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Browsing: Papers of John Adams, Volume 11
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0062
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-01-31
From Francis Dana
[dateline] [31 January 1781]1
[salute] Dear Sir
I write you at present principally to communicate the following intellegence from
Martinique. It is just given to me by our good Friends the two Abbés,2 who tell me it may be depended on, as they had it from Mr. Neckar's Office.
[dateline] 22d. Decr. La Martinique
La derniere Convoi parti du Ferrol, est arrivé ici le 14. Xbre. il manque peu de batiments—Le
4 Vaisseaux venue de St. Doming. sous les ordres de Monsr. Le Chevr. D'Albert St.
Hippolite sont arriveé a St. Pierre.
L'Amiral Rodney a attaqué la nuit du 16 en 17 St. Vincent. Il avait à terre 4000 hommes
compris les Troupes de Marine. Le debarquement s'est fait dans la matineé du 16. Les
Anglais ont eté répoussé avèc perte et obligés de se rembarquer. M. de Blanch le Lande
Lt. Colonel du Regiment de Viennois3 a defendu cette Isle contré l'amiral Rodney et le general Vaughan. Il avait pris
depuis 2 jours le comman• { 92 } dement de cette Isle. Les Carribes se sont comporté avèc beaucoup de Valeur.
Cette novelle a eté aporteé par la Frigate la Carèq [Cérès?] commandeé par le Baron de <Bouvebelles> Bonbelles capitaine de Vaisseaux arrivé à Rochfort le 27. Janv. 1781.4
I have desired Mr. Grand to transfer from my Account to your Credit 2658.16.10 Livrs.
the amount of the Note I gave you just before I left Holland; and to advise you of
it, which when he shall do, you will please to cancel my Note.5 I have received Mr. Thaxter's two Letters.6 Your bills are lodged as you desired with Mr. Grand. Please to tell Mr. Thaxter I
am ready to answer his drafts for the sums he mentions, as soon as he will draw upon
me for them, or any others he may have occasion for. I have heard nothing about either
of them here.
Mr. Searle is now with me, and desired to be particularly remembered to you, and to
assure you he is daily more and more convinced of the baneful effects of Francisco's
||Silas Deane's|| conversation. He is gone with his clerk for Holland, I believe by the way of Ostend.7 I beg you to present my regards not only to all our Countrymen with you, who merit
them, but to all our good Friends of Holland.
I am, Dear Sir, with the most sincere respect & attachment Your most obedient humble
Servant and much obliged Friend
[signed] FRA DANA
RC (Adams Papers); filmed at [January 1781], Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 354.
2. For Abbés Arnoux and Chalut, friends from JA's residence in France and occasional correspondents, see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:59.
3. “Viennois” here and “Bonbelles” in the next paragraph are written in an unknown hand.
4. Translation:
[dateline] 22 December, Martinique.
The last convoy to leave Ferrol arrived here on 14 December, lacking only the four
vessels bound for St. Domingue under the command of the Chev. D'Albert St. Hippolite,
which have arrived at St. Pierre.
Admiral Rodney attacked St. Vincent on the night of 16–17 December, disembarking the
4,000 men constituting his landing force. The landing was made on the morning of the
16th. The English have been repulsed with losses and obliged to reembark. M. de Blanchelande,
Lt. Colonel of the Viennois Regiment, has defended this island against Admiral Rodney
and General Vaughan. He took command of this island only two days before. The Caribbeans
have conducted themselves with much valor.
This news was brought by the frigate Cérès commanded by Baron de Bonbelles, Capitaine de Vaisseaux, which arrived at Rochefort
on 27 January 1781.
6. Neither of John Thaxter's letters have been found.
7. Silas Deane left Paris for the Netherlands on or about 23 Jan. and returned on 21
Feb. (Papers of Silas Deane, 1774–1790 [N.Y. Hist. Soc., Colls., vols. 19–23], 5 vols., N.Y., 1887– 1891, 4:276, 290). JA's letter of 4 Feb. to James Searle, below, seems to indicate that Deane was traveling with his close
friend Dr. Edward Bancroft (vol. 6:14).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0063
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-01-31
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels Janry 31. 1781
[salute] Sir
Four mails arrived yesterday, by them we find that Eleven East Indiamen are arrived
at Brookhaven in Ireland. A Ship is arrived from N York, but no news transpires. The
English Minister seems to be ready to pardon the Dutch on condition they submit. He
treats them as He did the Americans, and will I Hope receive the same Treatment as
from our Countrymen. One of the Court news papers says there is an appearance of matters
being settled with Holland, as England will deliver out no more letters of Marque.
If this is true, it may perhaps be produced by the remonstrance of the Russian Minister,
who is abused grosely in the English Papers. The Troops are shipped for the fleet
going to America as I beleive those are for the East Indias. Lille and Antwerp are
too near to one Another. A Correspondence may be easily Kept up between those two
towns.1 It ought to be attended to.
I am Sir Your Excellencys most faithful & obt. Hb. Sert
[signed] Edm: Jenings
Be pleased to turn over.
P.S. I find the Translation of the Memorial &c. is published in England.2 It comes out in a good Time. A very Hearty good sensible Friend desires He may have
the Authors leave to publish Notes and Additions, if it goes to a Second impression—his
Integrity Principles and Knowledge may I think be trusted.3
RC (Adams Papers).
2. This is JA's A Translation of the Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe upon the Present State of
Affairs Between the Old and New World into Common Sense and Intelligible English, London, 1781. For its origins and JA's drafting of it, see vol. 9:157–221; Descriptive List of Illustrations, No. 2, above; and JA's letter to Jenings of 11 Feb., below.
3. Jenings may be referring to the publisher of the pamphlet, John Stockdale, but the
Translation received no second printing.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0064
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-01-31
From William Lee
[dateline] Bruxelles 31 Jany. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I had the Honor of writing to you the 28th. but omitted answering your Quere about
the Southern States determining to embody Ne• { 94 } | view { 95 } groes as an Army.1 I never heard of such an Idea but in the letter forged, as from Genl. Clinton,2 nor do I immagine such a one will ever be entertain'd seriously in those States,
for exclusive of many reasons against it that appear unanswerable, those who know
the nature and talents of those people, know well that all the art of Man can never
make them even tolerable Soldiers.
It is said that France has lately engaged to guarantie all the Dutch Possessions;
if so, as a Quid pro Quo, surely it has been insisted on by France that the States
General shall immediately acknowlege the Independence of America: if this has been
omitted it will not be a subject of much pleasure to me. We have here the London papers
to the 26th. by which it appears that on the 25. public dispatches had been received
from N. York to Decr. 20, but not a syllable good or bad had transpir'd that I see,
tho' former ministerial papers say, an advice from N. Y. the 20 Nov. that all the
Grenadeirs, and light Infantry of the British Army were immediately to embark to the
number of 5 or 6000 Men for So. Carolina and we see that the reinforcements from England
for N. York are already embark'd at Portsmouth to sail with Darby and all the Ships
of Force they can muster, which will not exceed 20 or 25 Ships of the Line at the
utmost, as a Convoy; The East India Ships and the expedition under Govr. Johnstone
and Genl. Meadows and supplies for the W. Indias go at the same time; when Darby has
seen this valuable Convoy, perhaps the most valuable and important that has sail'd
from England during the War, to a certain distance, he is either to attempt the releif
of Giberalter or to convoy back the 11 East Indiamen lately arriv'd safe in Ireland,
to the value of above 3 Millions sterling, while the French and Spanish Fleets, each
of them singly superior to anything England can put to Sea in Europe, are Snug in
Cadiz and Brest.3
The Dutch War hardly created a Debate in the Ho. of Comns. where the address to the
King, promising support &c., as usual, was carried with[out] even a division.4 There was some debate in the Ho. of Lords, but the address passed there by a greater
majority than on many other occasions lately and from the general complexion of their
minds, I am apt to beleive they have determin'd already to attack unawares, the Russian
Swedish and Danish Ships, as they have done those of Holland, if they find that those
3 Powers, mean to take any part with the Dutch. Nothing but sound beating will recover
these Madmen from their Frenzy.
[salute] Adieu
P.S. I have lately observ'd that they have imprison'd in England some Captains and
Sailors taken with American Commissions as Pirates and have order'd them to be tryed
as such.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Mr. W Lee 31st. Jany. 1781.”
2. The forged letter from Lt. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton to Lord George Germain, dated 30
Jan. 1780 at Savannah, was widely published in Europe and the U.S. It reported that
North Carolina had determined to augment its forces by using slaves as soldiers. For
the letter and its publication, see vol. 9:331, and references there.
3. The Channel Fleet, commanded by Adm. George Darby and composed of 28 ships of the
line, 2 of fifty guns, and several frigates, was being sent to relieve Gibraltar.
It sailed on 13 March. Accompanying it part way was a smaller force commanded by Como.
George Johnstone composed of 2 ships of the line, 3 fifty-gun ships, and several frigates.
It was to attack the Dutch colony at the Cape of Good Hope and carried three infantry
battalions under the command of Gen. William Medows. Owing to various delays, Johnstone's
expedition did not reach the Cape until after a French squadron under Bailli de Suffren
had arrived and landed its troops, thereby making a seaborne assault a dubious venture
at best. The only positive result of the expedition from the British standpoint was
that Medows, having learned of the outbreak of the Second Mysore War and the dire
situation of the British forces, acted on his own initiative and took his troops to
India (Mackesy, War for America, p. 388–390). For lists of the vessels making up the two task forces, see the London Chronicle of 13–15 March.
4. For George III's message of 25 Jan. “relative to the Rupture with Holland,” its supporting
documents, and the debates in both Houses of Parliament, see Parliamentary Hist., 21:960–1106. In fact, both Houses approved the message without division.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0065
Recipient: President of Congress
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Date: 1781-02-01
To the President of Congress
Amsterdam, 1 February 1781. RC in John Thaxter's hand PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel No. 1, f. 244–254. printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:244–248.
In this letter, read in Congress on 19 Nov., John Adams provided an English translation
of the Convention for an Armed Neutrality that Russia and Denmark signed on 28 June
[9 July N.S.] 1780. It was, according to Adams, “one of the most brilliant Events, which has yet
been produced by the American Revolution.” He then commented on the Convention's provisions
with regard to contraband and noted that Sweden had acceded to it on 21 July [1 Aug. N.S.] 1780 followed by the Netherlands on 5 [i.e. 4] Jan. 1781. For additional information regarding the accession of Denmark and Sweden
to the armed neutrality, see Adams' letter of 14 Aug. 1780 to the president of Congress (vol. 10:68–74).
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel No. 1, f. 244–254). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:244–248.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0066
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-01
From Francis Dana
[dateline] Paris Feby. 1st. 1781 Hotel Valois, Rue Richelieu
[salute] My dear Sir
The enclosed letters of our Friend, of the 12th. and 14th. of last Month, the Resolution
of Congress of the 12th.1 together with the journals of Congress for Septr. and Octr. and a number of News• { 97 } papers down to the 19th. Decr. came to hand yesterday eveng. These, all together,
wou'd make a large budget to no good purpose, I have cut out of the papers, every
peice of intelligence of which, I imagine, you are not fully informed, and shall send
them on, as also the Journals. No person cou'd receive a more sincere satisfaction,
than I do, in having an opportunity to forward to you, a Resolution of Congress which
reflects so much honor upon you as the distinguished Servant of our Country. I have
long been a Witness that it is not unmerited. I wish, to make the matter more certain
in my mind, you wou'd inform me of the subject of your letter on which this honourable
testimony is grounded, and also of the two papers received in the duplicate.2 A short hint will suffice. I am fearful you are not furnished with a proper key to
your cyphers: if that shou'd be the case, I will endeavour to procure one, you know
where.3 Mr. Searle and I dined yesterday with the Abbés; they all desire their sincere regards
to you, as does Mr. Adinet4 who has just left me. I wrote you yesterday to communicate some news brought from
Martinique, &c. Please to inform Messrs. Ingraham and Sigourney, that the Amsterdam
Capt. Magee and the Rambler, Capt. Lovett, from Gottenbourgh, are safe arrived: the
first at Boston, in 44 days, who carried in with him a prize ship ladened with provisions
and dry goods—the last at Beverly in 48. days.5 I think they were concerned in these vessels. Pray let me know when the Commodore
will probably sail. I am, dear Sir, with the greatest respect and esteem, your much
obliged Friend and obedient humble Servant
[signed] FRA DANA
P.S. I find no mention in the American Papers of the victory which the British tell
us, from a Charlestown Gazette of the 27th. Novr.; Tarleton had gained over Genl.
Sumpter—'Tis possible it may be true, but not probable.6
RC (Adams Papers).
3. Dana refers to the cipher Lovell used to encrypt parts of his letter of 14 December. The source for a “proper key” was probably Benjamin Franklin. For Lovell's cipher
and the difficulties that JA had in using it, see vol. 9:271–272; Adams Family Correspondence, 4:393–399.
5. The Massachusetts privateers Amsterdam, Capt. James Magee, and Rambler, Capt. Benjamin Lovett, reached their respective ports on 14 Nov. 1780 (Independent Chronicle, 16 Nov. 1780; Allen, Mass. Privateers, p. 74, 248).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0067
Recipient: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Date: 1781-02-02
Draft Contract for a Loan with Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] [ante 2 February 17811]
Today the [] Apeared before me [] Notary Publicq the Honorable John Adams Esqr. of the City [] in the State [] in North America at present Residing in the City of Amsterdam in the quality as constitued
by Congres of the United States of North America their Agent, and as such specially
aúthorised to negotiate moneys in behalf of the said United states, as it apears by
the Copie Extract Aúthentically Annexed to the Originall of the present, as also by
[] likewise orginally Annexed to the Originall of this present.
And Confessed he the Said Esqr. Apeared in his mentiond quality, and thús for and
in behalf of the said United States to have negotiated and received from and for Such
to be well and lawfully indebted to Mrs. John de Neufville & Son the Súmm of One Million
Gilders Holland Currancy received and perceived in ready money renúntiating for Súch
expressly from not having received the Money or the Valúe thereoff.2
Which súmm of One Million Gilders, he the Said Appeared in his said quality and thús
for and in the name of the United States of North America, promisses and engages to
restitúe and repay lawfully withoút any redúction or damage to the Said Mrs. John
de Neufville & Son in Amsterdam or to them who might succeed in their rights with
an intrest at 5 p Ct. per Annúm to be Coúnted from this date and fúrther in the manner
and on Condition as follows.
First, that of this Loan no restitútion, nor repayment Shall be made, dúring the time
of the Ten first Years, butt at the end of the tenth Year the first reimbúrsement
shall be made of 20 per Ct. or Two hundred Thousand Gilders, and so consecútively
at the end of each of the following four Years a like Súmm of Two hundred Thoúsand
Gilders, Such that at the end of the Foúrteenth Year this Whole debt shall entirely
be repaid, and at every repayment the intrest of the reimbursed Capitall will cease.
The Intrest shall be paid at every Six Month, at 2 1/2 p Ct. and thús at 5 p Ct. per
Annum And for that purpose the summs reqúired for the intrest, as well as for the
mentiond rimbursements will be remitted to the Said Mrs. John de Neufville & Son their
Heirs, or them who might be in their rights, by or for Congress of the United States
of North-America either in good bills of Exchange on Eúrope or in { 99 } Prodúce of North America, all so múch in time, that the money for those bills or Prodúce
múst and shall be in Cash and received before the money for the intrest or the summs
stipúlated to be rimbursed become dúe.
Second—That the before mentiond Mrs. John de Neufville & Son should be aúthorised
and qúalified as he the Said Esqr. apeared in his mentiond quality doth aúthorise
and qualify them by this present, to allow shares of intrest to any other person or
persons, in this loan, and to negotiate money from them on obligations of one thousand
Gilders Holland Currency each, and such only under the sole hand-writing of Said Mrs.
John de Neufville & Son, provided the number of those negotiated Obligations or shares
of intrest may not exceed the qúantity of One Thousand, And that the same obligations
or shares of intrest shall be prothocolled3 by a Notary Publicq residing in this City.
And he the said Esqr. apeared in his mentiond quality did promise that the bonds or
obligations thus distribued shall be considerd by him apeared in his mentiond quality
and thús by Generall Congress of the United States and by each State separate, of
the same force and valúe as if he the Said Apeard had signd and Sealed them with his
own hand and Seal; Consenting further the mentiond Esqr. Apeared, that with the same
obligations or shares of intrest, shall be given oút orderly to pay of this present,
obligation, and that fúrther such arrangements may be made aboút the repayment or
rimbursement of the money as the Said Mrs. John de Neufville & Son shall think proper:
For the Complyance and fulfilling of which he the said Esqr. apeared in his Said quality
and thús in the name of the before mentiond Generall Congress representing the United
States of North America declard specialy to bind all and every one of the Said United
States jointly and each of them separate, for the whole with renúnciation of all and
every benefitts of law contrary to this present, and especially of the benefitt, de
duobus vel pluribús veis debendi,4 or—separating debts; and fúrther all the revenúes and produces rising in the Same
States, or any of them, likewise all charges and Taxes in the Same states and every
one of them, already laid on and perceived or to be layd on and per[c]eived in futúre Engaging again he the Said Esqr. apeared in his Said quality for all
superfluity as such might be reqúired by the Said Mrs. John de Neufville & Son or
rather the further concernd in this Loan, than this Loan shall be especially ratified
and wholly approved by the United States of North America, { 100 } jointly and each separate, to efectúate the same ratification and aprobation as soon
as possible, and thús to procúre a dúe prove, thereof to the Said Mrs. John de Neufville
& Son, their successors, or them who might come in their rights, and súch in behalf
of the joint concernd in this Negotiation or Loan.
Actúm Amsterdam5
No.6
We the Underwritten John de Neufville & Son as to this purpose especially aúthorised
and qúalified by the forestanding Obligation Confess by this present, and on the footing
and in Conformity of the abovestanding Obligation, to have received oút of the hands
of a Súmm of One Thousand Gilders Holland Currency for a share of the forestanding
Negotiation of one Million Gilders in behalf of the United States of North America
at the intrest of 5 p Ct. per Annúm, and may this intrest be perceived at every Six
Month for 2 1/2 p Ct. to be reckond from this date and to last úntill the repayment
and not fúrther.
And shall this rimbursement take place in this manner, that at the end of the tenth
Year after the date of the forestanding Generall obligation, two hundred shares of
intrest or obligation shall be drawn out by lot, in the presence of a Notary Publicq
and witnesses, which then will be rimbursed, and the intrest be payd úntill the intire
reimbúrsement and not longer, and so at the end of every of the three following Years
when again such a drawing by lott rimbúrsement and repayment shall take place, and
at the end of the fourteenth Year the then remaining Two hundred shares of intrest
shall be rimbursed and then this Whole Negotiation at an end.
Amsterdam
This belongs to the Number of One Thousand shares, mentiond in the Next Standing Obligation
and doth the Capital of the shares by me prothocolled not exceed the Summ of One Million
Gilders mentiond in the Same Originall obligation.7
MS (Adams Papers). Filmed at [1781–1782], Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 355. The MS consists of four pages, each divided into two columns, with the text of the contract
in the right column and additions and corrections entered in the left column.
1. Dated from JA's letter to Jean de Neufville & Fils of 2 Feb., below, which approved the translation and printing of the “obligations and Coupons”
contained herein. This draft is radically different from Neufville's proposal of 22 Jan., above. Note that the amount to be borrowed was lowered from three to one million
guilders and that Neufville & Fils no longer demanded the mortgage of all American
lands as security or the consignment of { 101 } twelve million guilders in American produce. Compare this draft with the contract
of [1 March], below.
3. An obsolete form of protocol. Its meaning here, taken from old Scottish and French
practice, is to register a contract (Henry Campbell Black, A Law Dictionary Containing Definitions of the Terms and Phrases of American and English
Jurisprudence Ancient and Modern, 2d edn., St. Paul, Minn., 1910).
5. Done at Amsterdam.
6. Written in the left column, opposite the first line of the following paragraph.
7. This paragraph was written in the left column, below the last paragraph in the right
column.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0068
Recipient: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Date: 1781-02-02
To Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam Feb. 2. 1781
[salute] Gentlemen
Having adjusted the Form of the Obligations to be given in the proposed Loan,1 nothing remains but to agree upon the other Terms, respecting the Commission to be
allowed, to your House, for receiving the Money from the Lenders, and paying it out
upon the Draughts of Congress, and paying the Interest half Yearly to the Lenders,
and finally paying off and discharging the Obligations.
I have had much Conversation upon this Subject, with Several Gentlemen of Character
and Experience, and am advised, that one Per Cent, to the House for receiving the
Money, and paying it to the orders of Congress—one Per Cent for paying off the Interest
and one per Cent for Paying of the Principal finally to the Lenders is a just and
reasonable Allowance. This I am willing to allow.
There is the affair of Brokerage also which will require Some Explanation between
Us.
I should be glad if you would inform me, how much you expect to be allowed for Brokerage,
when you engage and employ the Broker?2
But there is one Point that I beg Leave to reserve to myself and to any other Minister
or Agent who may be Sent here in my stead. It is this, that I while I Stay and my
Successor after me, shall have a right to employ any Broker that I or he may choose,
and whenever one or the other may think proper, to dispose of the Obligations, or
as many of them as I or he may think proper, and to allow what Brokerage We shall
find necessary. The Money however received upon them to be paid into the Hands of
your House.3
I should be glad of your Answer, as soon as may be and in the meantime, I have no
farther Objection to your getting the Form of { 102 } the obligations and Coupons translated into Dutch and printed, with all Expedition.4
I have the Honour to be, with great Respect Gentlemen your most obedient and most
humble servant
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. See the draft contract for a loan, [ante 2 Feb.], above.
2. Any loan raised in the Netherlands involved three separate entities. First was the
banker or bankers, in this case Jean de Neufville & Fils, who undertook to raise the
loan and assumed responsibility for the contract, printing the obligations, receiving
and paying out monies, and other matters relating to the loan. The bankers then secured
the services of a broker who offered the loan or portions of it on the bourse; for
his services he received a percentage of the amount he handled. The third person,
often called the undertaker, purchased portions of the loan from the broker at a discount,
depending on the negotiability of the securities, and sold loan certificates to individual
investors (Pieter J. van Winter, American Finance and Dutch Investment 1780–1805, transl. James C. Riley, 2 vols., N.Y., 1977, 1:45–46).
4. In 1809 JA printed this letter in the Boston Patriot and followed it with this explanation of his effort to raise a loan through Jean
de Neufville & Fils (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 377–378):
“Such was the dejection and despondency of the whole nation, that I was candidly told
by all the gentlemen in whom I had any confidence, that a loan was desperate, except
Mr. De Neufville, who was very confident that he could obtain a considerable sum,
and was extremely importunate with me to open a loan in his house. That gentleman's
politeness and hospitality drew all Americans to his house, and he made them believe
that he could do much, if I would authorise him. I had spies enough upon me, from
England, France, and America too, very ready to impute blame to me. Congress were
constantly drawing upon me, and there was the utmost danger that their bills would
be protested. If this event should happen, I knew that representations in private
letters would go to America and to France, that this fatal calamity was wholly owing
to my negligence and obstinacy in refusing to open a loan in Mr. De Neufville's house.
I thought it my duty, therefore, to try the experiment. It could do no harm, for we
had certainly at that moment, no credit to lose. The loan was opened, and all the
industry, enterprise and credit of Mr. De Neufville, never disposed of more than five
obligations, amounting to five thousand guilders, three thousand of which were lent
by Mr. John Luzac, who had previously promised me to advance that sum whenever my
loan should be opened, though it should be in the house of Mr. De Neufville. I was
not disappointed, however, in the result, because I had absolutely no expectations.”
Nicolaas and Jacob van Staphorst, the principals of an Amsterdam mercantile firm that
would take part in JA's loan in 1782, disagreed. They met JA in 1780 soon after his arrival in the Netherlands (vol. 10:190–191) and sought to advise him on financial matters. In a letter of 24 Nov. 1785 to the
secretary for foreign affairs, the van Staphorsts made clear the nature of their objections
to an American loan in 1781:
“We acquainted him [JA] with great Regret, the Impossibility of Undertaking Same at this Period with the
Probability of Success, and the disagreable Consequences that would ensue from a Failure.
Which his Excellency appeared to take in good Part, and promised not to proceed further
in this Business without speaking to us on the subject. A short time however convinced
us the little Dependence Mr. Adams's Promises merited. For this Gentleman instead
of following the Stream, by accommodating himself to the Dispositions and conciliating
the Confidence of the Hollanders, which might been easily secured to the great Benefit
of the United States; on the contrary attempted to force Matters, and with an Opinionatedness
peculiar to himself, risqued to overset every Measure. He in consequence thought fit,
contrary to the best Advice, which had been given him to open a Loan at the House
of Messrs. John de Neufville & Son, Which was generally clamoured against, as we advised
him would be the Case. We soon discovered from what passed, that Mr. Adams was much
inclined to give Ear to such Persons as flattered him, and Spoke agreable to his Wishes,
which not being our character, nor in our Opinion consistent with the Interest of
the United States, it was not { 103 } surprizing that Mr. Adams and Us were not so frequently in Conversation together, and that we sought less the Company
of a Man whose way of Thinking corresponded so little with our own” (PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel No. 4, f. 684–699).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0069
Recipient: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
Date: 1781-02-02
To C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Amsterdam Feb. 2. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
Nulla Dies Sine Lineâ,1 said a great Geometician and you are so good an American, that you will agree with
me, that We ought to let no day nor Hour pass in which We can do any Service to our
Country, without embracing the opportunity. Such an Occasion as the present when the
popular Affections and even the sentiments of Men in Power, Seem to be turning towards
America.
When I landed in Spain I was told by the Vice Roy of Gallicia that he had received
orders from the Court of Madrid, to treat all Americans, who should arrive within
his Government as the best Friends of Spain.2
Would it not be Wisdom and Policy as well as Humanity for their High mightinesses
to publish Some Permission to Dutch Men of War, Privateers, Letters of Marque and
even Merchantmen, to carry their Prizes into American Ports and even to trade with
that Country? and also Some Permission to American Privateers and other Vessells to
come freely into the Ports of this Republick, bring in their Prizes, sell them and
even have them condemned in the Courts of Admiralty? What reasonable objection or
Argument can there be against this? What dammage can it do the Republick? Cant We
continue to have this suggested to all the northern Courts?
By the 10 Article of the Treaty of Alliance with France, “the most Christian King
and the United States agree, to invite or Admit other Powers, who may have received
Injuries from England to make common Cause with them, and to Acceed to that Alliance,
under Such Conditions as shall be freely agreed to and settled between all the Parties.”
Is not this a proper opportunity for Congress to propose to the King of France, to
join in such an Invitation to all the neutral Powers, as We yet call them, tho it
Seems they are all within a Hairs Breadth of being belligerent Powers. What think
you of this?
[salute] Adieu
[signed] John Adams
1. Let no day pass without something done.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0070-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-03
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Lahaie 3e. Fevr. 1781
[salute] Honoured & Dear Sir
J'ai les honorées vôtres des 31e. Janvr. et 2e. fevr. reçues toutes les deux à la
fois ce matin.
Je suis bien charmé that all's well in America. En revanche, je vous dirai, that all's well at Pertersb. Car je sai de bonne part, qu'avanthier un Exprés est arrivé avanthier delà, au Mine.
de cette Cour-là, en réponse à la notification du départ de S. J. Y., et que les dispositions
de la dite Cour à l'égard et en faveur1 de la rep. n'ont nullement été changées par cette nouvelle. On attend donc, avec
une parfaite sécurité, des réponses également satisfaisantes, quant au Manifeste Britannique,
et à la réclame des Vx. pris à la Rep.2 mais pas avant la fin de ce mois, ou le commencement du Suivant.
Voici une Lettre que Mrs. Dela Lande & Fynje ont reçue hier pour vous de Petersbourg,3 et qu'ils m'envoient d'Amst. ici, je ne comprends pas pourquoi. Car ils doivent savoir
votre demeure. Je leur demanderai la raison de cette singularité; et quand je la saurai,
je vous en donnerai connoissance. Mr. Silas Deane passant ici pour Amstm. avanthier4 m'a apporté de la part de S. E. Mr. Franklin un paquet, dans lequel il y avait trois
Lettres pour S. E. Mr. Lawrens, avec ordre de Mr. F– n de vous les faire tenir.5 Comme cela feroit un paquet un peu gros par la poste, et que ces Lettres, à ce que
je pense, ne pressent pas, j'attendrai que Mr. Gillon repasse ici de Rotterdam, pour
vous les envoyer par lui.
Je Suis avec mon Epouse sensible comme nous le devons à votre obligeante bonté, Monsieur,
pour ma fille, à qui Mr. Gillon a remis les 4 volumes du Théatre de Made. Genlis.6
Je me réserve de répondre demain ou après-demain à vos deux dernieres.7 La poste, qui va partir, ne me permet rien de plus aujourd'hui, que le respect et
l'attachement sincere avec lesquels je suis pour toujours, Monsieur Votre très-humble
& très obéissant serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0070-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-03
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 3 February 1781
[salute] Honoured & Dear Sir
I have received your letters of 31 January and 2 February together this morning.
I am very delighted that all's well in America. In response, I tell you, that all's well at St. Petersburg, because I heard on good authority the day before { 105 } yesterday, that an express post arrived the day before that from the minister of that
Court in response to the departure of Sir Joseph Yorke, and that the dispositions
of this said Court have not changed at all because of this news in regard to and in
favor1 of this republic. One expects then, with perfect security, equally satisfying responses
regarding the British manifesto, and the reclamation of the vessels taken from the
Republic,2 but not before the end of this month or the beginning of the next.
Here is a letter that Messrs. De la Lande & Fynje received yesterday for you from
St. Petersburg.3 They sent it to me from Amsterdam, but I do not know why, since they must know where
you live. I will ask them the reason for this singularity, and when I find out, I
will tell you. Mr. Silas Deane passed by here the day before yesterday on the way
to Amsterdam4 and brought me a packet on behalf of His Excellency Mr. Franklin, which included
three letters for His Excellency Mr. Laurens, with the request by Mr. Franklin that
you retain them.5 Since these letters would make my packet too large for the post, and, since I think
they are not urgent, I will wait to send them on to you with Mr. Gillon, when he passes
through here from Rotterdam.
My wife and I are touched by your obliging kindness, sir, in sending our daughter,
through Mr. Gillon, the four volumes on the theater of Madame Genlis.6
I will wait until tomorrow or the day after to respond to your last two letters. The
mail, which is about to leave, does not permit me to express anything further today,
except the sincere respect and attachment with which I remain as always, sir, your
very humble and very obedient servant,
[signed] Dumas
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The preceding three words in the French text were interlined.
2. The remainder of this sentence in the French text was added later.
4. The preceding five words in the French text were interlined.
5. The letters for Henry Laurens were enclosed with Franklin's letter to Dumas of 18
Jan. (Franklin, Papers, 34:287–289).
6. Stéphanie Félicité Ducrest de Saint Aubin, Comtesse de Genlis, Théâtre à l'usage des jeunes personnes, 4 vols. 1779–1780. The copy that JA sent to Dumas' daughter may have been that which he purchased at Paris on 19 March
1780 (Diary and Autobiography, 2:436).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0071
Recipient: Searle, James
Date: 1781-02-04
To James Searle
[dateline] Amsterdam Feb. 4. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I had the Honour of yours of 24 Jan. only yesterday.1 F. ||Silas Deane|| is indeed arrived here, but I cannot learn that R.R. ||Edward Bancroft|| is. I have not been honoured with a Visit, as yet, nor have I seen him.
There is a Courier arrived from Petersbourg, who carried the News of Sir Yorkes leaving
the Hague. Alls well in the north.
{ 106 } The Spirit here waxes warmer. A new Play is brought upon the Stage called De Ruyter,
in which the English are treated as you would wish them, and every Line, in which
they are So, is applauded, a tout rompre, that is in plain English to make all Split.2 I will observe your recommendation concerning Mr. Bromfield who is still here. I
wish I were at Paris with you, it is more agreable there than here yet, as well as
more healthy.
If the neutral Confederation Should become belligerent, would it not be a proper Time,
for France and America to join, in proposing to the nations that compose it, to acknowledge
American Independance? There is an Article in our Treaty to this Purpose. Dr. Franklin
has authority to treat with any Power in Europe, at least the Commissioners had, and
I Suppose the Dissolution of the Commission has not annulled that Authority. I wish
you would converse with the Dr. upon the subject. If he thinks he has not Power, would
it not be proper, to write to Congress upon the Subject? If Something of this sort
is not done, the northern Powers, may settle their War, and leave Us Still to fight
it out. The Article I refer to is the 10 of the Treaty of Alliance. “The most Christian
King, and the United States agree to invite or admit other Powers, who may have received
Injuries from England, to make common Cause with them and to acceed to that Alliance,
under Such Conditions as shall be freely agreed to and settled between all the Parties.”
Pray talk about this with Mr. Dana. There never can be a more inviting opportunity,
than the present to execute this Article of the Treaty.
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. Searle's letter of 24 Jan. has not been found.
2. Michiel Adriaansz de Ruiter, tragedy by Johannes Nomsz, 1781. Michiel Adrienszoon de Ruyter, the greatest admiral
of his day, won fame for the defeats he inflicted on the British during the Second
and Third Dutch Wars (1665–1667, 1672–1674), and particularly for his 1667 raid on
the Chatham dockyards on the Medway River, only ten miles from London (The Oxford Companion to Ships and the Sea, ed. Peter Kemp, N.Y., 1976). In an undated letter Antoine Marie Cerisier invited
JA to attend “la Tragedie de De Ruiter,” performed in Dutch, that was playing for the final time that day (Adams Papers, filmed at [1782], Microfilms, Reel No. 359).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0072
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-04
From Philippe André Joseph de Létombe
[dateline] Condé, haynaut Feby. 4th. 1781
[salute] Sir
I have answer'd, three days ago, at Paris the Letter I have been honour'd from your
Excellency by the honourable James Searle Esqer.1 My heart is full of gratitude and desires nothing more than to deserve to be instructed
with your Excellency's absolute confidence.
{ 107 } I shall be at Paris Saturday next. Will sett out for Brest at the End of the following
week from whence I hope to sail towards Phyladelphia and Boston, as soon as winds
will permit it. I beg your Excellency to send me his Commands at Paris directely and
take the Liberty to remind, I have promises of letters for Madam Adam's, honorable
Samuel Adam, doctor Cooper &c. Any thing wich your Excellency will prescribe me to
do or to say in America, you my depend upon, I shall omit none being desirous to give
proofs by facts of all the sentiments of attachement and Respect with which I am Yours
Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant
[signed] De Létombe
P.S. honorable Laurens2 and colonel Palfrey Consul général were expected every moment and there was no News
of them.
Your Excellency may direct his Letters to me Either at M. Dana, or to myself at Paris,
but I begg it to be done without any delay.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0073
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1781-02-05
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Amsterdam Feb. 5. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
Yours of 31. Jan. is arrived. A Courier is arrived from Petersburg, who carried the
Notice of Sir Yorkes leaving the Hague. All's well in the north.
The Courtiers in England, who indeed compose the nation, flatter themselves they shall
raise the Devil in Holland. They may raise a Spirit but it will be a good one. The
Symptems are very Strong. If popular Rage gets loose it will not dewitt,1 John Adams, John De Neuville and Van berkel as the Anglomans hoped, but the Anglomans
themselves. However, I think there will be no Commotions but all will go well.
The Translator, is very willing that any Notes and Additions may be made. If you get
one of the Books pray send it by the Post. The Translator, has circulated many Things
here, the Memoire, Hows Narrative and Burgoines, &c. These have had a wonderfull Effect
here. And there are so many Wits at Work, that good Sentiments will prevail here in
time.2
[salute] Adieu
RC (Adams Papers).
2. In this paragraph JA refers to himself as the translator of Thomas Pownall's Memorial. The “Memoire” is probably the French version of JA's translation, Pensées sur la révolution de l'Amerique-Unie, for which see JA's letter to Luzac of 22 Jan., note 1, above. The works by Gens. William Howe and John Burgoyne were The Narrative of Lieut. Gen. Sir William Howe, ..., London, 1780; and A State of the Expedition from Canada, ..., London, 1780. JA had used both works extensively in his replies to Hendrik Calkoen in Oct. 1780 (vol.
10:196–252). For JA's role in the translation and publication of the Narrative in the Netherlands in 1781, see his letter of 9 March 1823 to François Adriaan Van
der Kemp (JA, Works, 10:407–408) and vol. 10:208
, and references there.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0074-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-05
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Lahaie 5e. Fevr. 1781
[salute] Honoured & dear Sir
La Lettre ci-jointe au Congrès1 répond en grande partie aux honorées votre du 31e. Janv. et 2 fevr.
Je pense avec vous que la disette de grains en Europe, et notamment en Angle., fera
beaucoup de bien à plusieurs Egards à l'Amérique. J'ai déjà fait, et je ferai encore
bon usage, de tout ce que vous me marquez dans ces Lettres.
Je n'ai pas encore vu la vie privée de Louis XV. Mais je n'en sens pas moins la verité
de vos observations concernant la Fce., et notamment, qu'elle ne pourra ni ne voudra
jamais abandonner l'Amérique. Quant à ce que nous devons faire vis-à-vis des autres
nations, j'ai dit mon sentiment dans l'incluse: et ce n'est pas le mien seul; c'est
aussi celui de l'A–r. de fce. et d'un autre personnage de cette rep. Ce sera certainement
aussi celui de notre Ami,2 si vous lui en parlez.
Pour ce qui est de la Démarche que vous voudriez être faite par L. h. P. au sujet
des Vx. de guerre, Lettres de Marque, Prises, et Vx. marchds. respectifs de ces Etats
ici et des Etats unis, je ne vois, comme vous, aucune objection raisonnable qui puisse
être faite contre cela, ni rien que de salutaire qui en pût resulter pour les uns
et les autres. Attendons seulement le moment où nous puissions le suggérer avec succès
tant à cet Etat qu'aux autres: ce moment n'est peut-être pas bien éloigné, sur-tout
celui où l'on pourra faire valoir l'article 10, dont vous parlez, du Traité entre
la France et l'Amérique, dont je voudrois bien avoir une Copie: car je n'ai que le
Traité de Commerce où cet article ne paroît pas. Avant ce moment les propositions
qu'on feroit à tous ces égards à L. h. P. ne feroient que les embarrasser, et leur
occasionner des delibérations qui ne finiroient rien.
La fin de votre Lettre du 2 répond à toutes vos demandes, savoir que les Puissces.
Neutres sont, à un cheveu près, prêtes à devenir { 109 } belligérantes. Attendons donc qu'elles aient passé ce cheveu: et alors tout ira de
soi-même.
Il est certainement plus que temps que le Congrès propose à la France, de se joindre
à lui dans l'invitation à faire à ce sujet aux autres Puissces. Et S'il faut premierement
écrire pour cela au Congrès, cela seroit insupportablement long, sa réponse viendroit
comme la moutarde après dîner. J'aime mieux espérer, que vous avez déjà des pouvoirs suffisans, et Mr. Franklin
aussi pour une telle invitation. Ditesmoi, de grace, ce qui en est. J'ai des pardons
à vous demander Monsieur pour ne vous avoir pas encore fourni les copies promises.
Daignez me faire un peu de credit encore à cet égard. Je suis seul, et n'ai personne
qui m'aide à copier une ligne.
Je suis, Monsieur, avec un grand respect Votre très-humble & très obeissant serviteur
[signed] Dumas
J'espere que la mienne d'avanthier, avec la Lettre de Petersbourg, vous est bien parvenue.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0074-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-05
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 5 February 1781
[salute] Honoured & dear Sir
The enclosed letter to Congress1 is mainly a response to your letters of 31 January and 2 February.
I agree with you that the grain shortage in Europe, and especially in England, will
be advantageous to America in many ways. I have already made good use of the information
you gave me in these letters and will continue to do so.
I have not yet seen the Vie privée de Louis XV. But I do not believe any less in the truth of your observation concerning France,
most notably, that it could never, nor would ever, abandon America. As for what we
must do regarding the other nations, I have expressed my sentiment in the enclosed
letter, and it is not mine exclusively. It also is the sentiment of the French ambassador
and another figure of this republic. It will certainly be the opinion of our friend,2 if you speak to him.
As far as the démarche that you would like Their High Mightinesses to make regarding
ships of war, commissions, prizes and merchant ships belonging to these states and
the United States, I agree with you that no reasonable objection can be made against
it. It could only be profitable for both sides. Let us wait for the moment when we
can suggest this with as much success to this state as to the others. That moment
cannot be very far away, especially the one that could validate article 10 of the
Treaty between France and America, of which you spoke. I would like to have a copy
of it since I only have the Treaty of Commerce, which does not contain this article.
Before the proper moment, any proposition made to Their High { 110 } Mightinesses would only hamper the deliberations and cause them to accomplish nothing.
The end of your letter of the second answers all your questions, knowing that the
neutral powers are on the verge of becoming belligerent. Let us wait for this to pass
and everything will stand to reason.
It is certainly past the time for Congress to ask France to join it in making a proposal
to the other powers. If it is necessary to write Congress for permission, it would
take far too long, and the response would arrive like mustard after dinner. I like to hope that you have sufficient powers, and Mr. Franklin also, to make such
an invitation. Tell me please if it is true. I beg your pardon, sir, for not supplying
the promised copies to you. Give me a little more credit in this regard. I am alone
and no one can help me copy a line.
I am, sir, with much respect, your very humble and very obedient servant,
[signed] Dumas
I hope that you received my letter of the day before yesterday, with the letter from
St. Petersburg.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Dumas. ansd. Feb. 6. 1781.”
1. Dumas' letter of 5 Feb. (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:250–251). For the postscript dated 6 Feb., which Wharton did not print, see Dumas'
letter of 7 Feb. to JA, and note 1, below.
2. Engelbert François van Berckel, Pensionary of Amsterdam.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0075
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-05
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels Febry. 5th. 1781
[salute] Sir
I have the Honor of receiving this Day your Excellencys Letter of the 31st. Ultimo.
The deferring the Acknowledgment of our Independancy to the Turns which a Negociation
for a general Peace may take is in my opinion a very weak and perhaps Unfriendly Plan.
I am confident this Measure would tend most to bring England to a general Accomodation,
for it would take from Her every resource and every Hope that her present delusion
gives Her of recovering America by continuing a War which she carries on to the insulting
and outraging all Europe. Your Excellency is convinced of it. I wish others were so
too and acted accordingly.
I should think Sir Joseph York left Antwerp on knowing the Accession of Zealand to
the opinion of the other Provinces. I am told He is to quit this Town this Morning
and go to Ostend. We expect the Russian Embassador over. Will He not be soon followed
by the Danish and Swedish Ones?
We talk here that Rodney with 3000 Men has been repulsed at St. Vincent, that the
French are very Active in Asia, and that Pensacola is { 111 } taken,1 if Gibralter was so, the Fleet at Cadiz might do most excellent Service.
This is certainly the Moment for Active and Honest Agents to appear in all the Maritime
States. I am sure, if Congress knew the State of Things, it would Adopt the Measure.
We should now be well receivd even at Morrocco, the Prince of which seems to be a
Man of Liberality and Spirit.2 A Connection with Him is worth Cultivating and indeed, it is Necessary, that it should
be.
Has your Excellency seen a Number of intercepted Letters from Messrs. Sullivan Lee
Lovel Lyman &c? They were published in the last London papers,3 if they have not come to hand, I will do myself the Honor of sending them to your
Excellency.
England has applied for Leave to import grain from this Country, but has been refused.
She then can have it from no place and she will be soon distressed by the want of
that Article. Next Winter the City of London may want Coals. Let the Dutch look to
that, I find they have begun with the Colliers.4
I find by the London Papers, that the English have lost four more frigates. It is
said, that Monsieur de Ternay is dead, and that Monsr. Rochambeau is to come home.
I shall soon have an opportunity of reading throughout la Vie privée de Louis XV.
I have read Parts of it.
Four or five English officers in the Service of the East India Company have arrivd
here in a miserable Condition, they were taken and robbed either in passing through
the Eastern Country or on the Red Sea. It is probable they were entrusted with the
dispatch which, it is supposed, the Company sent last Spring to Commence Hostilities
against the Dutch. If so, some Mischief is stopped.
I am Sir with the greatest Respect, Your Excellencys Most Faithful & Obedient Humble
Servt.
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Jennings recd & ansd. Feb. 8. 1781.”
1. Although there were numerous reports about Pensacola in the newspapers, it did not
fall until 9 May (Mackesy, War for America, p. 416).
2. Mohammed III, Emperor of Morocco, has been described as the “most progressive and
least piratical of the Barbary potentates.” It was with him that Thomas Barclay, in
1786, concluded a Treaty of Peace and Friendship for the United States that JA and Thomas Jefferson signed in Jan. 1787 (James A. Field, America and the Mediterranean World, 1776–1882, Princeton, 1969, p. 32; Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:185–227).
3. The letters Jenings refers to were intercepted at Stratford Landing, Conn., and subsequently
printed in James Rivington's New York Royal Gazette on 18 and 27 Dec. 1780. Those that appeared in the Royal Gazette Extraordinary of 18 Dec. were reprinted in London newspapers on or about 27 Jan. (London Chronicle, 25–27, 27–30 Jan.). The letters, not all of which were reprinted in London, were
by John Sullivan, Arthur Lee, James Lovell, Daniel Lyman, Timothy Pickering, Ezekiel
Cornell, and Samuel Adams. For a list of those { 112 } that Lt. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton sent to Lord George Germain, see Davies, ed., Docs. of the Amer. Rev., 1770–1783, 16:458; and for those by members of Congress, see Smith, ed., Letters of Delegates, 16:338–341, 352–353, 359–361, 363–366, 368–369, 370–371, 374.
4. Probably a reference to a newspaper report that a Dutch privateer had taken two loaded
colliers off Flamborough Head (London Chronicle, 30 Jan. – 1 Feb.).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0076
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-05
From William Tudor
[dateline] Boston 5th. Feby. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I had the Honour of your Letter by Monsieur Jean Baptiste Petry about six Weeks since,1 and should before this Time have acknowleged the Receipt of it, had a favourable
Opportunity presented but so many of our merchant Ships are captured that a Letter
goes subjected to too much Hazard which is transmitted by a private Vessel; This goes
by The Alliance and I hope will arrive safe, for the Loss of this Frigate would almost
annihilate our Navy.
