word 1st. 2d. 3d. 4th. &c. in a Paragraph of any one of your Letters
of such an such a date known to have been received by me, or you may say “reverse
the Letters you have chosen,” or “add one more to those you have used,” or by any
such like Direction you may give me the Key of your Answer.
I will give you a Specimen as follows. You submitted your Accounts with a Confession
of your arithmetical Antipathies in that particular Line, and a Supposition of Errors.
The Chamber of Accounts reported specially, not being in Capacity to judge of the
Propriety of the Charges. Their Report was committed and the Result was from Mr. Forbes
Mr. { 272 } Mathews and Mr. Houston such as I imagine you yourself would have determined, on a
like Committee! to you.3
“That they do not find any Vote or Proceeding of Congress, nor are they informed
of any general or received Custom on which the Charge of Monies for the ||education of the son|| of the Accomptant can be admitted; and though the same is inconsiderable, they are
of Opinion it ought to be rejected, that a precedent be not established.
That they are of opinion the Charge ||for books|| ought to be admitted on the ground of a practice which has obtained in different
Nations respecting their public ministers and which is mentioned by Mr. Adams in the
Explanations attending his Vouchers.
That they find the several Charges in the said accounts conformable to the strictest
principles of Oeconomy, and that, as far as Mr. Adams has been intrusted with public
money the same has been carefully and frugally expended.”
Congress agreed to the said Report.
Bal. due 2511.12. 6.4
You ought to use Cyphers in your public Letters but you should communicate your Key
to Mr. Thompson to serve in my Absence.5
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Lovel. 4 May ansd. 24 June 1780 a Cypher. My Accounts &c.”
1. This was Robert Mease, brother of James Mease, the clothier general from early 1777
until his resignation in Sept. 1778 (vol. 5:374;JCC, 12:937). The “Irish Gentleman” was Dr. Hugh Shiell. According to Elbridge Gerry's
letter of 5 May (Adams Papers), Mease was involved in the plan of Shiell and others to bring their property to
America from Ireland.
2. Lovell's cipher consisted of an alphabetical square composed of 27 columns and 27
numbered rows, the 27th character being the ampersand. To encipher a letter one would
take letters from a key word, and read down the corresponding columns to the desired
letter and substitute the number of the row for the letter. In JA's case, since he and Lovell had stayed with the Richard Cranch family on their way
to Baltimore in 1777, the letters were “C” and “R” from the key word “CRANCH.” According
to Lovell's instructions, JA would first read down the “C” column to encipher the first letter of a passage and
then read down the “R” column to encipher the second letter. He would then alternate
between the “C” and the “R” columns until the encipherment of the passage was completed.
Each new passage would begin with the “C” column. To decipher a passage the process
was reversed.
Lovell's cipher was not in itself complex, but his explanation did much to make it
so. Had he been satisfied to explain the system just as it was sent to JA, it seems likely that JA would have understood the process. By indicating variations in the system, such as
using different letters from the key word; the possibility of devising a new key word;
and failing to note that numbers higher than 27 were blinds; Lovell managed only to
confuse, a confusion magnified by Lovell's own tendency to make errors when he used
the cipher. In any event, JA's replies of 24 June (below) indicated that neither he nor Franklin, who had also received a copy of the
cipher in a letter of this same date (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 2:245), could understand Lovell's system. The reproduction of JA's flawed key to the cipher and a more detailed explanation of the Lovell cipher are
in Adams Family Correspondence, 4:viii, 188, 393–399. The first extant letter to JA in which Lovell used his cipher was that of 14 Dec. (below).
{ 273 } 3. JA submitted his accounts to the Board of Treasury under a covering letter of 19 Sept. 1779 (vol. 8:154). The committee that considered the accounts reported on 15 Dec. 1779
and its report was adopted on 15 April 1780 (JCC, 15:1363–1364; 16:368–369). Except for minor differences, Lovell quotes the report
exactly.
4. This figure was inserted by Lovell, it was not in the report. It is derived from subtracting
the expenditure of 1,861 livres 1s for JQA's education from 4,372 livres 13s 6d, the balance due JA before the deduction. For the audit of JA's accounts, see Lovell's letter to AA of 14 May (Adams Family Correspondence, 3:343–346). AA ultimately received the money in September (same, 3:415–416).
5. This sentence was written in the left margin.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0161
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-05
To Francis Bowens
[dateline] Paris Hotel de Valois Ruë de Richelieu May 5. 1780
[salute] Sir
A Gentleman in London,1 who corresponds with you sometimes, writes me, 28 April that he had, a few days before
Sent to your Care, a Box marked A, containing a few Pamphlets and Newspapers, for me, with a desire that you would
forward it on to me in the manner you should think Safest, and that you would hereafter
attend to any other Parcell that he may send in the Same Way.
I am not well acquainted with the Usages and Regulations in France, or in Ostend which
may obstruct or embarrass this Channell of Communication. But in the first Place I
shall order nothing of a religious or irreligious nature, which might allarm the Church,
or militate against any Regulations which there may be against irreligious or heretical
Writings. They will be merely Newspapers and Pamphlets relating to the present State
of public Affairs, and the Course and Tendency of the present War.
I should esteem it as a favour, sir, if you would inform me, what is the best Channel
of Conveyance from you to me, and in Case I should have any Papers or Pamphlets to
send to the same Gentleman in London from me to you—and whether there is any thing
for me to do, or to pay, and what it may be to facilitate a Communication of this
Nature. I should be glad also to know, by what Conveyance you sent the Packet marked
A, and when I may expect it. I am, sir, with Respect, your most obedient servant
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. Thomas Digges.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0162
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-05
From Elbridge Gerry
[dateline] Philadelphia 5th May 1780
[salute] My dear sir
It gave me great Pleasure to learn by Your Letter of the 11th. Decr.1 { 274 } that You had safely arrived, and had met with so agreable a Reception in Spain: and
I hope soon to have the Satisfaction of hearing from You at Paris.
Mr. Lovell informs me that he shall transmit You the Journals of Congress and News
Papers by the latter of which You will perceive that the Enemy have invested Charlestown,
and that it is defended by General Lincoln with about four or five thousand Men, the
greatest part whereof are continental Troops. General DeKalb with the whole of the
Maryland Corps, consisting as I am informed of between two and three thousand Men,
is ordered to Charlestown from the main Army, and has by this Time probably crossed
the Cheesapeak: Reinforcements of Militia are also on the March from Virginia and
North Carolina, all of which should Charlestown hold out about a Month or five Week's
must I think make a formidable Army, in the rear of the Enemy. The Garrison by the
best Accounts are supplied with five or six Months provission, and have a sufficiency
of military Stores; and altho the General in his publick Letters is exceedingly modest
and confines himself to States of Facts, yet in one of his private confidential Letters
he expresses his Hopes and Expectations of being able to defend the City, or of making
the Acquisition expensive to the Enemy.2
The Resolutions of Congress for calling in and cancelling the two hundred Million
of Dollars emitted by them, have in general been well received.3 The Depreciation is stopd, and Specie, which before the passing of the Resolves was
sold for upwards of 70 for 1, is now current at 60 and has been lately @ 55. The Advantage
of this Plan will be great to the Landholders, inasmuch as the national Debt including Certificates
and foreign Demands does not now much exceed five Million sterling, which is but a
trifling Sum compared with the two hundred Millions sterling due from G Britain. Another
Benefit resulting from it, is a Supply of five Million Dollars of the new Emission, every Dollar of which is
equal to 40 Dollars of the old Emission; indeed this must be called in before that
can be realized, nevertheless, there is a greater Demand amongst all Ranks for continental
Money, than there has been since the Commencement of the War, and Specie is no longer
hoarded by the disaffected or timid. So much for the Value and Stability of the Medium.
With Respect to our Resources Congress are at present much in Want of Money, and it
is a happy Circumstance; for, their Oeconomy is in proportion to their Wants. The
Demands on the Treasury are generally answered by Warrants on the several States which
are careful by some Means { 275 } or other to discharge the Draughts. The Taxes are indeed very heavy, but the Collection
goes on, and I doubt not that the Army will be well fed and paid. Military Stores
of Cloathing must however be procured on Credit in Europe, as well as a considerable
loan to serve as a Fund for drawing in Case of Necessity. Since the Treasury, Admiralty,
and Court of Appeals have been put in Commission, Congress have not been troubled
much with their respective Concerns, and for several Days past have adjourned before
the usual Time from a Want of Business.
Trade and privateering are brisk, and there is aplenty of Goods of every Kind (excepting
military),4 but no Money to purchase them. This is easily accounted for, since the whole Sum in Circulation as Congress have
fixed it, is only five Million Dollars, and these are not one third of what are necessary
for a Medium for the several States. Our privateers and Commerce have nevertheless
lately suffered much by the Cruisers of the Enemy, who have the <entire> Command of the Coast. It is much to be wished that the Court of France would order
a squadron superior to the Enemy to be stationed in some part of the united States,
as the best and only Means of putting a speedy End to the War. It is almost impossible
to conceive the Havock that our privateers made of the Enemy's Cruisers and Transports
during the Time that the Count D'Estaign was at Rhode Island and Charlestown, but
our Losses at present nearly equal our Captures. Indeed that worthy Officer aware of those and other Advantages5 ordered the Count de Gras to be stationed at the Cheesapeak, but his plan was defeated
by the Tempestuousness of the Weather: had the latter arrived with his squadron, Charlestown
could not have been beseiged and three or four of our Frigates which are now in Ashley
River and will probably be destroyed, would have been employed in intercepting the
Enemy's Transports.
We have had a very severe Winter and backward Spring, but the prospects are not unfavorable.
I had forgot to mention a Resolution of Congress to pay off the Continental Certificates
according to the Value of Money at the Time of their being respectively issued. This
is but Justice, and will undoubtedly be satisfactory to Foreigners.6
Bills of Exchange are now at 45 for one, and will be higher, in Consequence of the
great Risque of sending Vessels from the eastern States to the southern for produce.
I have had the pleasure of a Line from Portia,7 whose Sentiments are sufficient proof of a Mens sana in Corpore sano.8 Poor Don Juan { 276 } de Merailles lately died at Camp, on a Visit with the Minister of France to General
Washington.9 I have many Things more to say to You but the Vessel is to sail immediately and I
have scarcely Time to send my sincere Regards to brother Dana or to assure You that
I remain sir with every Sentiment of Esteem & Respect Your affectionate Friend
[signed] E Gerry
Mr Lovell will give You the necessary Information respecting your Accounts.10 The recruiting goes on, and it will be less difficult to find Men than to pay and
subsist them.
RC (Adams Papers).
2. Charleston fell on 12 May. For an account of the siege, see Robert Middlekauff, The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763–1789, N.Y., 1982, p. 441–449.
4. Gerry interlined “(excepting military).”
5. The preceding three words were interlined.
8. A healthy mind in a healthy body.
9. Don Juan de Miralles, a Cuban merchant, served as the unofficial Spanish representative
in America from early 1778 until his death at Washington's camp on 28 April (Bemis, Diplomacy of the Amer. Revolution, p. 88).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0163
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-05
From Elkanah Watson Jr.
[dateline] Nantes. 5th. May. 1780
[salute] Sir
Yesterday I was honour'd with an answer to my Epistle;1 for which permit me Sir with gratitude to acknowledge your goodness, I flatter my
self it will be attended with perticular advantages in my present, and perhaps future
persuits in Europe: I cannot However, but regret the leaving my letters for you behind;
as that loss renders the propriety of your assertaining my character Impracticable.
It affoards me no little pleasure Sir that you are so well acquainted with my fathers
circumstances, because you are sensible, money, and address are great objects of recommending
one to mankind in this Old corrupted Continent: without letters, and without being
known to be Intituled to the former claim, I have fortunately However, been politely
recieved into Several of the best familys. I have spent the winter 21 miles from this;2 where by close application I have attain'd a considerable profficiency in their language,
and other connissance; which my mercantile persuits prevented me from acquiring before. I shall { 277 } conduct your friend Mr. Allin for the same place tomorrow, where he proposess to remain
the summer.
I am Extreamly oblig'd to you Sir also in pointing out to me maxims founded upon the
dictates of reason and nature; which I wish invariably to persue: Impartial reason
will Ever prefer the honest simplicity, of manners to vain Empty ceremony: I am persuaded
the Easy address of a frenchman added to the honest candour of an American, is necessary
to form a system of manners perfect which I hope will be gradually Introduce'd in
America, but not their little follies.
It affords me a sensible consolation that you have condesended to favour me with your
advise; I am conscious of my inability and inexperience; I am launch'd upon the theatre
of life at an Early age, independent of controul: all my conduct of consequence must
be govern'd by the natural Impetuosity, and inexperience of youth without a patron
to councel, or a reason to vanquish these Impulsess: I am happy in being fav'd with
the resourse of your councel, as my Ideas are Elevated beyond Idolizing l'arshent[l'argent] tho' taught in the proffession; and as I wish in prefference as far as my circumstances
will permit, to travel and to gain Knowledge of the world and mankind <(as far as my circumstances will permit,)> the advise of one so well acquainted with both as yourself, will most certainly be
the standard of my persuits, If you'l continue your Kindness, and give it without
reserve, notwithstanding I have not the honour to be personally acquainted with your
Excellency.
The day before I left Plymo. Mrs. Warren in the most pathetic manner Injoyn'd me,
If I heard or saw any thing of her wandering, miserable son;3 in this Eastern world, to write her and to relieve his distresess: I have not, nor
cannot write to do justice to incontestible facts without adding to her pain; from
the most promising of youths, he is now degenerated into the most beastly of sots:
his ridiculous Excesses has impair'd and shatter'd, his wreck'd constitution to such
a degree, that he has of late been very dangerously Ill at l'Orient, but malheuresment for himself and family he is yet permitted to possess a worthless Existance.