Should You ask what Part the Americans have been acting this last Summer, I can only
say much such a Game as our Allies, that is, doing Nothing. Strange to tell, and more
vexatious to reflect that Britain has held at Defiance France and Spain, and even
made Conquests in America, unassisted by any foreign Force excepting a few German
Mercenaries, and without one single maritime Power to aid, or even wish her Success!
The naval Force under Monsr. Ternay was so unequal to that of the British, after the
Arrival of Admiral Graves who reached Sandy Hook as early as the French Squadron got
to Newport, that the former's Design was frustrated, and the Army and Navy of our
Ally has had the Mortification of being circumscribed within the Harbour and Island
of Rhode Island ever since their Arrival.2 Our own Exertions with regard to raising and maintaining a respectable and efficient
Army have been shameful, and the Convulsions now dividing our Army in the Jerseys
have painfully taught Us the Folly of not making timely Provision for the paying,
cloathing and feeding our Soldiers.3 The Wisdom which is acquired by Experience (and all we have in America is from this
Source) is slowly and very often dearly purchased. The contracted Views, mercenary
Incentives, and shallow (internal) Politicks of this Country has spun out the War
to a distressing Length. Upon a Requistion from Congress for the compleating our Battalions
against the Opening of next Campaign, we are now giving from twenty to thirty Guineas
a Man for Recruits (paper Money will not do in this Business) and yet I am afraid
this State's Quota will fall very short.4
{ 113 } Our Army under General Washington has been miserably fed during the Campaign; This
has been partly owing to the French Armament at Rhode Island; their Money being so
much better than that of the Continent, the Farmer and Grazier have been induced to
drive their Cattle and transport their Forage to Newport instead of the North River.
At home the People are grumbling under the Weight of their Taxes, which are now become
quarterly and burthensome. Should the next Campaign end as despicably as the present
has, I dread the Effect. The Country are vexed to find 72 Sail of the Line blockading
Gibralter, when, divided into Squadrons, they might be employed in Operations so much
more conducive to the general Interest of the Alliance.5 France and Spain by acting meerly a defensive Part, with a View to stifle the Jealousies
of their European Neighbours, may protract the War and exhaust the Resources of Great
Britain, but America has neither Patience nor Strength for a Trojan War. They want
some capital Stroke to rouse their enfeebled Spirits.
The Treason of Arnold has taught Us a Lesson of Vigilance and Caution; and the hanging
Major Andre convinced the Enemy that our Commanders possess Firmness and Spirit. The
Renegado is now in Virginia spreading Devastation, but we hope will soon be scourged.6 The Eastern Counties of that State have long wanted something to animate and nerve
them. The Success our southern Troops have met since the Misfortune and Misconduct
of General Gates in August, will tend to convince the Virginians that to conquer is
to be determined.
We have lost a great Number of Sailors this Summer who have perished in the Prison
Ships at New York, and We begin very sensibly to feel the Want of that hardy and valuable
Mass of Men. Congress has lately published an Act for Retaliation, but it is too negligently
inforced.7 Americans have learnt to fight, but they are yet to acquire Inhumanity.
To what cause is it owing that the Dutch have never yet sent any Cargoes to this Continent?
Merchants of Speculation and Enterprize might have made for a year past very large
Profits by the Sale of almost any European Manufactures. Could our Trade be carried
on in neutral Bottoms, our Seamen Might then be employed soly in privateering, infinitely
more to the Advantage of America than in navigating merchant Vessels.
The Wheels of our New Commonwealth are well in Motion, and revolve with tolerable
Ease. If We had a few more Men of real { 114 } Abilities and extensive Views to aid, the Government by being more respectable would
naturally be more energetic.
The Clamours of Creditors have at Length produced a Repeal of the Tender Act in this
State, and People in future are to pay their Debts in Paper according to the Rate
it bears to Silver, this will help that Currency exceedingly.8 And the principal Reason of Paper Money not depreciating these seven Months (continuing
during this Period at 75 for 1) has been owing to the Laws granting an unconfined
Circulation to Coin.
About six Weeks ago a very unfortunate Affray took place on the long Wharff. There
is a drinking House kept on Minot's T which was frequented both by the French and
American Sailors. The Woman of the House complained to the People belonging to the
Alliance Frigate, that the Frenchmen not only gave her scurrilous Language, but often
refused to pay her, and begg'd them to see her righted; soon after this, the same
Evening, a Boat from the Surveillante landed (there were two french Frigates and a
large armed store Ship laying in the Harbour) and its Crew repaired to this House
as usual for Grogg; and upon growing a little Troublesome, the Americans kicked them
all out of Doors. About half an Hour after, the Sailors of the Alliance retiring to
their Boats were unexpectedly attacked by the French Sailors armed with Knives, and
one of the Americans was thrust through the Heart, and two others badly wounded. By
the prudent Conduct of the Officers of all the Ships, afterwards, no Disturbance arose
out of this. The Commander at Newport delivered up the French Seamen who were charged
by the Jury of Inquest with the killing, and they are now in Prison in this Town and
will take their Tryal at the Superior Court.9
On the 1st. January a very alarming Revolt took Place in the Army under the immediate
Command of Genl. W[ayne]. The Pennsylvania Line consisting of about two thousand Men who were cantoned at
Morris Town, suddenly withdrew headed by a sergeant Major to Prince Town carrying
with them their Arms and six Brass field Peices, with Ammunition sufficient to make
them formidable. Upon getting to Prince-Town they planted their Guards, formed a Board
of Serjeants, stated their Grievances and demanded Redress. Various Reasons pointed
out the Necessity of having Recourse to Persuasion rather than Force to quiet this
dangerous Insurrection. The whole Army complained of similar Sufferings and secretly
wished Success to the Revolters; While the British General was preparing to take Advantage
of the general Uneasiness. With a View of drawing the { 115 } Pennsylivania Soldiers over to Staten Island he sent out to them a sensible, shrewd
Serjeant and a Jersey Refugee with offers of very advantageous Terms provided they
would throw themselves under his Protection. The Revolters spurned the Bribe, and
delivered up the miserable Bearers of it to General Wayne, who immediately executed
them as Spies. Governor Reed sent them a 100 Guineas as a Reward for this Mark of
Attachment; But they returned the Money with this manly Message “That the surrendering
up the Spies was only an Act of Duty they owed their Country; They did not sollicit
Rewards, they asked only for Justice, and that obtained they would return to their
Colours.” All Difficulties have since been removed, and the Men have returned to their
Quarters, and their Duty.
I have given You, my dear Sir, in this Letter only the gloomy Side of our Affairs;
for a more exhilerating Prospect of them I must refer You to Colonel Laurens.
I am with great Respect & the truest Esteem, my very dear Sir, Your obt. hble. Servt.
[signed] Wm. Tudor
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Mr. Tudor 5th. Feby. 1781.”
1. JA's letter of 18 March 1780 has not been printed. For a nearly identical letter, see JA to James Warren of the same date (vol. 9:63–64).
3. The mutiny of the New Jersey Line on 20 Jan. was reported in the Boston Independent Ledger of 5 February. Unlike the incident involving the Pennsylvania troops, where an accommodation
was reached, the mutiny of the New Jersey regiments was put down by force and two
of the principal mutineers were summarily executed (Carl Van Doren, Mutiny in January, N.Y., 1943, p. 204–227).
4. The General Court resolved on 2 Dec. 1780 to raise 4,290 men, Massachusetts' quota
for the Continental Army. Each town determined how much to offer in bounty (Mass., Acts and Laws, 1:190–201).
5. A report concerning French operations against Gibraltar appeared in the Boston newspapers,
including the Independent Chronicle, on or about 25 January.
6. Benedict Arnold arrived in Virginia with 1,700 men in late Dec. 1780. His initial
foray was against Richmond, where he burned warehouses and supplies on 5 Jan. (Clare
Brandt, The Man in the Mirror: A Life of Benedict Arnold, N.Y., 1994, p. 241–247).
7. The Boston Independent Ledger of 5 Feb. contained reports of the plight of Americans held on prison ships in New
York Harbor and indicated that seven or eight were dying each day. It also included
a report to Congress and the resolutions proceeding therefrom that were adopted on
5 January. The resolutions permitted retaliation if the treatment of American prisoners
did not improve, but did not go as far as some would have liked, for a provision recommending
the confinement of “British sea officers and seamen in prison ships or common goals”
was rejected (JCC, 19:27–28).
8. An Act for Repealing Certain Parts of an Act Postponing Payment of Government Securities
to a Distant Period, &c., adopted on 25 Jan. (Mass., Acts and Laws, 1:6–10).
9. Reports of this incident, which occurred on 28 Dec. 1780, appeared in Boston newspapers,
although in less detail than Tudor provides (Independent Chronicle, 4 Jan.). No record, however, has been found of a trial of the French sailors. Minot's
T was on the north side of Long Wharf, midway to the end where it met the seventeenth-century
sea wall, or barricado, that extended from Lewis Wharf across Long Wharf to Rowe's
Wharf (Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, A Topographical and Historical Description of Boston, Boston, 1871, p. 118–119, map at p. 20–21).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0077
Recipient: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
Date: 1781-02-06
To C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Amsterdam Feb. 6. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I have received your Favours of the 3d. and 5th. with their Inclosures all in good
order. I have but one Copy of the Treaty of Alliance, otherwise I would send you one
with Pleasure. I am of your opinion that no Propositions should be yet made to the
States General, as a Body, but Hints and Ideas may be suggested to Individuals, in
order to prepare Mens Minds by familiarizing them with Such Speculations. It is very
true there are critical Moments, after which Things go of themselves, but it is necessary
to prepare Things for a Crisis, that every Thing may be ready when it arrives. The
Art of the Midwife often assists the Birth and avoids fatal dangers, in Constitutions
the most vigorous. And the whole Corps diplomatick, with all their Superb Pomp, are
but a Company of Grannys.
Mr. Searle declares that Congress gave Mr. Laurens a Commission of Minister Plenipotentiary,
and they gave me the Same. But if Mr. Searle is not mistaken, which I rather believe,
the full Powers to me, were omitted to be Sent me, by Some neglect. For I tell you
candidly, I have no other Powers, but a Commission to borrow Money.
As to Mr. Franklins Power, the matter Stands thus. The three Commissioners, at the
Court of Versailles, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Lee and myself, had full Power, by a Resolution
of Congress, to treat and make a Treaty of Commerce, with any Power in Europe. Whether
the Dissolution of that Commission, annulls that full Power, may be a question, but
the Subsequent Appointment of Mr. Laurens, with full Powers to treat with this Republick,
would, I Suspect, be legally, or diplomatically considered, as a Superseas1 of that Authority, here. So that considering Things candidly I am afraid, there is
nobody now in Europe, fully authorized to treat with this Republick but Mr. Laurens.
The Accessions of the Nations, which compose the neutral Confederacy, to the Treaty
of Alliance, would however be an Event, So brillant and decisive for America, that
there is not a doubt to be made, that Congress would joyfully ratify it, in the first
moment, whether it was made by Dr. Franklin or me, or even if it was made by the King
of France without consulting either of Us, upon equitable Conditions.
I find the People are alike, in Some particulars, in every Part of the World. This
Nation is now flattering itself with hopes of Peace. They think that when England
Sees, the neutral Union going to War with { 117 } her, She will give up, beg Pardon, change the Ministry, make Peace, rise in Arms against
the Ministry &c. &c. &c. Alass! There will be no such Thing. There must fly a great
many cannon Balls first. I should have thought this cool, penetrating Nation more
intimately acquainted with the English Heart. The Pride, the Self Conceit, the Vanity
of that People, is infinite. Nine in Ten of that whole People, fully and firmly believe
themselves able to fight and beat, all the maritime Powers of the World. Their Imaginations
are all on Fire. They think of Nothing but devouring Holland, Sinking the whole Russian,
Danish and Sweedish Fleets, exhausting the Finances of France and Spain, and above
all of Americans loving admiring and Adoring them So much as very Soon most humbly
to implore their King to take them under his gracious Protection, without even making
a condition.
No Sir, Combinations, political Arrangements, and magnificent Parade, will not do
with the English in their present State of Intoxication.
Nothing but hard Blows, taking their Fleets of Merchant Ships and burning, taking,
Sinking, or destroying their Men of War will bring them to Reason. Nor this neither,
untill it is carried to such a Length, as to deprive So many of the People of their
Subsistance, as to make them rise in Outrages against the Government. I am Sorry that
Things must go to such an Extremity, but I nave not the least doubt that it will.
[salute] With great Respect &c.
LbC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0078
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Recipient: President of Congress
Date: 1781-02-07
To the President of Congress
[dateline] Amsterdam February 7. 1781
[salute] Sir
By the Tenth Article of the Treaty of Alliance with France “The most Christian King
and the united States agree, to invite or admit other Powers, who may have received
Injuries from England, to make common Cause with them and to acceed to that Alliance,
under Such Conditions as shall be freely agreed to and Settled between all the Parties.”
According to present Appearances, in a few Weeks Russia, Denmark, Sweeden and Holland,
the Nations that form the neutral Confederacy, will be at War against England and
the first Moments { 118 } of Warmth and Enthusiasm occasioned by this Rupture, would be the most favourable,
for France and the United States to join in an Invitation to all these Powers, to
acceed to that Alliance. At present it is a question whether there is any Person in
Europe legally authorized to treat with any Power, except France and Spain. It is
true that the Commissioners, at the Court of Versailles, had formerly by a Resolution
of Congress, which I believe was inserted in the Commission, which I had the Honour
to carry over to France, Authority to Treat with any Power in Europe. But it may now
be justly questioned, whether the Dissolution of that Commission has not dissolved
that Power.1 In order to remove all doubts I submit to the Consideration of Congress, whether
it would not be proper to give a formal Commission to Some Person or other, to treat
with these Powers and Prussia too.
I am very Sorry, that I have it not in my Power, to give Congress more favourable
Intelligence on the Subject of a Loan. I am ashamed to say, that I have not been able
with all the Solicitation that Decency would countenance, either to get an House to
undertake a Loan or a Broker to negotiate it. The Dread of doing any Thing which should
give a Colour of Complaint to England, or of furnishing the opposite Party with a
pretence to charge any one with directly or indirectly causing a War, has been Such,
that nobody dared do any Thing. Even at this Moment there are So many hopes of Peace,
and so many Solicitudes about being Supported by Russia Sweeden and Denmark, that
Things move very heavily. I am asked every day, with great Anxiety, have you power
to make a Treaty with Us? I answer No I have not. I have only Power to negotiate a
Loan? I am told, that by beginning my Negotiation for a Loan, without going to the
states General first and the Prince of Orange, at least without its being known that
I have a Commission to treat with them I shall Spoil my Affair. I believe this to
be true but I cant help it. I must obey the orders of Congress and Bills of Exchange
will soon become payable. I shall therefore try the Experiment, with little Hopes
of Success. I can say no more than this, that Congress may depend upon they never
will get a Loan for any considerable sum of Money, untill they have a Minister here.
Mr. Searle assures me, that Mr. Laurens had the Powers of a Minister, if so his Captivity
is So much the greater Misfortune: but there is no Possibility that I know of, of
getting his Liberty. It would be indelicate and unjust to superceed Mr. Laurens, and
therefore I submit it to Congress, whether it will not be expedient to send A { 119 } Commission here, to take Place during the Absence of Mr. Laurens. Perhaps some Gentlemen
would think it derogatory to them to accept such a Commission. Some others to serve
their Country would not. But in all Events, I beg Leave to give it as my opinion,
that a Minister here is indispensibly necessary. If such an one is not sent this Nation
will after what is passed, be disgusted. It has been a long time wonderful to me,
that Congress have not had a Minister here. It is certainly ill Policy, to neglect
a Nation which is the most likely to be affectionately attached to Us, as they are
of the Protestant Religion, and <there is more Liberty in their s> attached in sentiment to Liberty tho the Form of their Government cannot be said
to be absolutely free, and as they are the Center of the Commerce of the World.
Whether Congress will think proper, to give the Same Minister Power to represent them
in this Republick and the other Powers of the neutral Confederacy, or whether they
will send a Minister to the Empress of Russia, with such Powers, giving at the same
Time a Commission to another to reside here, or whether they will Send a Minister
to each of the maritime Powers, I must Submit to their Wisdom. <I beg Leave to say a few Walls>2<before I conclude respecting myself. I see no Prospect at all, that my Commission
for making Peace, will be of any Use at all. There can be no greater Punishment to
me, then to live in Idleness>.
I have this Day, the Honour of a Letter, from Mr. Lovell, dated the 12th. of December
inclosing a Resolution of Congress of the Same day, which does me great Honour.3 I shall continue to do every Thing in my Power, to honour the Bills, that have been
drawn, and that I have accepted or may accept, but with very imperfect Hopes of Success,
without the Assistance of Mr. Franklin, or of a Power to treat upon political subjects
and obtain the Countenance of the states. At present I have no Such Power, and it
would only make matters worse if I were to ask it. Most of the Bills of the Sixth
of June, have appeard and been accepted by me, upon the Consent of Mr. Franklin to
pay them, if I cannot. No others have as yet arrived. When they do, I must again apply
to Mr. Franklin. If he cannot, engage to pay, I shall be obliged, for what I see at
present, to let them be protested, for it would certainly be better to have them protested
for Non Acceptance, than to have the Agent of Congress, engaged for them, unable to
pay them, sent to Prison or declared Bankrupt. I hope however that nothing so disagreable
will happen. I hope that Mr. Franklin will obtain of France, enough to pay them. There
is a firm Confidence here that they will be paid, Some Way or other, for { 120 } it is certain there are no Bills in better Credit, or more demand. They will fetch
Goods or Money, at any Time and of almost any Person. This is a great Consolation
to me, and an excellent Symptom for the publick.4
It is extreamly disagreable to me, to be obliged to repeat So often as I have done
in my Letters, the Request to Congress to send full Powers here because it may have
the Appearance of Soliciting for myself, which is not the Truth. It is perfectly indifferent
to me, whether such Power be Sent to me or any other Gentleman. The Powers themselves
are wanted, and it is of no Kind of Consequence who has them <provided he be, as no doubt he will, an honest and a capable Man>. I dont mean by this however to decline any service to which I may be ordered by
Congress, because I am at present an expensive Article to the United States without
the Power to do them any good. My Commission for making Peace is extreamly honourable
to me, but totally useless to the publick, it has done Us no good whatsoever, it has
been considered as a proof of Weakness and distress and an earnest Affection for Great
Britain, and an ardent Zeal to be restored to Friendship with them. I never did myself
expect any good from it, having ever considered it in the Light, of Some other Measures,
in which I have heretofore obeyed the orders of Congress against my own private opinion,
particular our second Petition to the King, and the Conference with Lord How upon
Staten Island.5 I see not the least prospect that it will be of any service, for the English in my
opinion, will not acknowledge our Independance for many Years. And therefore, if there
is no service in which I can be employed, in which I can have the Consolation to reflect
that I am doing Some thing for the Publick at the Same Time that I am eating its Bread,
I had rather be recalled, for in my own Country, I flatter myself I could do it some
good. I have the Honour to be
LbC (Adams Papers); notation, below the date line: “never Sent or copied.”
1. JA's commission of 27 Nov. 1777 to replace Silas Deane as one of the three American Commissioners to France, was
identical to that given the joint commission as originally constituted in 1776 (vol.
5:333–334; Franklin, Papers, 22:634–635). It directed the Commissioners to negotiate with France, but the February
1778 signing of the Franco-American treaties had obviated it by the time JA arrived at Paris in April 1778. Despite JA's statement here, the power to negotiate treaties with other European nations did
not come from the formal commission, but rather from “Additional Instructions” adopted
on 16 Oct. 1776 (Franklin, Papers, 22:629–630). The appointment, in Jan. and May 1777 (JCC, 7:8, 318, 334, 343), of separate commissioners to conclude treaties with Spain,
Tuscany, Prussia, and Austria forestalled the Commissioners at Paris from acting except,
perhaps, with respect to the Netherlands and Russia. Only in the case of the former
did they contemplate doing so. For the Commissioners' views on the extent of their
power, see vol. 7:64–65, 86–88. JA considered the American Commissioners' powers an issue in 1781 because Congress failed
to { 121 } formally terminate the joint commission by recalling JA and Arthur Lee and state explicitly that Franklin's appointment as minister to France
superseded his appointment as a Commissioner and the Commission itself. This would
have had little practical effect in 1781, because Henry Laurens' appointment as minister
to the Netherlands precluded either JA or Franklin from exercising the Commissioners' powers there, and no other nations
were interested in a treaty with the U.S. With the end of the war, however, Benjamin
Franklin was approached regarding treaties with the U.S., leading JA, as he did periodically, to revisit the whole issue. See, for example, his letters
of 15 March and 5 Sept 1783 to William Lee and Elbridge Gerry, respectively (LbC, Adams Papers; MHi: G. F. Hoar Autograph Coll.). Not until 1784, when Congress appointed JA, Benjamin Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson ministers plenipotentiary to negotiate treaties
with the nations of Europe and the Barbary states, was the issue laid to rest (JCC, 26:357–362; 27:372–374).
3. Vol. 10:407–408.
4. When JA copied this letter from his Letterbook for publication in the Boston Patriot he omitted the final paragraph (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 382–384).
5. JA wrote this sentence at the bottom of the page and marked it for insertion at this
point. For his opposition to the Olive Branch Petition of 5 July 1775 and his spectacular
dispute with John Dickinson that arose from it, see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 3:314–321; 2:173–175. For his account of the conference with Adm. Lord Richard Howe on 11 Sept. 1776,
attended by himself, Benjamin Franklin, and Edward Rutledge, see same, 3:417–431.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0079-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-07
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Lahaie 7e. fevr. 1781
[salute] Honoured & dear Sir
Je n'ai qu'un instant avant le depart de la poste, pour vous faire parvenir le Poscrit
ci joint pour le Congrès.1 Mr. Deane a repassé ici hier au Soir revenant d'Amsterdam; et il est reparti ce matin
pour Paris. Je suis surpris de n'avoir pas vu revenir encore Mr. Gillon de Rotterdam.
Avez-vous de ses nouvelles? Ou est-il de retour à Amsterdam?
Je suis toujours avec les sentimens de respect et d'Attachement sincere que vous connoissez
Monsieur V. t. h. & t. o. Servit.
[signed] Dumas
Tourner le feuillet.
On me mande de Paris, que Rodney a attaqué l'Isle de St. Vincent, et qu'il a été reçu
galamment, et repoussé vigoureusement que Mr. De Ternay est mort à Rhode-Island, et
a été remplacé par Mr. DesTouche,2 qui vaut encore mieux que lui. Que les Amns. sont en bonne posture.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0079-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-07
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 7 February 1781
[salute] Honoured & dear Sir
I have only a moment before the mail departs, to send you the enclosed postscript
for Congress.1 Mr. Deane passed through here yesterday coming back from Amsterdam. He left again
this morning for Paris. I am surprised { 122 } that I did not see Mr. Gillon again on his return from Rotterdam. Do you have any
news of him? Or is he back in Amsterdam?
I remain as always, with sentiments of respect and sincere attachment which you know,
sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
Turn the page.
It is said from Paris, that Rodney attacked St. Vincent, and was received gallantly
and pushed back vigorously. Mr. Ternay is dead at Rhode Island and was replaced by
Mr. Destouches,2 who will be better than him. The Americans are in a good position.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. This is likely the postscript of 6 Feb. to Dumas' letter to Congress of 5 Feb., which he had enclosed in his to JA of 5 Feb., above. It reported on the arrival of a courier from St. Petersburg carrying letters
from the Dutch diplomats there regarding their activities in the aftermath of Sir
Joseph Yorke's departure and the outbreak of the Anglo-Dutch war. Dumas thought the
intelligence doubtful because the diplomatic activity seemed premature (PCC, No. 93, I, f. 502).
2. Charles René Dominique Souchet, Chevalier Destouches, the second in command, immediately
replaced Ternay as commander of the French squadron at Newport. Destouches was himself
replaced in May, when Jacques Melchior Saint Laurent, Comte de Barras, arrived from
France (Lee Kennett, The French Forces in America, 1780–1783, Westport, 1977, p. 81, 104).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0080-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-07
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] [ca. 7 fevrier 1781]1
[salute] Monsieur
J'ai l'honorée vôtre du 6e. et j'y répondrai à loisir un autre jour. Je vous dirai
seulement que je suis bien faché que vous n'ayiez pas les Pouvoirs dont vous parlez,
et, qu'il me paroît nécessaire de demander ces Pouvoirs au C—— pour vous sans perte
de temps. Il ne s'agit pas de traiter avec cette Rep. seule, ni avec elle la premiere
mais avec la Russie, et par elle avec les autres Alliés. Cela aura probablement une
grande connexion avec vos Pouvoirs que vous m'avez montrés à Amsterdam: car cela pourra
y conduire. Ainsi ne perdons pas du temps. Ecrivons au C—— pour qu'il vous munisse
de nouveaux Pouvoirs outre ceux que vous avez déjà, et propres à produire aux Puissces.
de la quadruple Alliance.
Je m'expliquerai mieux dans 2 ou 3 jours.
Je suis, Monsieur avec beaucoup de respect Votre très humble & très obeisst. serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Voici les Lettres pour Mr. Lawrens. Je ne crois pas qu'il recouvre sitôt sa liberté.
D'ailleurs ses Pleinpouvoirs sont au fond de la mer, et ne s'adressoient qu'a cette
Rep.
J'écris fort à la hâte.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0080-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-07
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] [ca. 7 February 1781]1
[salute] Sir
I have the honor of your letter of the 6th and will respond to it at my leisure another
day. I will only say to you that I am angry that you do not have the powers you spoke
about, and that it seems necessary to ask Congress for these powers immediately. It
is not a question of making a treaty with only this republic, nor with it the first
one, but rather signing one with Russia, and after that with the other allies. This
is greatly connected to the powers that you showed to me in Amsterdam and it is because
of these that it could come about. Let us not waste time therefore. Write to Congress
so that it issues you new powers, beyond those that you already have and proper to
produce the quadruple alliance.
I will explain myself in greater detail in two or three days.
I am, sir, with much respect, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
Enclosed are the letters for Mr. Laurens. I do not believe that he will have his liberty
soon. Besides, his plenipotentiary powers are at the bottom of the sea, and they only
address this republic.
I write in much haste.
RC (Adams Papers). Filmed under the date [ca. 10 Feb. 1780], Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 354.
1. Dumas acknowledges JA's letter of 6 Feb., which he probably would have received on 7 or 8 February. Moreover, Dumas indicated
in his letter of 3 Feb. that he intended to send the letters for Henry Laurens, mentioned in the postscript,
by way of Alexander Gillon, but in his letter of 7 Feb., above, Dumas indicated his surprise that Gillon had not passed through on his way
to Amsterdam.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0081
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-07
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels Febry. 7th. 1781
[salute] Sir
I have this day the Honor of receiving your Excellency Letter of the 5th. Instant:
It mentions no particulars, but says in general all things are well in the North,
and shews that your Excellency is well-satisfied, I am rejoiced at it.
I inclose to your Excellency a Copy of the Translation &c. I Hope the Print thereof
will meet with your Excellencys Approbation. I have three more of them, which I will
send by the first Opportunity. I have taken the Liberty to send one to Mr. Dana and
another to Col. Searle.
Sir J York left this place last Monday as I have had the Honor of informing your Excellency.
A Plot of Ground is laid out for a considerable Magazine near Louvain a town about
half a days Journey from Hence.
{ 124 } I wait in great expectation to see The dutch Manifesto.
I am reading about Congresses and Treaties of Peace. I wish your Excellency was employd
and busy in them.
I am with the greatest Respect Sir Your Excellencys Most Faithful & Obedient Humble
Servt.
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0082
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-07
From John Thaxter
[dateline] Leyden 7th. Feby. 1781
[salute] Sir
Yesterday I had the Honor of your's of the 4th. instant.1
I acquainted Mr. Luzac immediately with your Request respecting the Crisis, who informed
me that it should be translated as soon as possible into the Language You have chosen.
I am exceedingly sorry to learn that the Complaint in your Eyes has returned, and
that your Health suffers. I should have been very happy to have taken off your Hands
a Part of what I concieve has brought on your Indisposition, if it had been proper
or within the Compass of my Ability. I hope your proposed Ramble will restore You.
The Air of that City has but little Salubrity.
I can readily concieve that your present Situation is not very eligible, and that
the Foot of Penns Hill has more Charms for You than any Spot upon the Globe—indeed
there are few Spots more to boast of. Altho' I stand not in the tender Relation of
Husband or Father, or in the pleasing one of a Suitor or Lover, and therefore ought
not to be supposed to be attached to particular Atoms of Earth, yet there is another
Connection which added to those of Blood, carry my thoughts across the Atlantic, and
will render a Departure from this Quarter of the World an Event not to be deprecated.
The Repulse of Rodney and the Troops from St. Vincents is an agreable Event. I wish
and hope most sincerely that it is but a Prelude to others more decisive. The Languor
in the Naval Operations of last Campaign made neither Sailors nor Warriors, and so
long an Interval of Inactivity cannot fail to damp that Ardor and Spirit of Enterprize
so necessary in that Branch of War. Every Body complains of it—it may be Wisdom and
sound Policy, but every one does not see it in that point of View.
The Reports run here of a Treaty between the Empress of Russia and England and that
every thing is to be accommodated à l'amiable: that there is another upon the Tapis
between England and the Em• { 125 } peror—Propositions for Peace &c. &c. There is a striking Display of one's Hopes, Fears
and Wishes in all this—but they are not to become Standards of Credibility—the Blasts
of the North are still thought by many to be poisonous to England. And Whilst England
continues thus to sport with the Sovereignty Liberty and Commerce of the other Powers,
She leagues at least those against her, and renders a Treaty with her if not unsafe,
yet dishonourable. She will convince the rest of Mankind, that America has been oppressed,
insulted and aggrieved as them. In 1672 Charles II declared War against this Republic,
because it attacked his Person and Glory by satyrical Paintings, Medals and Inscriptions,
and because the Merlin, the Yacht of the King, which passed thro' the midst of the
Dutch Fleet in going to England, did not receive an immediate Return on the Part of
de Ruiter to the Salute the Yacht gave. The Lieutenant Admiral Van Gend did return
the Salute instantly, and so did de Ruiter, (who, at the Time of the Passing of the
Yacht was making Sail and unable then to salute) as soon as possible. Van Gend had
hardly finished the Salute, when the Yacht fired two Shot at his Ship, because “qu'il
n'avait pas baissé le Pavilion, ni amené la voile de hune.”2 Madam Temple it seems was abord.3 Have the English had more Reason in the present Manifesto? Impartial Nations will
judge. The Dutch it is to be presumed are too much irritated to make such humble Concessions
now as they did at that time.
Master John and I attend Mr. Pestel's Lectures upon Natural Jurisprudence.4 We begin to understand them and to be accustom'd to his Prononciation.
You will oblige me much, Sir, if in your next You will be kind enough to inform me
in what Hôtel at Paris Mr. Dana is lodged.
I have the Honor to be with the most perfect Respect, Sir, your most humble Servt.
[signed] J. Thaxter
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Thaxter ansd Feb. 8 1781.” JA's reply of 8 Feb. has not been found.
2. That is, he neither lowered the flag nor dipped his topsail.
3. As Britain prepared for its third war with the Netherlands, which would break out
in 1672, it recalled its ambassador to The Hague, Sir William Temple, who reached
England in Sept. 1670. It was not until June 1671 that Temple was permitted to write
a farewell letter to the States General and the royal yacht was sent to bring home
Lady Temple and the remainder of his household. It was on the yacht's return voyage
to England that the incident described by Thaxter occurred (DNB).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0083
Recipient: Dana, Francis
Date: 1781-02-08
To Francis Dana
[dateline] Amsterdam Feb. 8. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I had yesterday the Pleasure of receiving two Letters from you, one dated Feb. 1.
and one without a date, but I suppose written the day before.1 With these I received the Packetts, but there are in them no Letters from my Wife.
The Resolution of Congress of the 12 of December, gives me great Pleasure, as it proves
that We had the good Fortune to be possessed of the true Principles of Congress and
to enter fully into their Views in the Resolutions of last March respecting the Paper
Money: but I cannot recollect what were the two Papers, in the Duplicate, more than
in the original, there is no minute in the Book to shew.2
I assure you Sir I have not had more Satisfaction in the Resolution, than in the affectionate
manner in which Mr. Lovel and you, have communicated it to me. I am prepared in my
own mind to receive from Congress Resolutions of a different Nature, but of these
We will Say nothing untill We see them.
I must beg you to send me a Key to the Cyphers; the Letter is wholly unintelligible
to me for want of one. I see by the Journals, that We are authorized to acceed to
the Principles of the Empress of Russia but I find no Commission for that Purpose
nor any Resolution of Congress authenticated by the Secretary or the Committee.3 Will you talk with D D ||Benjamin Franklin|| and Fun ||James Searle||, about what is proper, to be done?
All Accounts from all Parts of America shew that a great Spirit reigns tryumphant.
A Vigour an Elasticity, Appears in all Parts not with standing the Croaking of Sullivan
Pickering, and Francisco ||Silas Deane||.4 The last has been here and gone away without doing me the Honour of a Visit. Rodney
and Vaughans Repulse is a grand Stroke a ballance for 5 or 6 Jersey affairs.5 All Things, in all Quarters conspire to shew that the English will have their fill
of glorious War. Gillon's hour of Sailing is uncertain, not for a long time I fear.
Do you learn any Thing of Davis's Arrival, or Capture, or loss?6 If I had a Commission, as Minister here, I verily believe I would borrow Money, without
it, no Man ever will, in any considerable quantity.
LbC (Adams Papers).
2. JA refers to the duplicate of his letter of 26 June 1780 to the president of Congress and to the notations in his Letterbook regarding the
dispatch of the duplicate, as well as the original and triplicate of that letter.
For the documents enclosed with the three copies of the letter, the dates on which
each reached { 127 } Congress, and the notations in JA's Letterbook, see the letter of 26 June, the descriptive note, and note 8 (vol. 9:477–479).
4. JA is referring to the complaints and/or pessimism of the three men regarding the conduct
of the war: Deane in his conversations with Dana at Paris (from Dana, 1 and [31] Jan., both above); Timothy Pickering in a letter of 20 Nov. 1780 to Gov. Trumbull
of Connecticut; and John Sullivan in a letter of 19 Nov. to the officers of the New
Hampshire Line. In the cases of Pickering and Sullivan, JA had presumably seen their letters, which had been intercepted and published in the
London newspapers (London Chronicle, 27–30 Jan.; see also Jenings' letter of 5 Feb., and note 3, above).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0084
Recipient: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
Date: 1781-02-08
To C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] [Amsterdam, 8 February 1781]1
[salute] Dear Sir
Thus you See that I began the Mischief, and I assure you I am ready to finish it,
if properly invited, and a very little Invitation will do. I am extreamly pleased
with the Modesty of the Resolutions of Congress upon the subject, and not less so
with the sublime Language in which a young poetical Genius, first expressed his Feelings
in his Motion. This Motion and the Resolution set off, one another.2
Pray sir, give me your Opinion whether it is adviseable for me to take any steps in
the Business at present. I think it will be proper to publish it, and if you are of
the same opinion you will oblige me, by having the whole Extract printed as it is,3 because I am very ambitious of the Honour of haveing occasioned such fine Compliments
to the Empress, and the Display of so much honest4 Wisdom in Congress.5
We have an Abundance of News from America, all which you will see in the Papers, as
soon as you will receive this. All's well still in America.
With great Respect, your humble sert.
[signed] John Adams
RC and enclosure (DLC: Dumas Papers); endorsed: “Amst. 8e. fevr. 1781 Mr. J. Adams.” LbC (Adams Papers).
1. This date is taken from the Letterbook copy.
2. JA refers to the enclosure entitled “Extracts from the printed Journal of Congress.”
The five extracts, dated 1, 2, and 26 Sept., and 4 and 5 Oct. 1780, traced the deliberations
of Congress from the arrival of JA's letter of 10 April (vol. 9:121–126), containing the text of Catherine II's declaration of armed neutrality, to the adoption
of resolutions permitting the United States to accede to the armed neutrality (JCC, 17:798, 802; 18:864–866, 899, 905–906). The “young poetical Genius” referred to
at the end of the paragraph was probably Robert R. Livingston. His motion on 26 Sept.
declared that “the acts of a sovereign who promotes the happiness of her subjects
and extends her views to the welfare of nations, who forms laws for a vast empire
and corrects the great code of the world, claim the earliest { 128 } attention of a rising republick.” Livingston's motion led directly to the resolution
of 5 Oct., instructing the Board of Admiralty to formulate instructions for armed
vessels “conformable to the principles contained in the said declaration.” On 27 Nov.
1780, Congress approved regulations that committed the U.S. to observe the principle
that free ships make free goods with regard to neutral nations with whom it had no
treaty as opposed to its previous practice, sanctioned by the law of nations, of seizing
enemy property wherever found.
3. The remainder of this sentence is interlined.
4. The Letterbook reads “Simple.”
5. JA took the extracts that he sent Dumas directly from the printed journals of Congress
that Francis Dana had sent with his letter of 1 Feb., above. A French translation of the relevant passages from the journals appeared
in the Gazette de Leyde of 13 February. For Dumas' actions on this matter and information concerning an earlier
Dutch publication of the resolution of Congress, see his reply of 9 Feb., below.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0085
Recipient: Searle, James
Date: 1781-02-08
To James Searle
[dateline] Amsterdam Feb. 8. 1781
[salute] Dr Sir
Yesterday I was honoured with yours of the 1. Feb.1 I agree with you, that affairs look very well at home, but what shall We do with
the Croakers?2 Is it that these Wretches are merely Superficial? or do they only want to magnify
their Merit, in being faithfull So what they represent as So difficult a Cause? or
are they arnoldized? However I have had So long experience of many of these grunting
Grumbletonians, that I dont always Suspect Treason when I hear them Sigh and groan.
Cheasapeak Bay is a fine Trap. Our Allies will help Us catch a grand Flock of Vultures
there by and by. I Suspect, they will soon all fly there and to Charlestown from N.
York.
Congress are Ameliorating every Thing. Their Aeconomy will Safe half the Expence of
the War. I wish they had redeemed the Bills at 70 for one. I dont like however the
Penalty, which Pensilvania has laid for taking the Paper at less than Silver. All
attempts of this Kind will be eluded, and found vain. I am a mortal Ennemy to all
Embargos, Regulations of Prices, or violent Endeavours to preserve the Credit of Paper.
They do no good but a great deal of Hurt. I fancy American Grain will be in demand,
and Europe must convoy it home or Starve. That Vermont will plage Us a little. I expect
to hear that there are one or two there, Arnoldized. It is a Peice of Policy, exactly
equal to the British Genius, at this day, to bribe 4 or 5 Fellows there, with a little
Gold, and a great many Promises that they shall enjoy their Lands, under the British
Government. But it will end in the flight of these Devils a l'Arnoldoise. However
England must have a series of Tricks and Pranks to keep up the Spirits of the poor
Mob, untill they are wholly undone.
{ 129 } [salute] Adieu
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0086
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-08
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam the 8th. Feby. 1781
[salute] Honourd Sir
After the late conference yoúr Excellency honourd me with, we should have had the
honoúr to answer her most Esteemd favoúr sooner, bútt I am confind to my room, and
in want of some information aboút the form of the bonds.1
As to the terms Yoúr Excellency pleased to fixe on the Loan, relating to oúr Comission,
we can have no objection, we wish chearfully to comply there with; as also, to leave
the disposall of the bonds or part of them to Yoúr Excellency or any other Minister
here from America, We for oúr Selfs have no predilection for any broker bútt those
who may do the greatest service to the Loans.
The brokerage is in generall One half p. Ct. the allowance for the undertakers never
fixed bútt I dare say we shall not want to exceed múch there on Yoúr Excellencys expectations;
though we have known severall loans in which extravagant premiúms were allowed; and
if it may Succeed to oúr wishes and endeavoúrs; we are súre to give yoúr Excellency
all possible satisfaction.
With particular regard and veneration we have the honoúr to be Honoúrd sir Yoúr Excellencys
most Devoted obedient humble servants.
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0087
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-08
From William Lee
[dateline] Bruxelles Feb. 8. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
The Bearer of this, Mr. Brailsford1 a native of South Carolina, is now on his way to America with the laudable design
of serving his Country in the Feild, and being desirous of the Honor of your acquaintance
I have taken the Liberty of introducing him to your Civilities, as I am sure you will
take pleasure in incouraging such praiseworthy motives as carry Mr. Brailsford to
America.
{ 130 } Since my last of the 31 Ultimo I do not hear any material news to be relyed upon,
we have a report from France that Rodney has been repulsed at St. Vincents with considerable
loss.
I send you the debates in Parliament on the Dutch War, as perhaps you may not have
seen so full an Account of them; these you will please to forward to America.
With the highest respect & regard, I have the Honor to remain Dear Sir Your most Obld.
& Obed. Hble Servt.
[signed] W. Lee
Turn over.
P.S. Pray who is Mr. Sullivan the writer of the Letters.2
Sir J. Yorke embark'd yesterday at Ostend for England, which proves his having given
up all hopes of success from his intrigues in Holland and Zealand.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. William Brailsford, a Charleston merchant whom JQA mentions in his Diary for June and who later sailed with CA on the South Carolina (JQA, Diary, 1:77, 83, 88; Adams Family Correspondence, 4:223).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0088
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1781-02-09
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Amsterdam Feb. 9. 17811
[salute] Dear Sir
I have this day the Honour of yours of 5. It would be unwise in Congress, to neglect
any Effort to induce other Powers of Europe to acknowledge our Independancy, and therefore
I am fully of opinion that at least one Minister Should be sent to treat with the
Maritime Powers, or rather the neutral Union. For these Powers will all acknowlege
our Independance at once, and none of them will do it Seperately. But Spain is a horrid
obstacle to every other Courts taking this Step. Spain which is more interested in
it, even than France, hesitates, and Jay is hung up, there as I am here, an object
of Ridicule. Congress will not exhibit more of these Objects, than are necessary.
Every Body Shakes his Head and crys, why dont Spain acknowledge your Independancy?
I know the Reason very well but I cant tell it.2 I think that Reason equally impolitick and ungenerous. But how can We help it? and
how can We help it.
LbC (Adams Papers).
2. When JA copied this letter in 1809 for publication in the Boston Patriot he italicized this sentence and in a paragraph immediately following the letter explained
what he meant (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, { 131 }
p. 387). “Although prudence forbad my explaining 'the reason' at that time, there
is no necessity of concealing it now. I then believed, and I still believe, that the
policy of the count de Vergennes, which exerted all its resources through the duke
de la Vauguion, at the Hague, to embarrass me, and through the marquis of Verac to
obstruct Mr. Dana at Petersburg, was employed at Madrid through the count Montmorin,
to retard Mr. Jay; for his fundamental and universal principle appeared to be to keep us entirely dependent on France.”
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0089
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-09
From Samuel Cooper
[dateline] Boston N.E. Feby 9th 1780 [i.e. 1781]
[salute] My dear Sir
Colonel Johonnot who sails in the Frigate Alliance, I expected would have tarried
with us a day or two longer. His sudden and unexpected Call to go on Board this Ship
which now lies at some Distance from the Town allows me but a Moment to write you.
The Colonel can give you all the News. Colonel Laurens who goes in the same Vessel
upon some secret and important Errand of Congress is capable of stating to you the
present Situation of our Affairs. The raising an Army during the War, goes on more
slowly than I could wish; I hope we shall compleat this Business in Time, but Republican
Governments, tho the best in the World upon the whole, are not remarkable for Decision
and Energy in military Matters. Money is now our great Desideratum. The general Court
have made new Arrangements in pecuniary Matters, by a small Majority in the House
and a large one in the Senate, and have repealed all Tenders except in hard Money
or Paper Equivalent, and gone into other Methods adapted to restore public Credit.1 We cannot pay the Charges of the War in the Year, and are sensible of the Necessity
of Loans. The Resources of this Country are a sure Fund for them; and as they must
increase every day, the principal as well as the Interest may be easily paid in a
moderate Term of Time upon the Restoration of Peace; It would be to the Advantage
of our Allies, and the Neutral Powers to entertain this Idea of us, and aid us in
the present Pinch; Without which I am afraid we shall not be able to act in the common
Cause as our Friends expect and we wish. Colonel Johonnot goes to France upon a Plan
of Business; Your Friendship to him in this will oblige us both. He will see you upon
the Affairs of his Son.2
Please to accept a Copy of the Discourse delivered by me at the Commencement of a
Constitution so much your own.3 The Call for the Departure of the Colonel is given, and I must subscribe myself,
With every Sentiment of Respect and Friendship, Your obedient humble Servant
[signed] Saml: Cooper
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0090-0001-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-09
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Lahaie 9e. fevr. 1781
[salute] Honoured & dear Sir
J'ai reçu et vu avec autant de satisfaction la belle et bonne Résolution du Congrès
du 5 Octob., que j'ai eu de regret de voir cette Piece publiée trop précipitamment
dans la Gazette d'Amsterdam.1 Sans cela je vous aurois conseillé de renvoyer cette publication de quelques ordinaires;
et j'aurois fait avec plus de grace une démarche, qui vous auroit pu conduire tout
d'un coup à une liaison importante; démarche que je dois faire maintenant avec moins
de grace, et du mieux que je puis, ainsi que vous verrez par la copie ci-jointe d'un
Papier qui accompagne ma copie et Traduction de la dite Résolution. Tout ceci absolument
entre nous deux seuls. J'aurois bien besoin, pour le bien de notre marche, d'un Entretien
avec vous ici, ou à Leide. Si vous ne pouviez pas vous absenter d'Amsterdam, j'irois
jusque chez, si vous l'ordonnez. Je n'ai pas vu toute la traduction du Gazettier d'Amstm.
Mais j'y ai vu une fausseté sur un point essentiel, qui fera un mauvais effet.2
Fiez-vous, Monsieur, je vous en supplie, à mon zele et pour la cause Américaine, et
pour vos succès personnels. Entendons-nous bien; et ne soyons pas trop communicatifs
en matiere politique envers certaines gens que l'intérêt propre et la jalousie font
agir, tant Gazettiers qu'autres. Celui de Leide, à qui j'aurois voulu donner la préference
pour cette publication, quand nous en aurions fait l'usage secret essentiel, mérite
cette préference par-dessus le Propriétaire de la Gaz. d'Amst., parce qu'il est l'ancien
et constant Ami des E.U. depuis le commencement, et que l'autre ne l'avoit point été
jusqu'ici. Au reste, ne croyez pas que ce soit mon Amitié pour Mr. Luzac qui soit
la premiere cause du chagrin que j'ai de voir cette piece publiée prématurément. Mon
regret à ce sujet a un objet plus important. Je porte ce soir la copie et ma traduction
là où vous devinerez par la Copie du papier ci-joint. Il faudra, quand nous nous verrons,
que nous convenions d'un petit chifre.