Having attain'd a very considerable Knowledge of the commerce of this country, and
as my present object is commerce; perhaps you may find it not incompatiable to throw
into my hands some affairs of business which may not only be beneficial; but will
tend to the more Effectuall Establishment of my reputation.
I reciev'd a letter from America yesterday, via Holland which gives me Information
that the Mercury Packett Captn. Sampson arriv'd at { 278 } Plymo. the 17th. [February o]n a passage of 3 months and 2 days—no news—fortunately for me, for the 1st. commencement
I ship'd 20,000 L. aboard of that Packett.4
If their is no Impropriety (as the main object of my success in commerce depends upon
grappling the close of the war) it would be perticularly advantageous to me to be
Inform'd when their is a solid prospect of Peace, but If their is, I beg you'l Excuse
this freedom.
I have the Honour to be most respectfully Your Excellencys Very Hl. St.
[signed] Elkh. Watson Jr.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “His Excellency John Adams Esq. à la Paris Hotel de Valois Rue de Richelieu
à Passi” endorsed: “M. Elk. Watson 5. May” docketed by CFA: “1780.” The removal of the seal has resulted in the loss of two words, which are
supplied in brackets.
3. James Warren Jr. was a marine lieutenant on the Alliance, then at Lorient (Charles R. Smith, Marines of the Revolution, Washington, 1975, p. 475).
4. The month of the Mercury's arrival is supplied from Isaac Smith Sr.'s letter of 26 Feb. to JA (Adams Family Correspondence, 3: 284). In the remainder of the sentence Watson, who reached France in the fall
of 1779 as a passenger on the Mercury (Watson to JA, 10 March, above), presumably means that at the “1st. commencement” of his commercial activities
at Nantes he had shipped goods worth 20,000 livres on board the Mercury, which according to the data given on the length of its voyage would have sailed
for America in mid Nov. 1779.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0164
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-06
From the Comte de Sarsfield
[dateline] hotel de Sarsfield [ante 6 May 1780]
[salute] Dear sir
Not for your Sake but for mine I make use of the english language when I do my Self
the honour of writing to you. When man ceases to Acquire in matter of learning, he
begins to lose. Let my Stock of english be what it may, it is very dear to me; And
so I have laid a tax upon the Kindness of my friends which is to allow me the liberty
of writing to them in english. I am Sometimes gone so far as to desire them to make
corrections. That agreement we Could make, with advantage to both.
As to the book which you wish to have,1 you have but to send me one of your servants tomorrow morning and I will deliver
it to him how I could get it you shall learn the first time where I will have the
pleasure to See you. I can Say only that you have it on the Cheapest terms possible
as you have nothing to pay.
My compliments to Messrs. Dana & Thaxter and Believe me Sir Your &c.
I take off compliments and invite you to do the Same.
{ 279 } RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “A Monsieur Monsieur Adams ministre plenipotentiaire des etats reunis
d'amerique a l'hotel de Valois Rue de Richelieu” endorsed: “Comte Sarsefield.”
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0165-0001
Recipient: Sarsfield, Guy Claude, Comte de
Date: 1780-05-06
To the Comte de Sarsfield
[dateline] May 6. 1780
J'ai reçu, Monsieur, la lettre que vous m'avez fait l'honneur de m'ecrire, hier.1 Je vous fais mes remerciemens Sincéres, pour le Soin que vous avez pris, de me procurer
le livre. J'accepte avec Empressement, la proposition que vous avez fait, de vous
ecrire en francois, pour l'Avantage de vos corrections et Je permets d'entreprendre
la Correction de votre Anglois. L'Amour propre est la seule Motif de cet accord, parce
que, vous ecrivez deja tres bien en Anglois; et Moi, Je ne puis pas ecrire, point
du tout, en francois. Vous avez proposé de laisser tous Complimens; mais Je ne puis
pas en convenir; parce que mon francois sera mauvais, Sans quelques Complimens. Au
lieu de “I am Sometimes gone so far &c” I have Sometimes gone So far &c—pour “When
I will have the pleasure” lisez When I shall have the pleasure. Avec ces petits changemens,
votre lettre Sera parfaitement exact. J'envoye mon domestic, avec mille Complimens,
pour le livre, et J'ai l'honneur d'etre tres parfaitement, Monsieur votre &c
[signed] John Adams
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0165-0002
Recipient: Sarsfield, Guy Claude, Comte de
Date: 1780-05-06
John Adams to the Comte de Sarsfield: A Translation
[dateline] 6 May 1780
Yesterday I received, sir, the letter that you did me the honor to write.1 I thank you sincerely for the trouble you have taken to procure the book for me.
I enthusiastically accept your proposal that I write to you in French so that I may
profit from your corrections and that I should presume to correct your English. Friendship
can be the only motive for this accord, since you already write so well in English,
whereas I cannot write at all in French. You have proposed to lay all courtesies aside,
but to that I cannot agree, for without them my French would be very poor indeed.
Instead of “I am sometimes gone so far etc.,” I have sometimes gone so far etc.—for
“When I will have the pleasure,” read, When I should have the pleasure. But for these
minor changes, your letter is perfectly correct. I send, with a thousand thanks, my
servant for the book, and have the honor to be most perfectly, sir, your &c
[signed] John Adams
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. Of [ante 6 May] (above).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0166
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-06
From John Bondfield
[dateline] Bordeaux 6 May 1780
[salute] Sir
The Spirritted resolves of the Dutch alters the Face of the War.1 Russia and Holland with the other Northern Powers that will naturaly Acceed to the
Confederacy will either bring on the said Confederate Nations to declare open War
or by their protection defend their Trade from interuption and thereby procure the
means to prolong the War. England appears to have divided her Naval Force into divissions
which must greatly reduce her Consequence in the Channel. By the recapitulation of
their Navy they will not have for their grand Fleet upwards of Forty Sail.2 Graves in all probability will be orderd to follow Monsr. De Ternay as Walsingham
will otherways be so inferior as only to consult the means to preserve himself. These
Westerly Winds is a cruel retard if the French Fleet are intended for Quebec they
will be very late to get up the River St. Laurence they ought at this day to be in
the Gulph of St. Laurence, some invisable Imp cloggs the Wheels. All is not clear
to Day, the day the Marquis de Lafayette Embarked the Fleet should have been ready.3 Lord North appears upon the decline the Opossion carey all before them. Monsr. Stormont
may meet with a fall he dont stand on solid Ground but if the War is to be continued
it is better they remain than the reins to change hands.
The Spanish Armament at [Cadiz] is realy formidable and if intended to Cooperate in the West Indies or in the United
States will most certainly turn the Scale on whatever part they take in favor of the
Allies. No Arrivals from America with due respect I have the Honor to be Sir Your
very hhb Servant
[signed] John Bondfield
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “The Honble. John Adams Esq Hotel de Valois Rue Richlieu Paris” endorsed:
“Mr. Bondfield. ansd. May 14” docketed by CFA: “1780.” The removal of the seal has resulted in the loss of a word.
1. This was the States General's long delayed decision to provide unlimited convoys for
Dutch ships; it was finally adopted on 24 April. It resulted from Britain's seizure
of the Dutch convoy on 31 Dec. 1779 and its suspension of the existing Anglo-Dutch
treaties earlier in April. See C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners, 27 Jan. 1779,
note 2 (vol. 7:384).
3. Lafayette sailed from France on 20 March, but the convoy for the first contingent
of Rochambeau's army was not fully assembled until mid-April and did not sail for
America until 2 May (Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution, ed. Stanley J. Idzerda and others, 5 vols., Ithaca, N.Y., 1977–1983, 3:3; Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 190).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0167
Recipient: Genet, Edmé Jacques
Date: 1780-05-07
To Edmé Jacques Genet
[dateline] Paris May <6> 7. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I thank you for the Loan of the inclosed Paper.1 I think there is room to hope that Clinton will meet with a Reception that will not
be agreable to him, even to hope that he will not succeed. But there is great danger.
The Loss of the Frigates will give an Additional Sting to that of the Town.
It is truely deplorable that these Devils should be allowed to commit such Ravages
and do Such intollerable Mischiefs, with so few ships of Small size, when should Multitudes
of French and Spanish Men of War, lie idle, in European Harbours, Spending more money
and loosing more lives, than if they were in Action. So much for Franchise,2 entre nous.
[salute] Yours sincerely
[signed] John Adams
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. In a letter of 5 May (Adams Papers), Genet sent JA a fragment from a newspaper containing a letter from Sir Henry Clinton of 9 March.
For Clinton's letter, see Thomas Digges' letter of 2 May, and note 2 (above).
2. That is, so much for candor.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0168
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-07
From Edmund Jenings
(Secret)
[dateline] Brussels May 7th 1780
[salute] Sir
I yesterday received your Excellencys Letter of the 30th of last Month,1 inclosing Advice, relative to the fortunate Arrival of the Transports at their destined
Ports, which shall be made the proper Use of to Confound and Laugh at our Ennemies:
it Contains too the purport of his Excellencys at Passy Conversation with you, He
told your Excellency, “that the Marylands Act directd Him first to write to the Commissrs
in London (who formerly had the Trust of the Money,) to draw it out and transfer it
into the Hands of a Banker in Paris or Amsterdam; but if they refuse then his Excellency is to choose one out of the Persons mentiond to Him; so
that, He shall write to the Commissioners and if they refuse, He shall after that determine, which shall have the Trust.”
I was sensible, that the Notice, which my Native Country took of me was small indeed,
so if I may Judge of your friendly Expressions was your Excellency, I was however
pleased with it, but If I under• { 282 } stand the business rightly, it is now by no means so pleasant to me. That the Choice
out of several shoud be left to some one of a Known character and public Trust, was
natural, for the State might not be acquainted with the Avocations and Existence of
the persons nominated, but that these people shoud be of the State itself, or at least
Americans was Natural, and neither of them coud be Affronted (I am sure I was not)
that one such Man shoud be considered, as Equal in Independancy, Integrity, disinterestdness
and Affection to his Country to another. At this Distance it is Impossible for the
State to Know every ones Comparative Merit, but to have a Banker of a foreign Country
prefered to a Native is not Agreable. If I understand the business right, shoud the
Commissioners transmit the Money to a Banker in Paris or Amsterdam, there is no Employment
for the American Agent. If they will not, an American is then to be nominated; What
to do? to force three London Merchants to transfer to Him the public Money of the
Country declared in Rebellion. Parbleu! this will require much Law, or a greater Army
than America Glories in, and that France herself has upon her Coasts Opposite to England,
and what American could present himself publickly before these interestd, Obstinate
and perhaps treacherous Commissioners, except Mr. L.L.2 He is the only American that I Know, who can appear publickly in the Streets of London.
I may Mistake this Affair and therefore beg your Excellency to give me your Ideas
of it. I shoud be glad to be correctd being most unwilling to think my Country has
treatd me with Contempt. If She does, I have not deserved it, and must endeavour to
Convince them of it by my future Actions, since the past has made no Impression—Can
your Excellency get the Words of the Act.
Every thing seems to tend to the Ruin of England, Her own folly towards her proper
Subjects and towards those, who were once so, makes the Conduct of her Ennemies appear
with the Utmost Liberality. The Declarations of France and Spain in favor of the Commerce
of Holland are at this Juncture highly politic, and cannot but have the greatest Consequences.3 England must I think Lower her Insolence to foreign Powers, or plunge into inevitable
destruction. They talk in Holland of laying an Embargo in Holland on the Shipping,
this will prevent the immediate depredations of her Ennemy and tend to Man her fleet.
I am sorry to hear Rumors of Attempting the opening the Navigation of Antwerp;4 and the Difficulty of doing it is great, it shews however a disposition in the Emperor
to quarrel with the Dutch for { 283 } such a Measure cannot but bring on a Misunderstanding between them. I am convincd
this Idea is Suggested by the English for the worst purposes.
I am much obliged to your Excellency for the Attention Shown me, least the postage
of Letters shoud Cost too much, let me beg of your Excellency not to think of it,
but impart to me at all Times your Commands, which I shall abways execute with the
Utmost Alacrity and faithfulness, out of Respect to You and Duty to my Country.
I am with the greatest Respect Sir, Your Excellencys most faithful & Obligd. Humble
Servt
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr. Jennings. ansd. May 15” by John Thaxter: “1780.” Filmed under the
date of 4 May (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 351).
1. This letter (Adams Papers) has not been printed, but see Jenings' letter of 12 April, and note 3 (above).
2. This person remains unidentified.
3. Jenings is probably referring to the memorial presented by La Vauguyon to the States
General on 26 April that disclosed the terms of a French decree of 22 April removing
restrictions on Dutch shipping, and to a Spanish regulation of 13 March that liberalized
Spanish treatment of neutral vessels. JA sent translations of both to Congress in his letters of 2 and 8 May (Nos. 57 and 62, calendared above and below).