{ 133 } La poste part, et il m'est impossible aujourd'hui de repondre à votre penultieme Lettre.
Croyez, Monsieur, que je suis avec le respect & le zele le plus sincere, Votre très
humble & très obéissant serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Ne faites aucun semblant, Monsieur, ni aucune plainte à Mr. Cer—— de, sa traduction
fautive; et n'exigez pas de lui qu'il la répare dans quelque feuille suivante. J'ai
de fortes raisons, pour vous comme pour moi, de laisser croire que sa publication
ne vient pas de votre part.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0090-0001-0002
Recipient: Gallitzin, Prince Dmitri Alexeivitch
Date: 1781-02-09
Enclosure: A Démarche from Dumas to Prince Gallitzin
Copie du paper qui accompagnoit la Resolution que j'ai portée ce soir à &c.
Sans égard à une Traduction très fautive que le Gazettier d'Amsterdam vient de donner
de la Résolution du Congrès general des Etats Unis de l'Amérique du 5 Oct. 1780, apparamment
d'après quelque Gazette Américaine, il est de mon devoir de communiquer à S. E. M——
une vrai Copie, en langue originale, de cette Résolution, telle que S. E. M. J. Adams
Min. plenip. des E.U., me l'a fait parvenir, avec ma Traduction, afin que cette Piece
puisse parvenir à la connoissance de S. M. I. dans toute son intégrité. Fait à la
haie le 9 Fevr. 1781.
[signed] (Signé) D—— A. d. E.U.
Au bas de la copie de la resolution qui accompagne ce papier, j'ai mis.
A true copie taken by myself from another of the own hand of the honble. J. Adams
M. Pl. from the U.S.
[signed] Signed D– A. of the U.S.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0090-0002-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-09
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 9 February 1781
[salute] Honoured & dear Sir
I have received and have seen with much satisfaction Congress' great and good resolution
of 5 October. Unfortunately it was published precipitously in the Gazette d'Amsterdam.1 Otherwise, I would have advised you to postpone its publication so that I could have
written a more graceful démarche that you could have sent at once to an important
liaison. I must now prepare a less graceful démarche as best I can, as you will see
by the enclosed copy of a paper that accompanied my copy and translation of the said
resolution. All of this is absolutely confidential. For our continued progress, it
is necessary that I meet with you here or in Leyden. If you cannot leave Amsterdam,
I will go to you if you order it. I have not seen the entire translation by the publisher
at Amsterdam, but I did see an error on an essential point, which will make a bad
impression.2
{ 134 } I ask you, sir, to trust in my zeal for the American cause and for your personal success.
Let us clearly understand that we cannot be too communicative about political matters
with certain people whose own interests and jealousy will move publishers, as well
as others, to take action. The one I preferred for this publication, when we have
to do so secretly, is the publisher at Leyden, who deserves this preference over the
proprietor of the Gazette d'Amsterdam because he has been an old and constant friend of the United States from the beginning,
while the other is hardly so even now. Moreover, do not presume that my friendship
for Mr. Luzac is my primary cause for concern in seeing this piece published prematurely.
My regret is owing to a more important reason. This evening I am taking the copy and
my translation to where you can guess from the paper enclosed. When we see each other,
it will be necessary that we agree on a cipher.
The post is leaving, and it is impossible today to respond to your next to last letter.
Believe, sir, that I am with the most sincere respect and zeal, your very humble and
very obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
Do not concern yourself with or complain to Mr. Cerisier about the defective translation,
and do not ask that he correct it in the next issue. I have strong reasons, for both
of us, for letting it be thought that the publication did not come from you.
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Dumas ansd. Feb. 12. 1781.” Enclosure filmed at 10 Feb. 1781 with
Dumas' letter to JA of that date (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 354).
1. In this reply to JA's letter of [8 Feb.], above, which enclosed the text of Congress' resolution of 5 Oct. regarding the armed
neutrality, Dumas clearly believes that JA was the source for the resolution as it appeared in the Gazette d'Amsterdam. But in his enclosed démarche to Prince Gallitzin, Dumas attributed the text to “quelque
Gazette Américaine,” and the Gazette de Leyde of 13 Feb. gave its source as a letter from Philadelphia of 6 Dec. 1780. The issue
of the Gazette d'Amsterdam that carried the resolution has not been located.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0090-0002-0002
Recipient: Gallitzin, Prince Dmitri Alexeivitch
Date: 1781-02-09
Enclosure: A Démarche from Dumas to Prince Gallitzin: A Translation
Copy of the paper which accompanied the resolution that I have carried this evening
&c.
Without regard to a very defective translation that the gazetteer of Amsterdam has
given the resolution of 5 October 1780 by the general Congress of the United States
of America, apparently after some American gazette, it is my duty to communicate to
His Excellency M. [Prince Gallitzin, Minister Plenipotentiary of Russia] a true copy, in the original language, of this resolution just as His Excellency
M. J. Adams Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States sent me together with my
translation to the end that this piece can be brought to the knowledge of Her Imperial
Majesty in all its integrity. Done at The Hague, 9 February 1781.
[signed] (Signed) Dumas, Agent of the United States
At the bottom of the copy of the resolution accompanying this paper I have written.
A true copie taken by myself from another of the own hand of the honble. J. Adams
M. Pl. from the U. S.
[signed] Signed, D—— A. of the U.S.
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Dumas ansd. Feb. 12. 1781.” Enclosure filmed at 10 Feb. 1781 with
Dumas' letter to JA of that date (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 354).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0091-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-09
From the Comte de Sarsfield
[dateline] Paris le 9 <Jan> fevrier 1781
Je vous ai, Monsieur, une obligation infinie de m'avoir procuré la connoissance de
Monsieur Searle.1 Je n'en ai encore gueres profité. Je n'ay eu Lhonneur De le voir qu'une fois; mais
J'espere que mercredi nous boirons ensemble a votre Santé. Il m'a appris que vous
restiez en Hollande dont Je ne vous cacherai pas que J'ay eté faché, apres quoy, par
reflexion, J'ay pensé qu'il falloit Etre bien aise de cequi vous convient le mieux.
Vous verrez, Monsieur qu'apres avoir vu commencer la Guerre partout, vous verrez naitre
la paix. On en parle beaucoup icy dans ce moment mais J'ay de la peine a y croire
pour ce moment cy. Ce Sera autre Chose l'hiver prochain. Il faut esperer que les Affaires
pourront Se tourner de maniere a nous la donner. Au reste vous etes et par votre Etat,
Monsieur, et par le pais que vous habitez bien plus aportée que moy de Savoir le plus
ou le moins de fondement de ces bruits.
Je Suis faché que vous n'ayez pas eu la bonté de me dire quelque chose du commodore2 a qui Je prends beaucoup d'interét. Je vous prie de lui dire bien des choses pour
moy quand vous le verrez Et d'etre bien persuadé des Sentimens d Attachement Avec
lesquels Jay Lhe D Etre Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obeisst Serviteur
[signed] Sarsfield3
The content of notes that appeared on this page in the printed volume has been moved
to the end of a preceding document: C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams, 9 February 1781.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0091-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-09
The Comte de Sarsfield to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Paris, 9 February 1781
I have an infinite obligation to you, sir, for providing my introduction to Mr. Searle.1 I have hardly been able to profit from it since I have only had the honor of seeing
him once. But I hope that we can share a drink together on Wednesday and toast to
your health. He told me that you have been staying in Holland, a fact, which I will
tell you openly, made me angry. But after some reflection I thought this must be the
best situation for you at this time.
You will see, sir, that after having seen the beginning of war everywhere, you will
start to see the birth of peace. Everyone here is talking about it quite { 136 } a bit, but I can hardly believe it at the present time. It will be different come
next winter. We must hope that the turn of events will bring us peace. Moreover, you
are, sir, by your station and by the country in which you live, more able than I am
to lend any credibility, or lack thereof, to these rumors.
I am distressed that you could not give me any news of the commodore,2 in whom I am very interested. Please give him my regards when you see him and be
well persuaded of my sentiments of devotion with which I have the honor to be, sir,
your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Sarsfield3
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0092
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-09
From John Thaxter
[dateline] Leyden 9th. Feby. 1781
[salute] Sir
I had the honour of yours of Yesterday a few Moments past.1 I was happy to learn, that the News from our Country is agreable. The Extract from
Charlestown furnishes another instance of English Barbarism—another Trait of Despair.2
The <Resolution> Thanks you mentioned were very justly deserved, and an Acknowledgment that ought
not to have been omitted. There is another Correspondence, which has an equal Claim
to thanks, and I am confident will meet with them.3 Testimonies of this kind ought to produce some Twinges somewhere.
I pray You to accept of my best Thanks, Sir, for your kindness in offering to answer
any Draughts of mine for Money. I ought to be fully persuaded of that, as I am. The
Reason of my requesting Mr. Dana to do it was, that he was to make a payment to the
same Person. viz Mr. Williams of Nantes.
Will You give me Leave to add my Request to that of Mr. Luzac for the American Papers,
if convenient. He wishes much to see them.
The Letter You inclosed was from Mr. Charles Warren, Son of your Friend the General,
dated the 3d. of November. He mentions that Mrs. A. and Family were then well. This
is a Stroke of Madam W's. Policy, in setting her Son to write to me. He is an amiable
young Gentlemen—and the Letter is so exceedingly complimentary, that I find myself
ensnared, and shall be obliged to place an Answer under the Eyes of a good tho' I
hope not a severe Judge.
Dr. Waterhouse4 desires his Respects and is much obliged by your Information respecting the Time
of Hayden's sailing.5
{ 137 } The Young Gentlemen are well. Ils travaillent avec beaucoup d'ardeur, et ils avancent
très bien.6 They desire their Duty.
I have the Honour to be, with perfect Respect, Sir, your most humble Servt.
[signed] J. Thaxter
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed in an unknown hand: “Mr. Thaxter 9th Feb. 1781.”
1. Not found.
2. Thaxter may be referring to an item appearing in the Gazette de Leyde of 9 February. An extract from a letter dated 26 Nov. 1780 at Charleston described
an attack against a British garrison at Augusta, Ga., by Georgia and South Carolina
militiamen led by Col. Elijah Clark and Lt. Col. James McCall. The attack began on
14 Sept. and ended on the 18th when British reinforcements arrived from Ninety Six,
S.C. According to the letter, the British then hanged 13 American prisoners and turned
a number of others over to their Indian allies (The Toll of Independence: Engagements and Battle Casualties of the American Revolution, ed. Howard H. Peckham, Chicago, 1974, p. 75).
3. That is, JA's correspondence with the Comte de Vergennes in July 1780 about the exercise of his
commissions to negotiate Anglo-American treaties of peace and commerce. For that correspondence,
see The Dispute with the Comte de Vergennes, 13–29 July 1780, and references there (vol. 9:516–520); for Congress' criticism of JA's position therein, see the letter of 10 Jan. from the president of Congress, above.
4. Thaxter, JQA, and CA were living with Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse. For a sketch of Waterhouse, detailing his
lengthy and often intimate relationship with the Adamses, see Adams Family Correspondence, 4:32–34.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0093
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-09
From Jonathan Williams
[dateline] Nantes Feb. 9. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
Capt. Charles Jenkins of the Brig Sally arrived here this morning to my address, he
left Rhode Island on the 12 Jan and reports that affairs were in the same State, the
English Fleet in Gardiners Bay and the French in Rhode Island and both armies in Winter
Quarters. By this Vessell I received the inclosed Letter which I take the earliest
Opportunity to forward.1
Were I to attempt to make an Apology for my long Silence I should do it awkwardly
for I confess I have not been so attentive to you as I ought to have been and I freely
ask your Pardon. I trust you will forgive me and accept of my Future attention as
an atonement. I assure you however that for these last six Weeks I have not enjoyed
an hours Tranquility on account of Mrs. Williams's <situation> Illness and I am sure you have too often experienced the Anxiety of such a Situation
to think it strange that even the most Important Correspondence should be neglected.2 I hope I shall be soon relieved from this { 138 } uneasiness as Mrs. Williams is much better tho' not yet out of her Bed.
I am sorry the Wine came in so bad a Condition to Orleans. It went away from me in
good Order but I suspect the Boatman is a Rogue.3 I have not yet drawn for it because I have not heard of your Reception of the Wine
I sent from Bordeaux and I wished to make but one affair of it.
[salute] I am with great Respect & Esteem Dear Sir Your most obedt Servant
[signed] Jona Williams
RC (Adams Papers).
1. This letter has not been identified.
2. Mariamne Alexander Williams was recovering from the birth of their daughter Christine
on 29 Dec. 1780 (Franklin, Papers, 34:224). Williams' last known letter to JA was dated 14 Sept. 1780 (Adams Papers).
3. From the reference to the wine at Orléans it is clear that Williams is replying to
JA's letter of 13 Nov. (LbC, Adams Papers) in which JA reported that the wine sent by Williams had arrived at Orléans “in a Condition unfit
to go forward, and Some of it gone.” See also JA's letter to Henry Grand of 3 Nov. 1780 and Grand's reply of 24 Nov. (vol. 10:323, 369–370).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0094-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-10
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] La haie <9> 10. <Janvier> Fevr. 1781
[salute] Honoured & dear Sir
Je suis encore inconsolable de la publication précipitée de la Résolution: car elle
m'a fait manquer l'occasion d'une adresse toute belle et toute naturelle que j'aurois
pu faire de votre part à certaine Cour par le moyen de son Ministre ici, et même de
ménager une premiere entrevue entre vous et lui à cette occasion. L'A—— r de notre
Allié1 pense comme moi. Il a approuvé la maniere dont j'ai tiré parti des debris de cette
occasion manquée, ainsi que l'adresse dont je vous envoyai hier copie, et que je lui
ai montrée ce matin.2 Du reste il pense comme vous, que si Vous Monsieur, ou quelque autre Plénipotentiaire
Am. concluiez un Traité avec quelque Puissance, quand même elle ne seroit pas nommée
dans vos pouvoirs, un tel Traité ne fût valable et confirmé par le C–; enfin que,
Si en vertu de l'article 10 que vous citez, Sa Cour devoit faire l'invitation, il
faudroit commencer par en requerir le R——.
Les Etats provinciaux d'Hollde. se sont séparés, et ne se rassembleront que Mercredi
prochain en huit. Je puis donc, si vous le desirez, m'absenter d'ici et aller passer
cet intervalle à Amsterdam, Soit chez vous, Soit chez Mr. De N——, qui m'invite. Permettez
seulement que je vous découvre candidement l'embarras où je me trouve { 139 } constamment, toutes les fois qu'il s'agit de voyager. C'est que la somme très-modique,
qui m'a été allouée jusqu'ici pour vivre, et pour les fraix que le service des Etats
Unis m'occasionne, ne me permet pas de faire souvent de ces voyages, malgré toute
l'économie que je puis y mettre, Sans m'incommoder beaucoup, à moins que vous ne puissiez
et vouliez prendre Sur vous, Monsieur, de mettre ces fraix-là, lorsque je vous en
rendrai compte, à la charge du Congrès: car je ne puis les répéter de Mr. F—— n, qui
m'a renvoyé à l'égard de toute augmentation ultérieure, à ce que le Congrès ordonnera
de moi et de mon sort. Il seroit bon, cependant, que je pusse profiter de ces Intervalles,
où il n'y a rien à faire ici, pour aller les passer à Amstm., sur-tout dans le temps
que vous y êtes.
Entre nous, Mr. De N—— desire que j'aille chez lui pour lui aider (apparemment pour
l'Impression) à un Emprunt qu'il va ouvrir, dit-il. Ayez la bonté de me marquer ce
qui en est, sans faire semblant avec lui que je vous en aie écrit. Assurément, Si
je puis être utile en cela, comme en toute autre chose, je Suis prêt à partir au premier
ordre.
Mr. C—— a fait une vilaine faute dans la traduction de la Résolution. Il fait dire
une fausseté au Congrès en traduisant comme S'il y avoit invited thereto, au lieu qu'il y a if invited thereto.3 C'est Mr. l'A——r de fce. qui me l'a fait remarquer: car je n'ai point lu le reste
de la traduction, l'Ambr. ne pouvant me laisser cette Gazette, parce qu'il devoit
l'envoyer en Fce. Quant au Minre. à qui j'ai fait remettre une Copie de cette Traduction
pour sa Cour, il m'a fait remercier: mais je n'ai pu le revoir encore, parce qu'il
S'est trouvé tous ces jours fort occupé. Et d'ailleurs, je dois un peu ménager mes
visites là jusqu'à ce que sa Cour soit décidée à la guerre: ce qui dépend de la conduite
de celle de nos ennemis.
Je Suis avec un vrai & sincere respect Monsieur Votre très-humble & très-obéissant
servit.
[signed] Dumas
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0094-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-10
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, <9> 10 <January> February 1781
[salute] Honoured & dear Sir
I am still disconsolate about the precipitous publication of the resolution. Because
of it, I missed the opportunity to write, on your behalf, a fine and natural address
to a certain court to be conveyed by its minister here, and beyond that to arrange
an introductory meeting here between you and him on this occasion. The ambassador
of our ally1 thinks as I do. He approved of the manner in which I took advantage of this missed
opportunity, that is, the address I sent you yesterday and showed him this morning.2 Moreover, { 140 } he agrees with you that if you or some other American plenipotentiary concluded a
treaty with one of the powers, despite it not being listed among your powers, such
a treaty would be neither valid nor confirmed by Congress; and finally, that if his
court should issue an invitation under the terms of Article 10, which you cite, it
would have to originate from a request to the King.
The provincial states of Holland have adjourned and will not reassemble until one
week from Wednesday. I could therefore leave here, if you wish, and come to Amsterdam,
where I could stay either with you or with Mr. de Neufville, who invited me. Allow
me to tell you candidly of the predicament that I constantly find myself in when it
comes to travel. The modest sum, which is allotted to me for living expenses and for
expenses incurred in my service to the United States, does not allow me to take trips
very often, no matter how frugal I may be, without a great deal of inconvenience.
Perhaps if you could and would take it upon yourself, sir, to charge these costs to
Congress, as soon as I give you an account of them, since I cannot ask Mr. Franklin
who dismissed consideration of any further increase other than what Congress will
allow for me and others in my position. In the meantime, it would be good if I could
profit from these intervals, in which I have nothing to do here, by going to Amsterdam,
especially when you are there.
Between us, Mr. de Neufville wants me to go to him in order, he said, to help him
(apparently for the impression) with a loan he is going to open. Have the goodness
to tell me what it is about, without letting him know that I wrote you about it. Assuredly,
if I can be of any use in this matter, or in any other, I would be ready to leave
immediately.
Mr. Cerisier made a terrible mistake in the translation of the resolution. He erroneously
rendered Congress' words as invited thereto rather than if invited thereto.3 It was the ambassador of France who pointed it out to me. I hardly read the rest
of the translation, because the ambassador could not leave me the Gazette since he
had to send it on to France. As for the minister to whom I gave a copy of the translation
for his court, he thanked me. But I have not seen him again since then because he
is so busy these days. Moreover, I must be prudent about my visits until his court
makes a decision about the war, which depends on the conduct of that of our enemies.
I am with true and sincere respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Dumas ansd Feb. 12. 1781.”
1. The French ambassador, the Duc de La Vauguyon.
3. The resolution as adopted by Congress read: “That the ministers plenipotentiary from
the United States, if invited thereto, be and hereby are respectively empowered to
accede to such regulations, conformable to the spirit of the said declaration, as
may be agreed upon by the Congress expected to assemble in pursuance of the invitation
of her Imperial Majesty” (JCC, 18:905).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0095
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1781-02-11
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] 11. Feb. [1781]
[salute] Dear Sir
I thank you for the Translation, which came to hand yesterday.1 I do myself the Honour to inclose you, a Pamphlet, translated from the third Edition
of the Dutch. It was written by Mr. Calkoen they pronounce it Kalkoon, a Lawyer of
the first Character here, with whom I am very well acquainted. The Pamphlet is a consummate
Justification of Van Berkel, Tamminck and all the Rest. It is amazing that York should
have been thirty Years here, and learnt no more of the Constitution and History.2
RC (Adams Papers).
1. This is JA's A Translation of the Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe upon the Present State of
Affairs Between the Old and New World into Common Sense and Intelligible English, which had just been published in London. In his copy, now in the collections of
the Massachusetts Historical Society, JA transcribed a review of the Translation that appeared in the Monthly Review for Feb. 1781 (64:149–150). The reviewer wrote that “some Readers will possibly think,
that while it hath gained by elegance of form, it hath rather suffered by abridgement: as the rough diamond is reduced by the polisher. Like the diamond, however, in the Jeweller's hand, this performance
appears to much greater advantage, by having its sentiments new set, by a skilful artist.” For the titlepage of the Translation and the complete review as JA copied it, see Descriptive List of Illustrations, No. 2, above.
2. This was Hendrik Calkoen's anonymous pamphlet Système politique de la régence d'Amsterdam, exposé dans un vrai jour; et sa conduite
justifiée avec décence contre l'accusation du chevalier Yorke . . . Traduit du hollandais
sur la troisième édition, Amsterdam, 1781. A copy of the first Dutch edition, Het politiek systema van de regeering van Amsterdam, in een waar daglicht voorgesteld,
en haar gedrag tegens de beschuldiging van den ridder Yorke . . . (Middelburg, [1780]), is in JA's library at the Boston Public Library (Catalogue of JA's Library). The pamphlet was a defense of Amsterdam's role in the negotiation of the LeeNeufville
treaty of 1778, which was one of the principal reasons the British gave for declaring
war on the Netherlands. Calkoen noted that Amsterdam had not signed a formal treaty,
although it could do so under the terms of the Union of Utrecht of 1579, which established
the political foundation for the Dutch Republic. For an analysis of Calkoen's arguments
as part of the ongoing pamphlet war between the patriot and stadholderate parties,
see Leeb, Origins of the Batavian Rev., p. 150–155; see also Jenings' letter of 18 Feb. and JA's reply [27 Feb.], both below. For JA's previous dealings with Calkoen, see vol. 10:99–117, 196–252.
3. This is JA's first known inquiry about the fate of his reply to Joseph Galloway's Cool Thoughts (London, 1780 [i.e. 1779]), which he had written the previous summer and sent off to Jenings on 22 July 1780. See “Letters from a Distinguished American,” vol. 9:531–588.
4. Between 5 Dec. 1780 and 20 Jan. 1781 Joseph Galloway published seven letters in the
London Chronicle entitled “Letters from Cicero to Catiline the Second.” The letters pursued one of
Galloway's favorite themes: Britain's failure to achieve victory in America because
of indecisive and inept leadership, and, most importantly, the treachery of the pro-American
faction in England, of which the Howe brothers were leading members. JA refers to the postscript to the seventh letter, which appeared in the London Chronicle of { 142 } 18–20 January. Galloway attributed Adm. Augustus Keppel's failure to defeat the French
off Ushant on 27 July 1778 to his association with the same subversive faction to
which the Howes were allied. JA's specific reference to Galloway's attack on Keppel makes it likely that he saw the
piece in the London Chronicle. In its issue of 30 Jan. – 1 Feb. the newspaper announced the publication of the
collected Letters From Cicero to Catiline the Second, With Corrections and Explanatory Notes (London, 1781), and it is possible that a copy could have reached Amsterdam by 11
February.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0096
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-11
From Thomas Digges
[dateline] Feby. 11. 1781
[salute] Dr Sir
My long silence has not been owing to any want of regard or attention to you, but
has been solely occasiond by the imprudence and folly of some young men, whose conduct
has produced a general hunt after Amns., the stoppage of letters, seizure of baggage
&c. &c.—and it seems as if it would never have an end. The last who went from here
Mr. W[arren] may have explaind in part what has happend. I am sorry to say, entre nous, that the
bad refugee company that He kept here was in great measure the cause of his trouble
and he seemingly got what He deservd. His imprudence and that of Mr. B[rai]ls[for]d will most likely be the cause of Trumbulls confinement many months longer than it
otherways would, and I am very sorry for Him, because He is the only prudent and discreet
Amn. I have seen here for a long time back. I wish to God they were all either gone
or taken up, and that my Countrymen woud not permit their fools to come abroad.
The Bearer1 will explain his case and situation to You, He seems a clever deserving man and may
stand in need of Your advice and recommendation how to act in the business He is upon,
which is the recovery of some debts due to Him in Holland. Please to mention Him to
Mr. Jan Spuyt, to whom He may be of service.
He will explain the state of things here better than I can do in the short space I
have to write. He is Captain G—— r—— sh from your neighbourhood in this kingdom. Please
to appologise to Mr. Spuyt for my want of time to write Him. The times are too much against us yet to open the contraband commerce which we formerly dealt
in successfully, and I do not yet know the charges of sending goods via Ostend.
I have lately forwarded you four or five parcells books by that rout. I send them
to Mr. Frs. Bowens mert. Ostend2 with an under cover For Messrs. De N[eufvil]le & son which also covers another direction to Mr. Schorn. I some time ago forwarded
a letter from Mr. Jones to Mr. S—— rle.3 Pray inquire of Mr. S– le if He ever got it for having no answer, there is uneasiness
about it.
{ 143 } [salute] I am yrs mo Respectfully
[signed] W. S. C.
I sent yesterday a small parcell pamphlets to Ostend as above.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Probably Capt. Samuel Gerrish of the Aurora. Gerrish was captured in July 1780 and sent to Mill Prison at Plymouth, from which
he escaped on 28 Dec. 1780 (Marion and Jack Kaminkow, Mariners of the American Revolution, Baltimore, 1967, p. 73). In view of Digges' continuing efforts to aid American prisoners
and even to aid and abet the escape of fugitives from British authorities it would
not have been unusual for him to entrust a letter to Gerrish's care (vol. 9:12; 10:155, 166–167, 339, 366, 399–400; from Thomas Digges, 8 March, below).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0097
Recipient: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
Date: 1781-02-12
To C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Amsterdam Feb. 12. 1781
[salute] Sir
I have received yours of the 9 and 10th. of this month. The Resolution of Congress
is printed and published in the publick Journal of Congress and of Course in all the
American News papers, and all the other Newspapers of the World. Congress have a Secret
Journal, in which, they enter every Thing that they mean to keep Secret, and a publick
Journal which is printed every day. Whatever is inserted in this Congress mean and
intend, Shall be made known immediately to all the World. Accordingly whatever any
European Novellist can find, in this Journal is free Booty. It was necessary moreover
that this Resolution Should be published in Europe without Loss of Time, for the Government
of American Frigates, Privateers and Letters of Mark, who before this Resolution did
not hold themselves bound by the armed Neutrality, any more than Spain does now towards
Denmark. Moreover a Publication of it here was all the Use that could consistantly
be made of it, at present as I have not received any Authenticated Copy of the Resolution
other than the Journal.
I know not the Motives which Mr. De Neufville had in inviting you to Amsterdam, unless
it was for the Sake of good Company, which is Motive enough. I am now very busy, in
finishing my Plan of a Loan, when it is done, I will go to Leyden and either wait
on you at the Hague, or ask the Favour of you to meet me at Leyden.
I have it not in my Power, at present, to do any Thing more than Mr. Franklin has
done, that is refer you to Congress, respecting the Subject of Money. I think however,
it will not be long before, Somebody or other will have Power, to decide upon that
matter, here.
{ 144 } Pray have you a Cypher from Mr. Lovel? I have a long Letter from him, which is absolutely
unintelligible to me, for want of his Cypher.1
I have the Honour to be, with great Respect, sir your most humble servant
[signed] John Adams
1. From James Lovell, 14 Dec. 1780 (vol. 10:411–414).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0098
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-12
From Francis Dana
[dateline] Paris Feby. 12th. 1781
Hotel Valois, Rue Richelieu
[salute] Dear Sir
Just in the moment I was sitting down to write to you, I had the pleasure of your's
of the 8th. instant in which you acknowledge the receipt of mine of the 1st. and of
another without date.1 I am glad the packet has reached you safely. There were no letters from Mrs. Adams,
Mrs. Dana, or from any of our Friends in our quarter. The vessel which brought your
letters, came from Philadelphia. The two papers mention'd to have been received in
the duplicate, and which were not in the original, if I am not mistaken, were the
Minister's last letter but one (the last I sent on after you to Holland) to you, and
your last to him.2 I do not comprehend you, when you say “I am prepared in my own mind to receive from
Congress, Resolutions of a different nature.” I will ask for the key spoken of in
my last, the first time I see D.D. ||Benjamin Franklin||. I have communicated the whole I have received respecting a certain declaration;
the omission you point out, is certainly of essential importance: for without it is
supplied, nothing, if an occasion shoud offer, can regularly be done in the business.
I beleive there will be full time to give a hint of this to the Committee of F.A.
It is my present Intention to write to them this week, when I shall not fail to suggest
that, as well as some other things, in which we certainly want information.3 I will talk with D.D. ||Benjamin Franklin|| and Funn ||James Searle||, upon the subject you desire; but I expect the former will be exceeding costive.
I am glad to find you entertain so agreable an Idea of our Affairs. The three Croakers
you name, are Men of very different characters. I have nothing to say about the Integrity
of the first or the last of them. The middle one, has, I believe, much Integrity,
Industry and good Sense. A very good apology may be made for his painting the distresses
of our army in as strong colours as possible: yet I believe the Enemy { 145 } have made some additions to his letter, as they did to the applications of the Officers
to the Governments. This an American paper charges them with doing. The first gentleman
means to hold himself up as the great character who is to bring order out of chaos.
You and I know him to be as vain glorious a mortal as lives.4 But what think you of V's||Arthur Lee's|| letters? Will he never learn any prudence? I am at a loss to know what Brux||Ralph Izard|| is about. We hear nothing of him. He has probably drank plentifully of the Waters
of Lethe and become as calm as a Lamb.5 The omission of Francisco ||Silas Deane|| does not surprise me.6 He cannot look an honest Man in the face, whom he supposes to be acquainted with
his conduct. I hope the great matters move on in a proper direction, though they advance
with such deliberation. I have not yet learnt any thing about Davis. I rather suppose
him to have arrived. One of the vessels from Marstrand is taken: the name I do not
recollect.
I am exceedingly obliged to Mrs. A and Mrs. W. for their kind rememberance of me;
and beg you to return them my warmest thanks whenever you write to them.7 I wish Mrs. D. had half the Philosophy of either of them: but her's seems to have
forsaken her.
I am happy to have it in my power to enable you to contradict the report of the revolt
of Genl. Ethan Allen with a number of the Inhabitants of Vermont, which the British
are industriously circulating through Europe. I yesterday saw a young gentleman of
Boston, son of Mr. Gawen Brown,8 who left Rhode Island on the 28th. of Decr: (the british accounts from N.Y. come
no lower than the 20th. touching this matter) in a French Transport: who tells me
before he left Boston, they had the report of this defection there—that it was not
true—that Allen and some others of the Vermont Inhabitants were armed with a fixed
determination to oppose the annexing that Country to the Government of N York chiefly;
and that they insisted that keeping their independency as one State of the Union:
but 'tis probable this matter will not be decided by battle. Congress seem to be acting
with much prudence in it, and it may be finally agreed the people of that territory
shall be adopted into the Union, as the properest measure to put an end to the contested
claims of N.Y., M. and N.H. I see no evil from such a measure, but a contrary decision
may be pregnant with mischief to the whole. Tho' Allen may want principle, yet I think
he has sense enough to discern that his ruin woud be the consequence of such an Act
of Perfidy. Mr. Brown tells me that money was scarce in our quarter, but that there
was more { 146 } silver and gold passing than paper. He came away very suddenly, and secretly, as the
departure of the transports (6) from Newport was communicated to very few, least the
Enemy's fleet, which were cruising off the harbour, might get intelligence of it.
They all sailed in the night, and escaped; five of them are arrived. He brings no
letters—but says a good harmony subsisted between our people and the French Troops,
and that the former were not thirsting after peace. I lately wrote to Mr. Thaxter
who I am told continues at Leyden with the young gentlemen. My letter was directed
to him at Amsterdam. I hope he has received it. I must desire you to direct Stevens9 to enquire always at the office for letters for me: as I wrote from thence, my friends
may direct to me there. Please to present my regards to all our friends near you.
I am, dear Sir, with much sincerity, your obliged friend & humble Servt
[signed] FRA DANA
P.S. Mr. Searle and the Abbés desire to be affectionately remembered to you.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr. Dana. Feb. 12 ansd 12. March 1781.”
3. When Dana wrote to the Committee for Foreign Affairs on 16 Feb., he noted that neither
he nor JA had received powers to act regarding Congress' resolution of 5 Oct. 1780 permitting
the U.S. to accede to the armed neutrality. At the end of his letter Dana reported
that Franklin had just received official copies of the resolution (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:259–260).
4. As listed by JA in his letter of 8 Feb. to Dana, above, the three “Croakers” were Gen. John Sullivan, Col. Timothy Pickering,
and Silas Deane. Pickering served as quartermaster general of an army always short
of supplies, thus explaining Dana's defense of him. Despite Dana's reference to a
newspaper report charging British tampering with the captured letters, there is no
evidence that any alterations were made.
5. The river of oblivion in Greek mythology. For evidence that Izard had not become “calm
as a Lamb,” see James Madison to Edmund Pendleton, 7 Nov. 1780 (Smith, ed., Letters of Delegates, 16:303–305).
8. The artist Mather Brown, soon left Paris for London, where he studied under Benjamin
West. In 1785 and 1788 he painted JA's portrait. The first has been lost, but the second, done at the behest of Thomas
Jefferson, is at the Boston Athenaeum. Brown's father, Gawen, a loyalist, left Boston
for England in 1775 (Andrew Oliver, Portraits of John and Abigail Adams, Cambridge, 1967, p. 46–52; Franklin P. Cole, Mather Books and Portraits through Six Early American Generations, 1630–1831, Portland, Me., 1978, p. 205–209).
9. For Joseph Stephens, JA's servant from 1778 to 1783, see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:274; Adams Family Correspondence, 4:321.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0099
Recipient: Franklin, Benjamin
Date: 1781-02-15
To Benjamin Franklin
[dateline] Amsterdam Feb. 15. 1781
[salute] Sir
This Morning, the House of Botereau & Co. of this City, presented to me, Sixty Six
Bills of Exchange drawn by Congress on the 26th. day of October last, in favour of
Nathaniel Tracy, of Newbury Port, amounting to the Sum of Ten Thousand Pounds sterling,
payable at Ninety days Sight.
I was obliged to ask the favour of the House, to wait untill I could write to your
Excellency, to see if you can furnish the Funds to discharge these Bills. Without
your Warranty, they must be protested, for I have not yet obtained a Single Ducat,
nor any certain assurance of one.
I have at length fixed my Plan, and when it shall be made certain that the War with
England is to continue the Prospectus will be published and the Experiment tryed.
Some Persons think I shall get some Money. But there is no Certainty of it. If this
People should make Peace with England which they will if they can, We shall get no
Money at all. I think however that a Peace is impossible and therefore am not without
hopes of borrowing Some Money.
I must request the Honour of your Excellencys answer by the Return of Post, because
at that Time Mr. Botereau will expect an answer from me.1 With great Respect I have the Honour to be
1. Franklin replied on 22 February. For JA's acceptance of the bills, see his letter of 10 April to Franklin, both below.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0100-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-15
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Lahaie 15e. fevr. 1781
[salute] Honoured & Dear Sir
Sans vouloir rien opposer aux bonnes raisons que vous donnez dans votre faveur du
12e. pour la prompte publication de la Résolution du Congrès, j'aurois voulu au moins
avoir pu pourtant la différer d'un ordinaire, pour les raisons que j'ai eu l'honneur
de vous dire: et la Copie imprimée que vous avez, eût été un garant suffisant pour
la démarche que j'aurois faite, pour vous faire entrer dès à présent en liaison avec
un Ministre, et par lui avec sa Cour, avec lequel je crois que votre Commission vous
liera tôt ou tard. Quant à présent, il ne se passe rien ici qui mérite votre attention.
On attend un Courier vers la fin de ce mois, en réponse à la Réclame que la Rep. a
faite par { 148 } Courier le 12e. Janv., des vaisseaux pris, et de l'assistance Stipulée.1 Ce Courier, je pense, apportera des Dépêches preparatoires à la paix ou à la guerre
continuée avec l'Angleterre, selon que celle-ci se montrera raisonnable ou rétive.
J'ai un chiffre avec le Committé des affaires étrangeres, depuis le commencement de
ma Correspondance avec le Congrès. Si Mr. Lovell S'est servi de celui-là, il me sera
aisé de vous déchiffrer la Lettre qu'il vous a écrite, si vous voulez m'envoyer cette
Lettre, ou une copie.2
Les affaires des Anglois Sont en mauvais état dans les Indes-or. Hyder-Aly-Can leur
a pris Mahé, place qu'ils avoient conquise sur la France; les Marates les ont battus
dans l'Arcote. Toutes leurs forces là ne consistent actuellement qu'en trois vaisseaux
de Ligne et quelques fregattes. Les François appellés par Hyder-Aly-Can y Sont allés,
forts de cinq vaisseaux de Ligne.3
J'espere, Monsieur, que vous avez envoyé ou enverrez encore, duplicat et triplicat
de ce que vous avez eu la bonté décrire à mon sujet au Congrès, pour plus grande sureté
en cas d'accident.4
Je Suis toujours à vos ordres, soit à Leide, soit ici, Soit à Amsterdam, & avec un
très-grand respect Monsieur Votre très-humble & très-obéissant serviteur,
[signed] Dumas
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0100-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-15
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 15 February 1781
[salute] Honoured & Dear Sir
Without wanting to disagree with any of the good reasons you gave me in your letter
of the 12th regarding the prompt publication of the resolution of Congress, I would,
however, have wanted it to be postponed for at least another day, for all the reasons
which I have had the honor to tell you. The printed copy that you have was a sufficient
guarantee of the démarche that I could have made in order for you to form a liaison
at the present time with a minister, and through him, with his court. I believe your
commission will lead you to this liaison sooner or later. As for the present, nothing
is happening here that is worth your attention. A courier is expected here near the
end of the month, with a response to the reclamation that the republic sent by courier
on the 12th of January regarding the captured vessels and the stipulated relief.1 I think this courier will bring dispatches preparatory for peace or for continued
war with England, depending on whether or not that power seems reasonable or stubborn.
I have been using a cipher with the committee for foreign affairs since the beginning
of my correspondence with Congress. If Mr. Lovell uses that one, I would be able to
decipher any letter that he sends to you if you send me the letter or a copy.2
{ 149 } In the East Indies British affairs are in a bad state. Hyder Ali Kahn has taken Mahé
for France. The Mahrattas fought them at Arcot. Their forces there consist of only
three ships of the line and some frigates. The French called in by Hyder Ali Kahn,
arrived there five ships of the line strong.3
I hope, sir, that, for greater security in case of accident, you have sent or will
send a duplicate and triplicate of your letter written to Congress on my behalf.4
I remain at your service, be it at Leyden, here, or at Amsterdam, and with great respect,
sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
RC (Adams Papers).
2. Dumas' cipher bore no resemblance to that used by James Lovell in his correspondence
with JA (Weber, Codes and Ciphers, p. 23–25, 580–587).
3. Dumas refers to the outbreak of the Second Mysore War in July 1780. The source of
his information is unknown; detailed accounts of the opening battles between the army
of Hyder Ali, Sultan of Mysore, and the forces of the British East India Company did
not reach England until late March (from Edmund Jenings, 4 April, and note 3, below). Nor was the information provided altogether accurate. The British took Mahé
and the other French possessions in India by early 1779 and retained them throughout
the war with France. In addition, the French naval force in Indian waters undertook
no significant operations in support of Hyder Ali or against the British in either
1780 or 1781 (Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 124; B. Sheikh Ali, British Relations with Haidar Ali, 1760–1782, Mysore, India, 1963, p. 244–246; Mahan, Navies in the War of Amer. Independence, p. 235– 236, 239–240).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0101
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-16
From John Thaxter
[dateline] Leyden 16th. Feby. 1781
[salute] Sir
Your favour of yesterday was recieved this morning. I am never more happy than in
hearing, that things are in a good State in our Country, and that the People are in
good Spirits, and bent on War. Those “Pauses and Stops” mentioned in yours of the
12th.1 would be very injurious to Us, and that Species of “Circumspection,” our Destruction.
Every body here talks of Peace—it is not the Doctrine of the British Cabinet, and
perhaps not the most wholesome one here. It is not however my business to say so.
No Letters of Marque and Reprisals being as yet granted, gives Room to Suspicions
that Propositions are on the Carpet. Americans know very well what British Propositions,
Conciliation and amicable Conferences mean—mere Pauses for Breath. Whether they are
to be of the same Nature towards this Country, may be easily determined from the profitable
War they at present carry on against it.
Mr. Dana does not mention that he had wrote to You, nor does he { 150 } write any News. He wishes that Stephens may enquire at the Post Office, whether there
are any Letters for him—he says there are two for him from America somewhere, but
he cannot find them—he is very anxious to get them.
There is an English East India Man ashore at Catwich valued at Million—the Governor
of Madrass was on board—the Prisoners are taken good Care of I have heard, being under
a strong Guard.2
The young Gentlemen are very well and desire their Duty to You.
[salute] I have the Honour to be, with the most perfect Respect, Sir, your very humble Servt.
[signed] J Thaxter
RC (Adams Papers).
2. The East Indiaman General Barker went aground on the morning of 16 Feb. between Noordwijk and Zandvoort, two or three
leagues northwest of Leyden. The vessel, valued at £200,000, was carrying Sir Thomas
Rumbold, former governor of Madras (Gazette de Leyde, 20 Feb.; London Chronicle, 20–22, 22–24, 24–27 Feb.).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0102
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-18
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels Febry. 18. 1781
[salute] Sir
I sit down to acknowledge the Receipt of your Excellencys two Letters; one by the
Post this day and the other by the preceding Mail.1 The New periodical Work, which I received this day is exceedingly well written and
will I doubt not by your Excellencys Assistance and direction be soon turned to the
Essential Service of our Country. L'Avocat Calkoens Defence of the Magistrates of
Amsterdam is unanswerable, and in particular that part of it, that regards the Conduct
of that City at the Time of the Revolution, ought to put to Silence and to Shame the
Family, who had otherways remaind Simple Electors of Hanover. Is it not, Sir surprizing
that He who calls Himself the Guarrantee of the belgic Constitution is so shamefully
ignorant of it, and that He should have the Assurance to propose that the Body at
large should leave any part to feel the Effects of his Malice and Fury?2
But there is one part of L'Avocat Calkoens Performance, which fixt my attention, and
I must confess gave me some Uneasiness, as I am assured it will some time or other
give your Excellency no small Trouble.
The Impression, which the Extent, Activity and force of America has given to the Europeans
seems to inspire them with a kind of { 151 } dread or at least Jealousy of what it may one day become, and how much Europe in general
may be effected by its increasing power and Grandeur. I have had this frequently objected
to me by shallow Politicians, who have endeavoured to shew their Wit by a pretended
foresight into things. I have told them in general that whatever greatness America
may arrive at in the Course of Time, there is no present Cause of Fear. That so long
as she Continues divided into so many Governments under Republican Constitutions,
She cannot have the Spirit of Conquest, and so long as he has Vacant Lands, She will
not feel the Use or Necessity of it. That Her Commerce however extensive it may be
will tend to the Advantage and by no means be detrimental to these States, who have
Wisdom to serve themselves and make a right use of it.
That the Politician disquieteth Himself in Vain to resist the Course of Nature. That
if America has the inherent Means of Greatness, no power on Earth can prevent their
operations and that their attempt like that of England will rather promote than retard
it.
That it is Impossible to say what America may be, but that it is certain that Her
force and resources under the direction of such an Ambitious People as the English,
is the only Matter now to be dreaded by the Princes of the Continent, and that by
Consequence, their only object in View ought to be the Seperation of America from
Her, and rendered totally independant of all, that She may be servicable to all. And
that she may hurt none in future Her Republican Systems should be maintained in the
purest Manner.
I know not, Sir whether my Ideas are Conformable to your Excellency's. I have therefore
put them down shortly on Paper for Correction. I have desired my Friend here to consider
this Subject and if I shall be honored with your Excellencys Sense of it, I will impart
it to Him. I wish the dread of America may not have Mischievous Consequences. It operates
on Spain to a great degree and may have its effect on other powers. It is this which
has I am affraid prevented the proper Exertions to bring about a general Acknowledgement
of our Independancy. I know not the State of Affairs, but I think Spain might and
ought to be made Easy—but I go beyond my Tether.
The Author of the Lettrés Hollandoises3 is desirous of begining his Seventh Volume with some short account of the present
Situation of America. Can your Excellency give me hints that may serve for that purpose?
I suppose the Russian Courier has been long detained at Ostend by violent and contrary
Winds as has Sir J York. The Winds blew for { 152 } three days most Violently at the S West Point, which tumbles a heavy Sea into Plimouth
Sound, where there has been seven Ships laying to Join Darbys Fleet. The Anchorage
is bad there, and we may have news from that Quarter. The Courier del Europe gives
an account of the supposed revolt in America.4 I think it is meant to cover some unfavorable News to the English in Carolina.
[salute] I am with the greatest Respect, Sir your Excellencys most faithful & obedient Humb St.
[signed] Edm: Jenings
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0103
Recipient: Bicker, Hendrik
Date: 1781-02-19
To Hendrik Bicker
[dateline] Amsterdam [ca. 19] Feb. 17811
[salute] Sir
Your Questions to me, today, have induced me to communicate to you, in Confidence
a Copy of my Commission.2
You See, that I have not the Title of Ambassador, nor of Minister Plenipotentiary,
by Virtue of this Commission, nor have I in express Words, Power to make a Treaty
of Amity and Commerce, much less a Treaty of Alliance offensive and defensive.
My Power is to negotiate a Loan: but it may be negotiated with any Person or Persons,
Bodies Politick and Corporate, and the Congress promisses in good Faith to ratify
and confirm, whatever shall be done by me in the Premisses, or relating thereto.
Dr. Franklin, Mr. Deane and Mr. Lee, who made a Treaty of Amity and Commerce, and
another Treaty of Alliance offensive and defensive, with the King of France, had not
by their Commission the Title of Ambassadors, nor of Ministers Plenipotentiary.3
Now if it is necessary to make a Treaty in order to obtain a Loan I Suppose I have
Power to do it, and accordingly, I would readily enter into Conferences upon the Subject,
and if We could agree upon the Terms, one Article of which should be a Loan, I would
not hesitate to execute a Treaty, and I should have no doubt of the Ratification of
Congress.
You have however, a Copy of my Commission and you may judge for yourself, how extensive
the Powers are which it contains. I have no objection to your shewing it, to such
Person or Persons as you think proper, in Confidence. I have the Honour to be, with
great Respect, Sir, your humble servant
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. This date derives from similarities between this letter and JA's draft letter of 19 Feb. to the Duc de La Vauguyon, below, and JA's statement, following this letter as printed in the Boston Patriot, that “At this time I gave up my lodgings at Amsterdam, and removed to Leyden” (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 390). JA received Bicker's reply of 21 Feb., below, at Leyden and since Bicker consulted with at least one person about JA's letter before making his reply it seems likely that he received it on 19 or 20
Feb., making the 19th the most likely date for the letter.
3. For the text of the commission, see JA's of 27 Nov. 1777, naming him one of three U.S. Commissioners in place of Silas Deane (vol. 5:333–334).
It was identical, except for the date and names of the commissioners, to that issued
to Benjamin Franklin in 1776 (Franklin, Papers, 22:634–635).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0104
Recipient: La Vauguyon, Paul François de Quélen de Stuer de Causade, Duc de
Date: 1781-02-19
To the Duc de La Vauguyon
[dateline] Amsterdam Feb. 19. 1781
[salute] Sir
As I have been informed that your Excellency has had occasion, lately to enquire,
whether any Person now in the Republick had Authority to treat in Behalf of the United
States of America with the States General of the United Provinces, I beg Leave to
lay before you, a Copy of a Commission, which I have the Honour to hold from Congress.
Your Excellency will observe that in this Commission, I have not the Title <of Ambassador, Envoy> of Minister Plenipotentiary: but only that of Agent to negotiate a Loan: Nevertheless,
the Power is full to do every Thing necessary to effect the Loan; and to this Purpose
to treat with any Body Politick, and the Promise of Congress is absolute to ratify
in good Faith whatever may be done, in the Premises or relating thereto.
Your Excellency will observe also, that there is no express mention in the Commission
of a Treaty of Amity and Commerce nor a Treaty of Alliance offensive and defensive.
Yet, if Such a Treaty should be necessary to accomplish a Loan, I suppose the Power
is sufficient to negotiate and execute it, and Accordingly I Should not hesitate to
enter into Conferences upon the subject, with Persons properly Authorized and even
to execute in all the Forms a Treaty, one Article of which should be a Loan to the
United States.
A Case, or indeed Several Cases may happen in a short time, in which it would be proper
to carry into Execution that Article of the Treaty of Alliance between France and
the United States, which Stipulates, that other Powers shall be invited to acceed
to that Alliance.1 The Time may Soon arrive in which it would be proper to invite the states General,
to such an Accession. I <should not Scruple to { 154 } join> Submit to your Excellencys Consideration whether, the inclosed Commission would not
be Authority sufficient for me to undertake to represent the United States for such
a Purpose Provided a Loan to the United States were made one Article of the Treaty.
If your Excellency should be of this opinion, I shall be ready to act in Concert with
you whenever the King shall judge proper to commence the Negotiation.
<Your Excellency will excuse, my not Writing in French, as I am not a Sufficient Master
of that Language, to write in it.>
I have the Honour to be, with great Respect, your Excellencys most obedient and most
humble servant2
Dft (Adams Papers); notation: “Sketch of a Letter. not Sent.”
1. Art. 10 of the Franco-American Treaty of Alliance (Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:39).
2. JA probably did not send this letter immediately because he sought Hendrik Bicker's
opinion of his powers before raising the issue with the French ambassador. The arrival
of JA's commission as minister to the Netherlands on 25 Feb., however, made the queries
in this letter irrelevant (to Hendrik Bicker, 1 March, below).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0105-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-19
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Lahaie 19e. fevr. 1781
[salute] Monsieur
Les derniers papiers Anglois ont copié de la Gazette de N. York un long article au
sujet d'une prétendue sédition d'un Corps de 2000 h. de l'armée du Gl. Washington.
Quelque décréditée que soit, avec raison, cette source impure, cela ne laisse pas
d'inquiéter ici ceux du bon parti, et de donner quelque espoir aux Anglomanes. Ayez
donc la bonté, Monsieur, de me marquer en réponse, le plutôt le mieux ce que vous
savez ou croyez du fait, et, en supposant qu'il y eût quelque chose de vrai, quelles
en pourroient être les conséquences, afin que je puisse tranquilliser les faibles,
et rabattre la joie des malintentionnés.1
Mercredi prochain les Etats provinciaux d' Hollde. se rassembleront. Il faut espérer
que la Scene ici s'animera un peu alors. Le temps s'approche où nous devons avoir
des nouvelles de Petersbourg.
Je suis avec grand respect, Monsieur Votre très humble & très obéissant serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0105-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-19
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 19 February 1781
[salute] Sir
The latest English newspapers have copied a long article from the New York Gazette
on the subject of an alleged mutiny of 2,000 men in General Washington's army. However
discredited, for good reason, this impure source { 155 } may be, the news is cause for concern here for the good party and gives some hope
to the Anglomanes. Please sir, answer me as soon as you know or are persuaded of the
facts, and, supposing some of it is true, tell me what the consequences will be so
that I may calm the weak and diminish the joy of the ill-intentioned.1
The provincial states of Holland will reassemble next Wednesday. One must hope that
the scene here comes alive at least a bit. The time approaches when we ought to have
news from St. Petersburg.
I am with great respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The account of the mutiny of the Pennsylvania Line that appeared in various London
newspapers, including the London Chronicle of 8–10 Feb., came from New York's Royal Gazette of 6 January. The article referred to Washington as a lieutenant general of France
and left little doubt that his army was disintegrating. For a fuller view of this
event, see James Lovell's letter of 2 Jan., and note 6, above.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0106
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-20
From John Bondfield
[dateline] Bordeaux 20 february 1781
By this days post we are advised of the sailing from Cadiz of the Spanish Fleet consisting
of thirty Sail of the line to cruize off Cape St. Vincent prepered to intercept the
English Fleet destind for Gibralter. Their wild Goose chase against that fortress
employs Men ships and money that might be put to much more useful purpose. Two Dutch
Couriers from Madrid and one for Versailes past thro this City yesterday. Their <mission is> dispatches are of course unknown to themselves of course only conjecture at their
contents otherways nothing new. We have a Vessel that will leave this in a few Days
for Virginia. We have had no arrivals later than them and the french frigate of 28
December. Our private Letters from Philada. are of the 20th.
Great Speculations are on foot in West India Goods. Tobacco has also taken a rise.
By this we may depend the Ideas of the French are not for a Speedy Peace. With respect
I am Sir Your very hhb. Servant
[signed] John Bondfield
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0107-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-21
From Hendrik Bicker
[dateline] Amsterdam 21 Fevrier 1781
[salute] Monsieur
Pour que je ne fusse trop preoccupé de mon sisteme, j'ai profitté de votre permission
de consulter autrui, quoique seulement une seule { 156 } personne, mais qui en valloit bien dix en fait de connoissances Sur votre Commission
du Congres des 13 Etats,1 mais malgré que Messieurs Franklin, Deane, Lee n'ont eu d'autres Titres que vous
Monsieur, nous n'y pouvons trouver d'autre autorité ni d autres aggrements que de
Lever de L'Argent et cela par toute L'Europe et principalement parmi des Particuliers,
car il est un peu recherché de voulloir expliquer et etandre Les Parolles “with any Person or Persons Bodies politic and Corporate” qu'il seroit par le sousentandu de pouvoir Traitter avec des Souverains ou avec
des Membres D'iceux.
Pardonnés ma franchise Monsieur et croies moi avec une parfaite consideration, Votre
tres humble Serviteur
[signed] Bicker
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0107-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-21
Hendrik Bicker to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Amsterdam 21 February 1781
[salute] Sir
In order that I not be too absorbed in my own system, I profited from your permission
to consult with others, and even though it was only with one person, he was worth
at least ten in his understanding of your commission from the Congress of the thirteen
states.1 But despite the fact that Messieurs Franklin, Deane, and Lee held no other titles
than you do, sir, we cannot find any authority, either expressed or implied, to raise
the money. And this is true for the whole of Europe, principally amongst the private
bankers, since it would be stretching it a bit to undertake to explain and elaborate
on the words “with any Person or Persons Bodies politic and Corporate” which would imply that there exists the power to negotiate with Sovereigns or with
members of their courts.
Please excuse my frankness, sir, and believe me to be with perfect consideration your
very humble servant
[signed] Bicker
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0108
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-22
From Benjamin Franklin
[dateline] Passy, Feb. 22. 1781
[salute] Sir
I received the Letter your Excellency did me the honour of writing to me the 15th.
Instant, respecting Bills presented to you for Acceptance, drawn by Congress in favour
of N. Tracey for 10,000 £ Sterling, payable at 90 Days sight; and desiring to know
if I can furnish Funds for the Payment.
I have lately made a fresh and strong Application for more Money. I have not yet received
a positive Answer. I have, however, two of the { 157 } Christian Graces, Faith and Hope: But my Faith is only that of which the Apostle speaks,
the Evidence of Things not seen.1 For in Truth I do not see at present how so many Bills drawn at random on our Ministers
in France, Spain and Holland, are to be paid; nor that any thing but omnipotent Necessity
can excuse the Imprudence of it. Yet I think the Bills drawn upon us by the Congress
ought at all Risques to be accepted. I shall accordingly use my best Endeavours to
procure Money for their honourable Discharge against they become due, if you should
not in the mean time be provided; And if those Endeavours fail, I shall be ready to
break, run away, or go to Prison with you, as it shall please God.
Sir George Grand has return'd to me the Remainder of the Book of Promesses, sign'd
by us, which his House had not an Opportunity of issuing. Perhaps the late Change
of Affairs in that Country may open a Way for them.2 If on consulting him, you should be of that Opinion, I will send them to you.
Late Advices from Congress mention that Col. Laurens is coming over as Envoy extraordinary
to this Court, and Col. Palfrey as Consul General. They may be expected every day.
I send enclos'd an Extract of a Letter from Mr. Bradford (relating to intercepted
Bills) which may be of use if such should be presented to you.3
With great Respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient & most humble
Servant
[signed] B. Franklin
RC and enclosures (Adams Papers). For the enclosures, see note 3.
1. The complete verse, which seems applicable to Franklin's situation, reads: “Now faith
is the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen” (Hebrews, 11:1).
2. Franklin refers to George Grand, older brother of Ferdinand, and the first (abortive)
Dutch loan of 1778. It was undertaken by the Amsterdam firm of Horneca, Fizeaux &
Co., which became Fizeaux, Grand & Co. following the death of Horneca in 1779. The
“Book” originally contained 205 promissory notes, each valued at 1,000 florins and
signed by Franklin, Arthur Lee, and JA. It was sent to Horneca, Fizeaux & Co. on 31 Aug. 1778 (vol. 6:60, 411–413). Between 22 Oct. 1778 and 2 Jan. 1779 they sold 51 notes (DNA: RG 39, Foreign Ledgers, Public Agents in Europe, 1776–1787, p. 231).
3. John Bradford was the Continental agent for Massachusetts; the enclosures consisted
of an extract from his letter of 27 Oct. 1780 and a copy of a congressional resolution
dated 30 Aug. 1780 (Franklin, Papers, 33:465–466; JCC, 17:794–795). Bradford informed Franklin that a mail from Philadelphia to Boston
had been intercepted at Stratford, Conn. It likely had included bills drawn on Franklin
to the amount of $29,105 specie. Congress' resolution ordered Bradford to pay that
sum to João Garcia Duarti, captain of the Portuguese snow Nossa Senhora de Carmo e Santo Antonio, as compensation for the seizure of his vessel in 1777 by the Mass. privateer Phoenix in violation of Portuguese neutrality. For documents concerning the case, see PCC, No. 44, f. 13–185; and Naval Docs. Amer. Rev., 10:9– 11, 22–23, 135–136, 318–320, 517–518, 664–665, 793–794.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0109
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-22
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam 22 Feby. 1781
[salute] Honour'd Sir
May it please Yoúr Excellency! that we remove the doúbts which are laying on oúr mind
for two letters we received for her from France, and which we have send for again
yesterday to enclose them by a letter we had prepared bútt on which we gott only an
answer today, that they were directed to yoúr Excellency, oúr Clarck had made the
first mistake in sending them as usuall for which we begg yoúr pardon.1
The Notary Myliús mean while is preparing the form of the Bonds2 with a proper translation which will be ready for Yoúr Excellencys perúsal and a
great many of the plans are already running aboút, bútt in Conseqúence of them enqúiries
begin to be made for the translated power, which we all forgott before Yoúr Excellency
left the town, we do not suppose this can do any harm as yett bútt both Myliús and
we are of opinion that it would be best if we could be enabled to have it deposited
there on monnday next,3 we should be sorry this should prove any way inconvenient to yoúr Excellency in her
intended Joúrney; what Success we may further flatter oúr Selfs with, we will better
judge off at the beginning of next month.
With all regard we have the honoúr to be most respectfully Honourd Sir Yoúr Excellencys
most devoted and most obedient humble servant
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The letters that the Neufvilles' clerk mishandled and enclosed with this letter were
likely those of 1 Jan. from the president of Congress and 6 Jan. from James Lovell, both above. When he later published his correspondence JA indicated that he received Congress' letter, and presumably this one from the Neufvilles,
on 25 Feb. (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 390–391).
2. See the Contract for a Loan with Jean de Neufville & Fils, [ 1 March] ; and also the Plan for the Negotiation of a Dutch Loan, [ca. 24 Feb.], both below.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0110
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-24
From John Jay
[dateline] Madrid 24 Feb. 1781
[salute] Sir
Since my last to you before you left Paris, I have been favored with no Letters from
you except a few Lines sent me by Mr. Montgomery of Alicante, recommending that Gentleman
as friendly to our Country.1
The enclosed is a Copy of an Act of Congress adopting the Regu• { 159 } lations proposed by the Empress of Russia,2 and of which I was desired to transmit Copies to you and Doctr. Franklin.
Agreable to the Directions of Congress I have communicated to this Court your appointment
to execute the Business committed to Mr. Laurens, and requested their friendly Influence
to promote your Operations. I have also desired my Friends the Messrs. De Neufville
to afford you all the Aid in their power,3 and if on any Occasion it may be in my power to be useful, I beg that you will without
Hesitation command my Services.
[salute] I have the Honor to be Sir with great Respect Your most obedt. & hble Servt.
[signed] John Jay
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers). endorsed by John Thaxter: “Mr. Jay 24th. Feby. 1781.” For the enclosure see note 2.
1. Jay's last letter was dated 17 July 1780 (vol. 10:6–8). No letter of recommendation for Robert Montgomery by JA has been found. See Montgomery's letter of 19 Feb. 1780 requesting that JA write him a letter of introduction to John Jay (vol. 8:341).
3. See Jay's letter to Jean de Neufville & Fils of 8 Jan. (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:385–386).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0111
Date: 1781-02-24
Plan for the Negotiation of a Dutch Loan
[dateline] [ca. 24 February 1781]1
Plan of a Negotiation to the Amoúnt of One Million Gilders. at the Charge of the United
States of North America.
His Excellency John Adams Esqr. Minister Plenipotentiary of the Said States of North
America, &ca. &ca. &ca.
Specially aúthorized to make this Loan, shall distribúe One Thoúsand obligations,
each of Thoúsand Gilders, at the intrest of five per Cent per Annúm, to be paid on
Coupons of f25 at every Six Month.2
The reimbursement shall take place at the end of the Tenth Year and at every of the
Four Years following, each Year a fifth part or two hundred Obligations, by the way
of Lottery, to be made thereof in time.
For púnctúal payment of the intrest, and restitution of the principall the Said States
will be engaged jointly, and each of them in Solidúm for the Whole.
The Obligations and Coupons will be sign'd by his Excellency John Adams Esqr. and
Coúntresigned by Messrs. John de Neufville & Son, and prothocolled by the Notary Anthony
Myliús, at whome the aúthenticq translation of the power, will be to be seen, and
the ratification will be deposited.
{ 160 } The subscription will be at the hoúse of the mention'd John de Neufville & Son at
the first of March 1781. which will be the date of the Obligations.3
MS (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Plan of a Loan.” Filmed at [1781–1782] (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 355). This document is in the same hand as others received from Jean de
Neufville & Fils.
1. This date derives from a notice in the Gazette de Leyde of 27 Feb. announcing a loan issued by Jean de Neufville & Fils. Dated 24 Feb. at
Amsterdam, it followed almost exactly the points made in this document. The only significant
addition was the final sentence: “La ponctualité, avec laquelle l'Amérique-Unie a payé les intérêts de l'Emprunt qu'elle a fait ici il y a trois ans, & la bonne-foi
scrupuleuse avec laquelle elle remplit tous ses engagemens, malgré les difficultés
qu'elle a à combattre, ne peuvent qu'encourager le Public à prendre part à un Emprunt
aussi avantageux.” Translation: The punctuality with which the United States has paid
the interest on the loan that it made here three years ago and the scrupulous good
faith with which it has fulfilled all its engagements, despite the difficulties that
it has had to overcome, can only encourage the public to take part in a loan so advantageous.
2. Note that the florin and guilder are interchangeable.
3. The announcement was intended to place the loan in the most favorable light, but two
of its assertions deserve some comment. Its unqualified reference to JA as minister plenipotentiary, which is repeated in the loan contract of [1 March] , below, implies that JA was minister plenipotentiary to the Netherlands. In fact, the allusion was to JA as minister plenipotentiary to negotiate Anglo-American treaties of peace and commerce.
That this was the intended interpretation seems clear from JA's qualification of his status in his letters of 8 March, communicating Congress'
resolution of 5 Oct. concerning the armed neutrality, to the members of the neutral
confederation. To Prince Dmitri A. Gallitzin, below, Baron Gustaf Johan Ehrensvärd (LbC, Adams Papers), and Armand François Louis de Mestral de Saint Saphorin (LbC, Adams Papers), the Russian, Swedish, and Danish envoys to the Netherlands, JA wrote that he was “one of their [Congress'] ministers plenipotentiary.” In his memorial of 8 March to the States General, below, he declared that he was “a minister plenipotentiary
from the United States of America.” JA did not receive his commission as minister to the Netherlands until 25 Feb. (to Hendrik
Bicker, 1 March, below), and did not officially refer to himself in that capacity until his memorials
of 19 April to the States General and William V, both below, in which he called for Dutch recognition of the U.S.
It is also significant that the quote from the Gazette de Leyde (see note 1) refers to the “ponctualité” with which the U.S. paid the interest on,
rather than to the overall success of, the loan made by the American Commissioners
in 1778 with Horneca, Fizeaux & Co. That loan was intended to raise 205,000 guilders,
but brought in only 51 thousand. At an annual interest rate of 5 percent, this meant
the yearly expenditure was 2,550 guilders, to which a commission was added. The United
States could pay with such “punctualité” because there was so little to pay.
The London newspapers also took note of the proposed loan. The London Chronicle of 8–10 March contained an English translation of the notice. Dated 27 Feb. at Amsterdam,
it omitted both JA's title—referring to him as “Esq.”—and the final sentence appealing for investors.
In its issue of 6–8 March, the Chronicle included an item dated 27 Feb. at The Hague, reporting that “the new negotiation
for a loan of a million of florins, in favour of the Americans, which is to be opened
on the 1st of March, at the house of the widow Neufville and son, causes no little
sensation at the Hague, though it is not generally thought the said loan will be so
speedily filled as Congress and its partizans may wish.” The reference to “the widow
Neufville” may indicate a translation problem, the French text reading “Mrs. [Messieurs] Jean de Neufville & Fils.” Finally, in its issue of 17–20 March, the London Chronicle announced that “by the last letters from Amsterdam, it appears, Mr. John Adams, has
got his first loan of one million of florins filled.” For Benjamin Franklin's reaction
to this report, see his letter of 7 April, below.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0112
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-25
From Francis Dana
[dateline] Paris Feby. 25th. 1781
Hotel Valois, Rue Richelieu
[salute] Dear Sir
The enclosed letter came to hand the last Evening; I was about breaking it open, agreable
to your directions, but observing it marked Cadiz, and supposing it to be a mear private
Letter, I desisted.1 If it shou'd contain any news from our Country, I doubt not you will advise me of
it by the first opportunity. Mr. Bondfield, who has lately been at Paris, writes me
from Bordeaux on the 20th. instant: “By this day's post from Cadiz, we are advised
of the sailing of the Spanish Fleet to cruise off Cape St. Vincent, consisting of
30 Sail of the Line”—“Letters from England mention a suspension of the Condemnation
of the Dutch Ships,2 and they are full of the Mediatrix's influence;3 notwithstanding these reports, every species of West-India produce are buying up
at the most extravagant prices”—“By advices from Amsterdam the Indiana is purchased
by the States-General,4 and the other Frigate on the Stocks, of the same Construction, is finishing with
all possible diligence.” Thus far He. What real foundation there is for any part of
his Intelligence, I know not.
May I venture to congratulate with you, upon the Commencement of a certain business.
You are wholly silent on this head, but he, who stands between Knobb||Engelbert François van Berckel|| and V||Arthur Lee||, has mentioned the matter to Funn ||James Searle||, in a letter he received yesterday.5<However it rest with us, for ought we know.>6One, at a time, will do. Applicatio non deest.7 Francisco ||Silas Deane|| is here. The Relation of Missa ||John Jay|| has been for about a month past, in the Sea-Ports.8 Tis said he means not to visit this great City; at which, I much wonder, seeing he
has come so far, and means to return back upon the same paces. The particular business
I can learn nothing of.9 I hope the workmen have left open a passage for the Alewives, otherwise there is
danger of the dam's being broken down by the people there abouts, who make use of
them, not only in their families, but they are a great article for Bait: besides,
if the superfluous water is not let off, it will, upon the first freshets, form such
a head as will bear all down before it. Is it possible this danger can be overlooked
by any of the proprietors of the Mill?
D.D.J. ||William Temple Franklin|| called upon me, and enquired with apparent agitation of spirits whether I had heard
of the appointment of ——.10 I am afraid that he has been taken, and that the particular { 162 } business with which he was charged may be deranged by that accident. I suppose it
was in the line of his profession; and that A.Z. ||Congress|| was at last convinced of the necessity, that, as he was to share at least equally
according to the terms of the Copartnership, in the profits and losses, he ought to
be consulted about the outfits, and the course of the voyage. The very mischeifs have
in fact happened, for want of this measure, which Steady||John Adams|| pointed out to, Angelica ||Comte de Vergennes||, in the time of it; but her ear had been so long accustomed to the fulsome language
of Adulation, that plain Truth and sound sense did not fail to disgust her. I believe
they have however made an impression upon her mind. The folly of her conduct is plainly
perceived by all the Family of Steady ||John Adams||, yet out of regard to the Interests of both Families, they prudently say little about
it, and hope she will, upon mature reflexion, lay aside her Coquetry, and pursue her
true Interests.
My dear Sir, I have been seriously reflecting upon the general State of our Affairs,
and having settled it in my own mind, that it is highly probable I shall remain an
idle Man, long enough to allow of a visit to AZ||Congress||, and to converse freely with him upon some things touching the commands he was pleased
to honour us with, as also upon some other matters, which perhaps might be productive
of some good. This Idea I have communicated to Funn ||James Searle||, who seems highly to approve of it, and has begged me to communicate it to you, without
loss of time. I have my doubts upon the expediency of the measure—but if, upon full
consideration, you approve of it, I wou'd, notwithstanding I so much abominate remounting
Mules, and passing over the frightful precipices, set off on my journey resigned to
my Fate. I wou'd perform it as quick as possible, and give in person an account of
my transactions to you, on my return. In order to go with expedition, I wou'd apply
to De Novo||Marquis de Castries||11 for a birth in one of his light carriages as far as tis possible to travel with them.
He has one frequently passing towards the Seat of AZ ||Congress||, and I have no reason to think he wou'd not readily oblige me in this respect. After
quitting that I cou'd take a Mule and trip it over the Mountains as before. Having
once passed in safety those of Galice I shall not be much concerned about those which
lay in my route. I lay this Idea before you with much diffidence and submit it to
your friendly and better consideration. You will do me the justice to believe that
I have no private views in this matter—my feelings, in the course of it, must undergo
a very severe trial; yet I wou'd once more sustain it, if any benefit cou'd be { 163 } obtained by it. My reflections are uncomfortable, when I look over the Map. I am,
dear Sir, with much respect and esteem your obliged Friend and obedient hble Servt:
[signed] FRA DANA
P.S. Has Mr. Grand advised you of my transfer?12 If so, you will please to cancel the Note.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “25. Feb. Dana ansd 12 Mar.”
2. Probably a reference to the Order in Council of 16 Feb., which appeared in various
London papers on or about 17 Feb. (London Chronicle, 15–17 Feb.). Responding to a reciprocal order by the States General, it permitted
Dutch ships found in British ports at the beginning of the war to return home. The
only exceptions were those ships carrying contraband.
3. Catherine II in her role as mediator between Britain and its enemies. Her first involvement
was with the joint Austro-Russian mediation of the Anglo-French war and her second
was as sole mediator of the Anglo-Dutch conflict. The Austro-Russian mediation discussed
here was the more important of the two because of its effect on European diplomacy
and JA's diplomatic status. For the parallel effort to mediate between Britain and the Netherlands,
see Jean de Neufville's letter of 2 March, and note 2, below.
The joint mediation grew out of a meeting on 16 Dec. 1780 between Lord Stormont, the
British foreign minister, and I. M. Simolin, the Russian ambassador to Britain. There
the Russian diplomat officially informed Stormont of the creation of the armed neutrality
and provided him with a verbal explanation of its purpose. He indicated that Catherine
II expected the belligerents to abide by its principles and hoped that a mutually
acceptable basis would be found to end the Anglo-French war. At no time did Simolin
indicate that his statements were to be construed as a proposal to mediate the Anglo-French
war.
Simolin's meeting with Stormont came on the eve of Britain's declaration of war against
the Netherlands. Since the principal, if unstated, reason for the war was the Dutch
accession to the League of Armed Neutrality, Britain's declaration constituted a direct
challenge to the armed neutrality and its architect, Catherine II. This meant that
Stormont needed to find some means to forestall intervention by Russia and the other
members of the neutral confederation on behalf of the Netherlands, avoid alienating
Catherine any further, and not further isolate Britain diplomatically and militarily.
Stormont's solution was clear from his reply to Simolin on 23 Dec., in which he chose
to take the Russian's comments on settling the Anglo-French war as an offer to mediate
it. The resulting Austro-Russian mediation came to nothing because Britain demanded
that France renounce its treaty with the U.S. as a precondition for negotiations and
would not countenance any participation by the U.S. The mediation attempt did, however,
create a diversion and lessen the pressure that might otherwise have been brought
against Britain to make peace. For a detailed examination of the joint mediation and
the motives of those involved, see De Madariaga, Armed Neutrality of 1780, p. 264–288, 313–360.
Although JA never saw the Austro-Russian mediation as a viable option and expected it to fail,
it significantly affected his efforts as a diplomat. France used the prospective mediation
to convince Congress to replace JA as sole peace negotiator. The resulting five-member commission had instructions that
seemed to tie any peace settlement to the dictates of French foreign policy. It also
led to JA's journey to Paris in July to discuss with Vergennes the mediation and the role of
the U.S. at any peace conference under its auspices. For JA's views on the Austro-Russian mediation as well as their effect on him, see Commissions
and Instructions for Mediation and Peace, 15 June, Editorial Note; JA's second letter of 16 May to Congress, note 1 and references there; and his correspondence with the Comte de Vergennes in July, all below.
4. The frigate Indien, purchased by Alexander Gillon and renamed the South Carolina, was then being outfitted for a voyage to America.
5. Dana refers to JA's pending agreement with Jean de Neufville & Fils for raising a loan in the Netherlands.
On the list of code names used by Dana, Neufville's name was { 164 } listed between van Berckel and Arthur Lee ([ca. 14 Jan.], above).
6. This passage was interlined and marked for insertion at this point, but then was canceled.
7. The diligence is not lacking.
8. Henry Brockholst Livingston, John Jay's brother-in-law and private secretary, visited
Lorient and Nantes (John Jay: Unpublished Papers, 1745–1784, ed. Richard B. Morris, 2 vols., N.Y., 1975, 1980, 2:175–177).
9. The editors have been unable to divine Dana's meaning in the remainder of this paragraph.
11. The French naval minister.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0113
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-27
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] [27 February 1781]1
[salute] Dear Sir
On my Return from a little Excursion, I received yours of 18.
I dont know whether Calkoens, Pamphlet is unanswerable or not. There are two very
sharp Pamphlets written against it, as they say.2 These People dont understand their own Constitution alike.
There is a Part of the Pamphlet, which disgusted me, as well as you. It is a Dutch
affectation of Shrewdness. Nothing can be a greater Folly. However—The French Marine
have it, to my certain Knowledge as well as Calkoen and the Spanyards. There is in
Deed and in Truth an European Jealousy, and Envy of America. Weak wretched Man! Sagacious
only to find out and make Causes of thine own Misery.
It has been, these two or three years, a philosophical Speculation as well as a political,
to discover the true Cause of this European Suspicion. Is it natural? Men dont usually
disquiet themselves about Evils, so distant in Futurity.
Who ever made himself uneasy about a Thing which was to happen 3 hundred years hence?
However the Evil here Apprehended, never will nor can happen, unless a Silly Jealousy,
should induce the Europeans to take unfriendly Measures, So as to excite ill Will.
I Suspect, that this Jealousy is artificial. That it is artfully managed by the Courts
of Europe. These dread the Forms of Government in America. They dread that high Sense
and Spirit of Liberty, and those popular Principles, with which America is full. They
are afraid of their Spreading in Europe and propagating like a Contagion, So as to
produce Revolutions.
But the People of Europe, and the Men of Letters ought for the <Same> opposite Reasons, to cherish America as their only remaining Barrier against Despotism.
For if the Spirit of Liberty is Subdued in America there is now an end of it in the
World.
{ 165 } I am weary however of Speculation. I See that our poor Country must bid farewell to
all Ideas of Peace. Warlike she must be or not exist. For she will be involved in
eternal War, that is plain. Britains and French and Spanyards, and others will keep
poor America the constant Sport of their infernal Politicks. Let Us warn our Countrymen
therefore to be Soldiers and Seamen, and teach them to love War Since Europe will
oblige them to it.
It will depend entirely upon Europe, whether America shall ever hurt it or not. If
she treats America with Suspicion and Jealousy, Envy and Malice, she will necessarily,
produce the Same Passions in America towards her. And she will bring it, to this question
whether America shall be, desolated and totally depopulated, or not? It is easy to
see that this is not in the Power of all Europe. European Jealousy however will have
one Effect. It will keep America longer United. Without Unkind and ungenerous Treatment
from Europe, God knows America will too soon divide and quarell with itself.
But it is not the Part of Policy or Philosophy, to torment itself with Prospects into
such distant Futurities, I dont expect that America will turn the Earth into an Heaven
or an Hell. This World will continue to be Earth and its Inhabitants Men, and Wars
and Follies will abound as much as ever. We have full enough to do with those of the
present Age. Dont let Us distress ourselves about those which are to happen a thousand
Years hence.
Can you help me to borrow Some Money. This is the best Way to treat America, lend
them some Money, which will all come back again, twice over with Interest. In the
first Place it will all be Spent here—in the next it must all be paid here again.
Will your Friend insert my Plan in his Leaf and give Us some Remarks upon American
Credit?3 The Population, Industry, and the Extent and Variety of her Productions and Commerce,
are the sources of her Wealth and Ability to pay. And Where there is Ability there
is seldom wanting Inclination.
My Plan of a Loan, is a political Machine, which will set many Wheels in Motion. We
shall See what Effect it will have. I hope, to see the Speculations of all the Journalists
upon it. If it Succeeds it will promote Commerce, Politicks, and War, in our favour.
If not it will compell Congress against their Inclination, to tax all Europe by laying
Duties on their Exports. We might in this Way oblige Europe to pay the Expences of
the War, for our Productions they must and will have at any Rate. If the Loan dont
Succeed, America may be { 166 } forced to make an American Act of Navigation. We have it in our Power to manage Europe
if she will be ill natured, but I hope she will be wise.
As to the present State of America, her Governments are now compleetly established
and have as much Force as any in Europe at least. Her Army, is as numerous as usual,
but the Cowardice of the English in keeping hid in New York and skulking about in
their ships leaves our Army nothing to do, but grow discontented with an inactive
Life, I suppose. The Navy of the Continent, seems neglected but the Privateers fare
the better, for that, and make an incredible Number of Prizes. The Paper Money seems
to be little talked of, as the silver and gold, Spent there by the English and french,
are now circulating in sufficient quantities to serve for a Medium.4
RC (Adams Papers). Filmed at [1780–1781] (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 353).
2. Although they are not otherwise identified, these are probably anonymous pamphlets
by Elie Luzac and R. M. van Goens entitled, respectively, Het Waare Dag-Licht van Het Politiek Systema der Regeringe van Amsterdam, uit de Vaderlandsche
Historien opghelderd, Middelburg, [1781]; and Politik Vertoog over het Waar Sistema van de Stad van Amsterdam, 1781. For an analysis of their arguments in opposition to Calkoen's, see Leeb, Origins of the Batavian Rev., p. 150–154.
3. JA apparently wanted Jenings to persuade Dérival de Gomicourt to include the Plan for
the Negotiation of a Dutch Loan, [ca. 24 Feb.], above, in Lettres hollandoises.
4. For earlier comments by JA on the importance of British and French expenditures in America as a source of specie,
see his 15th letter to Hendrik Calkoen (vol. 10:238–239).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0114-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-28
From Philippe André Joseph de Létombe
[dateline] Paris, 28. fevrier 1781
[salute] Monsieur
Il y a dix jours que l'honorable M. Searle m'a remis la Lettre que votre Excellence
m'a fait l'honneur de m'écrire le trois janvier dernier.1 Je n'ai pu y répondre sur le champ parce que des occupations, des Courses, mille
Embarras ne me l'ont pas permis. Mais j'ai vu M. Searle aussi souvent que je l'ai
pu, et je veut bien des graces à votre Excellence et de son souvenir et de m'avoir
procuré la Connoissance d'un Citoyen aussi estimable que M. Searle. Mon regret de
ne pouvoir Le cultiver plus Longtems est infini; mais il part incessamment pour La
hollande et je pars pour l'Amérique dans douze jours.
Je propose à votre Excellence de m'honorer de ses ordres pour Philadelphie et Boston.
Je Crois qu'Elle est bien sûre que je m'acquiterai de tout ce dont Elle me chargera
avec beaucoup de Zéle et d'empre• { 167 } ssement. Je lui demande encore ses recommendations comme choses qui m'honoreront infiniment
auprès de ses Compatriotes et je prie votre Excellence de vouloir bien m'adresser
son Paquet, le plûtôt possible, à Paris où je Le trouverai à mon retour d'un voyage
de dix jours que je dois faire.2
Je vous prie, Monsieur, de vouloir bien agréer Les hommages du Respect et d'un tendre
attachement avec Les quels je suis de Votre Excellence, Le très humble et très obeissant
Serviteur
[signed] De Létombe
Ecuyer, Consul général de France à Boston.
Rue de l'Université à Paris.
Ecuyer, Consul général de France à Boston.
Rue de l'Université à Paris.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0114-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-02-28
Philippe André Joseph de Létombe to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Paris, 28 February 1781
[salute] Sir
Ten days ago Mr. Searle gave me the letter that your Excellency had the honor to write
me on the 3rd of January.1 I could not answer it right away because business, events, and a thousand other obstacles
prevented me from doing so. But I saw Mr. Searle as often as I could and would like
to thank your Excellency for his remembrance to me and for the introduction to such
an estimable citizen as Mr. Searle. I regret very much that I will not be able to
cultivate our relationship any further because he is leaving for Holland and I am
going to America in twelve days.
I ask your Excellency to honor me with the orders for Philadelphia and Boston. Be
certain that it will be with much zeal and enthusiasm that I execute my post in America.
Again I would like to ask that you recommend me to your compatriots. This would be
a great honor. I beg you, sir, to please send the packet along to me as soon as possible
in Paris, where I will find it upon my return from a ten-day trip that I must make.2
Please, sir, accept my tributes of respect and of a tender attachment with which I
am, your Excellency, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] De Létombe
Ecuyer, Consul général de France à Boston.
Rue de l'Université à Paris.
Ecuyer, Consul général de France à Boston.
Rue de l'Université à Paris.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0115
Recipient: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Date: 1781-03-01
Contract for a Loan with Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] [1 March 1781]
I the Subscribed John Adams, of Braintree in the County of Suf• { 168 } folk, in the State of Massachusetts in North America Esquire and Minister plenipotentiary
of the United States of North America And According an Copy Authenticq and Translation
of my original Commission or power deponed1 by Me under the Notary Anthony Mylius Especially Named and Authorized by the said
States of North America being Assembled in a General Congress for to be their Agent
for to Negotiate a Loan at the benefit of the said States with any person or persons
States or Companys, the said States having promised to ratify and Confirm in good
faith all what shall be done in this Matter or in that what by any means is relative
to it.
So I have Concluded to Negociate a Loan in my said Quality in the name and at the
benefit of the said United States of North America in the following Manner and to
fix the Amount of the said Loan a Sum of a Million Holland Current Money and such
in One Thousand Obligations Containing in the Capital One Thousand Gilders Each at
the Interest of Five percent Yearly, to be reckoned from the first day of March of
this Year 1781.
And that the said Capital is to be reimbursed and restituted in five terms Successively,
to wit: Two hundred of this Obligations shall be Amortized at the End of the tenth
Year after the date hereof and thus on the first of March of the Year 1791. And further
at the end of every One of the then first Successively four Years a like number of
Two hundred Obligations, So that at the end of the fourteenth Year and thus on the
first of March 1795 this Loan shall be restituted and repaid in all.
Before the end of the tenth Year the said one Thousand Number of these Obligations
shall be done together in a Box and then drawn out of the said Box in the presence
of a Notary Publick and witnesses Two hundred Numbers which said Two hundred Numbers
or Obligations so being drawn out are to be reimbursed when falls due together with
the Intrest money due thereon And shall before the end of every one of the then first
following Four Years be drawn again out of the said Box in the same Manner a Like
Number of two hundred Numbers of Obligations that are not reimbursed for to be reimbursed
and the Intrest money due thereon to be paid when falls due And in every Year three
Monts before the time of falling due shall be Notified by the publick Newspapers what
numbers are drawn out for to be reimbursed and repaid in that Year; The Intrest money
is to be paid at the end of every Six months on Coupons or promissions in printing
and for that purpose shall be given by each of the said Obligations twenty eight of
the said Coupons or promissions Con• { 169 } taining each Twenty five Gilders, and in the last eight of the said Coupons or promissions
shall be inserted, Provided the Number of this Obligation is not drawn Out and declared
Redeemable.
Thus I the Subscribed John Adams Esquire do hereby Acknowledge in my said quality
and in the name and behalf of the United States of North America, the said States
to be well and truly indebted on the beforestanding Conditions and that hereafter
following, to ............... a Sum of One Thousand Gilders Holland Current Money
received to my Satisfaction by Messrs. John de Neufville and Son of Amsterdam Merchants
as being thereto Authorised by these presents by Me in my said Quality as also to
Contrasign the said One Thousand Obligations and Coupons or promissions of the Intrest,
for to prevent all Counterfeiting or falsifying And I the Subscribed in my said Quality
do hereby expressely desist of all Benefitions of Law Especially of the exception
Non Numeratae pecuniae,2 And I do hereby promise in my said Quality and in the name and in the behalf of the
United States of North America to restitute and repay the said Sum of One Thousand
Gilders Holland Current Money to ......... or to the bearer of this on the end of
one of the last five Years of that fourteen Years this loan shall Continue, to wit:
in that Year the Number of this Obligation shall be drawn out and thus not before
the end of the Tenth Year and also not after the end of the fourteenth Year; And the
reimbursement of the said Sum and the payment of the Interest money shall be done
promptly till the reimbursement of the Capital against the restitution of this Obligation
and the Coupons or promissions of Interest, that then shall be still belonging thereto,
at the house of Messrs. John de Neufville and Son of Amsterdam their Heirs or Successors.
For the Security of this whole Loan and particularly of this Obligation I the Subscribed
John Adams Esquire in my beforementioned Quality and in the name and on the behalf
of the said United States of North America do hereby bind the said United States Jointly
and every one of the Same Separately and also all the Lands and Goods, Revenues and
products of the same, Imports and Taxes already laid and raised and further to lay
and to be raised in the Same, and thus of all the thirteen states of North America
Jointly and of every one of them in Solidum for the whole, I the Subscribed thereto
expressely desisting of the benefition Divisionis, also de duobus vel pluribus reis
debendi, Signifying dividing of Debt, and that two or more being indebted together
every one of the same is Obliged only for his Share; Obliging Me in my said Quality
and in the name and on the behalf { 170 } of the said United States the Amounts of the Interest money, and of the reimbursements
that are to do from time to time of the whole Loan and particularly of this Obligation,
shall be remitted to the said Messrs. John de Neufville and Son their Heirs or Successors
in good Bills of Exchange, Products of North America or in ready Money without deduction
or diminution and in due time. And this Obligation shall never be Liable to any Charges
or Taxes already laid in the said United States or any of the same or further to lay,
Notwithstanding any War, Hostilitys or Breach might be Caused between the said States
or any of the same on the one part and the States of this lands on the other side
(that God forbid) And shall therefore the payment of the principal or Interest of
this Obligation Never might be hindered or delayed in no manner and by No Means Promising
in the name and thus for the said united States by them or on their behalf or any
of the Same particularly shall never be Accepted or Concluded whether by the Making
of any peace or otherwise any Convention or Treaty in Secret or Publick, whereby the
performance of this should by prejudiced or wherein should be stipulated any thing
in the Contrary of this; No but that in all Cases the Intrest money shall be paid
and the principal reimbursed without any exception.
And I the Subscribed do hereby further promise and Oblige myself in my said Quality,
this my engagement shall be ratified and Confirmed by the beforementioned United States
Assembled in Congress, as Soon possible;3 Which Ratification shall be delivered to Messrs. John de Neufville and Son And deponed
for the ease of the Lenders under the Notary Anthony Mylius where that Ratification
together with the Authenticated Copy of the translation of my Original Commission
or power shall remain untill the beforementioned Loan shall be reimbursed and repaid
entirely.
In witness of truth I have Signed this with my own hand in my said Quality and thus
in the name and on the behalf of the said United States of North America (after I
had received and read an Authenticated Translation thereof,) In Amsterdam the first
day of March in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand Seven hundred and Eighty One.
Contrasigned
I the Subscribed Notary do hereby Certify the beforestanding Obligation is duly registered
by Me, And that I Notary have Signed no more of the beforementioned Obligations than
One thousand, { 171 } Containing each a Sum of One thousand Gilders and being Numbred from No. 1 till 1000,
and that the Authen[ti]cated Copy and Translation of the above mentioned Commission or power are remaining
under Me Notary
MS in John Trumbull's hand (CtY: John Trumbull Coll.). No copy of the document as executed by JA and Jean de Neufville & Fils has been found. It is not known when John Trumbull copied
the MS, but it may have been when he resided with the Neufville family in July 1781 while
visiting Amsterdam following his release from an English prison (The Autobiography of Colonel John Trumbull, ed. Theodore Sizer, New Haven, 1953, p. 73–74).
2. Or, as it usually appears, pecunia non numerata, meaning money not paid (Henry Campbell
Black, A Law Dictionary Containing Definitions of the Terms and Phrases of American and English
Jurisprudence Ancient and Modern, 2d edn., St. Paul, Minn., 1910).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0116
Recipient: Bicker, Hendrik
Date: 1781-03-01
To Hendrik Bicker
[dateline] Arms of Amsterdam March 1. 1781
[salute] Sir
I received your Letter at Leyden,1 inclosing the Copy I had the Honour to Send you, and thank you, for your candid Judgment
of its Extent and Import.
I have now the Honour to inform you, that on my Return to Amsterdam the 25 of Feb.
I received a Letter from Congress inclosing another Commission in proper Form, containing
full Powers to treat with their High Mightinesses, and to conclude and Sign a Treaty.
I received also Authority to acceed to the Principles of the Armed Neutrality.2
I should now be Still more obliged by your candid Opinion what is the best Course
for me to take.3 I have the Honour to be with great Esteam, sir &c.
LbC (Adams Papers).
2. Although JA indicates here that he received Congress' letter of 1 Jan., above, on 25 Feb. at Amsterdam, in 1809, when his letters appeared in the Boston Patriot, JA wrote, following his letter of [ca. 19] Feb. to Bicker, above, that “At this time I gave up my lodgings at Amsterdam, and removed
to Leyden, where on the 25th of February, 1781, I received from the president of congress
the following letter.” JA then inserted the letter of 1 Jan. and indicated that its enclosures had included
his commission as minister to the Netherlands and the resolution of 5 Oct. permitting
the U.S. to accede to the armed neutrality. He then declared that “Soon after the
receipt of them, I returned to Amsterdam, and took lodgings again in the city tavern,”
or Arms of Amsterdam (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 390–391).
3. No reply from Bicker has been found.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0117
Recipient: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
Date: 1781-03-01
To C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Amsterdam March 1. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
The Letters I received at Leyden, obliged me to leave you Sooner than I intended,1 but <I did not know>, I shall soon See you again, at the Hague.
I have received, important Dispatches from Congress, upon which I want your Advice.
I hope it is no bad News. You will Say nothing, reflect well upon the Times, and be
prepared to answer me, serious Questions upon public Affairs—nothing personal—nor
selfish—nor little. I shall See you, in the Course of next Week—if nothing turns up,
to prevent it, which I dont foresee. Dont raise your Expectations too high—remember—Nil
Admirari.2
[salute] Adieu
LbC (Adams Papers).