4. Navigation of the Scheldt River to Antwerp, part of the Austrian Netherlands, had
been closed in 1648 by the Treaty of Münster. In 1780 Britain sought to have Austria
reopen the port, but Joseph II refused because of his unwillingness to involve Austria
in the Anglo-French war. The Scheldt was not reopened until 1792 (Cambridge Modern Hist., 6:641–642; 8:300–301).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0169
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-07
From Richard Henry Lee
[dateline] Virginia May the 7th. 1780
[salute] My dear Sir
I should have paid my respects to you before now had I known where to have directed
my letters, for at this time I have no other method than to inclose the present to
our friend Mr. Lovell at Philadelphia, who I trust will know the best manner of conveying
it. The enemy appear to have abated very little of their pride, however much their
power may be lessened. It may be expected nevertheless that the former will shortly
be compelled to yield to the very great abatement of the latter, and therefore that
you will next winter have something to do in execution of your commission. It would
seem by the present manoeuvres of the enemy, that they mean to possess themselves
of as many strong holds in different States as they can in order to go full handed
to a treaty. With this view they are now making great efforts for Charles Town in
South Carolina, and our Portsmouth in this State is next threatened.1 We are now opposing them at { 284 } Charles Town with great vigor, and we shall endeavor to disappoint their views upon
us—but the events of war are uncertain—from the number and spirit of our troops at
Charles Town I am persuaded that they will not get the place but at a very great expence
of blood—it is strongly fortified and powerfully protected. Our foes indeed have great
advantage in their command of the sea, as they can with canvass wings fly swiftly
from place to place with succors, whilst great delays on our part do necessarily arise
from long marches thro this wide extended continent. A few Line of Battle ships would
do us unspeakable good.
Should the fate of war give them Portsmouth in this State, I think that the powers
of Europe that wish our independance on commercial principles will not agree that
they shall continue in that possession after a peace, as it will effectually command
the entrance into Chesapeake bay and controul the commerce of the two only tobacco
producing states, Virginia and Maryland. The small quantity of Tobacco that grows
in North Carolina, and indeed a great part of their commerce in other articles passes
thro the Capes of Virginia. These states are also among the first for their export
of wheat, flour, and Indian corn, exclusive of many other articles. It will therefore
be indispensable to the freedom of this commerce that the British possess not Portsmouth
altho the chance of war should accidentally put it into their hands. Delegates from
Georgia have lately passed thro this state to Congress, from whom we learn that the
enemy possess only Savannah and its environs in that State—the independant government
being fully exercised in other parts of that country. There will be a general effort
this summer to restore our money to its proper value, which we hope may succeed—the
plan recommended by Congress is, to call in with taxes by April 1781—180 millions
of dollars, which is to be destroyed and a twentieth part issued in a new kind of
paper which is to be funded, redeemable in 6 years with specie; whilst the war is
to be chiefly supported by specific aids from every state according to its produce
and commercial ability.2 This would seem to be effectual, if we can come up to such very extensive taxation,
for which I believe every nerve will be strained. Colo. Francis Lee and myself are
recommencing our tour of duty in the Assembly of this our native State—it will make
us happy to hear from you when ever it is convenient for you, and it will certainly
delight us much to know that you are likely to succeed in your mission. I hope your
efforts will not be wanting to secure us the free navigation of Mississippi—I expect
much more sown from such efforts than from { 285 } any other—without this free Navigation our vast back country will be so distressed
as to lay the foundation of future wars and dissention from the necessity of having
an outlet to market. Our State hath already dispossessed the English of their holds
on the river Illenois, we have great numbers of people settled on the Ohio, and we
are now taking a post at the mouth of that river at its confluence with Mississippi—all
these places being within our Charter limits.3 Remember me with much esteem to my friend Mr. Dana—I am dear Sir your most affectionate
and obedient Servant
[signed] Richard Henry Lee
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Richard H. Lee Esqr. 7th. May 1780. recd. 19th. Septr.”
1. Clinton intended to seize Norfolk, rather than Portsmouth, the object of a British
raid in 1779 (Mackesy, War for America, p. 342; J. L. Austin to JA, 7 June 1779, note 3, vol. 8:78). The capture of either town as a base of operations to support Cornwallis,
however, could have had the effect envisioned by Lee. The arrival of Rochambeau's
army forced the abandonment of the plan.
3. George Rogers Clark had seized the British posts in what was then known as the Illinois
country in the summer of 1778 and later that year the Virginia legislature adopted
a plan for the government of the area. Fort Jefferson was the post referred to by
Lee (Clarence Walworth Alvord, The Illinois Country 1673–1818, Springfield, Ill., 1920, p. 326–335, 345).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0170
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-05-08
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 59
Paris, 8 May 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 31–33). (LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:663–664.
In this letter, read in Congress on 20 Sept., John Adams noted that “the English have
a faculty of deceiving themselves,” and included a translation of an article from
the Gazette de La Haye of 1 May. The author of the piece declared that, however much moderate British politicians
might rationalize the intent of the Russian declaration of an armed neutrality, it
was an attack on the British position vis-à-vis maritime law and an indication of
Russia's intention to pursue its own interests despite any commercial ties with Britain.
Adams then inserted the text of Lord Stormont's letter of 17 April to Count Walderen
communicating the Order in Council suspending the Anglo-Dutch treaties. John Adams
saw Stormont's note as another example of Britain's arrogance, new evidence of its
confidence “that no other Nation of Europe understands its own Interest.”
RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 31–33). LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers). printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:663–664.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0171
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-05-08
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 60
Paris, 8 May 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 27–30). LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:660–663; extracts in various American newspapers, including the Pennsylvania Gazette of 27 Dec. 1780 and the Boston Gazette of 15 Jan. 1781.
In this letter, { 286 } read in Congress on 20 Sept., John Adams provided newspaper accounts of the Swedish
admiralty's ordinance declaring its determination to provide convoys for Swedish ships;
the text of the British reply to Catherine II regarding her declaration of an armed
neutrality; and Maj. Gen. Sir William Fawcett's efforts to raise troops in Ansbach
and Hanau (see to James Warren, 18 March, note 2; and from Edmund Jenings, 18 March, note 7, both above). The British response to Russia denied any past violations of the established
law of nations and promised to adhere to its dictates in the future. John Adams noted
that while the British statement was somewhat conciliatory, it did not address the
fundamental issue of whether Britain intended to establish real or only paper blockades.
Adams believed that, if Britain was forced to accept the Russian interpretation of
a blockade, it would put “an End forever, to the naval Superiority of G. Britain.”
RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 27–30). LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers). printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:660–663; extracts in various American newspapers, including the Pennsylvania Gazette of 27 Dec. 1780 and the Boston Gazette of 15 Jan. 1781.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0172
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-05-08
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 61
Paris, 8 May 1780. RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 19–22). LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers). printed:Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:652–656.
The letter, read in Congress on 20 Sept., opens with the text of a resolution by the
States General of Holland and West Friesland protesting the seizure of goods, particularly
ship building materials from Adm. Lodewijk van Bylandt's convoy in violation of the
existing Anglo-Dutch treaties, and demanding convoys to enforce the provisions of
the treaties. Next Adams inserted the text of a resolution of the States General intended
to insure that foreign vessels trading with the Dutch West Indies paid the required
duties to the Dutch West India Company and transported goods from the Indies solely
to ports in the Netherlands. He then included similar resolutions from the provinces
of Gelderland, Zeeland, and Friesland, which strongly supported Catherine II's declaration
of an armed neutrality. Adams closed by reporting talk in Holland of setting up an
embargo, and rumors that Britain was trying to get the Emperor to open the port of
Antwerp.
RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 19–22). LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers). printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:652–656.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0173
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-05-08
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 62
Paris, 8 May 1780. RC(PCC, No. 84, II, f. 23–26). LbC in John Thaxter's hand(Adams Papers). In the Letterbook this letter begins on the page following that of 11 May, numbered
64. printed:Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:656–660.
In this letter, read in Congress on 20 Sept., John Adams communicated the Spanish
declaration regarding its conduct toward neutral vessels that was dated 10 March and
issued on 13 March. Much of the declaration was devoted to the actions to be taken
by Spain toward neutral vessels passing through the Straits of Gibraltar, as part
of its effort to blockade the British fortress there, but the text also set down its
policy toward neutrals in the rest of the world. The declaration appeared to conform
to principles set down in the Russian declaration of an armed neutrality and Adams
prefaced his rendering of the text with the statement that “at the same time, that
the Conduct of Great Britain towards the { 287 } neutral powers, is marked by a Severity, that is without Example, that of France and
Spain, is distinguished by a Moderation and Liberality, that deserves to be imitated.”
Adams concluded with the caution that he had obtained many state documents from foreign
newspapers, but that the hasty translations sent to Congress might contain errors
when compared with the originals.
RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 23–26). LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers). In the Letterbook this letter begins on the page following that of 11 May, numbered
64. printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:656–660.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0174
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-08
From Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] Boston, May 8th. 17801
[salute] Dear Sir
I now put a letter of introduction into the hand of a son,2 who agreeable to your polite and friendly invitation waits on you on his first arrival
at Paris. I believe I may venture to say he is a youth, who, will by no part of his
conduct, disgrace the recommendations of the friend, or disappoint the expectations
of the parent. Yet whoever enters at an early period amidst a world of strangers,
ought to be well acquainted with himself, as well as the history of man, while he
traverses a stage, where art not nature reigns. Even thus guarded, without the aid
of experience, he may be liable to many inconveniences in a country, where politeness
assumes the air of friendship, where refinement is wrought up to the extreme of elegance,
and luxury digested into a systematical desire to please.
I am too well acquainted with your disposition, to think it necessary to ask your
philosophic hints, which united with his own good sense, I have no doubt will lead
him through with approbation.
I esteem myself very happy, in the full confidence of friendship with a gentleman,
at once so competent to advise, direct, and aid, and so ready to point the youthful
ardour of early years to that line of conduct which only can lead to happiness.
The views of this young gentleman whose felicity lies so near my heart, are chiefly
of a commercial nature. Yet properly improved by industry and observation it may be
a happy opportunity of qualifying for more extensive usefulness.
I have no idea that the morals of youth will suffer much by leaving Boston, for any
part of Europe; though once I should have trembled for the safety of a son, in the
morning of expectation, in the zenith of warm hope, stepping into the larger theatres
of luxury, business, and intrigue, but the change of manners in this country has brought
me to bid defiance to any disagreeable consequences from a change of place.
Maternal tenderness would lead out the mind to a thousand things { 288 } on this occasion, which civility to you, and an attention to your public avocations
forbid. Mr. Warren will write you more fully on this subject, and with regard to the
present situation of your beloved country he will not be negligent.
Baptists, Deists, Quakers, Priests, and Politicians, have laboured assiduously to
expunge all religious establishments in the new Constitution of Government.3 But I believe (spite of the whole group) the form of Godliness, will yet be kept
up among us, though it may have little influence on the moral character, at least
so long as our depreciating currency continues to deaden the nobler feelings of the
soul; and the easy acquisition of the means of luxury improves the taste for the most
expensive and enervating pleasures.
The celebrated Abbe Raynal has observed that “even among a free people, friends to
humanity, the thirst for money, the most cruel and tormenting of all passions, has
frequently given rise to a pernicious and destructive government.”4 But though the spirit of accumulation is rampant among us, and checks the desire
of improvements more agreeable to reason and nature, yet this baneful passion is not
the only danger that threatens an infant republic.
When the luxuries of Europe are adopted by a people, who push all their purposes with
a degree of enthusiasm characteristic of the North American, it must raise the taste
for elegance and the most refined pleasures to the highest pitch, and consequently
subvert every principle of that republican spirit which requires patience, probity,
industry, and self denial for its support, virtues, which already sit solitary in
our land; which vanity, ignorance, and supercilious folly, cloathed with the plumage
of sudden acquisition, tinctured with the crude opinions of the mimic Deist, thrust
forward the self important visage, and take the lead in the theory of religion and
government, in the adjustment of the ceremonies of the drawing room, or in the misteries
of the gaming table, and in the secret councels of the political cabinet.
But we have yet some virtues among us, and gratitude is none of the least. It was
remarkably displayed on the return of the Marquis La Fayette to this place.5 A general satisfaction was diffused through each countenance, and every expression
of respect manifested on his arrival. And while the heroic character of this accomplished
young nobleman, engages universal esteem and admiration, his easy manners, his affable
demeanor, and his polite address, win him the hearts of all who have the honour of
his acquaintance. Yet, when I hear him converse, I cannot but waft a sigh across the
Atlantic for his most { 289 } amiable lady, as well as for the many others who by the cruel necessity of the times
are obliged to suffer the interruption of domestic felicity.
But these may be the antiquated notions of the last century, which the polish of modern
days has rubbed to so briliant a standard that there are few who cannot be as happy
in the society of others as with those to whom they are connected by the strongest
tie. Yet, I am far from being singular; you have a friend at Braintree, that will
accede to every sentiment. I purpose to call on her in a few days, and if possible
prevail with her to go to Plymouth with me. I expect on my way to be entertained with
the perusal of some of your letters. When you recieve this, I shall have a claim as
usual on your politeness, and call for one in my own right.
My son does not propose to stay long in France, but he will open his own plans when
he has the honour of seeing you, who I am sensible will, even without an application
from me, do all that friendship and generosity dictate, to prevent his disappointment
in this tour—and to render his pursuits successful.
You will Sir, remember me with tenderness to my young friends Messieurs John and Charles;
then will I subscribe with every sentiment of respect, and esteem your obliged and
very Humble Servant
[signed] M Warren
Tr (MHi: Mercy Warren Letterbook). The Letterbook is not in Mercy Warren's hand and was done
years later from copies not now extant. Comparisons of recipient's copies of previous
Mercy Warren letters with the transcripts in the Letterbook have shown significant
differences. See, for example, Mercy Warren's letter of 15 Oct. 1778, descriptive note and notes 1, 2, 5, 6, and 8 (vol. 7:141–144). It is unlikely, therefore, that the present transcript is identical
to the lost recipient's copy.