2. That is, wonder at nothing. Immediately after this letter, as printed in the Boston Patriot, JA wrote “I soon returned to Leyden, and determined to begin by communicating the resolution
of congress to the ambassadors of the neutral courts; first to that from Russia” (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 392). For JA's efforts in this regard, see his letters of 8 March to Dumas and Prince Gallitzin, both below.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0118
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-02
From Jean de Neufville
[dateline] 2 March 17811
[salute] Honourd sir
This will reach yoúr Excellency at his levee, I make no apologie for not forwarding
it sooner while by the time I left her, and being after supper reading for dissepation
I received an Account of a tiding from Rússia, by which the Emperess offerd her mediation;2 if this should appear (in consequence of what yoúr Excellency was pleased to enforce
upon my mind) countrary to the intrest of America, I dare Say we have gand a great
point for both Countries, and if well managed may produce the greatest happiness;
we may be degenated from the vigoúr with which our Ancestors have defended their liberty;
butt yoúr Excellency will find in this Republicq many worthy people not a disgrace
to an intimate Alliance with America, witness withoút ceremony Yoúr Excellencys most
devoted and obed hum servt.
[signed] J de Neufville
RC (Adams Papers).
1. JA received another note of this date from Jean de Neufville & Fils (Adams Papers) that wished him well on his imminent return to Leyden and gave a brief progress
report on the loan.
2. On 1 March the Russian minister at The Hague, Prince Gallitzin, presented Catherine
II's offer to mediate between the Netherlands and Great Britain. The States General
accepted the proposal on 14 March, but Britain refused even to consider a mediated
settlement. The British feared that any negotiations would compromise its position
vis-à-vis the extension of neutral rights and that Russian efforts to end the Anglo-Dutch
conflict would divert Catherine's attention from her mediation of the Anglo-French
war. Russia, however, did not take Britain's refusal as final and undertook a new
initiative at the end of Aug., for which see JA's letters to the president of Congress of 6 Aug., calendared below, and 13 Dec. (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:43–44). The Gazette de Leyde of 2 March carried a brief notice of Gallitzin's demarché and on 6 March printed
the French text. For an English translation, see the Annual Register for 1781, p. 310–311; but see also JA's letter of 18 March to the president of Congress, calendared below.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0119-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-03
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Lahaie 3e. Mars 1781
[salute] Monsieur
L'incluse vous apprendra tout ce qu'il y a de nouveau ici. Nos amis ne sont guere
contents du Mémoire Russe.1 Pour moi, je ne trouve pas que la Russie Soit blamable de ne pas se presser de secourir
la Rep., jusqu'à-ce qu'elle voie que celle-ci arme tout de bon: autrement on pourroit
bien ici lui laisser tout le fardeau de la guerre maritime, en ne se tenant que sur
la défensive. Tout ceci traînera en longueur; et il n'y aura d'actifs que les Courriers
qui trotteront entre ici et Petersbourg. Il me tarde d'apprendre Si votre Emprunt
prend bien. Voilà la Russie, qui en ouvre un aussi de 3 millions de florins. Si vous
avez des nouvelles de l'Amérique, je me recommande. J'ai l'honneur d'être avec un
très grand respect, Monsieur Votre très-humble & très-obéissant serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0119-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-03
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 3 March 1781
[salute] Sir
The enclosed will tell you all that is new here. Our friends are hardly content with
the Russian memorial.1 As for me, I do not think that Russia is to blame for not rushing in to save the
republic until it is evident that the republic is well-armed. Otherwise the entire
burden will be on the navy merely to hold its defensive position. All of this will
drag things out and the only action will be that of the couriers going back and forth
between here and St. Petersburg. I am impatient to learn news of your loan. Russia
is asking for one also, for 3 million florins. I implore you to tell me of any news
from America. I have the honor to be with very great respect, sir, your very humble
and very obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The enclosure has not been found, but it may have been Dumas' letter of 22 Feb. to
the president of Congress, which he intended JA to send on to America (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:264). The final paragraph of that letter, dated 2 March, reported that the Russian
ambassador had presented a memorial to the States General containing an offer to mediate
the Anglo-Dutch war.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0120
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-05
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels March 5th. 1781
[salute] Sir
I had the Honor of receiving a Letter from your Excellency yesterday without a date1 in Answer to that, which I took the Liberty of writing of the 18 Ultimo and am Sorry
to find your Excellency equally sensible with me of the Absurdity of the Idea taken
up in Europe of the future formidableness of America. I was in Hopes, that my fancy
on that Head was not well-founded and that the folly of European politicians was not
so Universal, as I find it is. It has for some time occurred to me to put my thoughts
on this Subject on Paper, and send it then to your Excellency. I am more disposed
to it than ever, and will do it, if I shall have your Excellencys Leave. I took an
opportunity yesterday afternoon, to speak on this Matter to my writing Friend Here.
I opened myself to Him, in some degree on it. He has promised to consider it, and
to examine well what Monsr. Calkroens has said thereon.2 He has likewise assured me, that He will insert your Excellencys Proposals, which
I sincerely wish may have the Utmost Effect on the Capitalists. The richest of them
in these Countries reside at Antwerp. If your Excellency could therefore Convey several
Copies of your Plan there, it might answer good Purposes.
By a Letter from Spain3 I find the Emperor has offered his Mediation, and proposes, that the Empress of Russia
should be joined with Him therein. How that can be I Know in the Situation, that Affairs
are in. France perhaps would not object to it, altho it is probable this Matter comes
originally from England, who wishes by Compliments to win the Empress over to her
Views. The Emperor may propose to ingratiate Himself and get an Intimacy with Her
and her Ministers to serve his other purposes—but what Necessity is there for any
Mediator, and much less for two. England has no Object therein but to embroil Europe—it
is certain that Couriers pass frequently between Vienna and London.
There is a report spread here, that the Emperor is sending 20000 Men into these Countries.4 If true, does this look like a peaceful Mediation? Will not France Holland and Prussia
demand the reason of such a Measure at this Time?
{ 175 } I am reading with most avidity Cerisiers Tableau de le Hollande.5 It gives the best Idea of the Dutch History and Constitution of any Book I have met
with. I wish it was translated into English, every American might study it. He will
learn by it and praise his own Constitutions, and be watchful over them and of the
Conduct of Friends and Foes.
I shall be obliged to your Excellency to send me by some Hand coming this way the
Play of Guilleaume Tell—I find it was acted last week at Amsterdam.6
Coll. Searle tells me He shall pass through this Town in his way to Holland the 20th.
Instant.
I am fearful that the Spanish has met with some Accident by the Winds as it is said
it Sailed from Cadiz the 6th. Ultimo. The English fleet is ready for sailing, tis
given out, that it will Consist of 30 Ships of the Line—I cant think it possible.
It is said there is a Misunderstanding between Commodore Johnstone and Col. Meadows,
it is possible from the Temper of Johnstone.
Has your Excellency examind well the last Accounts from Carolina? All the Truth is
not told—there seems to be much concealed—has your Excellency no News from Col. Lawrens—He
must be much wanted in France.
[salute] I am with the greatest Respect Sir Your Excellencys Most faithful & Obedient Humbl Servant
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Jennings ansd. 12 march. 1781.”
3. Probably from William Carmichael. In his letter of 22 Feb. to the Committee for Foreign
Affairs, Carmichael provided much of the information given in this paragraph and mentioned
Jenings as a correspondent (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:265–266).
4. The Austrian Netherlands.
5. Antoine Marie Cerisier, Tableau de l'histoire générale des Provinces-Unies, 10 vols., Utrecht, 1777–1784.
6. Almost certainly the five-act tragedy by Antoine Marin Lemierre, which was first performed
in 1766 (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale). William Tell's resistance to the Austrian oppressor made him a hero to many Americans
in the midst of their struggle against Britain. Similar sentiments were apparently
abroad in the Netherlands, for the play's performance so soon after the outbreak of
the Anglo-Dutch war could only be seen as anti-British and, by extension, anti-stadholder.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0121
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-05
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam 5 March 1781
[salute] Honoúrd sir
May we have the honoúr, to offer to Yoúr Excellency, the inclosed pack, received from
Mr. Searle,1 who now is at Paris; and to join there { 176 } to the form of the Obligation and Coúpon,2 in which only a few púnctúations are to be alterd, and we hope to be able to send
by the tomorrow scoot,3 the quantity of stamped ones, according to Yoúr Excellencys orders; meanwhile we
send some of those form obligations to oúr friends in the different provinces, and
we are Still in hopes of some better success, then hath appeared at the first days.
We múst soon now learn, what the answer of England will be on the offerd mediation,
the Memoriall is publishd in all Gazettes, and the trúe meaning and intention in particúlar
in the Nord Holland of this daÿ, to proceed with rigouroús measúres, in case England
wont agree to honourable terms, we wish and do not doúbt bútt every good múst proceed
there from in coúrse.
With Respectfúll Regard we have the honoúr to be Honourd Sir Yoúr Excellencys most
devoted Obedient Humble Servants.
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Not found.
2. The draft contract of [ante 2 Feb.] includes the forms for the obligations and coupons; the final contract of [1 March] mentions them, but no printed copies have been found.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0122-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-06
From the Abbés Chalut and Arnoux
[dateline] Paris 6. mars 1781
M. Searle nous à remis dans son tems, notre cher et estimable ami, la lettre donc
vous l'aviez chargé pour nous,1 il a dû vous ecrire que nous étions très empressés à faire tout ce qui pourroit lui
etre agreable, et qu'il a eu avec un des chefs de la ferme generale un entretien aussi
long qu'il pouvoit le desirer. Il nous a paru être très Content du fermier general;
nous sçavons que Celui-ci a été très satisfait de M. Searle. Vous sçavez que nous
sommes à votre service dans toutes les choses qui dependront de nous, et que les personnes
que vous nous adresserez trouveront dans l'amitié que nous avons pour vous votre zele
pour les servir.
Nous avons eu le plaisir de diner quelques fois avec Mrs. Searle et dana, nous Les
avons priés avec Cette Cordialité que vous nous Connoissez de nous faire Cet honneur
là, toute les fois que Leurs affaires le leur permettrerent.
M. Searle est un bon et sage republicain il est bien digne de son pais et de la Cause
que vous deffendez avec tant de vertu du gloire et de Succès. Il nous a dit qu'il
se rendroit incessemment auprès de { 177 } vous, nous l'avons felicité de cet avantage, et nous desirons Sincerement qu'une circonstance
heureuse nous procure le plaisir de vous revoir.
Le Compte rendu de M. Necker est sans doute parvenu jusqu'à vous.2 Il a fait ici la plus agreable sensation pour le bonheur de la france. Cet ouvrage
decele le genie et la force du Courage d'un administrateur vertueux. Les françois
qui aiment leur pais admirent avec reconnoissance les talents et les vertus de Ce
Ministre des finances. Tous les ambassadeurs des puissances de l'europe qui resident
à Paris se sont empressés d'envoyer dans leurs Cours plusieurs exemplaires de Ce Compte
rendu. Nous pensons qu'il sera traduit dans toutes les langues. Les Anglois paliront
en lisant Cet ouvrage, ils verront Ce qu'ils ne pouvoient pas Croire. Ils apprendront
que la france par le bon état de ses finances et par le genie de Celui qui les administre,
peut Soutenir encore bien des Campagnes, au bout desquelles l'Angleterre ne verroit
que son epuisement. Depuis que Cet ouvrage a paru, Les gens sensés disent tout haut
que M. Necker va accelerer le retour de la paix. Les Anglois n'ont fait jusqu'aujourdhui
que des efforts impuissants. La reflexion les ramenera à des sentiments de raison,
et dans l'état des choses, ils Sacrifieront a regret ces projets montrueux de Grandeur,
qui Leur Couteront leur existence politique, S'ils continuoient de se ruiner pour
les realiser. Il est vrai que leur Cupidité verra avec desespoir, les avantages des
partagés entre les differentes puissances maritimes de l'europe. Cette peste et cette
humiliation n'existeront aucune espece de Compassion, une orgueilleuse et tirannique
domination n'en mente point. Rome et Cartage sont tombées de l'abus de la puissance
dans le mepris. Tel sera le Sort de ces insulaires, Si l'europe eclairée Sur les droits
agit selon Les interests.
Nous arretons ici nos reflexions, pour ne nous occuper que des sentiments que vous
nous avez inspirez; nous vous aimons toujours. Nous ne Cesserons d'accorder à vos
talents et à vos vertus l'estime que nous leur devons, nous vous aimons aussi dans
vos enfants, embrassez-les tous les deux bien tendrement pour nous et recevez l'assurance
de l'amitié de l'abbé chalut et de l'abbé Arnoux.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0122-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-06
Abbé Chalut to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Paris, 6 March 1781
Mr. Searle delivered to us, our dear and estimable friend, the letter that you put
in his charge for us.1 He should have written to you that we have { 178 } been very eager to do whatever we can for him and that he had a long discussion with
one of the heads of the farmers general. It seems to us that he was satisfied with
this farmers general. We know that the latter was satisfied with him. You know that
we are at your service for anything that may depend upon us and that anyone that you
direct to us will find in our friendship for you, your zeal to serve them.
We had the pleasure of dining a few times with Messieurs Searle and Dana. We asked
them to extend this cordiality, which you know is an honor for us, whenever their
affairs permit them to do so.
Mr. Searle is a good and wise republican who is worthy of his country, and the cause
that you defend with such virtue and success. He told us that he will be joining you
soon, and we congratulated him on this good fortune since we sincerely wish circumstances
would allow us the pleasure of seeing you again.
Mr. Necker's report has undoubtedly reached you.2 Here it has created an agreeable sensation for the happiness of France. This work
reveals the genius and courage of a virtuous administrator. The French who love their
country admire the talents and virtues of this minister of finance. All the ambassadors
of the European powers who live in Paris are eager to send several copies of the report
to their respective courts. We think it will be translated into every language. The
English will pale when they read it, and will not believe their eyes. They will learn
that France, because of its good financial state and because of the genius of its
administrator, can again support campaigns at the end of which England will only find
itself exhausted. Since this piece appeared, sensible people have exclaimed that Mr.
Necker will accelerate the return of peace. The English have, until today, made only
feeble attempts. Reflection will bring about reason, and with the state of affairs,
they will sacrifice with regret their master plans of greatness, which will cost them
their political life if they continue to destroy themselves in order to achieve it.
It is true that through their greed they will see with despair the advantages shared
between the different maritime powers in Europe. This plague and humiliation will
know no compassion, since a proud and tyrannical domination can hardly be belied.
Rome and Carthage fell from abuse of contemptuous power. Such will be the fate of
these islanders, if enlightened Europe acts according to its interests.
Here we finish our reflections, so as not to occupy ourselves with sentiments other
than those which you have inspired in us; we love you still. We continue to hold your
talents and virtues in high esteem, to send love and tenderness to your two children,
and to assure you of the friendship with which we remain the abbé Chalut and abbé
Arnoux
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Abbés Chalut & Arnoux. 6th. March 1781.”
1. Not found.
2. This was Compte rendu au Roi par M. Necker, directeur général des finances, Paris, 1781. Faced with the increasingly difficult task of financing the war with
England, Jacques Necker sought to make France more credit { 179 } worthy. Necker indicated in the preamble that to accomplish his task it was necessary
to disclose the actual state of French finances and thereby remove the “mystère” surrounding
them. He pointed to the enormous credit Britain enjoyed and attributed it largely
to its form of government and the requirement to present the national budget each
year to Parliament for approval. This made clear to potential creditors the resources
that Britain had available to service a loan. Necker's Compte created an immediate sensation because of its sharp departure from past practice
and thus was much in demand. The Gazette de Leyde of 2 March contained the preamble, included an additional excerpt in its issue of
6 March, and on 16 March announced that a new printing soon would be available for
two florins.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0123
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-06
From Francis Dana
(No. 12.)
[dateline] Paris March 6th. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I desired Mr. Searle when he wrote you a few days since, to present my best regards
to you, and to acquaint you that I wou'd write in a few days. I have consulted D.D.
||Benjamin Franklin|| upon the resolution of AZ||Congress||, agreable to your desire, and he says, he thinks, it might be adviseable to communicate
it to her Minister near you—that there is none now here to whom he cou'd communicate it.1 I went a little beyond my commission, and brought on some conversation touching a
certain instruction, with which he was charged, not very distantly related to your's;
I enquired what had been done upon it, and was answered, nothing—that he had communicated
it, but as he supposed the matter which it concerned, was at a distance, he had not
thought it worth while to press on a determination; and he seemed to think it wou'd
be time enough when the period hinted at approached.2 I have obtained a copy of the Cyphers: this I shall not forward by post, as I expect
a good private opportunity next week: When they were delivered to me, the Gentleman
said, he had never been able to comprehend them. Whether I shall be able to do it,
is uncertain. However I will make the attempt. I received the last evening a letter
of the 6th. of Jany. a copy of which I will send enclosed. It is impossible to decypher
it, because I cannot recollect the person whose family name is alluded to.3 I wish our friend had given a more modern instance for his clue. The list of letters
received shall accompany his letter.4 I find an Account of your Loan is published in the Amsterdam Gazette of the 2d. instant:—Is
the one Million already subscribed, and how much do you allow the Banker? I have a
very special reason for this last part. Some people here, say it can't succeed. I
know well what motives influence their opinions, or rather their declarations. Mr.
Searle received your's of the 27th. of last { 180 } month, the last evening.5 It is a long while since I have been honoured with one from you. I was in hopes you
wou'd have advised me of the Loan, so that I might have sent an account of it from
hence to AZ||Congress||. Opportunities now offer more frequently from hence, than from your ports. I wrote
you 8 or 10 days since, as I took no copy of that letter I am uncertain about its
date.6 Colo. Lawrence's commission will probably take up about one half of the matter which
lies upon my mind, hinted at in my last. I hope to have the satisfaction of seeing
him here shortly. It is certainly of the utmost consequence that something shou'd
be done. Appearances alone will not answer. Things grow more and more serious, and they must
have a suitable attention paid to them. Steady's ||John Adams'|| Family perceive generally that this has not been done. As I shall write you again
next week, I will close this, after begging your acceptance of my most sincere regards.
[signed] FRA DANA
P.S. Mr. S. will write you soon,7 and now desires his best regards.
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Mr. Dana. 6th. March 1781.” To the right of the endorsement
is a note from the Abbés Chalut and Arnoux: “Le abbés Chalut et Arnoux ont pré M.
Dana de leur donnes une loine de se lettre pour faire milles tendres compliments à
M. Taxter.” Translation: The Abbés Chalut and Arnoux have requested Mr. Dana to allow
them the use of his letter to render a thousand tender compliments to Mr. Thaxter.
For the enclosure, see notes 3 and 4.
1. Because Russia was represented at Paris only by a chargé d'affaires, Franklin believed
it would be better to communicate Congress' resolution of 5 Oct. 1780 regarding U.S.
accession to the armed neutrality to Prince Gallitzin at The Hague (Repertorium der diplomatischen Vertreter aller Länder, 3:354; to Francis Dana, 8 Feb., above).
3. Benjamin Franklin wrote to Dana on 2 March and enclosed a copy of the cipher that
James Lovell had sent to him on 24 Feb. 1780. Franklin's included a passage from Lovell's
letter to him of 4 May 1780, which he had “try'd in vain” to decipher. Dana successfully
decrypted Franklin's letter, but his success did him little good with regard to Lovell's
letter of 6 January. The difficulty, which he indicated in his letter to JA of 16 March, below, that he had overcome, was that each cipher had a different key (Franklin, Papers, 34:412; 31:520–522; 32:354–355; JA, Papers, 9:270–273; Weber, Codes and Ciphers, p. 31–34, 590). The recipient's copy of Franklin's letter of 2 March, with its accompanying
cipher key, is in the Adams Papers. It was probably among the documents that Dana sent under the care of a Mr. Themmen,
presumably the “good private opportunity” mentioned earlier in this letter (from Francis
Dana, 16 March, below).
4. In the enclosed letter of 6 Jan. to Dana, Lovell acknowledged Congress' receipt on
20 Nov. 1780 of JA's letters of 22 and 23 Aug.; on 27 Nov. those of 12 (2), 16, 17 (2) and 29 June,
and 24 Sept.; on 30 Nov. that of 26 June; on 4 Dec. those of 24 Aug. and 4 Sept.;
on 26 Dec. those of 7, 14, 15 (3), 19 (2), 22 and 23 July, 14 Aug., 16 and 19 Sept.,
8 and 11 Oct. 1780. For these letters see vols. 9 and 10.
5. Not found.
7. Searle's next letter was dated 14 March (Adams Papers); see Francis Dana's letter of that date, note 1, below.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0124-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-07
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Lahaie 7e. Mars 1781
[salute] Monsieur
J'ai l'honneur de vous communiquer ci-joint, dans une Lettre au Congrès, ce que je
vous avois lu ici de ma petite note.1
Après avoir bien réflechi sur ce qui a fait ici le sujet de notre entretien, je persiste
dans l'idée qu'il vaut mieux ne faire pas usage de l'idée of the armed neutrality being a consequence of the American revolution, pas même dans votre Lettre à ceux d'ici.2 Ils le savent bien; et leurs Anglomanes nous en font un crime Tant mieux. On pourra
faire valoir cette idée dans la suite. Mais dans ce premier coup d'Essay, je crois
que le plus simple vaudra le mieux. Du reste, Monsieur, vous ferez toujours ce que
vous jugerez à propos; et je délivrerai vos Lettres, quand vous me les enverrez, dans
l'ordre dont nous sommes convenus.
J'enverrai incessamment à Mr. votre fils les cahiers qui manquent à ce que je lui
ai remis ici.
J'ai l'honneur d'être avec un grand respect Monsieur Votre trèshumble & très-obéissant
serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0124-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-07
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 7 March 1781
[salute] Sir
I have the honor to communicate to you, through the enclosed letter to Congress, what
I read to you from my short note.1
After much reflection on our conversation, I persist in the idea of not using the
phrase of the armed neutrality being a consequence of the American revolution, even in your letter to those here.2 They are well aware of it and their anglomanes will think it a crime. It is better
to use this idea in the next letter, but in the first attempt, I believe it is best
to keep it simple. Besides, sir, you always do what you judge to be appropriate and
I will deliver your letters, when you send them to me, in the order that we find agreeable.
I will send the remaining notebooks to your son very shortly.
I have the honor to be with great respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient
servant
[signed] Dumas
RC (Adams Papers).
1. This is Dumas' letter of 5 March to the president of Congress (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:273–274). Dumas noted that JA visited him on 4 March and informed him of the December dispatches that he received
from Congress. Dumas was eager to assist JA and hoped that his efforts would be successful. When Dumas' letter reached Congress,
James Lovell copied the paragraph and sent it to AA in a letter of 26 June (Adams Family Correspondence, 4:162–164).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0125
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-07
From Jean de Neufville
[dateline] Amsterdam the 7th. March 1781
[salute] Honourd Sir
May we begg leave to address yoúr Excellency again, as yesterday we chose to do it
by the scoot for Safety;1 and now we may be something more explicit, as oúr Letter may go intirely Safe by
Mr. Taxton, who we heard just now from yoúr Sr. John to be in town.2 If we had known this we Certainly would have shown them the required notice.
Then what we had the Honoúr to mention, was the oúvertúre of a plan which had been
made to ús very particularly, and which very near agreed with that I had the honoúr
to propose in ruff already; and I wishd to súbmitt more plain to yoúr Excellencys
júdgement; this cannot be done So well in writing; and after confronting the intelligences
yoúr Excellency will have gatherd already, and those we may be able to give; she will
be able to proceed to such measúres as she will think the most Convenient.
Secrecy is a great point, where for as yoúr Excellency proposed a travelling way of
life, and only intended a little excúrsion, I was less anxioús in desiring her to
honoúr ús with another visit, to which however the time is not so exceedingly pressing
as I suppose bútt Yoúr Excellency should dispose there of to the utmost convenience;
which we shall be glad to know, as it will direct ús in keeping or sending the bonds,
for a great quantity of which we are sorry to say we do not foresee Yett Such a great
haste as we had wished, bútt we are still in hopes it may come in Coúrse. With all
devoted regard I have the honoúr to be Honourd Sir Yoúr Excellencys most obedient
and most humble Servant
[signed] John de Neufville
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0126
Recipient: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
Date: 1781-03-08
To C. W. F. Dumas
[salute] Dear Sir
[dateline] Leyden March 8. 1781
I Send you the Letters.1 If any Thing is necessary to be added to the Memorial before the Signature, you will
be So good as to add it. { 183 } I should be obliged to you for a Line by the Bearer, in Return, and the News, if any.
My first Demarch you See, is on the Princes Birth day, which is no doubt a good omen
both to his Highness and your servant.2 You will please to put a Wafer under the Seals.
[signed] John Adams
LbC (Adams Papers). Upon receiving his commission as minister to the Netherlands on 25 Feb., JA immediately began a new Letterbook (Lb/JA/16; Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 104), which he designated “Holland Vol. 2.” The first three documents copied
were his commission of 29 Dec., the letter of 1 Jan. from the president of Congress, above, and Congress' resolution of 5 Oct. concerning
the armed neutrality. These were followed, in the order given, by the seven documents
mentioned in note 1. They, in turn, were followed by this letter of transmittal to
C. W. F. Dumas.
1. The letters enclosed constituted JA's first démarche as minister plenipotentiary to the Netherlands, although, as the
documents show, he did not refer to himself in that capacity. His purpose was to request
Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and the Netherlands to permit the U.S. to accede to the armed
neutrality as proposed in Congress' resolution of 5 Oct. 1780. The seven documents
comprising the démarche were all dated 8 March and included JA's first memorial to the States General, below, and letters to Prince Gallitzin, the Russian minister, below; Baron Ehrensvärd, the Swedish envoy; M. de Mestral de Saint Saphorin, the Danish envoy; the Duc de La Vauguyon, below; Engelbert François van Berckel, pensionary of Amsterdam; and Carel W. Visscher, soon to replace van Berckel as pensionary
of Amsterdam. For the four letters not printed, all LbC's, Adams Papers, see the notes to the Gallitzin and La Vauguyon letters. The initiative failed for very practical reasons, namely that the U.S. was
a belligerent rather than a neutral and for the signatories to permit the accession
of the U.S. to the armed neutrality they must recognize U.S. independence and thereby
become involved in a war with England. Nevertheless, it represented an uniquely American
view of the armed neutrality as serving the long term interest of the U.S. to remain
neutral in future European wars. This is clear from the letters to the diplomats as
well as from the memorial to the States General, in all of which JA refers to the armed neutrality as reflecting a “reformation in the maritime law of
nations.” For Catherine II's declaration of an armed neutrality on 10 March 1780 and
a discussion of its provisions and the U.S. view of them, see vol. 9:121–126.
2. William V, Prince of Orange, was born 9 March 1748. Dumas intended to deliver the
letters and the memorial on William's birthday, but in a letter of 9 March (Adams Papers) he explained that he had been frustrated by the absence of a “principal personnage,”
probably the president of the States General, and postponed the execution of JA's orders until the 10th. That Dumas enjoyed the role assigned him is clear from JA's comments immediately preceding this letter in the Boston Patriot. JA wrote that “These papers I sent to Mr. Dumas, at the Hague, to be all delivered with
his own hand, an office with which he was extremely delighted, because as he said
it enabled him 'á commencer á jouer un Rêe public'” (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 395). Presumably Dumas was happy because he could finally act openly in his capacity
as an American agent.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0127
Recipient: Gallitzin, Prince Dmitri Alexeivitch
Date: 1781-03-08
To Prince Dmitri A. Gallitzin
[dateline] Leyden March 8. 17811
[salute] Sir
I have lately received from Congress, as one of their ministers plenipotentiary, their
resolution of the fifth of October last, relative to the rights of neutral vessels,
a Copy of which, I do myself the { 184 } Honour, to inclose to your Excellency, as the Representative of one of the high contracting
Parties, to the marine Treaty, lately concluded, concerning this Subject.
As I am fixed by my duty for the present, to this part of Europe, I have no other
Way of communicating this measure of Congress to the northern Courts, but by the favour
of their Ministers in this Republic: I must therefore, request of your Excellency,
if there is no impropriety in it, to transmit the Resolution to the Minister of foreign
Affairs, of her Imperial Majesty.
Your Excellency will permit me to add, that I should esteem myself, very fortunate,
to be the instrument of pledging, in form, the faith of the United States of America,
to a reformation, in the maritime Law of nations, which does So much honour to the
present Age.
I have the honour to be, with the greatest Respect and consideration, Sir, your most
obedient and most humble Servant
[signed] John Adams
RC (AVPR, Moscow, f. Snosheniia Rossii s Gollandiei, op. 50/6, d. 218, l. 24–25); endorsed:
“à la Lettre du Pce. Gallitzin à la Hage au Vice Chancelier, en datée du 13 Mars 1781.”
1. This letter is virtually identical to those JA sent to Baron Gustaf Johan Ehrensvärd, Swedish minister to the Netherlands, and to Armand François Louis de Mestral de Saint Saphorin, the Danish minister to the Netherlands (both LbC's, Adams Papers). Russia, Sweden, and Denmark did not recognize the U.S. and thus their representatives,
in their official capacities, could neither accept JA's letter nor reply to it. However, this did not prevent them from sending the letters
received from JA to their respective foreign ministries (The United States and Russia: The Beginning of Relations, 1765–1815, ed. Nina N. Bashkina and others, Washington, 1980, p. 109).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0128
Recipient: La Vauguyon, Paul François de Quélen de Stuer de Causade, Duc de
Date: 1781-03-08
To the Duc de La Vauguyon
[dateline] Leyden March 8. 1781
[salute] Sir
I have the Honour to inclose, a Copy of a Resolution of Congress of the fifth of October
last, and to inform your Excellency, that I have this day communicated it, to their
high Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces, and to the Ministers
of the Courts of Russia Sweeden and Denmark, at the Hague.1
Your Excellency will permit me to hope for your Concurrence in Support of this measure,
as there may be Occasion, and to assure you of the great Respect and Consideration,
with which I have the Honour to be, Sir, your Excellencys most obedient and most humble
Servant
[signed] John Adams
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. For the letters to the ministers, see JA's letter to Prince Gallitzin, 8 March, and note 1, above. Note that this paragraph is virtually identical to JA's letters of this date to Engelbert François van Berckel, pensionary of Amsterdam, and to Carel W. Visscher, soon to replace van Berckel in
that position (both LbC's, Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0129
Recipient: Netherlands, States General of
Date: 1781-03-08
Memorial to the States General
[dateline] The Hague 8. March 1781
A Memorial To their High Mightinesses, the States General, of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.
[salute] High and Mighty Lords
The Subscriber, a minister plenipotentiary from the United States of America, has
the Honour to lay before your high mightinesses, as one of the high contracting Parties
to the Marine Treaty, lately concluded, relative to the rights of neutral Vessels,
a Resolution of Congress of the fifth of October last, concerning the Same Subject.
As the American Revolution, furnished the Occasion, of a Reformation in the maritime
Law of nations,1 of So much importance to a free communication, among Mankind by Sea, the Subscriber
hopes it may not be thought improper that the United States Should become Parties
to it, entituled to its Benefits and Subjected to its Duties. To this End, the Subscriber,
has the Honour of requesting that the Resolution of Congress, may be taken into the
Consideration of your High Mightinesses, and transmitted to the Courts of Russia,
Sweeden and Denmark. The Subscriber begs Leave to Subjoin that he should esteem it,
one of the most fortunate Events of his Life, if this Proposition should meet with
the Approbation of your High Mightinesses, and the other Powers who are Parties to
the neutral Confederacy, and he, be admitted, as the Instrument of pledging the Faith
of the United States, to the Observance of Regulations, which do so much honour to
the present Age.2
[signed] John Adams
LbC (Adams Papers).
2. Dumas presented this memorial to the president of the States General on 10 March, for which see his letter of that date, below. The memorial, however, was never placed
before the States General because of JA's unrecognized diplomatic status and William V's opposition (Schulte Nordholt, Dutch Republic and Amer. Independence, p. 160).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0130
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-08
From Thomas Digges
[dateline] 8 Mar 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
It has been some Weeks since I have heard from you and indeed { 186 } near a month since I wrote myself.1 You may easily suppose the cause, and that I had nothing material to communicate.
In a former letter you mentiond to me your willingness to help Captains M——y or C——m
to some pecuniary aid should they need it.2 The long confinement of these brave and unfortunate men makes every small donation
welcome as it adds to their comfort. I have frequently aided them and if you chuse
to oblige them with a trifle only mention the Sum and it shall be done. I can easily
riemburse myself for that sum or any ballance that may be between us by a Bill on
Mr. De N[eufvil]l[e]s, or, what is a better mode, He may give me the name of a House in London on whom
I may call for the money on giving them my bill on Him. I am the more anxious for
the Comforts of these two and other brave men (now near 600 in Prison) because the
subscription money for their releif is on the last legs, nay by this time it must
be exhausted.
The public papers will give you every tittle of news that I know as I have been for
six or 8 days and likely to be for as many more out of Town on some business at a
great annual Cloth Fair.
We seem all as blind as ever to our Interests, We laugh and ridicule away every peice
of News that seems of serious import. We laugh at any mischeif the combind neutral
league can do us— We laugh at any person who says Gibraltar is in danger, that Holland
will go seriously to War against England, that the Combined fleets are nearly eaqual
to ours, that we shall not be victorious in the West Inds. and North America, that
Arnold will not conquer Virginia &c. &c. In short our folly seems to me more than
ever unaccountable, and we are for the present more than commonly bouyd up by the
prospects of pacification with Spain and Holland separately from France and Ama.
I will write you immidiately on my return to Town which I expect will be in 8 or 9
days and am in the interim very truly Yrs.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Digges' last letter to JA was of 11 Feb., above, while JA's last known letter to Digges was of 17 Dec. 1780 (vol. 10:416–417).
2. In his letter of [28 Oct. 1780]JA offered assistance to Capts. John Manley and Gustavus Conyngham who were being held
in Mill Prison at Plymouth (vol. 10:309).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0131
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-08
From Alexander Gillon
[dateline] Amsterdam 8th. March 1781
[salute] Sir
Since I have been Honoured with Your Excellency's Reply of 12th November to my Application
to You the same day in behalf of the State of South Carolina,1 fresh disappointments have arisen that { 187 } Caused unavoidable delays, and thereby Accumulating Expences. These disappointments
could not be foreseen nor expected, and were, the delay of 280 Men, all the Ammunition,
and Cloathing I had paid for ever since the 1st August last, and which were Collected
at Dunkirk to be moved to here as soon as I directed, This I did the Moment the Ship
was over all the Shoals: but to my Astonishment those Men were without my knowledge
employed by the Chevalier de Luxembourg (who raised them for State Account) on the
Jersey Expedition, whilst I was daily expecting them, till the Ice forced me to seek
shelter in the Creeks near the Texel, at an amazing Expence of Lighterage, being Obliged
to take all out of the Ship. By this movement only, The Ship was saved from a total
Loss by the Ice, She is Yesterday come out of the said Creeks, and is now taking all
in, with the utmost expedition: The Chevalier de Luxembourg is also forwarding the
280 Men, and the Materials—so that if Wind and Weather permit, we will be ready to
sail direct for Boston, Rhode Island, or Philadelphia, in about Four Weeks.
This is the State of things, excepting the disagreeable necessity I find myself in
for want of Monies to pay the Ship's disbursements here, every Shilling I had of the
State's being expended and my Friends here having advanced as much as they could spare,
on my present Security. I have now left nothing undone that forebodes Aid, nay, have
even applied to the Regency of this City, also to the West India Company, in Behalf
of the State of South Carolina, for a Loan of Fifty to One Hundred Thousand Guilders,
Their Reply was no Relief, In this Case, Who can I apply to but to Your Excellency
who has been partly an Eye Witness to my Struggles in Europe, for what? to Add my
feeble Aid in so Glorious a Cause as we are all embarked in. It is for Your Country
Sir that this Aid is required. And I am sure You adore that Country too much not to
Enable me to Conduct a Ship to them that may prove of so much service to the Continent
in Generall. Your Excellency may deem it wrong in me to trouble You on this Occasion,
but Sir who is it we are to expect Aid and Relief from, if we do not procure it from
Americans, Your Excellency I know is in want of Money for the Continent also, and
may have none to spare for the distress'd State of South Carolina, but my Application
to You now is not for Money. But As Your Excellency has opened a Loan on Bonds, payable
in Ten Years, and that those Bonds are not all Placed yet, I would Propose to Your
Excellency to let me have Fifty of these Bonds, for Account of the State of South
Carolina—say, Fifty Thousand Guilders, in these blank Bonds, under such Instrument
of { 188 } | view Writing as You will Judge consonant to my Powers from said State. For these Bonds
Sir, I may procure the Monies from Old Friends and Acquaintances, that would not Subscribe
to the Loan, nor that will not lend me Monies on Account of the State of South Carolina,
because it is Invaded by Our Enemies.
Your Excellency observes it is not Cash I ask, neither that which can cause You any
disquiet thereafter. And as Your former denial was at a time when You had not opened
Your Loan, nor had Bonds ready, I am led to believe You will not refuse the Aid so
easily now in Your Power to Grant, because you have no Authority for assisting me.
Permit me to Observe Sir—That if Americans were only to serve their Country, when
they had the highest Authority for it, more Irregularities would be the consequence
than could now proceed from Your enabling a Ship in one of the States' Service to
get home, and enabling upwards of One Hundred Americans to get to their Families from
whom they have been drove these 2 or 3 Years to serve their Country. It is no merit
in me to make this Remark, That had I only acted by Orders since this War begun, I
should have returned to America long since neither have become Guarantee in my Name
for the State of South Carolina, for upwards of Twenty Thousand Pounds Sterling, borrowed
for them, and now expended for their Service—No Sir—This is no Merit, for one who
has long been prepar'd to Sacrifice his Treasure and his Life for to do every thing
in his power to serve the Country, either with or without Orders Neither was it Merit
in the Honble. R. Izard Esqr. (to whom I had only similar Letters of Introduction
as to You) when he joined me in his private Name, in a security of
400,000 Tournois, borrowed for the State, because both He and I conceiv'd it to be
our Duty to assist Our Country whenever we had it in our power, either with or without
Orders.
Your Excellency observes—That it would be a precedent for the Commissioners now in
Europe from Massachusetts Bay, Virginia and Pennsylvania,2 if You was to Aid me. To that, Admit my observing, that none of these Commissioners
are in the Situation I am in. I know none of them that has procured such a Ship for
the Use of the Continent which has upward of £15,000 Sterling of usefull Goods on
board on Credit, and which is so Situated that for the want of ƒ50,000 Ship Goods,
and Men, will be detained. But allowing, Sir, they were in such State, I humbly conceive
it would be a pleasing precedent You would establish, and that each State, as well
as the Continent in General, would deem themselves under the greatest Obligations
to { 189 } You for. Your Excellency may say—Why not sell those Goods? I have Sir, Sold some,
at much less than they Cost—but was I to sell any now, I could not procure one Half
of what they Cost, owing to the total stagnation of Trade—but This I will do, if Your
Excellency thinks it will be more Convenient. Do You Take for Account of the Continent,
all the Merchandize I have on board—which Consists of prepared Iron for Ship Building,
Cordage, Canvas, Blanketts, Woollens, and Slops of all kinds, The Value Amounting
to about £15,000 Sterling—Advance thereon, the Bonds I now Ask, and I will oblige
myself to deliver these Goods, to the Order of Congress, at such Ports as you think
these Articles are most wanted at, by the 1st. July next at farthest.
This, Sir appears to me, a Just and favorable Proposition, for no doubt Congress wants
such Goods. You cannot have them Chose better nor have so good an Opportunity to Land
them in America, it takes no Money from You, it is sending such Goods to Congress
on a Ten Years Credit, that they else would not have, And it is helping the Continent
in General, And the State of South-Carolina in particular, without any trouble or
Inconvenience to Yourself, Thus the Goods would be either Mortgaged or Sold to You
in behalf of Congress.
In short, Your Excellency now fully knows my Situation, and its Causes—Also, That
it is You only that can enable the Ship to Sail, for without this—Your Aid, I see
no prospect but of her laying where She is. I have done my utmost, have held out to
the last, and if I cannot pay these Debts I must do as others have done, return Passenger
the first Opportunity, and give an Account of a Three Years Absence, entirely devoted
to the business I was sent on. But when I call to mind Your Excellencys firm Attachment
to Your Country, and Your Humane disposition, I feel Comforted, firmly trusting that
You will never loose such an Opportunity of serving Your Country, nor of Helping Your
Brave, and suffering Countrymen now on board, thus prevent their coming on Shore,
in the deepest Poverty (loosing their 8 Months, hard, and sore Labour), to beg perhaps
daily Food from You, or any that would have Compassion on them for so are matters
advanced now, that the Moment the Ship is Ready for Sea, and the Officers and Men
see She is still detain'd I shall be ask'd the Reason; Honour and Justice will then
lead me to tell them it is because I cannot procure Monies to pay the Ships Debts.
That Said, Sir, I foresee every Officer and Man will not wait further hopes, but will
quit the Ship and come to this Town to get to any place where they can get Food and
Raiment, as not one of them has any other Shelter { 190 } or support but the Ship. The Consequences of this I can easier feel than describe.
Thus, for Your Country's sake, for every Sake, enable me to avoid this Catastrophé,
so fatal to the Honour, the Interest and the Credit of America, and of every American
here. What a Triumph would not such an Event be to Our Enemies. As to My Fate, Sir,
I must await it with the Hopes proceeding from this Confidence, That I have done all
my humble Abilities could suggest and that I cannot blame myself for any Step I have
taken, nay not even of having quitted a happy home for Three Years, bound myself as
Security for the State, to the extent of my Fortune, and Involv'd myself in the danger
of being every Moment sent to a Goal for debts I contracted for a Country that I have
not the Honour of being a Native of.
Your Excellency will much Relieve and Oblige me to Honour me with Your Reply as soon
as possible and to believe that I Am with the utmost Respect & Esteem Dear Sir Your
Excellency's most Obedt., & most hble Servt.
[signed] A. Gillon
Commodore of the navy of the State of South Carolina
Commodore of the navy of the State of South Carolina
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Commodore Gillon. 8. March ansd. 10.”
1. Vol. 10:335–337.
2. These were Jonathan Loring Austin for Massachusetts, Philip Mazzei for Virginia, and
James Searle for Pennsylvania. All were unsuccessful in their efforts to raise loans
in Europe.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0132
Recipient: Gillon, Alexander
Date: 1781-03-10
To Alexander Gillon
[dateline] Leyden March 10. 1781
[salute] Sir
I have received the Letter which you did me the Honour to write me on the Eighth of
this Month, requesting of me to furnish you with fifty obligations of the United States,
to enable you to discharge the Debts of the Ship of which you have the command, in
the Service of the State of South Carolina.
I have considered your Letter, Sir, and all the Arguments contained in it, with all
that Attention and Respect which is due to your Character and the State in whose Service
you are: but the more I have reflected upon them, the more clearly I have been convinced,
of the Impropiety of my consenting to what you request. It would be an illegal and
unconstitutional Step—without the Colour of Authority. It would be a precedent that
would be not only pernicious but ruinous to the United States. In Short it would be
no better than an Embezzlement of the public Money. It is quite Sufficient to Say
this, to justify my final refusal.
{ 191 } I might add to this Considerations of various other Kinds, but they are unnecessary,
and it would be improper for me to mention in this Letter Things which ought to be
kept Secret. I am myself in a Situation much more deplorable than, yours, because
the danger to the public Credit of the thirteen United States is certainly of more
Consequence and more melancholly, than the danger or the Loss of a single ship, whether
She belongs to the United States or any one of them. If this whole matter were to
be laid before Congress, the Delegates from South Carolina themselves, would be the
first to justify me. I feel for you and your disappointments. I know your Exertions.
But this can be no Excuse to me, to do a wrong Thing, knowing it to be so.
[salute] I have the Honour to be with much Esteem & respect,
LbC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0133-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-10
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Lahaie 10e. Mars 17811
[salute] Monsieur
J'ai porté ce matin vos divers paquets, en commençant, selon vos ordres, par le Pt.
de L. h. P——.2 Sur les questions qu'il m'a faites, d'où elle venoit? Quel en étoit le contenu? &c.
Je vous ai nommé, ainsi que le lieu actuel de votre séjour, et votre qualité de Minre.
Plénipe. des Etats-Unis en Europe: J'ai dit le contenu en substance: et je lui ai
laissé mon nom sur une Carte, et ma demeure. Quant aux trois Mines. du Nord, comme
c'est aujourd'hui leur jour de Courier, je n'ai pu être admis que chez celui de Danemarc,
qui m'a chargé de vous assurer, Monsieur, qu'il enverra votre Lettre à sa Cour. J'ai
laissé aux deux autres, avec une Carte, celles qui étoient pour eux. Mr. le D. De
la V—— m'a dit qu'il vous répondroit. J'envoie ce soir à notre Ami celle qui lui est
destinée.3 J'ai l'honneur d'être avec un respect sincere, Monsieur Votre très-humble & très-obéissant
serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0133-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-10
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 10 March 17811
[salute] Sir
This morning I delivered your various packets, as you ordered, beginning with the
president of their High Mightinesses.2 He asked some questions such as “where did this come from?” “What are its contents?”
etc. I named you, as well as your current location, and your capacity as minister
plenipotentiary of the United States in Europe. I told him the substance of what { 192 } the packet contained and left him a card with my name and residence. As for the three
northern ministers, it was their mail day so I could only gain entry to see the Danish
minister. He asked me to assure you, sir, that he will forward your letter to his
court. I left the packets with a card for the two other ministers. The Duc de La Vauguyon
told me he would respond to you. This evening I will send our friend his packet.3 I have the honor to be with sincere respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient
servant
[signed] Dumas
RC (Adams Papers).
1. JA wrote a brief note to Dumas on 10 March (LbC, Adams Papers), enclosing copies of Congress' resolution of 5 October.
2. The president of the States General the week of 3–10 March 1781, was apparently a
Mr. van Wadenoyen (Schulte Nordholt, Dutch Republic and Amer. Independence, p. 160), although a letter of 14 March from Jean de Neufville & Fils names a Mr. Lohman as the president, below. On 28 April
the London Courant reported that JA “had caused a memorial to be presented to their High Mightinesses by the Sieur Dumas,
offering a negociation of a particular nature; but is said that no answer will be
given, as the independency of the said States has not yet been acknowledged by the
Republic.” For a similar report, see the London Chronicle of 26–28 April.
3. For the letter of 8 March to Engelbert François van Berckel (LbC, Adams Papers), see JA's letter to La Vauguyon of that date, and note 1, above.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0134-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-10
From Charles Guillaume de Woedteke
[dateline] Treptow sur la Rega en Pomeranie le 10me. de mois de Mars 1781
[salute] Monsieur
Votre Excellence pardonnerés l'hardiesse de Vous incommoder de mon Ecriture.