1. The loss of this letter at sea (see note 2) led Mercy Warren to copy, with numerous
changes, its first five paragraphs into her letter of 15 Nov. to JA (below). There, however, she indicated that this letter was of 15 May. Whether this
was simply an inadvertence or indicates that the copy she used, as opposed to the
transcript printed here, was dated 15 rather than 8 May, is not known.
2. Winslow Warren sailed for Europe on the Massachusetts privateer Pallas in late June. The vessel, however, was soon captured and he did not reach England
until mid-November 1780 or meet with JA at Amsterdam until March 1781. Warren's capture resulted in the loss of a number
of letters, including this one, several from AA, and at least three from James Warren. For Winslow Warren's interrupted voyage and
the loss of the letters he carried, see his letter to AA, 26 May, and notes (Adams Family Correspondence, 3:358–360); and James Warren to JA, 12 Oct.; Thomas Digges to JA, 17 Nov. (both below). Mercy Warren also wrote to AA on 8 May regarding her son's imminent departure (Adams Papers). For that letter, see Adams Family Correspondence, 3:359.
3. This is a reference to the controversy over the inclusion of Art. III of the Declaration
of Rights in the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780. This article, not drafted by
JA, provided for the public support of religion and was vigorously debated at the convention.
It was also the object of numerous exchanges in the newspapers, with its most noted
opponent being the Baptist leader Isaac Backus. In the end the article was declared
ratified despite failing to receive the required two-thirds ma• { 290 } jority (vol. 8:231, 238, 262–263; Samuel Eliot Morison, “The Struggle over the Adoption of the Constitution of Massachusetts,
1780,” MHS, Procs., 50 (1916–1917):353–411; Ronald M. Peters Jr., The Massachusetts Constitution of 1780: A Social Compact, Amherst, 1978, p. 31–34, 81–87).
4. The source of this quotation from a work by Abbé Raynal remains unidentified.
5. Lafayette arrived at Boston on board the French frigate Hermione on 28 April and set off for Washington's camp at Morristown, N.J., on 2 May (Independent Chronicle, 4 May).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0175
Recipient: Genet, Edmé Jacques
Date: 1780-05-09
To Edmé Jacques Genet
[dateline] Paris May 9. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I thank you for your Note of yesterday and the Papers inclosed. The Proposals for
a general Pacification, by the Dean of Gloucester, whether they were written by him,
or another, were probably intended to feel the pulse, of France, or Spain, or America,
nay it is not impossible that they might be intended to Sound, So inconsiderable a
Portion of Existence as Mr. John Adams: but it must be Something rather more plausibly
written: Something a little more consonant to Reason, and to common Sense, which will
draw out of Mr. Adams, his sentiments on the great Work of Pacification, if ever he
should enter into any detail upon this subject, before general Conferences take place,
which he at present believes he shall not do.1
Concealing however my Name, you may take these few observations upon these Proposals.
1. England may be heartily sick of the imprudent Part she has taken.2 This Point I shall not dispute with the Dean of Gloucester. Yet I wish she would
give some better proofs of it, than she has done, hitherto. But of America, I can
Speak with Confidence and Certainty, and So far from being Sick of the part they have
taken, they look upon the past Madness of Great Britain, which has compelled them
to overcome all the Prejudices, and weak Passions, which heretofore bound them to
her, and to become independant as the greatest Blessing which Providence, ever bestowed
upon them from the first Plantation in the new World. They look upon it, that a Council
of the wisest statesmen and Legislators, consulting together on the best means of
rendering America, happy, free, and great, could not have discovered and digested
a system so perfectly adapted to that End, as the one which the folly and Wickedness
of Britain has contrived for them. They not only See and feel, and rejoice in the
<glorious> Amelioration of their Forms of Government, but in the Improvement of their Agriculture,
and their Manufactures, and in the discovery that all the Omnipotence of British Talents,
has not been able to { 291 } prevent their Commerce, which is opening and extending every year, as their Population
is increasing in the Midst of the War.
To suppose that France is Sick of the <War> the Part she has taken3 is to suppose her to be sick of that Conduct which has procured her more Respect
and Consideration in Europe than any step she ever took. It is to suppose her sick
of that system which enabled her to negotiate the Peace between Russia and the Ottoman
Port, as well as the Peace of Teschen:4 that system which has enabled her to unite in sentiment and affection all the maritime
Powers, even the United Provinces, in her favour and against England. It is to suppose
her sick of that system, which has broke off, from her rival and natural Ennemy, the
most solid Part of his Strength. A strength that had become So terrible to France
and would soon have been So fatal to her. I dont mean to enlarge.
As to the Propositions themselves it would be wasting time to consider them. Of all
the malicious Plans of the English against America, none has ever been more so than
this. Tis calculated only to make America the Sport of Britain, in future, to put
it in her Power, to be forever fomenting Quarrells and Wars. And I am well persuaded,
that America, would sooner vote for a <Thirty><Thousand> hundred Years War.5
I may be thought, again too sanguine. I have been too sanguine these twenty Years,
constantly <too> Sanguine: yet eternally right.
[salute] Adieu
[signed] John Adams
I dont see Captain Waters's Engagement yet in any <other> of the Papers.6 I would have sent it to England and Holland for Publication, if I had known it could
not be printed here.
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. Genet's note of 8 May (Adams Papers) enclosed peace proposals from an unidentified issue of the London General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer (from Genet, 11 May, below); they were also printed in the May issue of Gentleman's Magazine (50:221–222) under the heading of “Proposals for a General Pacification. By the Dean
of Gloucester.” For the specific proposals, which included the partition of America,
with Britain retaining the territory between the Connecticut and Delaware Rivers and
the land below North Carolina, and the cession of Gibraltar to Spain, see JA's letter of 9 May to the president of Congress (No. 62, below). Such proposals were being considered
in the spring of 1780 in the course of informal contacts between the British and French
governments (Morris, Peacemakers, p. 101–102).
Although JA's doubts as to whether the plan was by Josiah Tucker, dean of Gloucester, proved
groundless, they may have stemmed from the apparent variance of the specific proposals
made by Tucker from his previous writings. In both The True Interest of Great-Britain set forth in Regard to the Colonies (London, 1774; reprinted at Philadelphia in 1776, Evans, No. 15119) and Dispassionate Thoughts on the American War Addressed to Moderates of All Parties (London, 1780), Tucker had argued that it was in Britain's economic self-interest
to withdraw completely { 292 } from the colonies and give them the independence they so desired. Such action would
remove the expense of maintaining a colonial presence, but would not mean the loss
of the American markets or sources of raw materials, for even as independent states
the former colonies would be drawn economically to their former mother country. Tucker's
position in his pamphlets, therefore, does not seem dramatically different from Thomas
Pownall's in his Memorial or from JA's position in his reworking of Pownall's pamphlet (A Translation of Thomas Pownall's
Memorial, 19 April – [ca. 14 July], above).
2. In introducing the proposals, Tucker began “all the powers at war are heartily sick
of the imprudent parts they have taken.”
3. The preceding five words were interlined.
4. For the Treaty of Kutschuk-Kainardji (1774) and the Convention of Ainali-Kavak (1779),
and the Treaty of Teschen (1779), see vol. 8:index, under Treaties.
5. In a letter of 10 May (Adams Papers), Genet thanked JA for his observations on the peace proposals, but stated that he had decided not to
publish them so as to avoid the appearance of paying too much attention to the Dean
of Gloucester's “Agri Somnia.” That is, the empty visions of a sick man.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0176
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-05-09
To the President of Congress, No. 62
[dateline] Paris May 9. 1780
[salute] Sir
I have the Honour to inclose to Congress, Proposals for a general Pacification, by
the Dean of Gloucester.1
Proposed to the English, Americans, French and Spaniards, now at War.
1. That Great Britain Shall retain Newfoundland, with the Desert Coasts of Labradore,
also Canada Nova Scotia, and the Country bordering on the Bay of Fundy, as far as
the Bay and River of Penobscot.
2. That all the Country from the Penobscot River to the River Connecticut, containing
almost all the four populous provinces of New England, Shall be ceded to the Americans.
3. That all the Country from the Connecticut to the River Delaware, containing the
whole of New York Long Island, and the Jersies with Some parts of two other Provinces
indenting with them, shall return to Great Britain.
4. That all the Country from the Delaware to the Northern boundary of South Carolina,
containing the greatest part of Pennsylvania, all Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina,
shall be ceded to the Americans.
5. That all the Country from the Northern boundary of South Carolina to the extreme
point of the eastern Florida, containing three whole Provinces, shall be retained
by Great Britain.
6. That West Florida, chiefly barren Sand, and the Fortress of Gibralter (totally
useless) Shall be ceded to Spain, in order to Satisfy { 293 } the Punto2 of that nation, and that the Spaniards shall give Porto Rico in Exchange—an Island,
on which they seem to set no Value, and which indeed is of no Use to them, though
large in itself, Stored with good ports, well situated, and capable (in the Hands
of the English) of great Improvements.
7. Lastly that the English Shall give up the Conquests they have made on the French
in the East Indies who shall do the like to the English in the West Indies.
I shall make no Remarks upon this Plan. But there is no Englishman thinks of a wiser,
or at least who dares propose one. All who talk of Propositions, throw out something
as absurd, and idle as this, which will convince Congress that We shall have no Peace
for Sometime.
The French Armament which sailed from Brest the second of May, under the Command of
M. De Rochambeau of the Troops and M. de Ternay of the Fleet—and the Armament from
Cadiz of twelve ships of the Line besides Frigates and other armed Vessels, with Eleven
thousand five hundred Land Forces, with a fine Train of Artillery which were to sail
about the same time or earlier,3 both destined for America, as it is supposed, will I hope bring the English to think
of some Plan a little more rational.
[salute] I have the Honour to be, with great Regard, sir your most obedient servant,
[signed] John Adams
RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 35–36); endorsed: “No. 63 Letter from J Adams May 9. 1780 Read Sept
20 Dean of Glocester's plan of pacification.” LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “No. 62.”
2. That is, to satisfy Spanish honor.
3. The Spanish fleet commanded by Como. José Solano sailed from Cádiz on 28 April and
arrived at Guadaloupe on 9 June. Its twelve ships of the line convoyed 146 transports
and other vessels carrying 11,000 troops (Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 188–189).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0177-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-09
From Edmé Jacques Genet
[dateline] Ce 9. mai [1780]
J'ai l honneur de vous envoyer ci joint un Lond. Ev. post du 6. que je vous prie de
me renvoyer sur le champ. Je vous comuniquerai un London Courant où il y a un long
détail de la reception qui vous a été faite en Espagne.1
J'apprens par les gazettes que mr. le Cap. Paul Jones loge avec vous. Vous nous ferés
grand plaisir de nous l'amener dimanche.2 Ce sera { 294 } un jour très heureux pour moi et nous boirons a la prosperité et à la gloire des Etats
unis.
J'ai demandé des places pour vous et votre compagnie à la chapelle pour voir la Cérémonie.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0177-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-09
Edmé Jacques Genet to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] 9 May [1780]
I have the honor to send you enclosed a London Evening Post of 6 May, but I must ask you to return it immediately. I will send you a London Courant, containing a detailed account of your reception in Spain.1
I learn from the gazettes that Captain Paul Jones lodges with you. It would give us
great pleasure if you would bring him with you Sunday.2 That will be a most happy day for me and we will drink to the prosperity and glory
of the United States.
I have requested seats at the chapel for you and your party to watch the ceremony.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The report of JA's reception in Spain has not been found in the London Courant or any other London newspaper except the General Advertiser of 1 May. For the account and its publication, see JA's letter to Edmund Jenings of 19 April, and note 2 (above). In his letter of 10 May (Adams Papers), Genet indicated that if the account in the General Advertiser was correct, he would publish it in a future issue of the Mercure, and he did so in the issue of 27 May (“Journal Politique de Bruxelles,” p. 158–161).
See also JA's letter of 11 May to Genet (below).
2. This report that John Paul Jones resided with JA appeared in various London newspapers, including the London Chronicle of 6–9 May and the London Evening Post of 6–9 May, but actually Jones lived with Edward Bancroft at Passy (Morison, John Paul Jones, p. 275). In his letter of 8 May (Adams Papers), Genet had invited JA and his entourage to breakfast at Versailles on Sunday, 14 May, and afterwards to
witness the investiture of the Chevaliers du St. Esprit. JA described the ceremony in his letter of 15 May to AA (Adams Family Correspondence, 3:347).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0178-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-09
From De Kemtenstrauss and Others
[dateline] 9/5 1780
[salute] Monsieur
Une Societé de Gens aises a formé le Déssein d'établir une Colonie Dans les Etats
Unis de l'amerique Septentrionale, Offre qui ne tendrait qu'a donner de Nombreux,
de fideles d'utiles et Vertueux Sujets a cette puissante République; Guides par le
Désir de réaliser un Project si Sage et avantageux, et encoûrages par la Solidité
Du present offert, Les Membres de cette Societé osent s'addresser à Vôtre Excellence,
et la Supplier, De bien voûloir prendre ces Emigraux soûs sa haûte Protection et les
favoriser en leur faisant savoir s'ils peuvent être assurés d'obtenir Des Etats independans
et unis d'amèrique.
{ 295 } 1.) Une Entiere Liberté De Conscience.
2.) Un Mille géometrique quarré en friche dans une Coutrée temperee, fértile, et Salubre.
3.) La Joûissance de toûs les Priviléges accordes aux aûtres habitans des Etats unis.
4.) L'administration interieure de ses affaires Domestiques, sans l'Intervention d'une
Authorité législative quelquonque si non en Cas du Droit de Vie et de Mort.
De l'aûtre Coté toûs les Membres de la Colonie Susditte s'engagent â une Soûmission
inviolable et eternelle aux Loix generales et fondamentales de la République, qui
ne seront cependant pas immediatement opposes aû 1. 3. et 4. Des Articles cÿ dessus
marqués.
C'est dans l'Esperance d'être honnoré De Vôtre Excellence D'une Reponse prompte et
favorable sous l'addresse
à Monsieur Monsieur
De Kemtenstrauss—Chevalier Du St. Empire
Poste restante A Munie
par Strasboûrg
[salute] que la Societé réquerante reste avec un tres profound Respect Monsieur De Vôtre Excellence Les tres humbles et tres Obeissants Servitrs
[signed] Les Membres de la Societe réquerante1
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0178-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-09
De Kemtenstrauss to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] 9 May 1780
[salute] Sir
A society of well-to-do men has formed a plan to establish a colony in the United
States of North America, an offer which cannot fail to provide this powerful republic
with a number of loyal, useful, and virtuous subjects. Prompted by the desire to accomplish
such a wise and advantageous project, and encouraged by the soundness of the present
effort, the members of this society dare to address themselves to your excellency
and implore him, from his good will, to take these immigrants under his strong protection
and favor by informing them whether they can be assured of obtaining from the independent
and United States of America:
1. Complete freedom of conscience.
2. A square mile of fallow land in a temperate, fertile, and healthful country.
3. The enjoyment of all the privileges accorded to the other inhabitants of the United
States.
4. The internal conduct of domestic affairs without the intervention from a legislative
authority except only in the case of taxes or life and death.
{ 296 } On the other hand, all the members of the aforesaid colony pledge themselves to an
inviolable and eternal submission to the general and fundamental laws of the republic
insofar as they do not directly oppose 1, 3, and 4 of the articles indicated above.
It is in the hope of being honored by your excellency with a prompt and favorable
response addressed
à Monsieur Monsieur
De Kemtenstrauss—Chevalier Du St. Empire
Poste restante A Munie
par Strasboûrg
[salute] that the petitioning society remains with a very profound respect, sir, your excellency's very humble and very obedient servants.
[signed] The Members of the Petitioning Society1
RC (Adams Papers). Because of the way in which the date was written, the letter was filed and filmed
at 5 Nov. 1780 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 353).
1. No further information has been found regarding either De Kemtenstrauss or the society
of which he was a member, nor is it known whether the plan to establish a settlement
was realized, but see JA's reply of 10 June (below). A similar letter was written to Benjamin Franklin on this same date (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 2:311).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0179
Recipient: Genet, Edmé Jacques
Date: 1780-05-10
To Edmé Jacques Genet
[dateline] Paris May 10th 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I have communicated your Invitation to Commodore Jones.1 He will go to Versailles a Sunday, but I believe is engaged to dine. I will have
the Honor of waiting on You with Mr. Dana and Mr. Thaxter, on Sunday: but I believe,
it will be best to leave my little Sons, and give them another Opportunity of availing
themselves of your Goodness.
Sir John Dalrymple is at Madrid, and coming this Way, from Portugal, on Account of
his Lady's Health as it is given out.
The Slanderer of Algernon Sidney will do no good in Spain, France or any where else.2
Adieu
LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers).
2. For the report concerning Dalrymple, see letters from John Jay andWilliam Carmichael
of 26 and [ca. 26] April respectively (both above). JA's reference to Dalrymple as “the Slanderer of Algernon Sidney” stems from Dalrymple's
Memoirs of Great Britain and Ireland, From the Dissolution of the Last Parliament
of Charles II, Until the Sea-Battle off La Hogue, 2 vols., London, 1771–1773; a 3-volume edition published at Dublin in 1773 is in
JA's library at the Boston Public Library (Catalogue of JA's Library). There Dalrymple presented evidence implying that Sidney's revolutionary activities
were motivated in part by payments he received from France. Ardent whigs such as JA saw this as an effort to { 297 } blacken the reputation of their heroic precursor (Caroline Robbins, The Eighteenth Century Commonwealthman, N.Y., 1968, p. 46, 360).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0180
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-05-10
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 63
Paris, 10 May 1780. RC(PCC, No. 84, II, f. 39–40). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:668–669.
In this letter, read in Congress on 20 Sept., John Adams described Henry Grattan's
effort in the Irish House of Commons on 19 April to overthrow Poyning's Law (10 Hen.
7, ch. 22) and thus establish legislative independence for the Irish Parliament. Although
the attempt failed, Adams believed that popular support for the measure was so strong
“that no magistrate will venture to execute any Act of the English Parliament.” Adams
also provided extracts from two statutes, 4 Phil. & Mary, ch. 4 and 6 Geo. 1, ch.
5, which set down the meaning of Poyning's Law.
RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 39–40). printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:668–669.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0181
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-10
From William Lee
[dateline] Bruxelles. 10 May 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I have had the pleasure of receiving your favor of the 29th. Ultimo, since which the
Enemy have furnish'd us with such intelligence relative to affairs at Chas. Town and
New York as they choose to publish, but I understand in General, that they are very
greatly alarm'd for the very defenceless State in which N. York has been left and
the extreme doubtfulness of Clintons success in his attempt against Chas. Town. It
is tho't, that if the American Naval Force and Fort Sullivan can prevent the Enemies
Ships of War from approaching the Town, Clinton will be obliged to relinquish the
attempt; however the operations in the South must be concluded by this time, and if
Genl. Washington and the Eastern States are not alert in commencing their operations
against N. York, the Enemy may get back there before any thing effectual is done.
I shall be happy to hear that Monsr. Teirnay has not met with Graves and Walsingham,
as they all sail'd with the same wind; for the latter have nearly double Monsr. Teirnays
force in Ships of the Line.1 The British channel fleet for this year is reckon'd at 34 to 37 Ships of the Line,
but I think it very certain that they cannot have 30, if their first West India fleet
does not get home safe, without molestation as usual. I cannot conceive how a ship
of the line, a 50 Gun Ship and 5, or 6, Frigates cou'd be better employed than in
cruising pretty far in the Bay of Biscay and somewhat North [South?] of Cape Clear, to intercept the W. India Fleet.
We shall soon see whether there is any true metal left in England for after the late
proceedings in the H. of Commons and Lords, if { 298 } they continue quiet, I think all the world must allow, that their Liberties and the
popular part of their constitution are totally gone.
They talk, loudly every where of Peace with America, in the old foolish strain, on
condition of America uniting with them against F. and S.
When a whole People can talk so ridiculously, it is a decisive proof that they have
as little common sense, as common virtue and honesty among them, and nothing but some
hearty drubings can bring them to reason.
The Dutch it seems are not unanimous about the measures they ought to take; for the
Province of Zealand according to Custom, is somewhat restive. One would be apt to
think, these People were of a very mulish nature, that is the most apt to stand still,
the more they are kick'd and cuff'd. Surely Spain will exert its influence to prevail
on Portugal to shut her Ports against all Ships of War and arm'd vessels, of every
Nation, for under her present system of neutrality the Ports of Portugal are as advantagious
to our Enemies as most of the ports of G. Britain and infinitely more injurious to
the trade of Spain; while they are of no kind of use to France, Spain or America.
If Portugal will not agree to this, it seems to me that it would be proper in Congress,
as a prelude to more serious measures, to prohibit by a public resolution, any productions
of Portugal from being admitted or consum'd in any of the United States.2
I have the Honor to be Dr. Sir yrs. &c.
P.S. I fancy you know the Name of the Gentlemans Correspondent at the Hague, that
you wish to be informd of, because I beleive you correspond with the same person.3
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “M. Lee 10. May ansd 6 June” docketed by CFA: “Wm” between the “M.” and “Lee,” and “1780.”
2. Portugal's longstanding alliance with Britain, troubled relationship with Spain, and
treatment of American ships made it a continuing problem for American diplomacy. In
1776 Congress instructed its Commissioners to propose an alliance with France and
Spain that included an American declaration of war against Portugal, but nothing came
from the offer. The need to resolve differences remained, however, and in June 1780,
John Jay was instructed to make overtures to Portugal to ascertain whether an amicable
settlement might be achieved (Bemis, Diplomacy of the Amer. Revolution, p. 52–53; JCC, 6:1057; 17: 542).
3. This was C. W. F. Dumas. Although Dumas corresponded with the American Commissioners
at Paris while JA served as a Commissioner in 1778 and 1779, the two men had not yet begun a personal
correspondence, but see JA's letter to Dumas of 21 May, note 2, and his reply to Lee of 6 June, note 2 (both below).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0182-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-10
From the Comte de Vergennes
[dateline] A Versailles le 10. may 1780
Je vous dois des remerciemens, Monsieur, pour les differentes communications que vous
avez bien voulu me faire.1 Si les notions que renferme la lettre qui vous a êté confiée, Sont exactes, vous
ne devez pas tarder à en avoir la preuve, et dans ce cas il faudra voir quelles ouvertures
on jugera à propos de vous faire. Je pense que vous ne devez point refuser de les
entendre.
[salute] J'ai l'honneur d'etre très parfaitement, Monsieur, votre très humble et très obeissant Serviteur
[signed] De Vergennes
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0182-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-10
The Comte de Vergennes to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Versailles, 10 May 1780
I must thank you, sir, for the various communications you have been kind enough to
send me.1 If the information contained in the letter sent to you proves accurate, you will,
no doubt, shortly receive further proof, and if so, we would have to examine the offers
they deem appropriate to make to you. I believe you should not refuse to hear them
out.
[salute] I have the honor to be very perfectly, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant.
[signed] De Vergennes
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Vergennes is almost certainly referring to JA's letters of 1 and 5 May (Arch. Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. Pol., E.-U., vol. 12). For the enclosures contained in the former, see JA's letter of 3 May to Jeremiah Allen, and note 2 (above). The letter of the 5th contained an extract (not found) from Thomas Digges'
letter of 28 April (and note 10, above). For JA's opinion of possible overtures from the British government alluded to in Digges'
letter, see his reply to Vergennes of 12 May (below).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0183
Recipient: Genet, Edmé Jacques
Date: 1780-05-11
To Edmé Jacques Genet
[dateline] Paris May 11th. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I have just recieved your Card of the 10th.1 I agree with You that the Dean's propositions are too absurd to be noticed.
As to the History of my peregrinations in Spain,2 and I find it is true as far as it goes; altho' the half is not told, excepting in
the following particulars. They have called the American Agent at Corunna, Mr. Laurens,
whereas his Name is Mr. Lagoanere. They have called, the first Justice of the Grand
Audience “the Rixent,” Whereas they should have called him the Regent. It is moreover
said that the { 300 } Gentlemen dined frequently with the Vice Roy, which is not exactly true—they dined
with him but once.
In every other punctilio, this Narration is true, and far from being exaggerated.
I had indeed, my dear Sir, as much Reason, to be pleased with the good Will and Affection
of the Spaniards, as I had to be mortified, at the Inconvenience of travelling in
their Country and the bad Accommodations upon the Roads.
This Relation shews the Benevolence of Spain on one hand, and the Gratitude of America
on the other; and consequently the excellent disposition in both to maintain the new
Connection: it has consequently a Tendency to put the English into a proper Temper
of Repentance of their folly and their Crimes—a Temper to which they must be brought,
before they will make Peace. For this Reason I wish to see it as public as possible
and consecrated to Immortality in your Mercury.
LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers).
2. The critique is of the version printed in the General Advertiser of 1 May. For JA's original account, see his letter of 19 April to Edmund Jenings, and note 2 (above). It is notable that Genet was apparently unaware that JA was the source of the account and that JA did not inform him of the fact in this letter. See Genet's letters of 9 May (above) and 10 May (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0184
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-05-11
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 64
Paris, 11 May 1780. RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 43–45). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:670–671.
In this letter, read in Congress on 20 Sept., John Adams sent the text of three motions
respecting the American war proposed by David Hartley in a speech to the House of
Commons on 1 May. For the speech and Hartley's motions, see Thomas Digges' letter
of 2 May, and note 7 (above). Adams concluded his letter with a reference to Gen. Henry Seymour Conway's
subsequent announcement that on 2 May he would lay before the House a bill to establish
“the foundations of a Treaty of Peace and Reconciliation” with America.
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 43–45). printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:670–671.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0185-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-11
From Edmé Jacques Genet
[dateline] Ce 11. [mai 1780]
Nous serions bien fachés, Monsieur de ne pas avoir dimanche the young gentlemen. C'est un jour fait pour eux, puis qu'il y a une { 301 } cérémonie1 qui ne se repete pas souvent, et j'ai pris les précautions nécessaires pour qu'ils
la voyent à leur aise. Nous les attendons et nous vous Supplions de ne point tromper
notre attente. Le Commodore Jones nous fera sûrement lhoneur d'accepter le break fast chez nous. J'y aura de bon Thé qui n'a point été taxé par l'angleterre. Le commodore
vous accompagnera à la chapelle pour voir la cérémonie et vous serés tous bien placés.
J'espere bien que les young gentlemen viendront encore plus d'une fois, car il ne faut pas pretendre que tout se voit ici
en un jour. Mais celui de dimanche is a Special one.
Je connois Sir J. Dalrymple; Et je puis vous assurer, qu'on ne Sera plus aussi complaisant
ici pour lui qu'on l'a été dans d'autres tems. Ceux qui depuis lui ont demandé les
mêmes faveurs n'y ont pas été bien reçues.