Un certain Colonel Americain, qui a servi au Roi de Prusse comme Volontaire dans la
derniere Guerre contre les Autrichiens a assuré a mon Frere le Major Prussien de Woedteke,
que notre frere Frederic Guillaume de Woedteke ci-devant Capitain et Brigade Major
au Services prussiennes étant mouru comme Colonel Americain a Philadelphia, où celui
l'a vu ensevelier.1 Des certaines Occasions demandent de sçavoir sa Mort avec Cèrtitude, c'est pourquoi
vont mes Prieres très-humbles a Votre Excellence de me procurer un Attest de sa Mort
au plus vite. Peut-etre que notre Frere a servi au les Hautes Etats Americains sur
un autre nom, c'est pourquoi seroit-il necessaire, de regarder cela, car on peut soupçonner,
que son vrai nom Frederic Guillaume de Woedteke sera fondé dans ses Ecritures, et
peut-etre on apprendra de ce Colonel Americain les Circonstances de sa Mort. Aussi
on peut ajouter, que notre Frere a été au services Francoises Capitain et Inspecteur
de la Cavalerie, et que sa Garnison a été a Paris.
Je prie Votre Excellence très-humblement, d'avoir la Grace de me { 193 } Procurer cet Attest, car les necessités de Famille le pretendent au plus vite, et
puis que je ne connois Personne pour m'adresser qu'a Votre Excellence. Je resterai
pour cette Grace toute ma vie avec le Respect le plus profond Votre Excellence très
humble et très obeissant Serviteur
[signed] de Woedteke
Lieutenant au Services Prussiennes
Lieutenant au Services Prussiennes
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0134-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-10
Charles Guillaume de Woedteke to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Treptow on the Rega in Pomerania 10 March 1781
[salute] Sir
Your Excellency will please excuse the boldness of this inconvenience in my writing
to you.
A certain American colonel, who served as a volunteer for the Prussian king in the
last war against the Austrians, has assured my brother, Prussian major de Woedteke,
that our brother Frederic Guillaume de Woedteke, formerly captain and brigade major
in the Prussian Army has died with the rank of American colonel at Philadelphia where
he was buried.1 Certain circumstances demand that his death be confirmed, so it is with my humble
prayers to you, your excellency, that proof of his death be obtained as soon as possible.
Perhaps our brother served the noble United States under a different name, making
it necessary to look up his real name, Frederic Guillaume de Woedteke, in the conscription
books and then possibly we can find out about the circumstances of his death from
this American colonel. I will also add that our brother was in the service of the
French as captain and cavalry inspector and that his garrison was in Paris.
I ask your excellency most humbly to please procure for me this proof as quickly as
possible for his family. I do not know who else to turn to except your Excellency.
I will remain, for this favor, with the most profound respect for the rest of my life,
your excellency, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] de Woedteke
Lieutenant au Services Prussiennes
Lieutenant au Services Prussiennes
RC (Adams Papers) endorsed: “L. De Wodleke's Letter. 10. March 1781.”
1. Frederic Guillaume de Woedteke (or Woedtke), whom JA had nominated to be a brigadier general in the Continental Army on 16 March 1776,
died at Lake George on 28 July 1776 (vol. 4:39; The Papers of George Washington: Revolutionary War Series, 1775–1783, ed. Philander D. Chase and others, 12 vols. to date, Charlottesville, 1985–, 3:357).
No reply by JA to either this letter or another of 28 March (Adams Papers), again requesting a death certificate, has been found. Woedteke's brother also wrote
to Benjamin Franklin on 10 March, for which see Franklin, Papers, 34:62– 63, 546–547.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0135
Recipient: Létombe, Philippe André Joseph de
Date: 1781-03-11
To Philippe André Joseph de Létombe
[dateline] Leyden March 11th. 1781
[salute] Sir
I recieved your favours of Feby. 4th. and 28th. but today. I am much { 194 } obliged to You for giving me the Opportunity to send the inclosed Letters to You.1
I am much afraid my Letters will not reach Paris before your Departure. You will be
able to tell my Countrymen more than I know of publick Affairs.
I beg You to warn them against all Expectations of Peace. The Appearances of it are
all deceitfully thrown out by the English, who are, under Pretence of it, endeavouring
to embroil all Europe.
I have the Honour to be, with the sincerest Wishes for your good Voyage, and with
the greatest Esteem & Respect, Sir, your humble Servt.
LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers).
1. These included JA's brief letters to AA and Isaac Smith Sr. of 11 March (Adams Family Correspondence, 4:89–91), and those of the same date to Samuel Adams (NN: George Bancroft Coll.) and Samuel Cooper (LbC, Adams Papers). All served as letters of introduction for Létombe and contained brief comments
on the political situation in Europe and the Netherlands.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0136
Recipient: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Date: 1781-03-11
To Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Leyden March 11. 17811
[salute] Sir
I received this Morning your Favour of Yesterday with the Inclosures.2 You Seem to think that the Loan has been opened too Soon: but I am not of that opinion.
Better too Soon than too late. If it had been too late, you See, the time would have
been pass'd and could never be recalled. But if it is only too Soon, there is nothing
wanting but a little patience, to wait, and the true Time will come in its course.
I Should be obliged to you, to Send along the Obligations as Soon as convenient, that
I may Sign them, and dispose of them. I can find persons in my travels who will take
them, and give me the Money for them. I think to Stand my own Broker, Undertaker,
and Banker. I Should be obliged to you if you would counter Sign, Some of the Obligations
before you Send them to me, because there are persons ready to take Some of them.
Dont be amused. The Mediation of Russia, cant interrupt or retard our Affair. If that
Mediation produces nothing, and the War goes on, it will not effect our Loan.
If that Mediation produces, an Acknowledgment of American Independence, and an Acknowledgment
of the Rights of neutral Vessels, as it is given out that it will, Surely this will
not retard our Loan.3 In all cases be not deceived. I will not. My Business is to try the { 195 } Experiment, and to know whether We have Credit and Friends or not? If We find We have
not, there is no harm done. Every one in that case will follow his own Taste, which
you know there is no disputing.
[salute] I have the Honour to be, your most respectfull and obedient humble Servant
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. When he published this letter in the Boston Patriot, JA followed it with a commentary on the Neufville firm and the fate of the loan. “I
found by experience, that there was in Holland a public and a secret doctrine among
the merchants, capitalists and brokers, like those of the ancient Egyptian priests:
and I am afraid there is something too much like it in all countries, and in all ages
in society, which sometimes greatly embarrasses honest men and sincere enquirers after
truth. A very respectable gentleman told me, 'If, sir, you were to write me a letter
and ask my opinion whether Mr. De Neufville's house is a solid house, and Mr. De Neufville's
credit a solid credit, I should answer you in the affirmative. Yes, a very solid house,
and a very solid credit. Nevertheless I caution you, in confidence, to have a care.'
Mr. De Neufville was generally, and I believe justly, reputed an honest, well meaning
man: but the knowing ones thought he had not a clear head, and remembered various
injudicious speculations in which he had been engaged, which had proved very disadvantageous
to him. Such, however, was his public reputation, that I still flattered myself he
would obtain something to help me discharge my American bills, and lessen the burden
on the court of France, and in this I was encouraged by Mr. Luzac, Mr. Dumas, and
several others of my friends, which occasioned my writing as I did in this letter.
Again there was an ambitious burgomaster in Amsterdam, Mr. Rendorp, secretly in the
interest of the stadtholder and the English, who found means upon this occasion and
upon several others, to insinuate discouragement to Mr. De Neufville. And at this
time he began to find by experience, that he should dispose of very few, if any, of
my obligations, and was very desirous that I should impute his ill success, to the
hopes of peace held out by a confused rumor which began to spread in Europe, of an
intended mediation of the two imperial courts. After all, whatever was the cause,
my hopes were blasted, as well as those of Mr. De Neufville. I obtained only the three
thousand guilders which Mr. Luzac had promised me; and Mr. De Neufville obtained only
two thousand among all his friends” (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 399–400).
2. No letter of 10 March from Neufville & Fils has been found.
3. The Gazette de Leyde of 9 March reported that the two points JA listed were Catherine II's preconditions for the Russian mediation of the Anglo-Dutch
war. Catherine, however, offered her mediation so that she could avoid assisting the
Dutch, whose cause she abandoned when the British rejected the mediation proposal
(De Madariaga, Armed Neutrality of 1780, p. 302–309).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0137
Recipient: Dana, Francis
Date: 1781-03-12
To Francis Dana
[dateline] Leyden March 12th. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I dont know whether I have acknowledged yours of the 12th. Feby.: that of the 25th.
came to me yesterday. The Letter inclosed was from Mr. I. Smith of 18 Decr.1 He says they were busily employed in raising their Quota for the Army during the
War or for three Years, and that the other Provinces were doing the same. He says
Mrs. Dana was well a few days before: that Davis had arrived after having thrown { 196 } over his Letters being chased by an American—this is all. I have Letters from the
President and from Lovell—the last unintelligible—in Cyphers—but inexplicable by his
own Cypher—some dismal Ditty about my Letters of 26th. July—I know not what.2
But my dear Sir, I hasten to the most interesting part of your Letter, your project
of a repassage of the Mountains. I shudder at the thoughts of it, when I consider
what a bad Traveller You are, and that Robbers by the Way may take You to their Dens.
I dont know how to part with You. I want your Advice constantly now every day, yet
I think You are doing more good where You are, than You could here. I know that by
Conversation with A.Z. ||Congress|| You might do good: but there are so many hazards, that I dare not advise You. I think
with You that We shall have nothing to do in our principal Department: yet the Mediations
of the Emperor and Empress seem to require Attention from Us, altho' I am persuaded
it is only the Artifice of England to embroil all Europe. I will communicate to You
a secret—let it be kept so. I have recieved a Commission dated 28th. Decr. for this
Republic. I want your Advice; but I can ask it by Letter while You are at Paris. I
suppose it was the Intention of Congress that I should employ Dumas, as my Secretary,
here, but have no Orders or Hints about it—there is no Commission to him, which makes
me think that A.Z. ||Congress|| intended I should be at liberty to employ him or not, as I shall judge proper. I
suppose A.Z. ||Congress|| intended to leave the Way open to employ him, by their not sending a Commission to
You. Upon the whole, I dont know how to advise You: We will consider of it a little
longer if You please.
I can give no Assurances or lively hopes of Money or Friendship in this Country. They
are furious for Peace. Multitudes are for Peace with England at any Rate—even at the
Expence and Risque of joining them in the War against France, Spain, America and all
the rest. They are in a Torpor a Stupor, such as I never saw any People in before:
but they cannot obtain Peace with England on any other Terms than joining her in the
War, and this they will not because they cannot do. I sometimes think that their Affections
would lead them to do it, if they dared.
LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers).
1. The letter from Isaac Smith Sr. has not been found, but JA's reply is dated 11 March (Adams Family Correspondence, 4:91).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0138
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1781-03-12
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Leyden March 12. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I am honoured with yours of 5. You will honour and oblige me much sir, by your Thoughts
upon the Subject of European Jealousy and Caprice, hinted at.
You will see that the Empress has undertaken to mediate between E. and Holland, but
she will not join the Emperors Mediation but on two Conditions Sine quibus non. These
are 1. an Acknowledgment by England of American Independance. 2. An Acknowledgment
by England, of the rights of neutral Vessells, according to the late marine Treaty.
I am fully of your Perswasion that England means nothing but to embroil all Europe.
I dont wish she may Succeed, but I dont much care if she does. 1. because all Europe
deserves to be punished for their criminal Inattention and Inactivity. 2. because
I think America would loose no Advantage by it, but rather gain. However I believe
rather that Europe will, have too much Wit to be duped.
The Tableau is a Mirror for America. It is an excellent Work, and the Author of it,
whom I know very well, Seems a valuable Man.1
I am informed that the Colls. Laurens and Palfrey, were coming to France. The first
as Charge d'Affair—the Second as Consul general. There is Some cause to fear that
Palfrey is taken into N. York—Laurence was to come from Boston.
I learn nothing of Mr. A. Lee and Mr. Izard. Will you and your Friend2 consider the Subject of an Alliance between the United Provinces and the United States,
and point out the Advantages, the Wealth of Commerce, the Power and Consideration,
which would result to the former from such a Connection? Between you and me only,
there is Reason for Such Speculation at this time.3
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0139
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-12
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam 12 March 1781
[salute] Honourd Sir
May it please Yoúr Excellency to receive by this Conveyance pro• { 198 } visionally two hundred of the bonds or obligations with the coupons there to belonging.
If it could be convenient, we should look úpon it as a favoúr if yoúr Excellency was
so kind as to retúrn ús a very small part of them with her Sanction, we wish we may
want before the Month of Aprill a greater qúantity then as yett we are Súre of, to
gett placed, the úncertainty in Politicqs, after the offerd mediation of Rússia, keeps
people in Súspense as farr as we can learn by the generall discoúrses, so we wish
this, and some other matters may be soon publickly illústrated for the quieteness
of people in generall, and especially for their encouragement as to the Loan.
With the highest regard we have always the honoúr to be Honourd Sir Yoúr Excellencys
most devoted And most obedient humble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0140
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-13
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam the 13th. March 1781
[salute] Honourd Sir
With infinite pleasúre we always obey Yoúr Excellencys commands, and are preparing
fifty bonds provisionally with their coupons, to be send tomorrow. As soon as it may
be required we will take care to have a greater quantity ready. We will join these
to a sufficient provisionall quantity of blancs of the Coupons, which Yoúr Excellency
promisd to retúrn ús with the bonds when Sign'd.
May we thank yoúr Excellency most sincerely for her observations that the Loan hath
not been opend to soon, this Releases oúr úneasiness of not succeeding in it as yett
as we had wished; a proper time Certainly will Come on in Coarse and we wish it to
be very soon, as much as it may lay in oúr power we will advance it.
There can remain hardly any doúbt butt the acknowledgement of American Independence
and of a generall free Trade is the object of the Mediation of Rússia, and we for
oúr Selfs have reason to rejoice in it, we coúld only wish that oúr Republicq had
acted a greater part there in; as she was once able to resist her Enemy before alone,
and now seems to creep before that same Nation, though she may depend on the Assistance
of all the Other Powers.
How this Mediation turns, it certainly can do no harm to the American Caúse, and there
fore can not affect the Loan, we hope we shall not be deceived, and will take the
more Care of it by yoúr { 199 } Excellencys repeated Caútions, we think we go on very well, and as we have always
and will act to oúr conscience, we can not be wrong; May yoúr Excellency Succeed to
oúr wishes at every experiment she might chúse to try! We expect some intelligence
next Week, which she will be acquainted with if answering oúr expectations.
With all Respectfull regard we have the honoúr to be Honourable Sir, Yoúr Excellencys
most devoted and most obedient humble servants
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0141
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-14
From Francis Dana
[dateline] Paris March 14th. 17811
[salute] Dear Sir
This is just to acquaint you that Colo. Lawrens arrived at L'Orient on the 8th. instant
in our Frigate the Alliance from Boston, and was to set off on the 10th. for this
City; so that he may be hourly expected. If he has any Letters or Dispatches for us,
he will doubtless bring them himself. No News of Colo. Palfrey. We fear the Shelalah
is lost at Sea. I enclose a Philadelphia Newspaper of the 30th. Jany. by which I think
it will appear Arnold is not doing any great things in Virginia—the old business of
stealing Negroes and Tobacco, and burning defenceless habitations is their honorable
employment. Jefferson proclamation will I beleive put an end to the modern paroles.2
[salute] Yours affectionately
[signed] FRA DANA
RC (Adams Papers).
1. James Searle wrote to JA on this date to introduce Isaac Hazlehurst Jr., “a Native of Britain but a firm Friend
to America, and an Enemy to Tyranny” (Adams Papers). Hazlehurst presumably carried the letters from Dana and Searle as well as Elbridge
Gerry's letter to JA of 10 Jan., above, which reached Paris on the evening of 14 March (Dana to Gerry, 15 March,
MHi: Dana Family Papers, Francis Dana Letterbook, 1780–1781).
2. Probably the Pennsylvania Packet of 30 January. It contained a report of 12 Jan. from Petersburg, Va., noting the
burning of homes and abduction of slaves by troops under Benedict Arnold. It also
included Gov. Thomas Jefferson's proclamation of 19 Jan. prohibiting any citizen of
Virginia, “otherwise than when in arms,” from offering or receiving a parole from
British forces that would “withdraw from his Country those duties he owes to it.”
For the proclamation and the circumstances surrounding it, see Jefferson, Papers, 4:403–405.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0142-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-14
From the Duc de La Vauguyon
[dateline] La haye ce 14e. mars 17811
J'ay recu Monsieur la lettre que vous m'avez fait l'honneur de m'ecrire2 aussi que la Copie de la Resolution du Congres des etats { 200 } unis de l'amerique septentrionale qui y etoit jointe; vous m'annoncez que vous en
avez donné une communication ministerielle au President de l'assemblée des etats generaux
aussi qu'aux envoyés des cours de Petersbourg Stokholm et Coppenhagen et vous me priez
d'appuyer cette demarche de mes Bons offices; Je Suis persuadé Monsieur que vous sentez
parfaitement l'impossibilité ou je suis de la Seconder Sans un ordre exprès du Roy,
quelque soit mon Zele personnel pour les vrays interests de l'amerique Septentrionale.
Recevez Monsieur l'assurance tres sincere des sentiments de la consideration la plus
Distinguer avec lesquels j'ay lhonneur d'etre votre tres humble et tres obeissant
Serviteur
[signed] Le Duc De la vauguyon
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0142-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-14
The Duc de La Vauguyon to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 14 March 17811
I have received, sir, the letter which you did me the honor to write to me,2 and the enclosed copy of the resolution of the Congress of the United States of North
America. You inform me that you have made an official communication thereof to the
president of the assembly of the States General, and to the envoys of the courts of
St. Petersburg, Stockholm, and Copenhagen, and request me to support this step with
my good offices. I am persuaded, sir, that you clearly perceive the impossibility
of my seconding this measure without the express order of the king, whatever may be
my personal zeal for the true interests of North America. Receive, sir, the very sincere
assurance of the sentiments of the most distinguished consideration with which I have
the honor to be your very humble and very obedient servant,
[signed] Le Duc De la vauguyon
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Le Duc de la Vauguyons Letter. 15. March. 1781.”
1. Dumas sent this letter to JA under a brief covering note of 16 March (Adams Papers). Immediately preceding the translation of this letter in the Boston Patriot, JA wrote “Knowing perfectly well the game of the count de Vergennes and his ambassador,
it was precisely what I expected” (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 402).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0143
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-14
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam 14 March 1781
[salute] Most Honourable Sir
May we begg leave to offer to Yoúr Excellency annexed to this present fifty bonds
or obligations with the thereto belonging Coupons to which nothing is wanted butt
to be signd by Yoúr Excellency; they are numberd from Númber 21 to 30, and from Number
131 to 170.
It will make ús easy if we may be acquainted they are in Yoúr Excellencys possession,
and if we may know there are more wanted { 201 } we shall forward them directly. We as yett want bútt a very few, which we should be
glad to receive the sooner the better, and the whole of what we did oúrselfs the honoúr
to convey to Yoúr Excellency with the Compleat coupons to two hundred as soon as convenient
for we may have every day some demand for them though as we múst judge from Circúmstances
Amsterdam wont be at present the greatest markett.
We had the honoúr to answer Yoúr Excellencys last favoúr1 she gave me sufficiently to think, bútt was not clear enough to interprete a Letter
written from the Hagúe and mentioning that Yoúr Excellency had been there and presented
no memoriall, reflecting on what had passed I did not interprete this as it ware,
that the memoriall had not been comunicated to the States; and from the dependence
I made on the Confidence Yoúr Excellency honourd me with I should not more have troubled
my head about it; if not another intelligence had come to me through the Same Channell
today; that the Memoriall had been presented by Mr. Dúmas to Mr. Lohman president
of the States for this week, and so certainly comunicated to the Prince of Orange,
bútt not so certain wether to the States; the Contents we were also acquainted with
and are sorry only that she rúnns the risq not to be Comunicated to their H. M. which
intirely depends from the President, we wishd we were misinformed in this Circúmstance,
bútt we know something of the measúres taken in this Country; for which reason we
are in hopes, as we heard only in generall that the Memoriall had been Comunicated
to the Ministers (the Letter was not Circúmstanciall on this matter,) that it was
to the Coúrt of France and Rússia, and that those Coúrts will be directly Acquainted
therewith. What becomes of oúr selfs we do not Care, oúr cheif anxiety is for the
Republicq and the other trúe friends for America in her; this is oúr only reason for
extending on this matter.2 I will have some information next week from other Provinces; and as for the present
I begg only leave to add that neither any person belonging to the Regency of this
City nor my Son had given me any intelligence of what passed at the Hagúe where I
have always found the Report of the President to be of great influence; bútt this
I doúbt not Yoúr Excellency múst be acquainted with.
We join to this again a pack of letters received for Yoúr Excellency,3 begging leave to assúre her that we have the honoúr to be with the most Respectfúll
Regard Honourable Sir Yoúr Excellencys most devoted and most obed. huml. serts.
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
RC (Adams Papers).
2. This account of the presentation of JA's memorial to the States General of 8 March, above, and of his letters to the French and Russian diplomats is somewhat confusing
but conforms generally to Dumas' account in his letter of 10 March, above. The letter indicates that JA informed the Neufvilles of Congress' letter of 1 Jan., above, and the representations he planned to make as a consequence, but the source
of their information on what transpired is unknown. Dumas is one possibility, for
he sent them information on events at The Hague and in a letter of 7 March mentioned
a visit from JA (PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel No.4, f. 323).
3. Not identified.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0144
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-15
From James Lovell
I wrote you a few days ago the Impromptú. I send much the same Papers now as then.2
Beg if the others have not arrived before this reaches you, that you will order Copies
of the Resolves3 to be taken for your own and Mr. Danas Information. For really, Sir I cannot attend
in Congress and on Committees, and have my Chamber continually full of Petitioners
or Idlers, and yet without even a Boy-Clerk or one of the members of the standing
Committee of for. Affairs present, embrace the Opportunities which occur of giving
you Information, and which Opportunities are not subservient to the lethargic modes
of C——ss.
Some Goods by Jones have come to hand damaged as you may well suppose. I hope they
are in Quantity according to their Invoices which I have not seen at any Time. I spent
Nights in wiping, drying and repacking if they may be said to have been packed, but I verily believe you put them up yourself. The Case was so far from full that
I wonder the Articles were not rubbed to Ruin. However, after all these Snarls, the
Damage will be much less than you will conjecture. I have forwarded Mrs. A's small
Articles chiefly already and will continue my Care of the whole.4 I have acted the Will. Wimble5 for Madam and Co., Mr. Gerry and Mr. Peabody who were in need of it—Mr. G. is by
far worst off.
I sent you, and will again send Copies of 2 fr: Letters and an Extract of one English
to be contemplated as Snake-Rattles, tho they were not used, I believe, in a generous
Way of Warning, which your old Blue-Hill-neighbours were in the Practice of. I do
not think you can with Propriety make other Use of them than what I have above named,
because I send them not officially; and I think it would be not proper so to send
them.6
{ 203 } I imagine you will think my Sentiment about the Timeliness of the Ratification are
just,7 for you know thoroughly the late lying Conduct of the Br: Ministry and ministerial
Writers.
Congress did not take a measure, on the Resolutions upon the late Transmission of your Correspondence; But Decency demands of the Committee what I
have done to Inform the Parties. As you are not to be answered I presume you show no Forwardness to write. The Information goes better as I send
it.
Connecticut has already given us the Power of laying and collecting an Impost of 5
pr. Ct. as a Fund for Payment of Interest and other Debts. I have no Doubt the Rest
of the States will as readily come into the Measure, and that it will be followed
by other Powers which we shall call for on the same Principles as we did for that;
so that Congress will be evidently and substantially in Condition to borrow differently
from former Practice which was Faith alone. Money Holders being accustomed to something
more solid than that is reconed to be.
I have not lately had a Line from Mrs. A but shall doubtless have in two days. If
this Vessel does not sail before I will add.
[salute] Yr. affectte:
[signed] JL
You have not confidentially said any thing of Monsr. D– “Concordia.”8
RC and enclosures (Adams Papers). addressed: “Hon John Adams Minister Plenipoy. now in Holland”; endorsed: “Confidential
Letter.” This letter was originally filmed at [1783?] (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 362). Lovell sent a number of enclosures, but only four extant documents
in the Adams Papers can be identified with confidence as having been among them. For those documents
see notes 6 and 8. For other documents that may have been enclosed, see note 3.
2. Neither the letter nor its enclosures, which Lovell apparently sent on board the privateer
brigantine Impromptu (PCC, No. 196, VIII, f. 34), have been found. The letter, however, was likely dated 9
March, the same day on which Lovell wrote to Benjamin Franklin and John Jay (Smith, ed., Letters of Delegates, 17:43–44).
3. Among the resolves that Lovell likely enclosed with this letter were those of 12 Dec. 1780, commending JA for his representations on behalf of Congress' revaluation of the currency; 10 Jan. 1781, cautioning him about communicating his plenipotentiary powers to the British ministry;
and 1 March, proclaiming that the ratification of the Articles of Confederation was
complete (JCC, 18:1147; 19:41–42, 213–214). Lovell mentioned the first two in his letter to Franklin
of 9 March and the third in his letter to Jay of the same date.
4. JA entrusted a trunk to John Paul Jones in Feb. 1780, prior to Jones' displacement as
captain of the frigate Alliance. It arrived in Philadelphia aboard Jones' new command, the Ariel. For the trunk's much delayed passage, see JA's letters of 22 Feb. and 6 March 1780 to Jones and James Moylan respectively, and references there (vol. 8:350; 9:22).
For its arrival and Lovell's efforts to forward the goods to AA and others, see John Paul Jones' letter of 10 Dec. (Adams Papers), and Adams Family Correspondence, 4:81–83, 85–86, 88, 102–103, 107, 114–115.
5. A character in the Spectator who was revered for the services he rendered to others.
6. The French letters, for which translations were included, were those of 30 June and
31 July 1780 from the Comte de Vergennes to Benjamin Franklin. The English letter
was an extract from Franklin's letter of 9 Aug. 1780 to the president of Congress
(Franklin, Papers, 32:625– 627; 33:160–166; translations of Vergennes' letters are in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 3:827; 4:18–19). Vergennes' first letter reflected his concern over JA's spirited support for Congress' revaluation of its currency on 18 March 1780, while
the second resulted from his apprehensions over JA's proposals to execute his mission to negotiate Anglo-American peace and commercial
treaties. In both letters he asked Franklin to write to Congress in support of the
French position. In his letter to Congress, which was probably not sent until sometime
in Oct. 1780, Franklin wrote that JA thought that more “Stoutness and a greater Air of Independence and Boldness in our
Demands, will procure us more ample Assistance.” For an examination of the events
that produced the three letters, see vol. 9:427–430, 516–520; 10:258–260.
7. Lovell probably commented on the ratification of the Articles of Confederation in
his letter to JA of 9 March, not found. Writing to John Jay on that date, Lovell indicated that the
ratification “appears now like all the other Circumstances of our Rise and Growth:
For the present is really the best of all Times for that particular Event. Our Enemies
have been ripening themselves for this capital Mentitis” (Smith, ed., Letters of Delegates, 17:44).
8. In his letter of 14 Dec. 1780, Lovell requested information about Dumas, who often used the code name Concordia
in correspondence with Congress (Weber, Codes and Ciphers, p. 24–25; vol. 10:411–413). Lovell also referred to Dumas as Concordia in an undated
list of letters received by Congress between 16 Jan. and 22 Feb. that was probably
enclosed with this letter (filmed at [1782–1783], Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 359). JA mentions both the list and Lovell's letter of [ca. 15 March] in his letter of 26 May to Dumas, below.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0145
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-15
From William McCarty
[dateline] Paris 15th. March 1781
[salute] Sir
Having been taken the 25th. January last, in the Brig Active, on my passage from Philadelphia
to L'Orient and Carry'd into England, The British took from me, all my private paper's
and Bills of Exchange, among which were several setts, drawn by Congress, on Holland;
Colo. Palfrey in the Shelaly, who had the Seconds, not being arrived, leaves me without
any to Present untill I can receive the third or fourth from America. And as those
who are in possession of the first of each sett, Indors'd payable to William McCarty
& Co. may present them for Acceptance and Payment; I take the Liberty to request your
Excellency, will have them Stopt, as my property, not having Indors'd any one of them.
I am with great Respect your Excellency's Most Obedt. & very humble Servt.
[signed] Wm McCarty1
RC (Adams Papers).
1. William McCarty, a Canadian merchant, settled at Lorient and went into partnership
with James Cumming to form the firm of Cumming & McCarty (Franklin, Papers, 35:482).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0146
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-16
From Francis Dana
(No. 13.)
[dateline] Paris March 16th. 1781 Hotel Valois, Rue Richelieu
[salute] My dear Sir
The dispatches you will receive with this, were sent to me by Colo. Lawrens, last
evening, some of them he brought from America, the others came in the Duke of Leinster
directly from Philadelphia.1 If I have not a good oportunity before, I will send them on, next week, by Mr. Searle,
who will then certainly set off for Amsterdam, unless he shou'd be too sick to travel.
His indisposition has prevented his leaving this City earlier. I shall not be long
after him. I hope to be with you, before the Commodore sails. I have additional reasons
for returning to America, but with the view of remaining there, in the character of
a private Citizen. If Colo. Lawrens does not clear up some difficulties in my mind,
I think, my own honour will require it, sure I am, that my Interest will. I have not
yet seen him. He arrived at Passy yesterday noon, and set off with the Dr. early this
morning for Versailles. I am very sorry I had not an opportunity to talk with him
before he went there: but so it has happened.2 I hope you and the whole family are well. I am at present much engaged in writing
to America, and must beg you to excuse my breaking off abruptly. I am, dear Sir, your
much obliged friend and obedient humble Servant
[signed] FD
P.S. I have at last discovered the key to both of friend Jemmy's Cyphers. The dispatches
I shall commit to Mr. Themmen, a Dutch young Gentn. who was introduced to me by one
of our Countrymen—he setts off for Holland tomorrow after noon, and goes thro' Amsterdam.
I have no doubt but he will deliver them safe: in your absence he is instructed to
deliver them to Mrs. De Neufville & Son.3 I am loth to detain them unnecessarily one moment. My own trust prevents my bringing them. I shou'd otherwise have done now, as before, with those
brought by Mr. Searle. Dont write me except to advise one of Your receiving these
dispatches; lest I shou'd have set off before your letter can reach here.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Dana. Paris. 16. March 1781.”
1. Among the letters Dana sent were Congress' of 9 Jan., above, with which were enclosed JA's letters of credence of 1 Jan. to the States General and to William V, both above; Congress' brief covering letter of 9 Jan. (Adams Papers), a duplicate of its letter of 1 Jan., above, and the letters enclosed therein; and possibly letters from James Lovell
of 6 and 8 { 206 } Jan. and the president of Congress of 10 Jan., all above. He may also have included his letter from Benjamin Franklin of 2 March,
with which was enclosed a key to the Lovell cipher (Adams Papers), for which see Dana's letter of 6 March, and note 3, above.
2. Dana probably wanted to speak with John Laurens before he came too much under the
influence of Benjamin Franklin and the Comte de Vergennes.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0147
Recipient: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
Date: 1781-03-17
To C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Leyden. March. 17. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I received this Morning, your Favour of the 16. inclosing a polite Letter from the
Duke de la Vauguyon.1
I hope to receive another from you this Evening, and that it will contain an Account
of the Fate of my Memorial.2 Has it been laid before their high mightinesses or not? And what was done with it?
Pray, has the president, by the Constitution of this Country, a right to pocket, Suppress,
or deliver to the Statholder, Papers addressed to their High Mightinesses?
Is the delusion almost over? When will man kind cease to be the Dupes, of the insidious
Artifices of a British minister, and Stockjobber. Peace, is a Tub, easily thrown out,
for the Amusement of the Whale, while the Minister opens his Budjet, concerts his
Taxes, and contracts for his Loan, and it never fails to be taken for a Fish.
This is the best Place for Business, in the World. I have written my Name, 8 or 9
thousand Times to papers, Since I Saw you. Pray do you know if Mr. de Neufville has
any person at the Hague to dispose of my Obligations? If he has not, will you think
of a proper Person, as a Broker, or Undertaker, or both, and inform me? I am with
great Esteem, your sert
LbC (Adams Papers).
2. Dumas wrote as promised on 17 March, below, but his reply to this letter was dated [ 20 March] , below. It was there that he specifically answered the queries posed in this and
the final paragraph.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0148
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-17
From John Bondfield
[dateline] Bordeaux 17 March 1781
[salute] Sir
As we doubt not of your having Letters by the Alliance our advices of course will
serve only as repetition to relate. I shall therefore inlieu of giving request from
you information. The Honble. J. L——s is he to superceed the D——r or Is his Buissness
confined to a perticular object. { 207 } | view His bringing with him Mr. Jackson1 as secretary would give room to suppose him a residence. In that case the D<octo>r will of course go back in the Alliance. She will return positively the middle of
April and will take all the ships then ready under her Convoy. Could Comodore Gillon
get round in time to Join them would be a great reenforceir to this little Squadron
which will consist of the Alliance
| The Marquis de lafayet | 28 | eighteen Pounder |
| The Luzern | 18 | |
| The Aurora | 20 | |
| The franklin | 20 | |
| The Venus | 14 |
beside four of five Armd Schooners and Briggs. And as the Marquis de lafayet will
have what is of so much consiquence to the States the Cloathing their Arrival is of
very great Moment.
The Venus will sail from hence at the end of the Month to join them.2 She goes to Boston the other Ships to Philadelphia.
We learn your Loan goes on to your Satisfaction. We are rejoiced to find the Dutch
so ready to Acquiess in your demands which proves their regarding your welfare attatcht
to their own. By last post we are advised they have offerd 12 milion florens to France
to defray the Expence of a Stipulate Force of Ships and Men to go to the East Indies
to Act in consort in them Seas against the Common Enemy.
Mr. T. Pain came passenger by [the A]lliance.3 His errand must be urgent to engage his Crossing the Atlantic at this time.
Can you point out any Line for young Vernon?4 He is a smart Youth but wants opportunity to improve should any opening offer for
Petersburg or the other Northern States but particularly to that, as a secretary to
an Envoy. His figure is in his favor and his Letters wish application in a line to
his tast would soon be conform to his Station.
[salute] With respect I have the Honor to be Sir Your very hhb Servant
[signed] John Bondfield
We are affraid Mr. Palfrey is lost as the ship he embarked in saild from the Delaware
the 21 Dcember and is not yet heard of on these Coasts.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “A Son Excellence John Adams Esq Ministre plénipotentiaire des Etats-unis
à Amsterdam”; endorsed by John Thaxter: “John Bondfield 17th. March 1781.” A slight
tear has resulted in the loss of all of one word and part of another.
1. Maj. William Jackson of South Carolina was captured at the fall of Charleston in the
spring of 1780 and exchanged later in the year. He then joined John Laurens on his
mission to Europe, serving first as Laurens' secretary and then as his agent charged
with getting the { 208 } South Carolina ready for sea. When the frigate sailed in July, Jackson was aboard and JA entrusted him with the care of CA, his fellow passenger. Jackson later served as George Washington's secretary and
as surveyor of customs at Philadelphia, but is best known as the secretary of the
Constitutional Convention (DAB).
2. The Venus would sail from Bordeaux to Lorient.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0149-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-17
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] LaHaie 17e. Mars 1781
[salute] Monsieur
Je n'eus le temps hier au soir que de vous envoyer la Lettre que S. E. Mr. l'Ambr.
de France m'avoit fait remettre pour vous en réponse de celle du 8e. courant que je
lui avois remise de votre part.1 Mrs. les P—— d'A—— D—— et H—— m'ont tous chargé de vous témoigner leur reconnoissance
de la bonté que vous avez eue de leur communiquer la Résolution du Congrès;2 et ceux d'A—— en particulier leur regret de ce que les circonstances actuelles ne
leur permettent pas de répondre formellement aux Lettres que vous leur avez écrites.
Celui de D—— étoit convenu avec moi, que nous ferions aujourd'hui un tour à Leide
ensemble, et que j'aurois l'honneur de vous le présenter pour faire connoissance.
Mais il a dû partir hier pour Dort. Ainsi ce sera pour une autre fois.
Le Contremanifeste de la Rep. à celui du Roi Britannique vient enfin de paroître.3 Vous le verrez bientôt paroître traduit dans les Gazettes françoises: ainsi je puis
me dispenser de vous l'analyser. Il est long. Est-il aussi vigoureux que long? C'est
ce dont vous jugerez. Je suis avec un grand respect, Monsieur Votre très humble &
très obeissant serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Pardonnez la liberté que je prends de joindre ici un petit billet, pour que votre
Domestique le remette à Mr. Luzac.4
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0149-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-17
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 17 March 1781
[salute] Sir
I did not have the time last evening to forward to you the letter that His Excellency
the French Ambassador gave me in response to your letter to him of the 8th instant.1 The Pensionaries of Amsterdam, Dordrecht, and Haarlem have all asked me to thank
you for your kindness in sending them Congress' resolution.2 Those from Amsterdam, in particular, regret that the present circumstances did not
permit them to respond formally to your letters. The one from Dordrecht agreed with
me, that we should go to Leyden together, and that I would have the honor of introducing
you to him. But yesterday he had to leave for Dordrecht. Perhaps another time.
{ 209 } { 210 } The countermanifesto of the republic to that of the British king has finally appeared.3 You will see the translation soon in the French gazettes, so therefore I will refrain
from analyzing it. It is long. Is it as vigorous as it is long? You be the judge.
I am with great respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
Pardon the liberty that I take in enclosing a small bill that your servant presented
to Mr. Luzac.4
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Dumas enclosed La Vauguyon's letter of 14 March, above, with a brief note of 16 March (Adams Papers).
3. A French translation of the countermanifesto, dated 12 March, appeared in the Gazette de Leyde of 20 March; English translations of the document were widely printed in British
newspapers, such as the London Chronicle of 24–27 March.
4. The enclosure has not been found.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0150-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-17
From La Corbiere
[dateline] à Turin le 17e. mars 1781
[salute] Monsieur
Je viens de lire dans la Gazette de Berne No. 20 en datte du 10 mars article de la
haye que V. Ex. est actüellement occupée en hollande de la levée d'un Emprunt d'un
Million de florins pour les Etats unis de L'Amerique; Je m'etais bien doutté quils
devaient étre dans le cas de faire une operation à peu près de ce genre, puisque jai
eú l'honneur decrire à Mr. Le Docteur Franklin le 7e. du Court. la lettre dont je
prend la liberté de vous envoyer Copie1 afin que V. Exell. examine si la proposition que je faisait ne serait pas mieux accueuillie
du Public qu'un Emprunt qui ne presente que 5%. En ce cas, et si elle le juge à propos
je lui enverrai le plan, où ce qui voudrait encore mieux je me rendrai tout de suitte
en hollande pour en conferer avec V. Ex. car ces sortes de negotiations se traittent
mieux par conversation que pas correspondance, surtout en ne donnant qu'un extrait
bien succint coe. jai fait dans la lettre cy jointe. Je crois que V. E. sera contente
des nouveauter et des attraits de mon Plan, il y a 10 années D'annuite, et 9 de Rentes
Viageres qui sont en Coupons pbles. en porteur quoique sur des tetes differentes,
et la 20eme. va jusqu'a la mort des Rentiers: En attendant ses ordres j'ai lhonneur
detre très respectueusement Le très humble et très obeissant Serviteur,
[signed] De La Corbiere,
[addrLine] poste restante à Turin
P.S. Je presume que V. Ex. ne permettra pas que si jai à faire le Voyage D lhollande,
ce soit à mes depens et que dans le cas ou mon { 211 } Plan serait mis en usage, il me sera payé une Commission que je laisserai regler par
Mess. fiseaux & Grand qui peuvent etre les juges de la reussite a près la communication
que je crois quil conviendra qui leur soit faitte en choisisant leur maison pour le
Payement des Rentes de ce qui se placera en hollande, et je dirai a qui il faut s'adresser
a Genes, car il faut bien prendre garde quil y a dans cette Ville de grands partisant
de . . . .
[signed] Le dit C.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0150-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-17
La Corbiere to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Turin, 17 March 1781
[salute] Sir
I just read in the Gazette de Berne, No. 20, dated the 10th of March from The Hague, that your Excellency is currently
in Holland occupied in raising a loan of 1 million florins for the United States of
America. I suspected that such an operation was taking place so I had the honor to
write to Doctor Franklin on the 7th of this month, a copy1 of which I take the liberty of enclosing here, in order that your Excellency can
determine whether my proposal would not be better received by the public than a loan
at 5 percent. If this is the case, I will send the proposal, or better still, I can
come immediately to Holland to confer with your Excellency because these sorts of
negotiations are better served through conversation than through correspondence, especially
since the enclosed letter contains only a succinct extract. I believe that Your Excellency
will be pleased with the novelty and appeal of my plan: there are 10 years of annuities,
nine years of annuity interest which are in coupons payable to the bearer, and the
twentieth lasts until the death of the lenders. While awaiting orders, I have the
honor to be very respectfully, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] De La Corbiere
[addrLine] poste restante à Turin
P.S. I presume, should I have to make a trip to Holland, that your Excellency will
permit it only at my own expense, and that if my proposal is put to use, I will be
paid a commission which could be arranged by Messieurs Fizeaux & Grand. They can be
the judges of the success of the proposal after the communication that I believe will
be made to them by agreeing to choose their house for annuity payments made in Holland,
and I will say to direct letters to Genoa, because it is a necessary precaution in
this city of partisans of
The said C.
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers).
1. La Corbiere wrote to Benjamin Franklin on 7 March and again on 14 March. Both letters
deal with La Corbiere's plan for a lottery to support the loan, see Franklin, Papers, 34:130.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0151
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-17
From Jean Luzac
[dateline] Saturday [17 March 1781]
[salute] Sir
The reason, why I have not called on Your Excellency for seeing together the House
I had spoken of, is that it is doubtful, as I have been informed, whether it is yet
to be let or not, a Lady being at present in treaty about it with the Proprietary.
If they do not agree, I will hear further of it, and have the honor of informing Your
Excellency instantly.
This time at least I have proved a true Prophet: The Manifesto at length had appeared
in dias luminis auras.1 After You will have perused it, I beg it back to morrow.
I am always with great respect, Sir, Your Excellency's most obedient humble Servant
[signed] J: Luzac
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To His Excellency John Adams, Esqr.”; endorsed: “[] Luzac. 17. March 1781.” A corner of the MS is missing, resulting in the loss of a portion of the endorsement.
1. In the golden light of day.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0152
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-17
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam the 17 March 1781
[salute] Honourable Sir
May it not displease Yoúr Excellency; that forwarding the inclosed Letters,1 we repeat again oúr reqúest, that we may be favoured with the rettúrn of a few bonds,
as to be in the possibility to deliver them when asked for; we were obliged to promise
two of them for Wednesday next; so we begg to receive them before that time and some
more as soon as convenient; we have seen by the publicq papers the Broker Yoúr Excellency
chose to employ,2 and wish all may do well in time; we have obtained nothing from oúrs butt good promisses
as yett.
May the Vigouroús measúres, their H. M. declare in their Manifesto to be forced to
adopt against England safe and establish the honoúr of the Republicq, in which the
Spirit of the people in generall flatters oúr hopes.
We have the honoúr to be with the most devoted regard, Honourable Sir Yoúr Excellencys
most Obedient and most humble Servants.
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Not identified.
2. The Gazette de Leyde of 16 March advertised “L'Emprunt d'Un Million de Florins de Hollande, à 5. pour-cent
d'intérêt, à la charge des { 213 } Etats-Unis de l'Amérique, par Mr. Jean Adams, Ministre-Plénipotentiaire des dits Etats,
étant ouvert actuellement au Comptoir de Mrs. Jean de Neufville & Fils à Amsterdam,
l'on peut se procurer des Obligations ou Portions dans le dit Emprunt chez le Courtier
Abraham Lasoubs à Leide, chez lequel l'on en peut aussi voir le Plan & les Conditions.”
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0153
Recipient: President of Congress
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Date: 1781-03-18
To the President of Congress
Leyden, 18 March 1781. RC in John Thaxter's hand PCC, No. 84, III, f. 78–93. printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:306–313.
This letter was read in Congress on 19 Nov. and consisted of English translations
of the States General's countermanifesto of 12 March and Prince Gallitzin's memorial
to the States General of 1 March. The countermanifesto was a point by point rebuttal
of Britain's manifesto of 20 Dec. 1780 that justified its declaration of war against
the Netherlands (to the president of Congress, 1 Jan., calendared above). In their response the Dutch declared that they, not the British,
were the aggrieved party. The Netherlands had maintained a strict neutrality under
the law of nations at great cost to itself in a situation where to favor Britain would
have meant war with France. The Anglo-Dutch war did not result from Dutch violations
of the law of nations or a refusal to grant the assistance required under the Anglo-Dutch
treaty of 1678. Neither did it stem from the sanctuary given John Paul Jones at Texel
in 1780, St. Eustatius' status as a conduit for trade with the United States, or the
Lee-Neufville treaty of 1778. Instead, Britain began the war because it refused to
accept and respect Dutch neutrality and, most importantly, the republic's decision
as a sovereign state to accede to the armed neutrality. The Netherlands, therefore,
was entitled to take whatever action was necessary to defend its sovereignty and resolve
its grievances.
In contrast to the countermanifesto, Prince Gallitzin's memorial offered hope for
peace. It emphasized Catherine II's interest in resolving the misunderstanding between
Britain and the Netherlands and her willingness to mediate the conflict impartially.
Gallitzin indicated that the same memorial put before the States General was being
presented to the British ministry and that Russia hoped for an affirmative response
from both parties.
In a paragraph inserted between the Dutch manifesto and the memorial, John Adams wrote
that he found it “remarkable that their high Mightinesses, after so long delays, have
chosen for the Publication of this Manifesto, a Time when the Mediation of the Empress
is depending.” For additional information on the countermanifesto and the memorial,
see Jean de Neufville's letter of 2 March, and note 2, above; and that from C. W. F. Dumas of 17 March, and note 3, above.