Vous êtes bien le maitre d'envoyer au Congrez les propositions du Doyen:2 Elles Sont tirées du general advertiser, which I reckon to be ministerialist
[signed] Genet
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0185-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-11
Edmé Jacques Genet to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] 11 [May 1780]
[salute] Dear Sir
We would be most unhappy not to see the young gentlemen Sunday. It is a day made for them since the ceremony1 is not repeated often, and I have taken the necessary steps so that they can see
it comfortably. We are expecting them and beg you not to disappoint us. Commodore
Jones will surely honor us by accepting our invitation to breakfast. I will serve good tea which has not been taxed by England. The Commodore will accompany
us to the chapel to see the ceremony and you will all be well placed. I hope that
the young gentlemen will repeat their visit, for one cannot hope to see everything in one day. But this
Sunday is a special one.
I know Sir John Dalrymple; and can assure you that he will not be as well treated
here as he has been in the past. Those who since then have asked him for the same
favors have not been well received.
You are perfectly welcome to send to Congress the Dean's proposals:2 they were taken from the General Advertiser, which I reckon to be ministerialist.
[signed] Genet
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “M. J. Adams hotel de Valois rue de Richelieu a Paris.”
1. The investiture of the Chevaliers du St. Esprit held on 14 May.
2. In a note of [ca. 9 May] (Private owner, 1957), JA requested permission to send alleged proposals of the Dean of Gloucester to Congress.
See JA's letter of 9 May to the president of Congress, No. 62 (above).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0186
Recipient: Carmichael, William
Date: 1780-05-12
To William Carmichael
[dateline] Paris May 12 1780
[salute] Sir
I had, two days ago the favour of yours without a date,1 and thank you for the History of Sir John Dalrimple, whose Memoires2 would be sufficient to put me upon my guard, if I knew no more of him. He has seen
the Imperial Ambassador. Pray, do you discover any of the Sentiments of the Austrian
Family where you are. The old Rivalry, between that and Bourbon, the old Friendship
and alliance with England. The new Ecclat and Power of an old Ennemy, and the declining
forces of an old Friend, are circumstances that cannot escape the Notice, of the Sensible
and aspiring Chief of that great House. The family alliance with France, is a lucky
Circumstance at this time.3
I have received a few Journals, by the Way of Amsterdam.4 Young Coll Laurens has refused to come to Europe, I Suppose Smitten with the Charms
of military Glory, and foreseeing the War was turning to his Town. You will See in
the public papers before this reaches you all the News from America. We are waiting,
with no Small Anxiety, the Arrival of News from Charlestown.
De Ternay Sailed the Second, and We hope Soon to have the News that the Armament from
Cadiz, is Sailed. De Rochambeau is too weak wherever he is gone. He should have had
more <Men> Force. The Spanish Force is very great. But, would it not be better Policy, both
for France and Spain to send more ships and fewer Troops. The British Possessions
in America, both upon the Continent and the Islands, depend upon the Sea for their
Existence. According to the Bull in the English Play,5 the strongest Ground, or the only Ground they Stand upon is the Ocean. By a decided
Superiority of naval force, upon the American Coasts and among the Islands, under
active, vigilant and enterprizing Commanders, who will not think it beneath them to
cruise for and watch the motions of transports and Merchantmen, the trade of America
and the Islands would flourish, and the Supplies of the English totally cutt off.
A few, french or Spanish Men of War, cruising in the Mass. Bay. A few more lying at
anchor in the Harbour of Rhode Island and cruising occasionally, a few more lying
in the mouth of the Delaware, a few more in Cheasapeak Bay—Say 3 ships and three frigates
in each. This would make 12 ships of the Line and twelve frigates. These would, by
cruising themselves occasionally and giving full scope to our privateers, more { 303 } certainly ruin the British Power <in America>, than four times that force in Europe. But Suppose there was only one ship of the
Line and two Frigates Stationed in each. This would be only 4 ships and 8 frigates.
These would either totally destroy the british Army, in America, by starving it, or
compell the English to keep more than double their number in the North American station.
This would weaken them so much in the W. I. Islands that the french and Spanish Forces
there, would do whatever they pleased.
I know not the Reason of it, but the English dont seem to take Spain into their Account
at all. They make their calculations, to equal or exceed the french a little, but
reckon the Spaniards for nothing. A very little Activity on the part of these, would
terrify the English beyond Measure. I suppose, but it is only conjecture that the
Floridas are the Object of the Force from Cadiz. Gibralter occupies another immense
force. These forces however, or the amount of their Expences, employed, in the American
seas and kept constantly in Motion, would more certainly ruin the whole British Power,
and consequently more certainly obtain the Floridas Gibralter or whatever else is
desired of, than direct Attacks upon these Places. Attacking these places is endeavouring
to lop of single Limbs, securing the Dominion of the American Seas, is laying the
Ax to the Root of the Tree. But enough of my small Politicks. Adieu.
LbC (Adams Papers); notation: “<Mr> The Honourable Wm. Charmichael Secretary, to the American <Commission> Legation at Madrid.”
1. [Ca. 26 April] (above).
4. On 10 May JA had received American newspapers, congressional journals, and AA's letter of 26 Feb. (Adams Family Correspondence, 3:281–283) by way of Amsterdam. He sent the newspapers and journals to Vergennes
under cover of a letter of 11 May (Arch. Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. Pol., E.-U., vol. 12), to which Vergennes replied later the same day (Adams Papers).
5. Probably a reference to John Arbuthnot's The History of John Bull, 5 vols., London, 1712, much of which was in the form of a dialogue.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0187
Recipient: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de
Date: 1780-05-12
To the Comte de Vergennes
[dateline] Paris May 12th. 17801
[salute] Sir
I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write me on the 10th. of
this month. Altho' the writer of the letter, an extract of which I had the honor to
enclose to you,2 may be right in his conjecture that the British Administration wish to know more
than they do at present of3 my sentiments upon the great subject of a { 304 } pacification, yet I have had too long experience of their principles views and tempers,
and I know that they are too well acquainted with mine, for me to expect that they
will directly convey any propositions to me. When we hear them affirm in Parliament
that America is upon the point of returning to an Allegiance to the King of England;
and that they seriously believe America will return to such an Allegiance: When the
Members of opposition, even those who are most inclined to peace, such as Mr. Hartley,
General Conway &c. discover plainly by their motions and arguments, that their object
is a seperate peace with America, in order to be the better able to gratify their
revenge against France and Spain, I can have no expectations that they think of applying
to me, because I think they must be convinced of this at least that I shall make no
seperate peace.4
I thank your Excellency however, for your sentiments, that I ought to hear them, in
case any overtures shou'd be made to me; I shou'd in such a case endeavour to hear
them with decency and respect, but it wou'd require much Philosophy to hear with patience
such absurd and extravagant propositions as are published in pamphlets and News-papers,
and made in Parliament, even by the Members of Opposition who profess to be most zealous
for Peace.5
Our Alliance with France is an honor and a security, which have ever been near my
heart. After reflecting long upon the geographical situation of the old world and
the new, upon the agriculture, commerce, and political relations [of] both; upon the connections and oppositions among the Nations of the former, and the
mutual wants and Inter[ests] of both, according to such imperfect lights as I was able [to] obtain; the result has long since been this, that my Country in case she shou'd once
be compelled to break off from Great-Britain, wou'd have more just reasons to depend
upon a reciprocity of good offices of Friendship from France, Spain, and the other
Sovereigns who are usually in their system; than upon those in the opposite scale
[of] the ballance of Power. I have ever thought it therefore a natural Alliance, and contended
for it as a Rock of Defence. This object I pursued in Congress with persevering assiduity,
for more than a year, in opposition to other Gentlemen of much greater Name and Abilities
than mine, and had at length the satisfaction to find my Countrymen very generally
to fall into the same sentiment, and the honour to be appointed to draw the first
Treaty which was sent to this Court.6 These facts have been well known in America even to the Tories, and the utility and
importance of this Alliance being known to be deeply imprinted on my mind and heart,
I suppose was a principal cause { 305 } why the present Trust was confided to me by my Countrymen.7 These facts, altho' they may have been unknown in France, yet having been well known
to the Tories in America, I cannot suppose they are ignorant of them at the Court
of St. James'. I therefore think that neither Administration nor Opposition in England,
will ever think of applying to me, untill they are brought into such a situation as
shall compel them to sue for peace with all the Powers at War; which to be sure does
not appear to be the case at present, nor likely to be; at least before the end of
this Campaign, nor then neither, without some notable good fortune on the part of
the Allies in the progress of the War. I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect
Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble Servant
[signed] John Adams
RC in Francis Dana's hand (Arch. Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. Pol., E.-U., vol. 12); endorsed at the top of the
first page: “18 Mai” and “Reçu.” LbC (Adams Papers). Bracketed material is supplied from the LbC. This is the first letter for which Francis Dana acted as JA's secretary. It may indicate that Dana played a significant part, as he did later
with JA's letter of 22 June to Vergennes (below), in revising the Letterbook copy.
1. The differences between the recipient and Letterbook copies of this letter are striking.
In the Letterbook, JA took considerable pains to allay Vergennes' apprehensions about the conduct of his
mission, while leaving his options open. Before JA's revisions (see notes 4 and 5) the Letterbook text contained a clear commitment
to refuse any British offer of a separate peace. JA stated that his instructions permitted him only to participate in negotiations for
a general peace. He also declared that his attachment to the Franco-American alliance
was such that whatever efforts he might make to achieve a peace, he would do nothing
to undermine the alliance. The recipient's copy, however, does not clearly define
the scope of JA's powers, nor does it declare the alliance to be sacred under any and all conditions.
Here JA does not commit himself to reject automatically a settlement that recognized American
independence and satisfied the other parts of his instructions, but which amounted
to a separate peace.
This letter played an important role in the evolution of JA's thinking in regard to the exercise of his powers and the nature of the peace settlement
that he might negotiate. It should be compared with his letters of 17 and 26 July to Vergennes (both below), and considered also in light of his later efforts
to publish his revision of Pownall's Memorial, and the “Letters from a Distinguished American” (A Translation of Thomas Pownall's
Memorial, 19 April – [ca. 14 July], above; “Letters from a Distinguished American,” [ante 14–22 July], below), both of which indicated an inclination, had acceptable terms been offered,
toward the conclusion of a separate peace.
2. Vergennes' letter of 10 May (above) was a reply to JA's of the 5th (Arch. Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. Pol., E.-U., vol. 12), in which he had enclosed an extract from Thomas Digges' letter
of 28 April (above).
3. In the Letterbook the preceding seven words are interlined.
4. In the Letterbook this paragraph concludes with the following canceled sentence: “In
Truth my Powers are to join in a general Pacification and I have no Authority to make
a particular one.”
“Of one thing your Excellency, may be assured, that no overtures have as yet been
made to me, So whenever any shall, if indeed that should ever happen I shall communicate
them without Loss of Time, and without Pretense to you.
“Our Alliance with France is <a Benefit> an Honour and a Security, which I have ever had near my Heart. After reflecting as
maturely as I could, for twenty Years, upon the geographical situation of the two
Worlds, upon the Ag• { 306 } | view riculture and Commerce, of both as well as their political Relations, upon the political
Connections and oppositions among the powers of Europe, the Result of the whole has
long been this, that my Country in case she should once be compelled to break off
from Great Britain, would forever after have more just reason to depend upon a Reciprocity
of the good offices of Friendship from France and Spain, and the Nations who are usually
in their system, than upon the opposite Scale, of the Ballance of Power. I have ever
thought it therefore a natural Alliance, and have contended for it as a rock of defence.
I may be excused upon this occasion if I open my sentiments to your Excellency a little
more and inform you that I had the Honour to pursue this object in Congress, for more
than a Year, with constant attention and assiduity, <and for a great Part of the Time> in opposition to other Gentlemen of much greater Name and abilities than mine, that
I had at last the good fortune to carry this point and to be the Person who drew the
Treaty which was first sent to the Court of Versailles. I take the Liberty to mention
these facts to your Excellency, in order to shew that our Alliance is a Point, that
I shall never injure, that I have just Ideas of its Importance, and that <I believe this to have been a principal that> it is <perfectly> well known in America that these Ideas are deeply imprinted on my mind and Heart
which was probably, the true Cause, why Congress thought proper to confer upon me,
my present Commission. I have the Honour to be, with great Respect, your excellencys,
most obedient and humble servant.”
6. JA's description of his efforts on behalf of a treaty with France in this and the following
two sentences should be compared with those in the Editorial Note to the Treaty Plan of 1776 (vol. 4:260–265) and JA's letter to Edmund Jenings of 18 July (below).
7. In the Letterbook this sentence ended the paragraph. The following sentence, the first
of a new paragraph, originally read “These Facts having been known to the Tories in
America, altho they may have been unknown in.”
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0188
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-12
From Francis Bowens
[dateline] Ostende the 12 May 1780
[salute] Gentleman
I am honourd with your allways respectable Letter of the 5 Instant. The little Box
you mention and markd 'A' wich Mr. Digges of London has send me, was handed in good Condition a few Days ago,
and as pampletts, Books and all such goods are admitted in french without any Difficulty.
I have forward sayd Box the Day by a Carriage for Lille and have recommand to my Correspondant
of the sayd Town Mr. Augs. Le Sage1 who will take the particularist Care for and forward to you by the Diligence.2 The little expences and Charges I have pay'd, will be put on Account of Mr. Digges.
You may be persuaded Gentleman that I schall take allways the greatest Care possible
for all Kinds of Articles you schould send to my Care, and that all your Orders will
be follow'd with all the prudence and secrecy possible.
I schall be certainly Gentleman very flatterd in receiving your Orders and will be
happy if you will grant me your protection and confiance.3 I will give you in all Occasion, proofs of the greatest regard and respect with wich
I remain, Gentleman! Your most humble & obedient Servant
[signed] F Bowens
RC (Adams Papers).
1. JA received Bowens' letter on 16 May; on the 18th he wrote to Le Sage asking him to
send the package as quickly as possible (LbC, Adams Papers). On 12 June, in response to a letter from Le Sage of 11 May (not found), JA sent an aquit de caution or customs house bond for the box (LbC, Adams Papers).
2. The “Diligence” was an express stagecoach (OED). On the next to last page of his Letterbook No. 8 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 96), JA wrote “Bureau du dilligence de Lille Ruë St. Dennis. au grand cerf.”
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0189
Recipient: Digges, Thomas
Date: 1780-05-13
To Thomas Digges
[dateline] May 13 [1780]
I have to acknowledge, one of 14 Ap. and one 2d. May. The Parcells, have not yet seen
nor heard of.1 You may Stop the London Evg. and the London Packet for the future, but send on the
courant if you please. Have not yet received, the debate upon C[onway]s motion. I have seen the paper and read the debate.2 It is the scene of the Goddess in the Dunciad reading Blackmore to her Children.3 The Commons are yawning, while the Ministry and Clinton, are cementing the Union
of America, by the blood of every Province, and binding all to their Allies, By compelling
them to shed theirs. All is well that ends well. These wise folk are giving F. and
S. a Consideration in Europe too, that they had not, and are throwing away their own
as nothing worth. Sweden and Denmark, are in the Same System with Russia and Holland.
Indeed if the Ministry, had only common Information, they would have known that this
Combination of the maritime powers, has been forming these 18 Months, and was nearly
as well agreed a year ago as it is now. But when a Nation is once, fundamentally wrong,
thus it is. Internal Policy, external defence, foreign negotiations, all go away to
gether. The bad Consequences of a Principle essentially Wrong, are infinite. The Minority,
mean only to try if they can make peace with America Separately, in order to revenge
themselves, as they think they can upon F. and S., but this is as wrong and as absurd,
and impracticable as the plans of the ministry. All Schemes for reconciliation with
America short of Independance, and all plans for Peace with America, allowing her
Independance, Seperate from her allies, are visionary, and delusive, disingenuous,
corrupt and wicked. America has taken her equal Station, and she will behave with
as much honour, as any of the nations of the Earth.4 To Say that the Americans are upon the Poise, are ballancing, and will return to
their Allegiance to the King of England, is as wild as bedlam. If Witnesses cannot
be believed, why dont they believe the nature of things. Ask the Newspapers, which
are so free, { 308 } that nothing is Spared, Congress, and every body is attacked. Yet never a Single paragraph,
even hinting in the most distant manner, a wish to return. Ask the Town meetings.
Those assemblies which dared readily enough, to think as they pleased and say what
they would, dared attack the King, Lords Commons, Governors, Councils, Representatives,
Judges and whole armies, under the old Government, and that attack, every body and
every thing that displeases them of this day. Not one Vote, not one Instruction to
a Representative, not one Motion, nor so much as one Single Speach, in favour of returning
to the Leeks of Egypt.5 Ask the grand and petit Juries, who dared to tell the Judges to their faces, they
were corrupted, and that they would not serve under them because they had betrayed
and overturn'd the Constitution.6 Not a single Juror, has ever whispered a Wish to return after being washed7 to their wallowing in the mire. The Refugees you mention never did know the Character
of the American people, but they knew it now less than ever. They have been long away.
The Americans of this day, have higher notions of themselves than ever. They think,
they have gone through the greatest Revolution that ever took Place among Men, that
this revolution is as much for the benefit of the generality of Mankind in Europe,
as for their own. They think they should act a base and perfidious part towards the
World in general, if they were to go back, that they should manifestly counteract
the designs of providence, as well as betray themselves, their posterity and mankind.
The English manifestly think Mankind and the World made for their Use. Americans dont
think so. But why proceed. Time alone can convince.
[salute] Adieu
[signed] F. R. S.8
LbC (Adams Papers); directed to: “W: S. Church Nandos Coffee house fleet street.”
1. See Francis Bowens' letter of 12 May (above).
2. In this and the previous sentence JA probably means that he has read the newspaper account of the debate of 1 May in which
David Hartley and Henry Seymour Conway indicated their intention to introduce motions
for ending the American war, but has not seen the debate over Conway's motion which
took place on 5 May. See Digges' letter of 2 May, and note 7 (above).
3. JA alludes to Alexander Pope's Dunciad, most likely to bk. 2, lines 368–370, where the goddess of Dullness states:
I weigh what author's heaviness prevails; Which most conduce to soothe the soul in
slumbers,
My Henley's periods, or my Blackmore's numbers.
John Henley, known as “Orator Henley,” wrote church oratory, theology, and grammars;
while Sir Richard Blackmore was noted for his voluminous epic and heroic poems (DNB).
4. Although textually similar to the first sentence of the Declaration of Independence,
this sentence, here slightly expanded, is from Thomas Pownall's Memorial. There it appears { 309 } on pages 4 and 67, and was retained by JA in his Translation (A Translation of Thomas Pownall's Memorial, 19 April – [ca. 14 July], above).
6. In 1773 and 1774 Massachusetts was torn by controversy over the independence of judges,
leading the House of Representatives to seek the impeachment of Chief Justice Peter
Oliver. Then, and later as government under the charter broke down and was replaced
by nothing of equivalent authority, juries refused to permit the courts to function
under conditions thought to be of doubtful constitutionality. For these events, and
JA's leading role in them, see vols. 1:252–309; 2:7–17; 4:184, 186, 222–225.
7. The preceding three words were interlined.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0190
Recipient: Jay, John
Date: 1780-05-13
To John Jay
[dateline] Paris May 13th. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I had two days ago the pleasure of yours of the 26th. of April, and am very happy,
to have at least1 recieved from your Hand an Account of your safe Arrival in that Capital.
The C. de F. Blanca, is agreed to be a Man of Abilities, but somehow or other, there
is something in the European Understanding different from those We have been more
used to. Men of the greatest Abilities, and the most Experience, are with great difficulty
brought to see, what appears to Us, as clear as day. It is habit, it is education,
prejudice, what You will, but so it is. I can state a very short Argument, that appears
to me a demonstration, upon French and Spanish Principles, alone, that it is more
for their Interest, to employ their naval force in America than in Europe, yet it
is in vain that You state this to a Minister of State, he cannot see it, or feel it,
at least in its full force, and until the proper point of Time is past and it is too
late. So I think it may be demonstrated, that it is the Interest of France and Spain
to furnish America with an handsome Loan of Money, or even to grant them Subsidies,
because a Sum of Money thus expended would advance the Common Cause, and even their
particular Interests, by enabling the Americans to make greater Exertions, than the
same Sums employed any other Way. But it is in vain to reason in this manner, with
an European Minister of State. He cannot understand You. It is not within the Compass
of those Ideas that he has been accustomed to.
I am happy however that at length we have a Minister at Madrid. I am persuaded that
this will contribute vastly to opening the Eyes both of France and Spain. I shall
be obliged to You for Intelligence, especially concerning your progress in your Affair.
[salute] I am with much Esteem, dear Sir, your Servant.
[signed] John Adams
RC in John Thaxter's hand (NNC: John Jay Papers); endorsed: “Jno. Adams 13 May 1780 Recd. 29 Inst.” LbC (Adams Papers).
1. In the Letterbook the word is “last.”
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0191
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1780-05-13
This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the paragraph beginning "Printed."
To the President of Congress, No. 66
Paris, 13 May 1780. RC(PCC, No. 84, II, f. 47–49). LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “NB. May 16th 1780. This day delivered to the Chevr. la Colombe
Nos. 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, & 66—also three packets of News papers.” printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:674–676.
This letter, read in Congress on 20 Sept., opens with a translation of the official
French reply to Catherine II's declaration of an armed neutrality. France declared
its support for the principles set down in the Russian initiative, while noting that
existing French maritime regulations, based as they were on the law of nations, offered
few obstacles to neutral trade. According to Adams, the French declaration's “Simplicity,
Openness, Sincerity, and Truth” was in “striking Contrast to the Dissimulation and
Insincerity” of the corresponding British reply of 23 April, which he inserted in
his letter of 8 May to the president of Congress (No. 60, calendared above). In a
postscript, Adams sent a translation of a Copenhagen newspaper account of 29 April,
which reported the arrival of couriers from St. Petersburg, the rumored accession
of Denmark to the armed neutrality, and the outfitting of two Danish ships of the
line. Finally, Adams included an extract from the instructions of 19 April to British
warships and privateers. A direct result of the Order in Council of 17 April suspending
the Anglo-Dutch treaties (to the president of Congress, 28 April, No. 54, calendared
above), they authorized the seizure of Dutch ships carrying enemy goods and merchandise
designated as contraband under the strict law of nations; that is the law as it applied
to nations with no treaty connection. Adams noted that the British had already seized
five vessels under this new order.
RC (PCC, No. 84, II, f. 47–49). LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers); notation by Thaxter: “NB. May 16th 1780. This day delivered to the Chevr. la Colombe
Nos. 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, & 66—also three packets of News papers.” printed: (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:674–676.)
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0192
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1780-05-13
From Joseph Gardoqui & Sons
[dateline] Bilbao 13th. May 17801
[salute] Sir
Last night arriv'd safe the Packett Active Capt. Corbin Barnes belonging to the Navy
Board Eastern Department from Boston and New London, by whom have received the enclos'd
letters for your good self and the rest of the Gentlemen to whom pray our complements.2
Capt. C. Barnes putt into Coruna about 10. days ago, and we hear he putt some letters
in that post office, but as he is not come ashore as yet we cant ynform you who they
were for. We are sorry that another Brig belonging to the same Board that sailed the
22d. Jany has not been hear'd of on this side.3
{ 311 } The Active is to return with sundry articles for the navy, but as we also sent letters
to the Honble. John Jay Esqr. we dont Know whether he will have occassion to detain
her, otherwise will soon be dispatch'd. Said Gentleman is well at Aranjuez and has
already taken up a house at Madrid, so sincerely wish that every thing may prosper.
Capt. Trash sailed in company with a 20. gun privateer, so hope he will gett along
safe, but time does not permitt us to send you the Invoices of what shipp'd on your
Account4 and that of our good freind the Honble F. Dana Esqr. to whom pray our complements
and being what present haste permits subscrive respectfully Sir Your most Obt. Hble
servts.
[signed] Joseph Gardoqui & Sons
RC (Adams Papers).
1. This is the first extant letter from Gardoqui & Sons since that of 15 March (above), although letters by JA of 14 and 18 May (both LbC's, Adams Papers) indicate that he also received letters from the firm dated 8 April and 6 May. The
latter probably arrived on 17 May and enclosed letters from AA to JA of 1 March and to JQA and John Thaxter of 2 March (Adams Family Correspondence, 3:292–294, 351–353). JA had last written to Gardoqui & Sons on 16 March (LbC, Adams Papers) to request that they keep him informed of the arrival of vessels from America and
news of John Jay and William Carmichael.
3. In his reply of 25 May (LbC, Adams Papers), JA indicated that this vessel, carrying Jonathan Loring Austin, had been captured. Thomas
Digges' letter of 14 April (above) identifies it as the Zephyr, but states that it sailed on the 29th.
4. In his letter of 14 May, JA requested that Gardoqui & Sons send no more merchandise to America until they received
further word from him, but in a letter of 18 May, which was probably not sent, he
urged them to send a triplicate order by the first means possible. For the action
taken by the firm, see their letter of 10 June (below).
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0193
Recipient: Bondfield, John
Date: 1780-05-14
To John Bondfield
[dateline] Paris May 14. 1780
[salute] Sir
Yours of 6 May, from Bourdeaux, I have received. The Negotiations on foot among the
maritime neutral powers, are very favourable to America and her Allies, and they ought
to convince England, a Posteriori, of which a very simple Proscess of Reasoning a
Priori, might have made clear to them, many years ago, on it, that it is the Interest
of all the Maritime Powers, to Secure the Independance of America, and to reduce the
dangerous Domination of Great Britain upon the seas. But they think all Mankind made
for their Use, and that there is no Providence, for any other nation. Quite as selfish
and as blind as the Jews, there is no present probability of their opening their Eyes
to their true Interest, and safety.
The News however which both they and the french, have received { 312 } from the West Indies, is very discouraging to them. Piquet, has not suffered Parker
and Rowley, to get any Advantage of him. He has run about the seas there as he pleased
in Spight of them. Has fought with inferiour force, and got the better, tho wounded.
He has protected his Convoys. Guichen is arrived. The English Expedition is disconcerted,
and the Utmost terror Spread thro all their Islands,1 and Clinton on 29 March had not Charlstown. The french and Spanish Armament will
thicken the Plot, and compleat their confusion. This will give additional Spirits
to the maritime Powers, to Ireland, to the Committees and Associations in England,
and if not produce Peace, make the War easy to the Ennemies of Britain.
I know how to pity, Mr. Lee and Mr. Izard, because I know by Experience a little of
the feelings.2 I underwent a similar operation last year, for a longer time. I bore it with as much
Patience and Philosophy as I could. But every body will not always bear.
My wine is not yet come.3 I am, sir, your obliged humble servt.