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, III, f. 78–93). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:306–313.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0154
Recipient: President of Congress
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Date: 1781-03-19
To the President of Congress
Duplicate
[dateline] Leyden March 19. 1781
[salute] Sir
I have recieved your Excellency's Letter of the first of January, with { 214 } the Commission and Instructions inclosed. I am very sensible of this fresh Instance
of the Confidence of Congress, and shall do every thing in my Power to discharge the
Duties of this new Trust; but I am obliged to say, that no Commission that ever was
given required more Patience, Fortitude and Circumspection than this: virtues, which
I much fear have not fallen in sufficient Quantities to my Share.
I have experienced since my Residence in this Republick, a great Change in the external
Behaviour of several Persons of Rank, who upon my first arrival recieved me with distinction;
but from the Moment of the publication of the Papers taken with Mr. Laurens1 have been afraid to see me. The Nation has indeed been in a violent fermentation
and Crisis. It is divided in Sentiments. There are Stadthoudarians and Republicans:
there are Proprietors in English Funds, and Persons immediately engaged in Commerce.
There are Enthusiasts for Peace and Alliance with England, and there are Advocates
for an Alliance with France, Spain and America, and there are a third Sort, who are
for adhering in all things to Russia, Sweeden and Denmark. Some are for acknowledging
American Independence, and entering into Treaties of Commerce and Alliance with her:
others start at the Idea with Horror, as an everlasting Impediment to a Return to
the Friendship and Alliance with England. Some will not augment the Navy without increasing
the Army: others will let the Navy be neglected rather than augment the Army. In this
perfect Chaos of Sentiments and Systems, Principles and Interests, it is no wonder
there is a Languor, a Weakness and Irresolution that is vastly dangerous in the present
Circumstances of Affairs. The danger lies not more in the hostile designs and exertions
of the English, than from Seditions and Commotions among the People, which are every
day dreaded and expected; if it were not for a standing Army and Troops posted about
in several Cities, it is probable there would have been popular Tumults before now.
But every body that I see appears to me to live in constant fear of Mobs, and in a
great degree of uncertainty, whether they will rise in favour of War or against it:
in favour of England or against it; in favour of the Prince, or of the City of Amsterdam;
in favour of America or against it. I have ventured in the midst of these critical
Circumstances, pressed as I am to get Money to discharge the Bills of Exchange which
Congress have drawn and I have accepted, to open a Loan: but this is looked upon as
a very hardy and dangerous measure; which nobody but an American would have risqued,
and I am obliged to assure Congress, that People are as yet so much afraid of being
pointed out by the Mob, { 215 } or the Soldiery, as Favourers of this Loan, that I have no hopes at all of succeeding
for several Months, if ever.
I have been advised to do nothing in Consequence of my Commission to the States at
present, for fear of throwing before the People new Objects of division and dissention.
I have however communicated to their high Mightinesses, and to the Ministers of Russia,
Denmark, Sweeden and France the Resolution of Congress of the Fifth of October, relative
to the principles of the neutral Confederation. The Memorial and Letters I have transmitted
to Congress.2
Whenever I shall communicate to their high Mightinesses the full Powers of Congress,
the Course will be this—they will lie long upon the Table—then taken ad referendum,
that is sent to the several Provinces, Cities and Bodies of Nobles, who compose the
Sovereignty, or as some say the Deputies of the Sovereignty: these will deliberate;
and deliberate, and deliberate, and probable some will be for and some against making
a Treaty, at least it is supposed that Zealand and one or two other Provinces will
be against it. But in the mean time, there will be much Communication and Negotiation
among Individuals at least, between this Country and Russia, Sweeden and Denmark upon
the Subject; and if it is true, as I am informed in a Letter from Mr. Gerry,3 that a Minister is appointed to the Court of Petersbourg, as I hope it is, and that
the same Minister, or some other is impowered to treat with Sweeden and Denmark, it
is not impossible, I think it indeed probable, that We may succeed with these four
Nations at once; for let me add, there is not in my apprehension the least prospect
of a general Peace. England is at her old Game of Seduction and Division, and is labouring
under the Pretence of employing the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia in
Mediations for Peace, insidiously to embroil all Europe in the War.4 From Motives of Philanthropy, I hope She will not succeed, unless the same feelings
of Humanity should prompt me to wish all Mankind at War with that Nation for her Humiliation,
which is, at this time, if ever one was Hostis humani Generis.5
[salute] I have the Honour to be with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
[signed] John Adams
1. For the documents taken from Henry Laurens, most notably the Lee-Neufville treaty
of 1778, and the British government's use of them, see JA's letter of 27 Oct. 1780 to the president of Congress, and note 3 (vol. 10:306–308).
2. These were JA's memorial to the States General of 8 March and his letters of the same date to Prince Gallitzin, Baron Ehrensvärd, M. de Mestral de Saint Saphorin, the Duc de La Vauguyon, Carel W. Visscher, and { 216 } Engelbert François van Berckel; for which see JA's letters of 8 March to C. W. F. Dumas, Prince Gallitzin, and the Duc de La Vauguyon and his memorial to the States General,
all above. The PCC contain two sets of copies of these documents in John Thaxter's hand, but there is
no indication when they arrived or with what letters to Congress they were enclosed
(PCC, No. 84, III, f. 45, 49, 63, 67, 74, 76, 143; Misc. Papers, Reel No. 1, f. 257, 258,
260, 262, 264, 266).
4. This was JA's last commentary on the then current proposals to mediate the Anglo-Dutch and Anglo-French
wars until his second letter of 16 May to the president of Congress, below. This two-month gap may reflect his view that
peace was not going to be restored through mediation. It is interesting in view of
the effect that the proposed Austro-Russian mediation of the Anglo-French war would
have on his future diplomatic activities.
5. An enemy of the human race.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0155
Recipient: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
Date: 1781-03-19
To C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Leyden 19. March 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
The inclosed Extracts, are of So much Importance, that I send them to you, for your
opinion whether it is prudent to communicate them to the Russian Minister, or not.1
The Intelligence is such that I can make no official Communication. If you think it
will do any good, and no harm or at least more good than harm, you may communicate
it in Confidence to Friends.
Mr. Dana's Commission, which perhaps is to treat with any or all the northern Powers,
is to come by Coll. Palfrey and Duplicates by young Coll. Laurens, as I conjecture.
I have read the Manifesto with Pleasure, because it is a reasonable and a manly Performance.
It would have been better perhaps without the last Clause, which will be taken both
by Freinds and Ennemies as a Sigh for Peace with England, but much may be Said in
Excuse of it. I wish too they had left out their Disapprobation of Amsterdam. It was
not necessary, and it never did their high mightinesses any honour, at least I venture
to think so.2
[salute] Adieu.
[signed] John Adams
1. The extracts refer to Francis Dana's appointment as minister plenipotentiary to Russia.
The first was from Elbridge Gerry's letter of 10 Jan., above. The second extract was from James Lovell's letter of 6 Jan. to Dana, a copy
of which Dana enclosed with his letter of 6 March to JA, above. Lovell wrote “I will prove to you in a private Way that I have much Esteem
for you, and desire to promote your Reputation, in your Commission, either the old
or the new.” The “old” commission was probably that of 20 June 1780, empowering Dana
to act in JA's place if he could not undertake the negotiation of a Dutch loan (JCC, 17:537). Below the extracts, JA wrote, “My Letter came Via Cadiz, from Marble head. Mr. Danas, by a Lugger from Philadelphia
to L'orient.”
2. In the final paragraph of the countermanifesto, the States General expressed their
hope that Britain would soon return to its former moderate and equitable sentiments
and their determination to effect a reconciliation with their former friend and ally
when such { 217 } should transpire. Earlier in the document the States General provided a lengthy explanation
and defense of their actions with regard to the Lee-Neufville treaty of 1778, which
centered on its disavowal of Amsterdam's action and its referral of the matter to
the provincial courts of Holland (to the president of Congress, 18 March, calendared above).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0156
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-19
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels March. 19th. 1781
[salute] Sir
I have recived your Excellencys Letter of the 12th. Instant. It afforded me much Consolation
being much depressed at the possible ill turn affairs might have taken if the Empress
had in the least Started aside from Her noble System. But I find, she is Steady, and
by consequence our Malicious Enemy may be brought to Submit to what is reasonable
and Just.
I Hope however, that Holland will not be amused by the Talk of Peace, and relax in
her Preparations—Lord North hath already gained something by the report, and will
gain more, if the Negociation is spun out to any length. If England attempts to do
it, the Con[fe]derated Powers ought to take the Alarm, for it will shew most Evidently the Scheme
of the common Ennemy.
When I consider the State of the English Navy, the Temper of Holland and the Northern
Powers, and the fleets at Brest and Cadiz, I think it is Impossible that the Grand
Squadron as it is called, can leave the coasts of England defenceless, and go to the
relief of Gibraltar. If it does go, it must be on the Certainty, that the Northern
Alliance mean to do nothing, or it is proposed to grant it the Terms demanded—for
what accidents may Happen to the Ships before they can return to the Channel. What
might not be done during its Absence! If there was the least Spirit of Enterprise,
the Antient Affair at Chatham would be trifling to what might be done.
If your Excellency has an Opportunity of seeing the three last Numbers of the Lettres
Hollandoise, your Excellency will see the Proposals published therein and that I have
talked to the Author on certain Subjects. I must talk to Him Again thereon.
The Hint which your Excellency gave me of what might Happen affords me the greatest
Joy. Immediately on the receipt of your Excellencys Command I put the Thoughts, which
Occurred to me, on paper and take the Liberty of inclosing them.1 More may be said thereon and if your Excellency approves of the general Outline I
will renew the Subject and get it published Here. The more strokes given, if they
are rightly given, will make the Nail go better.
I find the Emperors Minister at Madrid is most intimate with { 218 } Cumberland. But Cumberland has some fair daughters. I Hope it is they alone, who Attract
his Excellency no great Harm will be done.
[salute] I am Sir your Excellencys Most Faithful & Obt. Humble Servt.
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); endorsed, on the final page of the enclosure: “Mr Jennings March 19. ansd. 21.
1781.” JA's reply was actually dated 22 March, below.
1. In the enclosed commentary, Jenings sought to calm Dutch fears about the emergence
of an independent United States as a serious economic rival. For the foreseeable future,
he argued, the U.S. would be occupied with developing its vast, unsettled territories;
it would be an exporter of raw materials and importer of European manufactures. This,
together with the Dutch commercial tradition, precluded the U.S. from competing successfully
with Dutch merchants for the carrying trade. Indeed, Jenings went so far as to deny
any desire on the part of Americans to compete commercially, particularly in the East
Indies. If the Netherlands was to take full advantage of the opening of the American
market, Jenings continued, its vital interests demanded that it follow France's lead,
recognizing the independence of the U.S. and concluding a commercial treaty with the
new nation. Such action would advance the principles of the armed neutrality. It would
also diminish the chances for a British victory and the consequences that such an
event would have for neutral commerce and access to the American market. Jenings'
arguments should be compared with those Jean Luzac advanced in his preface to JA's Pensées sur la révolution de l'Amérique-Unie, Amsterdam, 1780 vol. 10:148–152.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0157
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-19
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam the 19 March 1781
[salute] Honourable Sir
May we thank Yoúr Excellency for the Obligations she was so kind as to retúrn ús by
Mr. Thaxter. The best way we foúnd to remedy the doúble númbers we have send to yoúr
ExcellencŸ, would be that Mr. Thaxter númberd oúrs again conformably in Cifer under
oúr written númbers, and signd them.
We had the honoúr to forward yoúr Excellency; No. 21 to 30, those may easily be Alterd
in the Cifers we now received adding a Zero 0. to each.
No. 131 to 170. could be 231 to 270 altering the 1 of the húndreds only in a 2.
This will be more easy then to alter oúr written Numbers; and they may all fúrter
be alike as we will continúe to Number in Screptis, and in Cifer, we wish to have
Yoúr Excellencys approbation there on, to prepare a larger quantity and to finish
those we have received.
With the most respectfúll Esteem we have the honoúr to be Honourable Sir, Yoúr Excellencys
most devoted obedient humble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0158-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-20
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] [20 mars 1781]1
[salute] Monsieur
J'ai l'honeur de la vôtre du 17; et celui d'y répondre, que par la Constitution le
Présidt. n'a point le Droit de Supprimer les Papiers adressés à L. H. P., ni de les
remettre à un autre. Mais L. H. P. mêmes, peuvent, Si elles le jugent à propos, se
dispenser, ou différer, de répondre à de telles Pieces. Or vous vous souvenez sans
doute, Monsieur, que je vous ai prévenu, que tel pourroit bien être le parti qu'ils
prendroient, sur-tout dans le cas présent, où l'Angleterre n'a pas donné de réponse
encore aux ouvertures de la Russie. Les Ministres admis ici sont dans l'usage, quand
ils s'adressent au Président, de douer en même temps, par politesse, une Copie de
leur Mémoire au Gd. Pensionaire d'Hde. Mais vous savez que celui-ci doit encore réponse
à la Lettre qui lui avoit été écrite par la Commission Plénipe. Américaine de Paris
en 1778;2 je n'ai donc pu, ni ne puis, vous conseiller, ni déconseiller de suivre cet usage,
lequel d'ailleurs j'ignorois, ne l'ayant appris qu'aujourd'hui: car je ne crois pas
qu'il répondroit à la Lettre que vous lui auriez écrite, ou que vous lui écririez
encore à ce sujet.
J'ai écrit à Mrs. De Neufville, pour savoir s'ils ont établi ici un Correspondant
pour y négocier de vos Obligations: et j'attends leur réponse là-dessus, que je me
ferai un devoir de vous communiquer. Ce que je sais, c'est qu'ils ont fait passer
ici des plans de la Négociation, en ayant vu un entre les mains d'un Négociant ici.
Je sens que la tâche de signer tant de milliers de fois son nom, est autant de mille
fois moins agréable, que celle de rédiger une Constitution. Si c'étoit une occupation
que je pusse partager avec vous, je vous offrirois, Monsieur, ma présence à Leide
pendant cette huitaine, ou il n'y a rien à faire ici, parce que les Etats d'Hollde.
sont séparés.
Je conviens avec vous, que la paix, dont on parle tant, n'est qu'une amorce pour faire
des dupes. Mais je ne saurois dire quand l'illusion finira. Je voudrois seulement
que cela, et le repos de l'Amérique, dépendissent de moi.
Rien n'est encore décidé de la Cour de Justice d'hollde. Et je commence à douter que
l'on décide jamais cette affaire.
Dans ce moment je reçois l'honnorée vôtre d'hier. Je vous remercie de la communication,
qui me fait grand plaisir. Je crois que le plus prudent est de ne rien dire de cela
sur-tout à l'Envoyé de Russie, jusqu'à-ce que Mr. Dana ait reçu sa Commission. Si
quelque raison { 220 } imprévue me faisoit changer d'idée, je vous le marquerai. J'ai l'honneur d'être avec
un grand respect, Monsieur Votre très très-humble & très-obéissant serviteur
[signed] Dumas
[dateline] du mercredi 21 Mars 17813
P.S.
Cette Lettre étoit écrite; et j'allois la porter à la poste hier; lorsque je fus détourné
par le bruit qui commençoit à se répandre de la prise de St. Eustache par les Anglois.4 Cela s'est confirmé en plein ce matin. Il faudra voir quelle sensation cela fera
non seulement sur la nation en général, mais aussi, et sur-tout, à Amsterdam.
On m'a donné avis d'un autre projet des Anglois contre la Repe. Je l'ai communiqué
ce matin à une personne en grande relation avec la Cour. Nous verrons si l'on m'en
saura quelque gré: et si cela est, je vous en ferai part, ainsi que de l'impression
que je remarquerai qu'aura fait ici l'affaire de St. Eustache.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0158-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-20
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] [20 March 1781]1
[salute] Sir
I have the honor of your letter of the 17th and respond to it here. According to the
Constitution the president has neither the right to suppress papers addressed to Their
High Mightinesses nor the right to deliver them to anyone else. But Their High Mightinesses
themselves can, if they deem it appropriate, refrain from, or delay responding to
such papers. Now you no doubt remember, sir, that I warned you that they might take
such a course, especially in this case where England has not yet responded to the
Russian overtures. When the ministers admitted here address the president, they supply,
as a courtesy, a copy of their memorial to the grand pensionary of Holland. But you
know that the latter must still respond to the letter that was written to him by the
American plenipotentiary commission at Paris in 1778.2 I could not and cannot advise, nor advise against, following this practice, of which
I had no previous knowledge until today because I do not believe that he would respond
to the letter that you would have written, nor that you will write again on this subject.
I wrote to Messieurs de Neufville to find out if they have established a correspondent
here to dispose of your obligations. I am waiting for their reply to this so that
I can communicate it to you. I do know that they have begun arrangements for it, having
myself seen a plan in the hands of an agent here.
I feel that the task of signing one's name thousands of times is a thousand times
less agreeable than writing a constitution. If it were an occupation that I could
share with you, sir, I would have offered my presence in Leyden during the past week,
since there is nothing to do here with the States of Holland separated.
{ 221 } I agree with you, that the peace being talked about is nothing but bait to trap dupes.
But I cannot say when this illusion will be over. I only wish that this and peace
for America depended on me.
Nothing has yet been decided by the Court of Justice of Holland, and I am beginning
to doubt if they will ever decide on this affair.
I just received your letter of yesterday. Thank you for this communication which gave
me great pleasure. I believe that it would be most prudent to say nothing about this
to the Russian envoy until Mr. Dana has received his commission. If any unforeseen
reason makes me change my mind, I will tell you. I have the honor to be with great
respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
[dateline] Wednesday 21 March 17813
P.S.
This letter being written, I was going to the post office yesterday when I was distracted
by spreading reports that the English had taken St. Eustatius.4 It was confirmed this morning. It will be necessary to see what effect this will
have on the nation in general and especially on Amsterdam.
I have been alerted to another British plan against the republic. I communicated it
this morning to someone with close access to the Court. We will see if they are obliged
to me and if so, I will tell you about it and also about any impressions I have concerning
the St. Eustatius incident.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Son Excellence Monsieur J. Adams Esqr. M. Plenipe. des E.U. au soin
de Mr. Thaxter, chez Mr. Wellers au Langebrugh, vis à vis le Manlelhuys Leyde.”; endorsed
by John Thaxter: “Mr. Dumas [21]st. March 1781.” Part of the endorsement was lost when a portion of the page was cut
away.
1. In Dumas' letterbook this letter and its postscript are dated “20, & 21 Mars” (Algemeen Rijksarchief, Eerste Afdeling, C. W. F. Dumas Coll., Inventaris 1, f. 412).
2. This is the Commissioners' letter of 28 April 1778 to Pieter van Bleiswyck, Grand
Pensionary of Holland. The Commissioners announced the Franco-American Treaty of Amity
and Commerce and indicated their willingness to conclude a similar agreement with
the Netherlands vol. 6:61–62. For Dumas' account of his presentation of that letter on 14 May 1778 and van Bleiswyck's
response, see vol. 6:85–99.
3. Dumas wrote the postscript on a separate, much smaller sheet of paper.
4. On 3 Feb., a force commanded by Adm. Rodney and Gen. Vaughan seized the Dutch islands
of St. Eustatius, St. Martin, and Saba, capturing 150 ships, including several American
armed vessels and confiscating merchandise valued at two to three million pounds sterling.
It was a disaster for the Netherlands and particularly for the merchants of Amsterdam
who were heavily involved in trade with the U.S. through St. Eustatius. But it also
resulted in heavy losses for many British merchants who, under the terms of various
acts of Parliament, could trade with the Dutch island and were as heavily involved
in this commerce as their Dutch counterparts. Rodney, mesmerized by the prospect of
so much prize money, remained at St. Eustatius for three months to collect the confiscated
goods and dispatch them to England. In the end, however, his capture of the island
resulted in his financial ruin, for the British merchants successfully sued for compensation
of their losses (DNB; Edler, Dutch Republic and the American Revolution, p. 181–189; Mackesy, War for America, p. 416–417). On 13 March reports of Rodney's capture of St. Eustatius appeared in
the London Gazette Extraordinary and by the 23d a translation of those accounts appeared in the Gazette de Leyde.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0159
Recipient: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Date: 1781-03-21
To Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Leyden March 21. 1781
[salute] Gentlemen
I have received your favour of the 19th. and will direct Mr. Thaxter to number your
Bonds again in figures under your written Numbers and Sign them, and to make the other
alterations, according to your Proposal.
Alass poor Statia! But as Providence orders Us unpleasant Potions of Medicine to cure
our distempers, So I hope this apparent Misfortune will open the Eyes of the blind;
will convince the credulous of their Weakness, in placing any Kind of Confidence in
the Justice, the Honour, the Moderation, or Humanity of Great Britain, Virtues which
exist only at this time in their own vainglorious Writings and Speeches. I hope also
it will accellerate an immediate and direct Commerce with America, and what is of
more importance to this Country as well as to that, a Solid Alliance. I hope further,
that this Insult to the neutral Confederation will prompt them to take a decided Part,
which their own Dignity Honour and Interest demand, and forth with join France Spain
and America, in Pursuit of the two greatest Objects of the Negotiations and Wars of
the present Age, American Independance and the rights of neutral Vessells. Once more
I hope, that this unexampled outrage, to the Law of Nations to public faith, and every
Sound Principle among Men, will induce even the great City of Amsterdam to act a more
decided and vigorous Part, then she has done. Her Example will be followed with Ardour
by every other Member of the Sovereignty, all of whom I have reason to believe, are
Slackened in their resolution by the feebleness and Irresolution of that City. I have
the Honour to be &c.
LbC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0160
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-21
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels March 21. 1781
[salute] Sir
The Capture of St. Eustache, which was to be expected, and the immense Acquisition
of Property in the Ships taken will surely rouse the antient Spirit of the Dutch,
which was always greatest in Times of the greatest Calamity. Or will this Misfortune
be wickedly turned against the Friends of the Independance of the States? I am anxious
to hear how this News will be recievd in Holland. Your Excellency Observes, that the
Inhabitants of St. Eustache were lulled into Se• { 223 } curity by the reports of Captn. Byland.1 His Instructions surely must have been very particular to have made Him act in that
manner. Your Excellency sees too the Malicious pleasure, that Rodney takes in finding
the blow will be most felt by Amsterdam. The internal and external Ennemies of Holland
act wonderfully in Concert. The blow is certainly a great one, and will be felt by
the French and Americans too, but it will be felt by the English likewise, who had
a considerable Property in the Island and Ships. It ought surely rouse the Dutch and
all Powers to the Utmost. I know not the State of the Preparations where you are,
but if the Dutch had ten ships of the Line ready, they ought to be sent to the Downs,
which they would soon clear of the Ennemy. They might then lay a fortnight at the
Mouth of the Thames, and wait until they are joined by 10 Ships more, and sail together
through the Channel and join the Ships at Brest, and thereby make a considerable Squadron
to wait the return of the English fleet from Gibraltar. Should the English meet with
the Spanyards they may be beat, the Ships will certainly be much shattered, and thereby
become an Easy prey to a fresh force at the mouth of the Channel.
How, Sir, will Russia Act on this Event? Will not the Empress take a decided Part?
When She insists, that the Independancy should be the basis of Her Mediation, She
seems to have laid the foundation of the Conduct now to be held, if it cannot be had
by her mediation, it ought to be so be her Acting publickly and Hostilely. The Times
require that the insultd Powers should have one Object or Else they will continue
to Act without Vigor and without concert. So long as they do so, England is warranted
in her pursuit of what otherwise appears a mad and desperate Game. She sees, that
the great force against Her is not used with Spirit and Judgment. She sees that Each
State in Enmity to Her has private and different Views; and therefore the formidable
Combination may be baffled and defeated, but if it would have the same one Object
in View, An Object which will assure to all, what all wish to Attain, the Independancy
of America, it would have a sure and certain rule for the Directions of its Operations.
Until that is done, England will persist and may triumph Altho to her Ruin.
It is plain, Holland must submit or Else Act with Vigor, and what an opportunity has
She at this moment of making a decisive Stroke, if she was prepared and had not a
Mill Stone about Her neck! The whole of the English force is supposed to have left
the Kingdom, and thereby Her Coasts are exposed to depredations and Attacks. Should
the English Fleet be beat by the Spanish or french Squadrons, England { 224 } must be ruined at Home whilst She rejoices at her foreign Successes, but she depends
on her secret Friends, which embarrass the operations of the Dutch. The taking of
St. Eustache will I think produce some great Event one way or other. I wait with Anxiety
to hear it. Will Russia Sir, amuse Herself with the Idea of a Treaty? How could She
suffer Johnstones Squadron to sail evidently with the intention to Attack the Dutch
in the East? Does she not see that England means not to come into the Terms proposed?
I wish the United States had a Man in a public Character at Petersburgh, Could not
Mr. Dana do much good there? His manner and his Knowledge would draw the Attention
of that Court. The Conduct of England is such, as to alarm all and promises a fair
reception to any one Acting for the general Interest of Europe. Why should not the
Northern Powers adopt at least and at last my favorite Idea, and lay an Embargo on
all English Ships now in the Sound,2 and prevent others entering in. This alone would finish the War as it would have
Stopped its Continuance long since. There is something in Politics beyond a Plain
Mans Comprehension.
[salute] I am with the greatest Respect Sir Your Excellencys Most faithful & Obedient Humble Servt.
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Edmund Jennings Esqr. 21st. March 1781.”
1. Capt. Frederik Sigismund van Bylandt, commanding the 38-gun frigate Mars, arrived at St. Eustatius on 1 Feb., two days before Rodney and Vaughan reached the
island. He apparently brought no warning of impending hostilities between the Netherlands
and Great Britain (J. Franklin Jameson, “St. Eustatius in the American Revolution,”
American Historical Rev., 8:699–700 [July 1903]; Rodney to Phillip Stephens, 4 Feb., London Chronicle, 13–15 March). For van Bylandt's account of his actions as well as the surrender
of St. Eustatius, see the Gazette de Leyde of 27 March.
2. The Oresund Strait, connecting the Kattegat and the Baltic.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0161
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-21
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam 21 March 1781
[salute] Honourd Sir
May it not displease yoúr Excellency that by this present we tútch upon the unhappy
afair of St. Eústacia, we do realy pity them who will be loosers thereby, as it will
be a terrible stroke and rúin many people, thank heaven oúr own loss and that of oúr
frinds can not be by farr so great in this moment then it could have been; and we
would willingly have sacrificd a múch larger Súmm in Case we could have prevented
this generall Calamity, which by all probability should not have happend, if as the
stronger Tories confess them Selfs oúr Navy had been sooner in a better order as it
could and ought to have been.
{ 225 } Yoúr Excellency will certainly be informed that Coll. Lawrence Arrived in Eúrope.
We heard it by some of oúr American Letters that came over in the same Vessell, and
that a greater force was raised in America so as to act offensively which gave ús
great pleasúre.
May all those tidings inflúence oúr Loan, and rise the Spirits of the Dútch, so as
not to be seduced to an entire ignominy.
With all respectfúll regard We have the honoúr to be Honourd Sir, Yoúr Excellencys
most devoted and most Obedient húmble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0162
Recipient: Dana, Francis
Date: 1781-03-22
To Francis Dana
[dateline] Leyden 22d. March 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I have recieved several Letters from You, but have been so busy signing my Name, that
I could not answer.
I give You Joy of Laurens's Arrival—it is a great Event. I hope he brought You an
important Paper, which Lovel mentions in his Letter to You, and Gerry in an excellent
one to me.1
I rejoice Sir in your Honour, and in the public Good, but I feel myself weakened and
grieved at the present loss of a Treasure of Advice and Ability. I hope to see You
here in your Route.
Pray commit to writing all your Observations on our first Errand and give them to
me. I hope your old Commission is not superseded.2 In Case of Negotiation, of which however there is no likelihood for Years, I shall
summon You. Mr. Laurens must have Letters and important Papers for me. I hope to have
them soon. There is no one knows the banking Comn.3 but Mr. De Neufville and me—it is not more however than Precedent—but let them lye
about it if they will—I am not afraid of their Lyes. Statia is gone—and the Dutch
are yet dead—when they will come to life I know not.
[signed] J.A.
2. The “first Errand” was JA's mission to negotiate treaties of peace and commerce with Great Britain, for which
Dana held a commission as JA's secretary (JCC, 15:1128, 1172). Congress did not revoke Dana's previous commission; in fact, in
June 1781 they appointed him secretary to the expanded peace commission in the event
that negotiations began before he departed for Russia (JCC, 20:699).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0163
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1781-03-22
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Leyden 22d. March 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
With great pleasure have I recieved yours of the 19th, with its Inclosures. I wish
I could answer more at large, but in addition to a thousand other Objects crowding
upon me at present, I have had to write my obscure Name nine and twenty thousand times
to Obligations and Coupons, which I expect will give me before it is ended a great
Name at least, if not a great deal of Money.
I am exceedingly pleased with your thoughts, all but one. You hold up the Idea of
restraining from the East: this Idea never will do. America will never consent to
any Restriction whatsoever, but will finally insist on a right to trade with every
Nation that will trade with her. For God's sake let us beat down every Idea of Restriction.
I am demonstratively certain, it is the Interest of every Power in Europe to take
off every restriction from American Trade. It will be longer in this Case before the
Trade of America will interfere with that of any Nation, than if it is clogged. Nitimur
in vetitum, Semper cupimusque negata.1 The Idea of the least restraint is a Poison: it will lay a foundation for embroiling
Europe and America for ever: it will occasion another horrid War in seven Years—so
would a Truce.
The last Letters Hollandoise are very good—go on I pray You.
[signed] J.A.
RC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers). LbC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0164
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-22
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam 22 March 1781
[salute] Honourd Sir
May it please Yoúr Excellency. That we acknowledge the receipt of her most esteemd
favoúr,1 the sentiments expressd there in are most liberall, we are in hopes they may prevaill
with oúr people, bútt nationally considered, we confess, we are mostly to slow in
oúr motions, the generall, feel the English injury, they are sensible of its soúrce,
bútt seem to múch abashd by the loss, to move as yett; may they be awaken'd in time!
to prevent destrúction and preserve liberty with smaller fortúnes.
May we also thank Yoúr Excellency for the aproving of oúr arrange• { 227 } ment aboút the Obligations, we are still in great hopes the loan will succeed bútt
not so soon as we wished, the Statia affair múst decide we think great things, and
may accelerate American Independence, and the rights of Neútrall Vessells.
The English seem determind that Amsterdam shall pay therefor, it wónt be oúr faúlt.
Mr. Hodshon hath send ús the inclosed Bills, which we have the honoúr to forward for
Acceptance, mean while with all respectfúll regard we have the honoúr to be Honourd
Sir! Yoúr Excellencys most devoted And most Obedient humble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0165
Recipient: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Date: 1781-03-24
To Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Leyden March 24 1781
[salute] Gentlemen
I received last night your favour of the 22d., inclosing three Bills of Exchange which
I have accepted and return inclosed. I have also received another Letter on the Affair
of St. Eustatia.1 I Sincerely condole with you, on the Loss of that Island both as it affects the publick
and as it must probably more or less affect your private Interest.
There is great Pains taken to represent this as a fatal Blow to the United States
of America, at which I can do nothing but laugh. In my private opinion it will be
better for America. The Property taken in that Island, I shrewdly suspect, belonging
to English Scotch and Irish Merchants, was more than all that belong to french Americans
and even Dutch, altogether. In this I may be mistaken, but in all Events the American
Property there was not much.
However after the insidious Artifices of the English in holding out false appearances
of a disposition for Peace, shall have amused 8 or 9 nations for a little while, when
they discover themselves to have been only duped and mocked by English Impudence this
outrage, with others cannot but Unite all the maritime nations in one decisive League,
in support of the Freedom of Commerce, and American Independance, without which it
is evident to demonstration that the Liberty of the Seas cannot longer exist.
Put American again in dependance on England, and it would be in their joint Power
in twenty years, to conquer all the <Possessions> { 228 } Establishment of the Spaniards French Dutch and Portuguese in the East and West Indies
in Spight of all that the rest of Mankind could do to prevent it. <With great Respect, I have the Honour to be, &c.>
I would not advise the Powers of Europe, therefore, to let America be reduced to the
Necessity, of proposing Terms to Great Britain. With great Respect, I have the Honour
to be &c.
LbC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0166
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-26
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amstdm. 26 March 1781
[salute] Honourd Sir
May it please yoúr Excellency that we thank her for the most kind reception I had
the honoúr to meet with. I am sorry my time is so múch taken úp in this moment that
I could not make my visit longer and accept of the honoúr offerd me; there is no news
aboút the loan; I am very much pleased Yoúr Excellency is so indifferent aboút it
for the present, as I can scarcely doúbt it will do in good time. We have learnd patience
and perseverance; and repeat often Horaces known system jústúm et tenacem propositi
virum,1 what will bring oúr people we hope in Spirits, is the Arrival of a Vessell belonging
to Boston; yoúr Nation Honourd Sir we hope will be the example to oúrs, in many respects,
and we are determind never to act únworthy to both, we begg leave to join again to
this present Some papers which came to oúr hands for Yoúr Excellency2 and have the honoúr to be with all devoted Regard, Honourd Sir Yoúr Excellencys most
obedient and most humble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
We hope Mr. Charles will be Soon recoverd.3 May we begg oúr compliments to both the Gent. and Mr. Thaxter. Yr. Ex. be pleased
so To.
After what we had the honoúr to mention, may we begg leave to add that we should not
be surprised there was some idea at the Hagúe to make domesticall matters úpp,4 if so we think we shall know it, as we do suppose a certain person came on púrpose
to sound me, and some others, this I thought will give yoúr Excellency pleasúre to
know, butt may I begg at the Same time that it may remain the deepest Secret with
yoúr Excellency own Self, as any enquiry even might Spoill the whole, I dare Say if
we are not to Sanguine different opportunitys offer to serve the good Caúse, and yoúr
Excellency may { 229 } depend on that we shall be and are sufficiently on oúr guard not to be Amúsed, carrying
on every measúre which may promote any good in the present circúmstances.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The complete passage, as usually cited, reads: Iustum et tenacem propositi virum /
non civium ardor prava iubentium, / non voltus instantis tyranni / mente quatit solida
(Horace, Odes, Bk. III, Ode iii, lines 1–4). That is, “The man tenacious of his purpose in a righteous cause
is not shaken from his firm resolve by the frenzy of his fellow citizens bidding what
is wrong, not by the face of threatening tyrant” (Horace, The Odes and Epodes, with an English Translation, by C. E. Bennett, Cambridge, 1952, p. 178–179).
3. CA was ill from March through at least the end of May with what JA described as a “tertian fever,” a form of malaria characterized by paroxysms of fever
at 48-hour intervals. John Thaxter described one of CA's paroxysms in a letter to JA of 5 April (Adams Family Correspondence, 4:97–98, 108, 121).
4. It is unclear what this reference to “domesticall matters” means, but it may be efforts
to reconcile the positions of the stadholderian and patriot parties so as to mount
a concerted effort against Britain.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0167
Recipient: Digges, Thomas
Date: 1781-03-27
To Thomas Digges
[dateline] <Leyden>March 27. 1781
[salute] Sir
I am very much obliged to you, for the Trouble you have kindly taken in Sending me
Gazettes, Pamplets, and Books, but the alteration of Circumstances, has rendered the
Communication So difficult and expensive that I am obliged to desist. Two or three
Packets which you mentioned in Letter1 not long Since have not arrived, nor have I heard any Thing of them.
The Gazettes cost me by the Post, at a Rate of two hundred Guineas I believe a Year,
and I am now in a Situation where I have found a Way to have all the Papers at a very
Small Expence comparatively. So that I Should be obliged to you to Stop immediately,
the two Papers the Morning Herald and General Advertiser, and also the Sending of
any more Books and Pamphlets. You will be So good as to send me a minute of the Ballance
between Us, and whatever it may be in your favour, I will take measures to discharge
immediately. I should be obliged to you, however, for the Continuance of your Favours
and the good News of the times. I am with great Respect, Sir, your obliged, humble
sert
[signed] F.R.S.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0168
Recipient: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
Date: 1781-03-27
To C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Leyden March 27. 1781
[salute] Sir
Since I had the Honour to communicate to you my Commission to their High mightiness,
by which the general Affairs of America, in this Republick come under my direction,
you may possibly be at some Uncertainty about your own Situation and the Continuance
of that Small annual Sum which you have heretofore received from the Commissioners
and the Minister at the Court of Versailles. In order to remove the Doubt as far as
in my Power, I take this Method to inform you, that I <have no> am perswaded it is the Intention of Congress that you should continue your good services
to their Cause if you have no Objection, and that you should have at least the Same
allowance continued.1 I Suppose his Excellency Dr. Franklin will readyly continue to pay your Draughts
as usual: but if he should not, and you choose to continue in the service of America
under my direction2 I will undertake to do it, as long as I shall reside in the Republick3 at my own <Expence and> Risque, <and> untill the further order of Congress <, or untill I Shall depart from the Republick>.
[salute] I have the Honour to be, with great Esteem and Respect, Sir your most obedient most humble servant
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. Dumas was paid a total of 17,842.19.9 livres for the period from 20 April 1777 to
10 Nov. 1780. The next payment to Dumas would be on 14 Nov. 1781, when he received
2,700 livres from Ferdinand Grand as authorized by Benjamin Franklin. He received
seven additional payments of 2,700 livres through 16 May 1785 (DNA: RG 39, Public Agents in Europe, 1776–1787 [Microfilm, Reel No. 1, f. 10]).
2. The previous thirteen words were interlined.
3. The previous nine words were interlined.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0169
Recipient: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Date: 1781-03-27
To Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Leyden March 27. 1781
[salute] Gentlemen
I have just received yours, inclosing the Lettres Hollandoise, and thank you for your
Attention.1 You give me great Joy by your Account of the Arrival of a Vessell from Boston—hope
We shall soon hear of more.
As to the Loan, I am not indifferent about its Success. My own Reputation with Some
People, in Europe and America will depend in Some measure upon it. But this has little
Weight with me—it is of Importance to America, to have a Comptoir, or Banker in Amsterdam
{ 231 } upon whom Congress could occasionally draw, as they have at Paris and Madrid.
And my Instructions from Congress are Such as rendered it my indispensable duty to
open a Loan, and try the Experiment.
If it does not Succeed, I shall have done my duty. But the Same Duty requires that
I should write an Account to Congress, and to Dr. Franklin, of its Success. To Congress
that they may draw their Bills in future upon Paris and Madrid. To Dr. Franklin that
he may be able to obtain the Money of the Court of Versailles, to discharge the Bills
I have already accepted. In this Case Mr. Grand the Banker in Paris, will give orders,
as I expect to the House of Horneca Fizeau & Co at Amsterdam to pay the Bills. This,
you See, will make it publick that my Loan has not Succeeded—and the whole will divert
that Part of the Trade of America which would naturally have flowed to Amsterdam to
France and Spain. I shall be mortified at this: but there will be one Consolation,
We Shall have no Interest to pay, but what We please and where We please, for the
Money obtained of those Courts, has been generously granted, without any terms whatsoever,
respecting the Terms of Interest or the Time of Payment of Interest or Principal.
We shall be under more obligations at Paris and Madrid, and less else where. I am
not therefore anxious, nor will I depart a Single doit2 from the Terms, if the whole falls through. I have already gone farther, than will
be for the good of my Reputation, or promote the Intercourse between the two Countries.
The Secret Intelligence you give me, I am rejoiced to hear. It shall remain a Secret
with me. I have a great deal of News too, which I must keep a Secret at present, but
which holds out hopes of Great and good Things to our righteous Cause. I expect to
learn more of it, every hour.3
I am with great Respect &c.
I inclose Mr. Hodgsons 3 Bills and your 8.
LbC (Adams Papers).
3. The nature of JA's secret information is not clear, but he had not yet informed the Neufvilles—at
least in an extant letter—of his commission as minister plenipotentiary and was anxiously
awaiting the arrival of his letters of credence to the States General and William V.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0170
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-27
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amstdm. 27 March 1781
[salute] Honourd Sir
May we begg leave to mention to Yoúr Excellency that nothing materiall hath happend
Since oúrs of Yesterday. The greatest news we now múst expect from the Hagúe as oúr
States will be Assembled, for we múst not mind for false reports, Súch as that which
had been spread to day that [Vlissingen?] was taken by the English, by and by I hope we will learn not to be intimidated, and
then see the Spirits of the Dutch people rise. The Captúre of St. Eústacia hath múch
affected oúr monied people, and hindred ús to compleat the whole loan, we are Sorry
for it as it would have been a matter of as great an importance for the publicq as
satisfaction to oúr Selfs, If we may carry all matters to oúr Wishes they will do
well at the end. With all Respectfúll Regard we have the honoúr to be Honourd Sir
Yoúr Excellencys most devoted and most obedient humble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0171
Recipient: Jay, John
Date: 1781-03-28
To John Jay
[dateline] Leyden March 28th. 1781
[salute] Sir
It is so long since I wrote You, that I am almost ashamed to recollect.1 I have been in the most curious Country, among the most incomprehensible People and
under the most singular Constitution of Government in the World. I have not been able
to write You, what could or would be done here, because I was not able to discover,
nor did I ever yet find one Man in the Country, who would pretend to say what Course
the Republic would take.
At this moment, altho' I think there cannot be a Peace between them and England; yet
I dont see a probability of their being in earnest in the War for some time.
I can tell You one thing however for certain, that the Conduct of Spain has great
Influence here. Her delay in acknowledging our Independence contributes amazingly
to the Indecision of the Republic. If Spain had fully entered into the System this
Country would soon follow.
I must therefore beg of You to communicate to me as much concerning this Subject,
as You are at Liberty to do.2 All Nations it is to be feared will wait for Spain, and thus prolong the Evils of
War { 233 } to unnecessary lengths. My best Compliments to your Family, and believe me to be,
with great Esteem, Sir, your most obedient Servant
[signed] John Adams
Inclose for me to Messs. De la Lande & Finje, Merchants in Amsterdam.
2. In his Letterbook, on the page immediately following this letter, JA began, but did not complete, another letter of 28 March to an unidentified person (LbC, Adams Papers). He wrote: “The Delay of Spain, in the Business of Mr. Jay has a very bad Effect
upon all Europe. If you know the Cause—or what train the negotiation is in, pray communicate
it to me. I have written to Mr. Jay, to day, but shall have an Answer Sooner from
you.” In fact, JA did not write again to John Jay until 26 Nov. (NNC: John Jay Papers), and Jay did not write to JA until he replied to that letter on 15 Dec. (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0172
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-28
From Philip Mazzei
[dateline] Leghorn, March 28. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
Your much esteemed letter of the 18. of January, which on account of my late journeys
was sent after me from Florence to Pisa, Leghorn, and Genoa, and from Genoa to Florence
again, Pisa, and Leghorn, has at last found me here. I had imagined, that in consequence
of Mr. Laurens's misfortune you would of your own accord continue in Holland longer
than you at first intended, and am glad to hear that you have been ordered so to do,
as I hope it will be for our good. At least, if any good is to be made of the Dutch,
you are in my opinion the properest person to bring them to it. You will probably
persuade them to lend us some of their money, but you won't, I am afraid, so easily
succeed to rise up their martial spirits. By your letter it seems, that you have better
notion of their warlike operations, than I have. If you could tell me any thing agreable
on that, or any other account, I wish you would do it, and I assure you, Sir, that
I am far from assuming to trouble you to satisfy my curiosity; I am confident that
I can turn to good account any information of things, which are likely to be of service
directly, or indirectly, to our glorious Cause.
In answer to your question on the probability of borrowing money in Italy for the
United States by the authority of Congress, I beg leave to offer to your perusal part
of those 2. letters to my State, which I had inclosed to you unsealed, and which having
been forwarded by Mr. Dana I find you did not see.1
Part of letter 21. dated Genoa, August 19. 1780.2
{ 234 } “You are sensible of the importance of convincing these Nations of our firmness and
abilities to support our Independency. I heartly wish you will not fail to keep me
thoroughly and constantly acquainted with whatever passes on our Continent. I have
paved the way here, as far as the present circumstances would admit, for the execution
of your future orders; have comunicated the business to the person3 I mentioned, who has promised me his friendly assistance; shall set out for Florence
in a few days, where I expect to meet with a favourable reception from the Person
in question, who can be of a great service to us, both with money, and his great credit;
but nothing can be done, you know, untill I can give satisfaction on the situation
of our affairs, and receive my powers, which must be well authenticated, and perfectly
clear.
“In my last conversation with Dr. Franklin I understood, that out of the 6. per cent
one was intended to pay for commissions, brockerage, and other expences, which I find
are unavoidable; but I find likewise that they generally amount to 3, or 4 per cent
at first, once for ever, which is much cheaper to the borrower than one per cent annually.
This is what has been done for the Queen of Hungary, the Ducal Chamber of Milan, and
others in like cases. Want of money is not now confined among the belligerent Nations;
it seems to be a general case. I hope however that we shall enjoy as good a credit
as any other, provided we can give a good account of our firmness to support our glorious
Cause. I long to hear from my Country, and to receive your commands, which I hope
will be conceived in so ample a form as to avoid the danger of putting a stop to the
business &c. &c.”
Part of letter 22. dated Florence, October 20. 1780.4
“In letter 20. dated Paris, June 22d.,5 I said that I should set out for Genoa and Florence, and do all my endeavours to
pave the way for executing such orders as I might receive. So I have done, and with
as much success in both places, as I could almost wish, considering that I have nothing
to show to corroborate what I say in regard to my Commissions. I have greatly lessened
here and there the credit of british reports to our disadvantage; and had I my powers
a loan-office would probably have been opened in Genoa to take in subscriptions for
us before I left it. Some money-men there, and an eminent merchant were determined
to send you on your terms the goods I was ordered to purchase for tobacco, and to
make use of the Emperour's flag, which they say they can easily obtain; but they wanted
to be assured that after so long an interval you might not { 235 } have altered your mind. This, you know, Sir, is more than I can do; and my ignorance
of the footing, on which our State and Continental Loan-Offices are at present, puts
out of my power to encourage adventurers in any thing, as they cannot expect an advantage
by it, unless they send a much larger capital than they can fetch back, for the reasons
mentioned in letter 8,6 and I cannot tell them how they can now dispose of their money in America. Here,
where I am since the 13. of September, I have been assured that every thing will be
done in our favour, which prudently can be done. It is very mortifying for me to be
still deprived of my Commissions and Instructions, and was not my character well known
it is probable that I should be looked upon as an impostor, since so many ships are
arrived from America, and even from Virginia, without ever a letter for me. I must
soon return to Genoa to keep in good humour our new Friends, as I find that writing
alone don't answer the purpose as well as I could wish. I shall soon after come back,
and then go to Rome, Naples, and Sicily, having been assured that something can be
done in all those places. Until I receive your positive orders I have no other rule
to go by than to act to the best of my judgment. You know, Sir, my situation, and
my feelings for our Country. To be deprived of the power of being of real service
at this time is cruel, and my state of uncertainty gives me more uneasiness than I
can express. &c. &c.”