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. Rear Adm. Sir Hyde Parker, with Rear Adm. Sir Joshua Rowley as second in command,
commanded the Leeward Islands station between the departure of Vice Adm. John Byron
in Aug. 1779 and the arrival of Adm. Sir George Rodney on 27 March 1780. Although
Parker's fleet was much larger than the squadrons of either La Motte-Picquet or Grasse,
which had been left behind when Estaing returned to Europe, he was unable to bring
either to battle. The arrival of a convoy carrying troops in February led Parker to
undertake an expedition against St. Vincent, an effort that he canceled upon learning
of the appearance of Guichen's fleet. That fleet arrived at Martinique on 22 March,
thus changing the naval balance, but Rodney's arrival five days later made it possible
for the two fleets to meet on relatively equal terms (W. M. James, British Navy in Adversity, London, 1926, p. 196–197; Mackesy, War for America, p. 329–330). For the forces available to each side at the Battle of Martinique on
17 April, see JA's letter to the president of Congress, No. 6, 19 Feb., note 2, and to James Warren, 23 Feb., note 1 (vol. 8:337, 360).
La Motte-Picquet's squadron was primarily occupied with convoying vessels to and from
Martinique. On 20 March, while engaged in that activity, he encountered a force approximately
equal to his own under the command of Capt. William Cornwallis. The action lasted
into the next day and ended in stalemate, but the French convoy had been protected
(Mahan, Navies in the War of Amer. Independence, p. 153–155).
2. For JA's impatience with his own wait for passage to America in 1779, see Diary and Autobiography, 2:356–380, and vols. 7 and 8.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0194
Recipient: Williams, Jonathan
Date: 1780-05-14
To Jonathan Williams
[dateline] Paris May. 14 1780
[salute] Dear sir
I have received yours of the 9th.1 I received a Letter signed Jna Williams, as I thought, but it seems it was Jno. Williams.2 I did not discover my Error, untill after my Answer was gone, when inquiring of Dr.
Franklin, I found I must have been mistaken.
{ 313 } I have lost, I know not how much, but believe a great deal, in several large Packetts,
one from Congress another from the Council of Mass. Bay, a third from my family besides
many Single Letters from my friends, all of which Mr. Austin was obliged to cast into
the Sea after he was taken.3 So that I have only received a few Scattering Letters by the Way of Spain and Holland,
which contain no other News than you have heard before.
They have received at Versailles, from the West Indies directly from M. De la Motte
Piquet, and by the Way of the London Papers, very important news from the W. Indies,
which you will have immediately in the Papers. Guichen is arrived. An Expedition that
was filling out is disconnected. Piquet had defeated Parker, so far as to secure his
Convoy.4 On the 29 of March Clinton had made no Impression on Charlestown. There is no certain
Account yet of Walsinghams sailing. The Ct. of St. James's have suppressed Arbuthnots
Letter entirely,5 which gives room to suppose that the fleet suffered more than they are willing should
be known.
I thank you sir, for your Assurances, that you will communicate to me, the News. Every
Circumstance from our Country is interesting. I pray you to make my Compliments to
Mrs. Williams, and am with, much Esteem, your humble and obt. sert.
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. Not found.
5. The source of JA's information is not known nor is it clear to exactly what he is referring. The London
newspapers of 1 May had carried letters from Lt. Gen Sir Henry Clinton of 9 March,
Lt. Gen. Wilhelm von Knyphausen of 27 March, and Maj. Gen. William Pattison of 22
Feb. reporting on the military situation in America. Clinton's letter described the
progress of his efforts against Charleston and mentioned in passing the very difficult
voyage from New York (see Thomas Digges' letter of 3 March, and note 6, above). There was no letter from Adm. Marriot Arbuthnot, commander of the fleet
carrying Clinton's army. The absence of any communication from Arbuthnot was remarked
upon as “extraordinary” in the London Courant of 1 May, but no evidence has been found that such a letter existed or that it was
suppressed by the ministry.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0195
Recipient: Genet, Edmé Jacques
Date: 1780-05-15
To Edmé Jacques Genet
[dateline] [May 15. 1780]
[salute] [Dear sir]
I have engaged a Person in London1 to s[end] me all the political Pamphlets, as they come out and some necessary Books as I shall
order them.2 He has sent me already one Box and one Packet, at least to a Mr. Francis Bowens Merchant
in Ostend. I should be once more obliged to You, if You could inform me, in what Way
I can soonest get them from thence, and whether there are any Regulations which may
obstruct this Communication. I suppose there are Regulations to prevent the Introduction
of religious or irreligious Books. But I shall have none sent me, either for or against
Religion: My Bundles will be nothing but Politicks, and a few Books that relate to
them. If I can get the English Pamphlets in this Way, I may promise to be of some
little Use to You, now and then, in your Way. The English have an Advantage of Us,
in one point. Their Newspapers propagate every thing favourable to them, all over
Europe, immediately, whereas, the Limitations upon the Press, in this Country, prevent
Us from much of this Advantage. Their Generals and Admirals calculate their Dispatches,
[for the Eye of Europe, for the People, and they adjust them so as to make an Impression
upon the Hopes of their frie]nds and the Fears of their Enem[ies, and in this cons]ists full one half of their Power.3
All Governments depend upon the good Will of [the] People. The popular Tide of Joy and Hope and Confidence carries away Armies and Navies
to great Exertions4 for officers and Armies and Navies are but People. On the contrary, the Ebb of Sorrow,
Grief and Despair damp the Ardour and Activity of Officers and Men, even the Tradesmen
and Artificers, Labourers—even the Mortals adjudged to the Gallies, are benumbed by
it.
The English excite the Ardour of their People, and of their Fleets and Armies, by
Falsehood and Fiction, their Enemies have no Occasion for any thing but the Truth.
This would be enough if it were known, but the English find means to hide it, even
from their own Eyes.
There is not a more delusive thing in the World, than their last dispatches from New
York—fabricated entirely to impose upon the Credulity of Friends and Enemies. I see
thousands of these things every day, that might be counteracted. I dont wish You to
publish any thing against your Rules, and if ever I propose any thing of that Sort
{ 315 } it will be from Ignorance or Inattention, and I rely upon your Knowledge and Prudence
to check it. But as I am likely to have a [little more Leisure than I have had a long time, if you will give me leave, I will
assist you a little in] your Labours for the [public good.]
I forgot, whether the first Audi[ence of] the Chevalier de la Luzerne has been published in Europe.5 I inclose it to You, that You may print it, if You judge proper but whether You do
or not, I should be glad you would return it as soon as convenient, because I have
no other Copy of the Journal of those days. The publication of such things confirms
the Minds of People in their Notions of the Alliance, and gradually reconciles all
to it. The People of England even are gradually familiarised to it in this Way, and
brought to consider it as unalterable, and a thing to be submitted to.
[salute] My best Compliments to your amiable Family.
[signed] John Adams
RC in John Thaxter's hand (Private owner, 1972). LbC (Adams Papers.) Fire damage to the RC has resulted in the loss of a substantial number of words,
which have been supplied from the Letterbook copy.
1. Thomas Digges.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0196
Recipient: Jay, John
Date: 1780-05-15
To John Jay
[dateline] Paris May 15th. 1780
[salute] Dear Sir
I shall not always stand upon Ceremonies, nor wait for Answers to Letters, because
useful Hints may be given, which would be lost if one were to wait Returns of Posts.1
The British Channel Fleet is reckoned this Year at from thirty to thirty seven Ships
of the Line, but it is well known that they depend upon Seamen to be pressed from
their first2 West India Fleet, in order to make up this Computation, without which they cannot
make thirty. It is therefore of great Importance that this first West India Fleet
should be intercepted. It will come Home the latter End of June or Beginning of July,
certainly not before the middle of June. A Ship or two of the Line, with a fifty Gun
Ship or two with five or six Frigates, would have a great probability of intercepting
this fleet. Is there any Service, upon which such a Number of Vessels could be better
employed, than in cruising pretty far in the Bay of Biscay, and { 316 } somewhat North [South?] of Cape Clear, with this View? It is really astonishing that France and Spain, should
be so inattentive to the English Convoys. The safest, easiest, surest way of reducing
the Power and the Spirits of the English, is to intercept their Trade. It is every
Year exposed: yet every Year escapes; by which means, they get Spirits to indulge
their Passions, money to raise Millions and Men to mann their Ships.
Pray is it not necessary to think a little of Portugal? Should not Spain, France,
and America too, use their Influence with Portugal, to shut her ports against the
armed Vessels of all Nations at War, or else admit freely the armed Vessels of all?
Under her present System of Neutrality as they call it, the Ports of Portugal are
as advantageous to England, as any of her own, and more injurious to the Trade of
Spain and America, if not of France, while they are of no Use at all to France, Spain,
or America. This little Morsel of a State ought not to do so much Mischief so unjustly.
If She is Neutral, let her be neutral—not say She is neutral and be otherwise. Would
it not be proper for Congress [to discover]3 some Sensibility to the Injuries the United States recieve from these States4 such as Denmark and Portugal? I think they should remonstrate cooly and with Dignity:
not go to war, nor be in a Passion about it, but show that they understand their Behaviour.
Denmark restored Jones's and Landais Prizes to England without knowing why.5 Why would it not do to remonstrate, then prohibit any productions of Portugal from
being consumed in America.
The prospect brightens in the West Indies. De Guichen has arrived. De la Motte Piquet
has defended himself very well, secured his Convoys, fought the English even with
inferiour Force, and got the better. De Guichen's Appearance dissipated all thoughts
of their Expedition, and threw the English Islands into great Consternation. But You
will see in the public prints all the News, which the two Courts have recieved, Versailles
and London. The Force from Brest which sailed the second and that from Cadiz, which
I hope sailed as soon or sooner, will not diminish the Terror and Confusion of the
English in America and the Islands.
[signed] J. A.
Docno: ADMS-06-09-02-0197
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1780-05-15
To Edmund Jenings
Secret
[dateline] May 15. 1780
[salute] Dear sir
I am ashamed to acknowledge that yours of 2 and 7th. are yet unanswered.1 I never read Linguet, till yours of 2d. I went and subscribed. He is ingenious, but
a sort of Nat. Lee, I think.2 The English have trumpeted their omnipotence, till they have put his Imagination
in a Turmoil, as well as many others. The English Powers, really consist more in the
fears of their Ennemies than any thing else. But I am very much mistaken, if We dont
see those fears, subside, together with the Confidence of the English themselves,
before two campains more are at an End, dont be surprized at my talking of two campains.
I take more than that into my Account. The English find the Carolina Rebells the most
obstinate of all. Clinton had not Charlstown 29 March. If the Court had not concealed
Arbuthnots Letter, perhaps We should have had more grounds of hope. De la Motte Piquet
has gained more laurels in the W.I. Guichen arrived. The English in Trouble and the
french in a good Way. But you have seen the Papers, e'er now.
You did not mistake the purport of the Conversation.3 Indeed I ever considered this as a desperate business. I always thought, it must
depend wholly, on the good Will of the Persons in England who were in Possession of
the papers. I wish M. may get her money, but have fears. Your Country, certainly did
not mean to treat you with contempt. She meant to show her respect, and I wish she
may do it, in some more effectual Way. As to getting at the Words of the Act, I dont
see how it can be done. If I can however I will. But you have the sense of it, I am
perswaded very neatly.
I have long expected that the House of Austrial, would discover some Symptoms of Impatience,
under the Prosperity of an old Ennemy, and the declension of an old friend. Family
alliances dont always reconcile national Interests, nor even always family Affections.4 The Hints of opening the navigation of Antwerp, dont surprise me, tho they excite
my Curiosity.5 It will not do. Prussia will join the maritime powers, if the Emperor Stirs, so that
old England will get nothing by sending millions as subsidies, into Germany. It will
not do—it will make bad worse. I see a long History of my Pilgrimages, in the Neighbourhood
of St. Iago;6 I went near enough to become a Knight of his order, at least to have a right to wear
the decoration, { 318 } tho I did not go to the Cathedral. Thank you. I did not mean simply postage but did
not know but you was at Expence to get some things inserted. What are the Terms on
which they insert things in the Amsterdam, Leyden, Hague and London Gazettes? One
and another has made such a racket about me, that I expected the Refugees in London
would have discovered their Spleen e'er now. They knew me, very well, some of them,
better than any body else in Europe. They have hitherto only called me Rebel Plenipo,
and Chieftain. If they knew any Evil of me, they would tell it. I wonder they have
not ventured to make some. They are not restrained by a regard to truth, sure, all
of them,7 if they are, they are better than I thought them, at least not so bad. The dialogue
of the dead, I shall inclose to Congress, and take the Liberty to guess who is the
Writer.8 Adieu.
RC
(Adams Papers.)
LbC
(Adams Papers.)
1. On 6 May JA began, but did not finish or send, a reply (LbC, Adams Papers) to Jenings' letters of 24 April and 2 May (above). In his unfinished letter, after thanking Jenings for sending newspapers
and promising to send Jenings' dialogue to Congress (see note 8), JA wrote: “Linguets Pamphlet I never Saw, untill I read your Letter of the 2d. I went
immediately, and subscribed for it. The last Number has several ingenious Observations;
but he is such an excentric Mortal that I fancy he wont do much good. He seems to
have no Information but from Newspapers, and no fixed system. His point Seems to be
to make popular declamations to sell, and to care very little, for any Nations or
system of Policy, but what answers this purpose. He is frequently seized With extravagant
Ideas of English omnipotence<,>,. <which consists wholly in the sloth, Ignorance and Folly of her Ennemies>.”
2. The seventeenth-century English dramatist Nathani