I was again at Genoa, as I mention in the beginning of this letter, and have been
eye-witness of the large sums those people have lately imployed in France. They have
even put some money in England. They won't keep their money unimployed, and have been
tempted by the advantagious annuities of France, and the high interest given by the
other. I cannot as yet succeed to persuade them that England cannot continue much
longer to pay the interest of such exorbitant debt. The virginity of that Nation in
point of bankeruptcy is of so great service to them, that many people won't open their
eyes to look at the impossibility of continuing so; and I dare say you will find many
such where you are.
I am of opinion that some money can be borrowed in Italy, notwithstanding the large
quantity which has been employed ever since I arrived; but in order that I may persuade
them to it, it is requisite that I should be well acquainted, as I have often repeated,
with the present sistem of our Finances, and the situation and prospect of our affairs
in general.7
In mine of the 19. of October I had the honour to inform you that the people here
inclined to lend their money rather to Congress, than { 236 } to an individual State, which I likewise mentioned to Govr. Jefferson in a private
letter of the 27th. of the same month.8 But if I should have the honour to serve the United States in this, I wish that you
would undertake to justify my conduct with the Executive of my own State (by whom
I was sent cheafly to borrow money for Virginia) although I have not as yet received
the duplicates of my Commissions and Instructions, or rather new ones as I ought to
receive in consequence of what I wrote to them, and am still without an answer to
any of my letters.
You will please to remember, Sir, that Dr. Franklin tried to raise money in Italy
at 6. per cent per annum without effect, and to observe in the extract of letter 21,
that I expect to raise it on easier terms. Permit me to observe that on application
of the kind, either for Congress, or for a single State, from a person who has not
the advantage of conversing familiarly with these people, would not only have no chance
to succeed, but would be of a great prejudice to my endeavours.
I send this to Mr. Favi, desiring him to give it to Mr. Dana, who no doubt has the
means of convaying it safe to you. I wish you will let me know in your next favour9 how to direct hereafter, that I may write to you in a more direct line. Letters for
me must always be directed at Florence, and for better security they should be sent
to Mr. Favi.
Want of resolution in the Dutch, either from pusillanimity in the Nation, or corruption
in those who are at the helm of affairs, must have, I think, much disgusted the Empress
of Russia, if she has ever been in earnest. I cannot flatter myself with the prospect
of any good from the Northern Powers. Should you continue to think of them, as it
appears you did when you wrote to me, I would be greatly obliged to you for the comunication
of your reasons, not merely to satisfy my wishes, but likewise to help me to support
my arguments. In expectation of soon receiving the honour of your commands, I am most
respectfully, Sir, your Excellency's most Obedient & most Humble Servant
[signed] Philip Mazzei
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Mr. Mazzei 28th. March 1781.”
2. Mazzei to Jefferson, 19 Aug. 1780, not found (Jefferson, Papers, 3:557). Mazzei enclosed the letter to Jefferson with his to JA of 19 Aug. 1780 (vol. 10:81–82).
3. Possibly Leopold I, Grand Duke of Tuscany, whom Mazzei mentioned in his letter to
JA of 19 Aug. 1780 (vol. 10:81–82).
4. Original letter to Jefferson, not found (Jefferson, Papers, { 237 }
4:51–52). Mazzei enclosed the letter to Jefferson with his letter to JA of 19 Oct. 1780 (vol. 10:292–293).
5. Jefferson, Papers, 3:458–460.
6. Mazzei to Jeffeson, 4 March 1780 (same, 3:310–312). The inhibiting factors were the
high costs of freight and insurance coupled with the uncertain price of tobacco in
Europe.
7. Mazzei included this and the preceding two paragraphs in his letter to Jefferson of
8 April (same, 5:376).
8. Not found.
9. No reply by JA to either this letter or those of 24 and 31 May, both below, has been found. Indeed, JA's next extant letter to Mazzei is of 3 July 1782 (LbC, Adams Papers), and that is in reply to Mazzei's of 21 May 1782 (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0173
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-28
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam the 28th. March 1781
[salute] Honourable Sir
We begg leave to thank yoúr Excellency for her most obliging favoúr of Yesterday,
with the inclosed bills Accepted, may we begg the same favoúr for 7 Others since received
and here annexed. We shall not troúble Yoúr Excellency with any new proposalls respecting
the Loan, observing she wishes not to exceed the terms already proposed; we had the
honoúr to acquaint yoúr Excellency that we should have gone through with it if St.
Eústacia had not been taken, so it was, for oúr Leonard1 had pretty near the engagement ready provided we would sacrifice oúr Comission, which
Certainly we would have done; we could not yett Since resúme the negotiation, bútt
oúr good will in every Object respecting to America and to Yoúr Excellency will always
excúse oúr endeavoúrs if they dont Súcceed we are not however at a loss for some good
expectations, bútt Republicae nostrae ad exemplúm, totus componitús orbis,2 in slow motion. We had the honoúr to observe before to Yoúr Excellency that in case
a circúlation could be admitted we made no difficúlty to pay the bills then drawn,
as we are now comfirmd in the ideas we then had that oúr people wants to consider,
no generosity guides narrow minds; we wont give úp the hopes however of Succeding;
butt would be less anxioús if we had the ressoúrces in oúr Selfs which the Coúrt of
France hath, and could dispose of so many millions; and on this consideration, we
may expect as individúals that oúr will at least will be taken for deeds; we can not
expect to interfere with the Comission of those who Advance the money as Mr. Grand
is the Banker in Paris it is natúrall his hoúse here should have that preference,
as they have always done most of the bússiness for the French Coúrt, and oúr wishes
were that American Conections might be centred in oúr Republicq withoút Any intermediation,
and this we hope still to promote.
If this should have a bad effect on the American loan in this Republicq we could only
be sorrow for it and it may; the French at { 238 } least some among them will like it; bútt after the publicq Comotions here will be
settled, we may be steadier in oúr attatchments, they prove in generall as light as
we are heavy; we thank Yoúr Excellency for the preference given to ús, and will deserve
the same for never the Coúrt of France can blame Yoúr Excellency for the terms, we
have convincing proves that doctr. Franklin offerd larger then we ever desired from
Yoúr Excellency.
Oúr private Negotiations are going on, when they are open and clos'd we are, when
not we can keep oúr guard as well as others. May we give Yoúr Excellency joy on a
generall good prospect, for the Caúse of Liberty in which we flatter oúr Selfs to
have the Same though perhaps through different Channels, and could it not be possible
that oúr Ideas came from the Same Source.
The Letters enclosed3 we forward according to oúr duty And have the honoúr to be with all respectfúll regard
Honourd sir Yoúr Excellencys most devoted obedient húmble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
The 7 bills mentiond is 1 For Mr. Hodshon 6 For ús.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Jean de Neufville's son Leendert, or Leonard.
2. The whole world has been arranged according to the example of our republic.
3. The enclosed letters have not been identified.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0174
Recipient: President of Congress
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Date: 1781-03-29
To the President of Congress
Leyden, 29 March 1781. RC in John Thaxter's hand PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel No. 1, f. 287–294. printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:335–337.
Read in Congress on 19 Nov., this letter consists of an English translation of the
memorial that Baron de Lynden, the Dutch envoy at the Swedish court, presented on
28 Feb. to Count Ulrik Scheffer, the Swedish foreign minister. The points set down
in the memorial, which the Dutch also sent to Denmark and Russia, are essentially
those contained in the States General's countermanifesto of 12 March (to the president
of Congress, 18 March, calendared above). It emphasized that Britain's decision to initiate hostilities
was not the result of any Dutch transgression, such as the Lee-Neufville treaty, but
rather the States General's decision to accede to the armed neutrality. The Netherlands
was at war because it had sought to preserve and protect its neutrality, therefore
it was incumbent on the other members of the armed neutrality to come to its aid under
the terms of the agreement.
Unfortunately for the Dutch, their hopes for assistance from members of the armed
neutrality were in vain. In response the Swedish foreign minister { 239 } | view suggested that Sweden, Denmark, and Russia jointly propose an armistice and a return
to the status quo ante-bellum. This undertaking would be supported by the naval forces of the three powers and
would force Britain to reflect seriously on the consequences that the continuation
of the war with the Netherlands would have on its relations with the Northern Powers
(Scott, ed., Armed Neutralities of 1780 and 1800, p. 370–374).
Catherine II rejected any notion that the armed neutrality should intervene effectively
in the Anglo-Dutch war. She was no more willing than the Swedish foreign minister
to risk war with Britain, but neither was she willing to permit either the League
of Armed Neutrality or the Netherlands to become inconvenient obstacles to her effort
to mediate between Britain and France (same, p. 375–380; De Madariaga, Armed Neutrality of 1780, p. 309–311; first letter to the president of Congress, 23 June, below).
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel No. 1, f. 287–294). printed: Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:335–337.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0175
Recipient: President of Congress
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Date: 1781-03-29
To the President of Congress
Duplicate
[dateline] Leyden March 29th. 1781
[salute] Sir
It is of Importance to the People of America to observe how much lighter their own
Burthens are than those of their Enemies, and for this Reason, I have every Year since
I have been in Europe taken Notice of the new Taxes laid annually in Perpetuity upon
the People of Great Britain by Parliament, in Support of Tyranny, in addition to all
former Debts and Taxes.1 One sixth Part of the new Taxes of this Year, would be more than sufficient to pay
the Interest of the whole Sum which America will this Year expend in Support of Liberty.
| The new Taxes consist in an additional duty of five per Cent upon all Articles subject to the duty of Excise, except Malt, Soap and Candles and green Leather, valued at | 150,000 | £ Sterlg. |
| Seven per Cent upon the Drawbacks at the Custom house. | 167,000 | |
| role="text"an additional Duty of one Penny three farthings upon each Pound of Tobacco | 61,000 | |
| a Duty of an half penny upon each Pound of Sugar | 326,000 | |
| 704,000 | ||
| The Interest of the new Loan is said to amount only to | 660,000 | |
| which leaves a Surplus of | 44,000 |
There cannot be a more striking Contrast than that between the Conduct of Lord [North] and Mr. Neckar. The abilities of the former as a Financier consist wholly in laying
on new Taxes without End: those of the other lie in finding Resources for vast Expences
without laying any new Burthens on the People. Mr. Neckar is laying a foundation for
a Credit in France as solid as that of Great Britain, by stating to the Public, the
Expences and Revenues. This is the only solid Foundation of public Credit. America
will never obtain a Credit of any Consequence in Europe, until She has a Credit at
Home. It is demonstrable that the People of America are able to lend to Congress every
Year, more than Money enough to carry on the War and pay all Expences. What is the
Reason they do not? The Reasons are plain: first, they have not known that the public
Money was expended by any fixed Rule, so that they could judge how much it amounted
to: secondly, they did not see any certain Prospect of the punctual Payment of Interest
or Principal at a fixed Value. All the Art of financieering in America lies in ascertaining
with precision, by a fixed Standard, how much our Expences are: next ascertaining
what our Income is: thirdly, how much must be borrowed: fourthly, how to assure the
Payment of Interest and Principal.
If Taxes could be laid by Congress upon Exports and Imports, and upon the Consumption
of Articles of Luxury, Convenience and Necessity as they are in Europe, America would
be able to raise more every Year in Taxes, than She has ever Spent in one Year. Nay
We might oblige Foreigners to pay all the Expences of the War, and establish a Credit
much more solid than that of Great Britain, because We have not such a debt to begin
with. But without recurring to this System, which might injure our Commerce as well
as our Liberties, it is unquestionably owing entirely to Regulations of Prices, Embargoes,
and stamping an arbitrary Value upon what had no Value, that has hitherto ruined our
Credit. But when all these Systems shall be totally abolished in the several States,
and Measures shall be taken to lay annual Taxes of a certain Value, and those Taxes
mortgaged for the Payment of Interest, there is not a doubt but every State may obtain
Credit enough for the Necessities of its Inhabitants.
[salute] I have the Honour to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant
[signed] John Adams
1. For previous reports by JA on the British budget and the loans and taxes necessary to support it, see his letters
to the president of Congress of 1 March 1779 (vol. 8:1–2) and 27 March 1780 { 241 }
(calendared, vol. 9:86–87). The new taxes described in this letter are those Lord
North presented to Parliament on 14 March in support of his budget. The figures are
in the form in which they appeared in the various London newspapers, such as the London Chronicle of 13–15 March.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0176-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-30
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Lahaie 30e. Mars 1781
J'ai bien reçu l'honneur de votre Lettre du 27e. et vous suis trèsredevable de l'obligeante
intention qui vous a engagé à me l'écrire.
Je n'ai pu voir encore personne pour savoir ce qui se passe, n'ayant pas trouvé les
gens chez eux, et aussi parce que j'ai été indisposé depuis deux jours. Je sortirai
ce soir pour tâcher de m'instruire.
Si vous allez à Amsterdam, ayez la bonté, Monsieur, de m'avertir du jour de votre
départ, et du temps que vous serez absent de Leide: c'est une précaution nécessaire
dans ces temps, ou il se peut présenter d'un jour à l'autre quelque évenement qui
puisse m'engager à aller vous parler à Leide; et je ne voudrois pas faire de course
inutile.
Quand vous m'écrivez par la poste, mon nom seul suffit sur l'adresse, parce qu'il
est connu là. Mais par les barques, il est bon d'y ajouter chez Made. la Veuve Loder;1 autrement des Lettres risquent de se perdre.
On fait bâtir actuellement pour l'Amirauté d'Amsterdam des Vaisseaux de guerre sur
des Chantiers privés. Un seul Constructeur à Sardam a offert d'en bâtir Six. Je suis
avec un grand respect Monsieur, Votre très-humble & très obéissant serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0176-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-30
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 30 March 1781
I have received the honor of your letter of the 27th and am indebted to you for your
obliging intentions which prompted you to write me.
I have not been able to see anyone to find out what is going on because no one has
been in and also because I have been indisposed for the past two days. I will go out
this evening to try to learn something.
If you go to Amsterdam, have the kindness, sir, to inform me of your departure date,
and the length of time that you will be absent from Leyden. It is a necessary precaution
these days, since some event may present itself that I must come to tell you of at
Leyden and for which I would not like to make a useless trip.
When you write to me through the post, it is only necessary to write my name on the
address because everyone knows it. But if the letter is carried by boat, it is good
to add chez Made. la Veuve Loder.1 Otherwise the letters risk being lost.
{ 242 } They are currently building ships of war for the Admiralty of Amsterdam in private
shipyards. A shipbuilder in Zaandam offered to build six. I am with great respect,
sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Dumas' wife Marie, whose first husband was named Loder (Schulte Nordholt, Dutch Republic and Amer. Independence, p. 48).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0177
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-03-31
From James Lovell
[dateline] March 31st. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I send you a few Prints and the last monthly Journals yet from the Press.1 The Enemy will give you one of the most candid accounts of the naval Engagement on
the 16th. that I have at any time seen in Rivington's royal Gazette. Our Allies have
conducted most gallantly: a Fog which seperated their Ships a few days before the
Engagement deprived them of the Opportunity of giving an immense Turn to our southern
Affairs. However, their proved Zeal and Activity have so impressed the Enemy, that
the british Fleet has not ventured to remain in Cheseapeak to push the Advantages
which had fallen to them by the Chance of War.2 We have some pretty possitive Information of a severe Cannonade of three hours at Sea on the morning of the 24th. after the british had gone down the Bay of Cheseapeak,
at present I suspect that both the Severity and Continuance are heightened by Imagination
from some single Engagement between two Frigates. It cannot be the Rhode Island Squadron.
I have not heard from your Lady of late. I shall have Opportunity in a few days, I
think, to send what Jones brought for her.
We impatiently wait for your Comments upon the british Conduct at St. Eustatia and
the Manner in which Their H. Ms. of the U Provinces receive it.
[salute] I am affectionately yours
[signed] James Lovell
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Honble. John Adams Minister Plenipoy. of the U Ss. of America now in
Holland”; endorsed by John Thaxter: “Mr. Lovell. 31st. March 1781.”
1. Besides the enclosed prints and journals that have not been identified, this letter
may have contained copies of two letters from Nathanael Greene to the president of
Congress, dated 10 and 16 March respectively. The first described Greene's preparations
for and anticipation of an engagement with Cornwallis' army; the second described
the Battle of Guilford Courthouse on 15 March. There are copies of these letters,
in a clerk's hand, in the Adams Papers under the date of 31 March, the day on which they were read in Congress (JCC, 19:335).
2. James Rivington's New York Royal Ga• { 243 } zette of 28 March contained a detailed account of the battle on 16 March off the Virginia
Capes at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay between fleets commanded by Adm. Marriot Arbuthnot
and Como. Destouches.
The battle was not as decisive as Lovell indicates. Destouches obtained a tactical
advantage and severely damaged three of the British vessels, thereby obtaining superiority
over the British. He did not, however, press his advantage and, instead, returned
to the French base at Newport. This permitted the British to retire to Lynnhaven Bay,
just inside the Virginia Capes, and maintain control over access to the Chesapeake
while they repaired their ships and regrouped (Mahan, Navies in the War of Amer. Independence, p. 170–174).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0178-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-02
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] 2e Avril, [1781]
[salute] Monsieur
Vous voudrez bien avoir la bonté de joindre le Postcrit ci joint à ma derniere Lettre
pour le Congrès.1
Deux personnages, sur lesquels je puis me fier, m'ont promis de s'informer touchant
le sort de votre Meme. à L. H. P. Mr. Visser croit qu'il a été remis par le Président
au Committé secret de L. H. P., qui est toujours compose des premiers Députés des
provinces respectives. Si vous êtes à Leide, je pourrai bien y faire un tour pour
vous faire une visite à la fin de cette semaine.
Je suis avec un très-grand respect, Monsieur Votre très-humble & très-obéissant serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0178-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-02
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] 2 April [1781]
[salute] Sir
Could you kindly attach the enclosed postscript to my last letter for Congress.1
Two people, whom I can trust, have promised to keep me informed of the fate of your
memorial to the High Mightinesses. Mr. Visscher believes that it was given by the
president to the secret committee of the High Mightinesses, which is always composed
of the first deputies of each province. If you are at Leyden, I could visit you at
the end of this week.
I am with very great respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Mr. Dumas 2d. April 1781.”
1. This was Dumas' letter to Congress of 22 March (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:322–323). There he commented on the agreement of the Dutch provinces to Russia's
mediation offer, the impending court decision regarding the role of the Regency of
Amsterdam in the Lee-Neufville treaty, the capture of St. Eustatius, and rumors that
Britain had refused the Russian mediation offer. In the postscript, dated 2 April,
Dumas indicated that he was expecting interesting news from St. Petersburg and noted
a proposal by Amsterdam merchants to send representatives to Britain to plead for
the return of goods seized at St. Eustatius, a course of action the merchants of Rotterdam
rejected.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0179
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-03
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam 3 April 1781
[salute] Honourd Sir
May it please Yoúr Excellency; to receive with the assúrance of oúr most respectfúll
regard, the compliments of Mr. Ch. H Themmen of Groninqúe, who charged ús there with
in a Letter; and promises to procúre ús by his frend a packet for Yoúr Excellency,
which Mr. Francis Dana from Paris charged ús to forward;1 whe shall comply there with the moment we receive it; it hath been left as Mr. Themmen
writes at Valenciennes, by a mistake, from whence he hath Claimed it, and refers to
Mr. Hazlehúrst, who should in Short be here, for fúrther information.
We begg leave to remember to Yoúr Excellency the 7 Bills we had the honoúr to inclose
last week,2 and though we have not received any Accoúnt aboút them, we can not persuade oúr Selfs
they can have miscarried.
As to the Loan, we hope Yoúr Excellency won't take it Amiss that we could not conclude
úpon anything as yett; we observed already, that withoút the Captúre of St. Eústacia
we should have placed the whole on some terms of different payments, we should even
have sacrificed oúr Comission, we wish some happy event may bring ús soon so farr
again for oúr undertakers wont come to Any proposalls at present; We found oút one
however, who offerd to assist ús, and to dispose from time to time of as many obligations
as he Could, with an allowance of 2 p Ct. butt he insisted úpon a Credit of a month
for what he should take, even with the bonds in his hands, if it would remain a trifling
matter, as it should be, in the beginning, we should not mention a word aboút it for
would trúst it to him, bútt it would directly go higher then oúr Comission would Amoúnt
to, this offer then we are obliged again to lay before yoúr Excellency for her Contemplation;
we have a great prospect with this man of going farr if we could agree to such terms
as would make it sufficiently his intrest, for he himself should take the half p Ct.
brokerage and allow the 2 p Ct. to others he employd, for which reason he refúses
to pay directly withoút Some other Complication, and be it even small there is always
risk in giving credit. This we thought it our duty to acquaint Yoúr Excellency with;
she may depend upon that oúr own glory will not permitt ús to leave any thing unattempted
to obey her orders in the most effectúall manner as we have the honoúr to be most
devot• { 245 } edly Honorable Sir Yoúr Excellencys most Obedient and most humble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0180
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-04
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels April 4th. 1781
[salute] Sir
By a London Newspaper receivd this Day by the way of Margate (for the two last posts
are not Arrivd) I find that Tarlton has been defeated by Genl. Morgan near 96.1 The Congress has published an Account of it, which I suppose the English Ministry
will secrete, but it appears by private Letters, that a number of men have been Killed
or taken Prisoners. That Tarletons own regiment is almost entirely cut to peices—that
He was near being taken Prisoner Himself and that his Baggage is destroyed. Rivington
endeavours to make light of the Action, but shews at the same time, it was a serious
One—when the Vessel left N York, which was the 25th. of Febry Genl. Philips was preparing
to embark with 5000 Men,2 supposd for Virginia.
By the same Paper we have an Account that a french Vessel with Dispatches from the
Mauritius is taken and carried to England, but by some papers found in her it appears
that Hyder Ally having collected an Army of 80000 Horse had laid Siege to Arcot, that
the Colonels Baillie and Fletcher attempting to go to its relief were totally defeated
with the Loss of 400 Europeans and 4000 Seapoys, that Arcot was taken together with
Pondicheri and that the whole Province of Arcot was in the Hands of Hyder Ally, Col.
Munro having with Difficulty got back to Madras.3
I have the Honor of receiving your Excellencys Letter of the 22d. Ultimo and shall
Carefully attend to the political Rule laid down therein.
What a pleasant trouble has your Excellency had in writing your Name 29 Thousand times
for such a purpose—give me leave to beg your Excellency would send me some Copies
of your proposals in Dutch—I have been spoken to on the Subject.
I am with the greatest Respect Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servt
[signed] Edm: Jenings
P.S. I send a duplicate of this to Leyden.4
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Mr. Jennings 4th. April 1781.” Dupl (Adams Papers). Jenings sent one copy of this letter to Amsterdam and another to Leyden. Because
JA was in Amsterdam 5–7 April, it is likely that he received the copy sent to Amsterdam
first. The editors have designated the copy sent to Leyden as the duplicate.
1. The Battle of Cowpens took place approximately fifty miles north of Ninety Six, S.C.
On the morning of 17 Jan., Lt. Col. Banastre Tarleton, commanding a force of 1,100
infantry and cavalry, attacked 800 regulars and militia commanded by Gen. Daniel Morgan.
The Americans decisively defeated Tarleton, inflicting over 800 casualties and driving
him from the field. This victory was notable not only for being “one of the few tactical
defeats suffered by British regulars during the war,” but also for the attrition of
the forces available to Cornwallis (Middlekauff, Glorious Cause, p. 470–476; Mackesy, War for America, p. 405; The Toll of Independence: The Engagements and Battle Casualties of the American Revolution, ed. Howard H. Peckham, Chicago, 1974, p. 79). The report on the battle that Jenings
read and commented on appeared in the 27 March editions of the London newspapers and
was taken from Rivington's Royal Gazette of 23 Feb. (London Chronicle, 27–29 March). It was intended to counteract the “Exaggerated accounts ... published
by the rebels.” In fact, the first accounts in American papers were taken from a letter
of 24 Jan. from Daniel Morgan to Nathanael Greene in which Morgan accurately described
the battle and the magnitude of his victory (Pennsylvania Gazette, 14 Feb.; Boston Independent Chronicle, 22 Feb.). By 31 March accounts of the battle more accurate than that in Rivington's
paper reached England in the form of letters from Lord Cornwallis and Lt. Col. Nisbet
Balfour, commandant of Charleston (London Chronicle, 31 March – 3 April).
2. In the duplicate, Jenings omitted the remainder of this sentence.
3. On 29 March London newspapers, including the London Courant, Morning Herald, and London Chronicle, carried the first detailed accounts of the defeats suffered by the British East
India Company and its military forces at the beginning of the Second Mysore War. These
accounts were accurate and form the basis for Jenings' report here and in the duplicate,
where the phrasing was slightly different. Hyder Ali continued to occupy the Carnatic—the
area along the southeastern coast of India centered on Arcot and Madras—and the British
forces remained confined to the East India Company's base at Madras (B. Sheikh Ali,
British Relations with Haidar Ali, 1760– 1782, Mysore, India, 1963, p. 225–257).
4. The postscript to the duplicate reads: “I send a duplicate of this to Amsterdam. I
have desird Msrs. De Neufville to send me some of the Proposals.”
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0181
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-04
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam 4th. Aprill 1781
[salute] Honourd Sir
The expection of the french Letters made it to late yesterday, so that oúr Letters
reached to late even for the post, where for we múst begg Yoúr Excellencys pardon
to have only forwarded the Same to day by the Way of Harlem, we receivd English Letters
since, a great deal of good news seem to be in the papers both from the Continent
and the East Indies. We think they make largely úpp for the boasted of afair of St.
Eustacia; we have gott lately letters miscarried going to the Hagúe, so we begg yoúr
Excellency to excúse oúr Caution not to extend on some particúlars, which were Comúnicated
to ús, they relate to illúcidate some matters which alas we are to openly convinced
of already; and by which means we may hope every thing will túrn well at last and
to oúr Wishes.
{ 247 } We have the honoúr to be with the most devoted Esteem Honorable Sir Yoúr Excellencys
most Obedient and most húmble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0182
Recipient: President of Congress
Recipient: Huntington, Samuel
Date: 1781-04-06
To the President of Congress
[dateline] Amsterdam April 6. 1781
[salute] Sir
This Day the Skipper of a Trech Schuit, brought me, your Excellencys important Dispatches
by Coll. Laurens. The Coll. delivered them to Mr. Dana at Paris, with perfect Propriety.
Mr. Dana with equal Propriety delivered them to a Gentleman of Character, who undertook
to deliver them at Amsterdam, but unfortunately forgot them at Valenciennes. From
Valenciennes they travelled partly by Post, partly by the dilligence and partly by
the Trech Schuits, that is the Barks which ply in this Country in the Canals, and
by a Kind of Miracle arrived Safe. I had been apprized of them and their Misfortune,
long before they reached me, and Suffered Torments enough on their Account, altho
I took all the Precautions in my Power to recover them.1
Their wonderfull Preservation affords some hopes, that they are destined to do good.
Yet the Prospect is but distant.
I am very Sensible of the Honour done me by these fresh Instances of the Confidence
of Congress, and most Sincerely wish it were in my Power to give any Encouragement
of Success. But my Proposals for a Loan, although apparently well received by the
Public, have as yet had no success, and I have no Power to discharge the Bills of
Exchange, drawn upon Mr. Laurens and me and excepted, but from Mr. Franklin.2 The War has Struck Such a Damp and Gloom, excited So great a Fermentation, and so
many apprehensions, of popular Commotions and many other dangers some real and some
imaginary, that I think Still as I have constantly written to Congress, We shall find
no private Credit, untill We are publickly received by the States and the Prince,
and when that will be I know not. I fear it will be long, but shall soon try the Experiment.
The Powers and Credentials are perfect, and Mr. Dana's appointment to Russia will
aid me, if any thing can. The delay of Spain is an obstruction to Us here and every
where.
If one were to judge by the Paragraphs, which appear in the English Newspapers and
in the Courier du Bas Rhin, one would think that { 248 } there was a most malignant Spirit against Mr. Vanberkel, and the Burgomasters of Amsterdam,
and a determination to Sacrifice him if possible. I rather think however that these
Paragraphs are the Fabrication of some of the old Instruments of Sir Joseph Yorke—they
are not most certainly the sense of this nation, in whose Estimation in General the
Gentlemen of Amsterdam Stand high.3
I will not dissemble however to Congress, the Councils of this People are the most
inscrutable, of any I ever Saw. There is a Standing Army, and that is marched and
cantoned about in new Places. This Army, and every civil officer, in publick Trust
is Supposed, to have a decided Inclination to England, and against America, but especially
against France. There are mutual Suspicions of Designs of Innovation, but I hope not
well founded. All this together with the Novelty of War and the defenceless State
of the Nation, intimidates every Body.
I have the Honour to be
LbC (Adams Papers). There is no copy of this letter in the PCC.
2. JA is referring to Congress' resolutions of 2 and 28 Oct. 1780, authorizing him to accept bills of exchange drawn on Henry Laurens, copies of which
he had received earlier (from Francis Dana, 10 Jan., calendared above), and probably to Congress' resolution of 3 Jan. 1781, authorizing
the Board of Treasury to draw bills on JA (JCC, 19:20). The last, although there is no specific reference to it, was probably included
in the packet from Congress that JA had just received.
3. The Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser of 30 March carried four items from the Netherlands, all false. It reported that
a majority of the States General condemned the States of Holland for the Anglo-Dutch
war, but did not announce the condemnation for fear of inciting unrest; that insurrectionists
destroyed the houses of van Berckel and others favorable to the American cause; that
van Berckel's property had been confiscated; and, finally, the Stadholder's decision
to force the gates of Amsterdam.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0183
Recipient: La Vauguyon, Paul François de Quélen de Stuer de Causade, Duc de
Date: 1781-04-06
To the Duc de La Vauguyon
[dateline] Leyden <April 6> 1781
[salute] Sir
I have the Honour to acquaint your Excellency, that I have received from Congress
a Commission, to their High Mightinesses with full Powers and Instructions to <treat with their high mightinesses, concerning> to conclude a Treaty of Amity and Commerce.
I have also received Letters of Credence as a Minister Plenipotentiary to <their High Mightinesses>, the states General, and to <his Most Serene Highness the> Prince of Orange,1 and have made all the Communication to <both that is in my> their high Mightinesses and { 249 } to his most Serene Highness, that is in my Power, untill it is determined whether
I shall be received or not.2
By the 10 Article of the Treaty of Alliance, between the King and the United States3
I do my self the Honour to communicate this to your Excellency for your Information,
that if any Circumstances should occur, in which the United States may be of service
to the common Cause, your Excellency may know where to apply, and that you may have
an Opportunity of knowing the sentiments of his Majesty if you judge proper. I shall
always be ready to concur with your Excellency whenever it is necessary or proper,
that the United States should be made Parties, in any Transactions for the common
Good. I have the Honour to be, with the greatest Respect and Consideration, your Excellencys
most obedient and most humble Servant
LbC (Adams Papers); notations at the top and bottom: “not sent nor copied.” When JA decided not to send this letter he drew a line through the text.
3. JA presumably intended to insert here the text of Art. 10, which provided for admission
to the alliance of other powers “who may have received injuries from England” (Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:39). JA had long seen this provision as a means to persuade France to aid the U.S. in obtaining
recognition and assistance from other powers. He had considered taking it up with
La Vauguyon in a letter of 19 Feb., above, which he did not send, and would take it up in earnest in his letter of 1 May, below.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0184
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-06
From John Bondfield
[dateline] Bordeaux 6 April 1781
[salute] Sir
Letters from Cadiz inform us of the arrival of a Vessel at that port from Baltimore
she left the Bay the 16 february. The Capt. reports more than we can well Credit,
that Arnold had made great distruction in the circuit he had taken which had rouzed
the Virginians that a Body of Six Thousand Men had got betwixt him and his Shiping
and they were in dayly expectation of his being Burgoign'd. The Americans had gaind
a considerable advantage over the Enemy in So. Carolina, and that the affairs in general
were in a flurishing State the New Emissions were Current without depreciation and
the Royal Interest every where declined. The Ann and Luzern saild from Lorient the
27th. as did the Alliance and the Marquis de la fayet, the 29th. The safe arrival
of the two last ships will give great satisfaction to the States the Marquis de la
fayet having on Board all the Clothing provided by J. Williams consisting of eight
Thousand Suits made up { 250 } and cloth to make up 4000 more a quantity greatly short of that mentiond by Genl.
Sulivan in his intercepted Letter which if it containd what realy the States expect
so great a difficientcy will be a provoking disapointment.1
We flatterd ourselves Holland would have created a divertion in the North Seas we
do not find a single Ship yet at Sea. Letters from Madrid of the 30th. mention the
appearance of the Spanish Fleet off Cadiz. Spain has not force to oppose to the Fleet
under Darby who will enter Gibraltar without Oppossien. The french Fleet from Brest
Saild the 23 of course only a day After the English Fleet left Silly2 a rencontre of them Fleets is not improbable.3 With respect I have the Honor to be Sir your very hbb Serv
[signed] John Bondfield
RC (Adams Papers).
1. John Sullivan's letter of 15 Nov. 1780 to Meshech Weare was intercepted and subsequently
printed in London newspapers (from Edmund Jenings, 5 Feb., and note 3, above). Sullivan complained that the army was “almost Naked” because of the unaccountable
failure to send uniforms purchased in France for 49,000 troops (Smith, ed., Letters of Delegates, 16:339).
The Marquis de Lafayette, a French ship purchased by Leray de Chaumont in 1780 and then chartered by Jonathan
Williams, was to transport approximately 500 tons of clothing and military supplies
to America. Although it sailed with the Alliance, the Marquis de Lafayette became separated from the frigate on 29 April and four days later the British frigate
Endymion captured it after a three-hour battle. For a detailed history of the Marquis de Lafayette and Benjamin Franklin's efforts to send the supplies purchased in France to the U.S.,
see Claude A. Lopez, “Benjamin Franklin, Lafayette, and the Lafayette,” Amer. Philos. Soc., Procs., 108 (1964):181–223.
2. The Isles of Scilly.
3. Bondfield's hopes for an engagement between Grasse and Darby were not fulfilled. The
French fleet sailed from Brest on 22 March, at which time Darby was still waiting
off the Irish coast for the victualers to join him from the depot at Cork. Darby's
fleet reached Gibraltar on 12 April and, although the supply ships unloaded under
fire, accomplished the relief with relative ease because the Spanish fleet elected
to remain in Cádiz (Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 222–225; Mackesy, War for America, p. 388–389).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0185
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-07
From “Boston”
[dateline] Amsterdam 7 Apl. 1780 [i.e., 1781]
[salute] Dr Sir
Persuaded as I am that the mentioning the Observations I have lately heard made by
many respectable men of this place, will be taken in a proper light, I should think
it Treason to our States, to Conceal the most trifling Circumstance that the Communicating
of to you, could either benefit or prejudice. As besides things that are Matter of
Opinion, will never reflect on your private Character, whom all that are acquainted
with it as well as I am will and must ever hold in the highest respect.
The remarks I allude to, which is repeatedly made and lately in my { 251 } presence where a Member of this Regency happen'd to be—Was that your appearance, as
a publick Character here, from States, which already Commands the Admiration as well
as Attention of Europe; Was not Sufficiently Splendid or respectable, for to Support
with proper dignity the Character of an Ambassador so as to gain that respect and
Credit, which we want, from this Capital; and whose Confidence in the present Moment
is of essential Service to the Support of our Credit. Some supposed the Allowance
of our States was not Sufficient to enable you to sustain the Character of an Ambassador
or Envoy, with proper dignity, and that your own fortune added thereto could not Supply
the defficiency, whilst others said our Enemies, were base enough to assure our States
could not Support you properly, and that out of the Small Allowance they made you,
you Wished to save as much of it as you Could. Which Accounted, for the mean lodgings
You had put up with, which where no ways suited to receive or entertain (as must be
done in your Situation) those Members of the Regency as well as other respectable
Characters here, whose friendly Support in many instances we stand so much need of.
Though I am well persuaded the best Motives sways your Actions, and that you wou'd
even Sacrifice fortune and every thing that's dear to you to that first of all Considerations
the good of our dear, ever dear Country—and that there surmise in every particular
is ill founded, I cannot but wish as does every American, that those reasons, which
have determined you to keep in so retired a State may soon cease, and that we may
close the Mouth of Slander by seeing you have a decent House for your Residence, Carriage
and that requisite State as Dr. Fr. which though of more Expence to the States of
A. yet will be of Infinite advantage to Collect and connect the friends of our Cause
and make them be more known, which will be great Service In many Instances I know
of. I have gone farther than mentioning the remarks I have heard, since I have added
my own wishes, but I submit both to your Consideration as I am persuaded, you are
Nevertheless assured of that respect and Affection borne you by him, whom you know
without his Subscribing any otherways than
[signed] Boston1
RC (Adams Papers).
1. This letter may have influenced JA's decision two days later to commission the firm of Sigourney, Ingraham, & Bromfield
to procure a residence “suitable for a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States
to receive and entertain Company” (to Sigourney, Ingraham, & Bromfield, 9 April, below).
The text and signature suggest that “Bos• { 252 } | view ton” was an American whom JA had met in Amsterdam. The author may be the same person who, calling himself “Monitor,”
wrote to JA on 20 May 1782 (Adams Papers). This is one of several anonymous letters written during this period critical of
JA's activities in the Netherlands and designed to divide the U.S. Peace Commissioners.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0186
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-07
From Benjamin Franklin
[dateline] Passy, April 7. 1781
[salute] Sir
Among the late intercepted Letters from London, is one from the Army Agent there to
the Traitor Arnold, by which it appears that his Bribe was 5000 £ Sterling, in Bills
drawn on Harley & Drummond, who are the Contractors for furnishing the Army with Money.
Inclos'd I send you a Copy of that Letter, and shall send you others by next Post.1
The English Papers tell us, that you have succeeded in your Loan. Be so good as to
inform me if it is true. It will give me great Pleasure. I obtain'd here, before Col.
Laurens's Arrival, a Promise of 6,000,000 for our Army, to which I hope his Sollicitations
will make a considerable Addition. The Marquis de la Fayette sail'd the 27th. past,
under Convoy of the Alliance, with a fair Wind, and a Cargo for the Publick, of Arms,
Clothing, &c. valued at 1,000,000
.
With great Respect, I am, Sir, Your Excellency's most obedient & most humble Servant
[signed] B Franklin
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The packet Anna Theresa, bound from Falmouth to New York, sailed on 15 March. Soon thereafter a French frigate
captured it and carried it into Lorient. The crew threw the mail overboard, but it
failed to sink and the crew of the frigate retrieved it. The mail included numerous
letters from Lord George Germain and others to officials in America. At least sixteen
of the intercepted letters found their way into Franklin's hands and he enclosed them
with a duplicate of his letter of 12 March to the president of Congress, which reached
that body on or about 16 July (London Chronicle, 5–7 April; JCC, 20:750–751; PCC, No. 51, I, f. 777–828). Many of the letters soon appeared, some with editorial commentary
attached, in American newspapers, including the Pennsylvania Gazette (25 July; 1, 15, and 29 Aug.; 1 Sept.) and the Boston Independent Chronicle (16 and 23 Aug.).
Franklin's enclosure has not been found, but from his description it clearly was James
Meyrick's letter to Benedict Arnold, dated 30 Jan., Parliament Street, London. Meyrick
gave an account of his investment of £5,000 in bills of exchange drawn on Harley &
Drummond that he received from Arnold. A French translation of the letter, possibly
supplied by JA, appeared in the Gazette de Leyde of 20 April. For additional intercepted letters Franklin sent to JA, see his letter of 29 April, note 2, below.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0187
Recipient: Dumas, Charles William Frederic
Date: 1781-04-08
To C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Leyden April 8 1781 Sunday Morning
[salute] Sir
I returned last night to Leyden, and would Set off this morning for the Hague, if
particular Reasons did not oppose.
{ 253 } Having Something, a little interesting to communicate to you, I should be very much
obliged to you, if you could come here to morrow morning. I should be glad of your
answer this Evening, because if any thing makes it inconvenient to you to come here,
I will go to the Hague, and be with you by Noon. It would be much better however for
you to come here if you can.1
[salute] Adieu.
[signed] J. Adams
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0188
Recipient: Sigourney, Ingraham, & Bromfield (business)
Date: 1781-04-09
To Sigourney, Ingraham, & Bromfield
[dateline] Leyden April 9th. 1781
[salute] Gentlemen
I am engaged in some Affairs, which will oblige me to be absent from Amsterdam for
some days if not for some Weeks, but when I return it will be necessary for me to
have an House to put my Head in and Furniture, suitable for a Minister Plenipotentiary
from the United States to receive and entertain Company &c. not in the Style of Sir
J. Y. of 80.000 Guilders a Year, but however decent enough for my Character in Europe
to dine in, with a Republican Citizen.
Will You Gentlemen do me the favour to hire me an House and purchase me Furniture?
You may get me the most suitable House You can find, and You need not hesitate at
any Price less than 3.000 Guilders a Year. You will however use your Prudence in getting
the best House that is to be had, at as cheap a Rate as may be.
As to Furniture, it will not be necessary to get every thing at once, but You must
get the necessary Kitchen Furniture, Four Beds suitable for Gentlemen to lodge in,
and two at least suitable for Servants. There must be Chairs Tables &c. for one large
Room to receive Company, and Chairs and Tables for another Room to do Business. I
shall want a prudent skillful Man Servant to take Care of the House, Kitchen and Cellar.
If I could find a Man and his Wife, who would live in the Kitchen and be capable of
taking the Care of every thing, it would be most agreable to me.
I beg your Answer as soon as possible. I will chearfully allow You what Commissions
you please upon this Business, and I ask the favour of You to take this Trouble upon
You, rather than Mr. De Neufville, who I suppose would oblige me, because You are
better acquainted with American Ideas.
{ 254 } Mr. De Neufville, or the House of Horneca, Fitzeau & Co. will I presume furnish You
the Money, or I will send it to You as You choose—the sooner the better. If it does
not agree with your affairs to undertake this Business, I should be obliged to You
to let me know immediately, that I may desire some other to do it.1
I am Gentlemen with Esteem and Respect, your Friend & Hble Servant.
LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers).
1. The firm accepted JA's commission in a letter of 10 April (not found) and soon found a suitable residence.
Writing to Benjamin Franklin and Edmund Jenings on 27 April, both below, and to AA on 28 April (Adams Family Correspondence, 4:108), JA announced that he had taken a house in Amsterdam “upon the Keysers Gragt ... near
the Spiegel Straat.” For an engraving of the house in 1781 or 1782 and a photograph
taken in 1960, see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:ix, facing 322. JA resided there until May 1782, when he moved to The Hague.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0189
Recipient: Franklin, Benjamin
Date: 1781-04-10
To Benjamin Franklin
[dateline] Leyden April 10th. 1781
[salute] Sir
Relying on your Virtues of and Graces of Faith and Hope, I accepted SSix Bills to
the Amount of ten thousand Pounds Sterling, drawn in favour of Mr. Tracy.1
I have recieved Advice from Congress of more Bills drawn upon me: when they arrive
and are presented, I must write You concerning them and desire You to enable me to
discharge them: for I am sorry to be obliged to say, that although I have opened a
Loan according to the best Plan I could, and the Plan and the Loan seems to be countenanced
by the Public, yet there is little Money obtained, scarcely enough to defray the Expence
of Obligations and Stamps; and it is daily more and more clear to me, that We shall
never obtain a Loan here, until our Independence is acknowledged by the States— 'till
then every Man seems to be afraid, that his having any thing to do in it, will be
made a foundation of a criminal Process or a Provocation to the Resentment of the
Mob.
The Time is very near when some of the Bills I accepted become payable. I must intreat
your Excellency's Answer to this as soon as convenient,2 and to point out to me whether You choose that the House of Fitzeau & Grand & Co.
or any other should pay the Money. It is a most grievous Mortification to me to find
that America has no Credit here, while England certainly still has so much; and to
find that no Gentleman in public Life here dare return me a Visit, or answer me a
Letter, even those who treated me when I first arrived { 255 } here with great Politeness. I am entreated however to keep this secret; but have no
Motive to secrete it from You. On the contrary You ought to know it.
I am told there will be great Alterations very soon, but I have seen by Experience,
that no Man in this Country knows what will be in the morrow.
Let me ask the favour of You, Sir, to give my best Respects to Coll. Laurens and Mr.
Franklin.
I have the Honour to be, with the greatest Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most
humble Servant.
[signed] John Adams
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0190
Recipient: Sigourney, Ingraham, & Bromfield (business)
Date: 1781-04-11
To Sigourney, Ingraham, & Bromfield
[dateline] Leyden April 11th. 1781
[salute] Gentlemen
I am this Moment favoured with your's of the 10th.1 and thank You for the readiness with which You have undertaken to get me House as
soon as may be.
I will add to the former Trouble if You please, that of procuring me a good Cook,
male or female, I care not which, and two Men Servants: one that is capable of managing
the Affairs of an House, and one for a Valet de Chambre and Footman: and also the
Trouble of hiring me a genteel Carriage, a Light Coach of four Places with suitable
Horses and Coachman, also Three Suits of Cloaths, one for the Coachman and one for
each Man Servant: they must be Liveries, such as my Servants wore at Paris—deep blue
Cloth Coat and Breeches, a Scarlet Cape on the Coat, and a Sleef turned up with Scarlet,
and Scarlet Waistcoats—an Hat and Great Coat for each. I will leave it to You to agree
for the Wages of these Servants: but it must be agreed with them to leave their Cloaths
with me, as all others do in this Country, when they leave me.
Perhaps Madam Chabanel2 would give You any Advice or Information You want, or Mr. De Neufville.
I inclose two Receipts to serve for one for four hundred pounds Sterling, which I
presume the House of Horneca Fitzeau & Co. will pay You upon Sight. In looking for
an House, if a suitable one cannot be had for three thousand Guilders or under You
may go higher.
I have determined to reside at Amsterdam, for the facility of trans• { 256 } acting the Business of the Merchants who have Bills of Exchange upon me, and for the
pleasure of seeing more of our Countrymen, than I could see in any other City and
for the pleasure of some agreable Acquaintances I have formed at Amsterdam. But our
Countrymen ought to be apprized that there is unhappily some difference of Sentiment
between the Court at the Hague and the City of Amsterdam and that my residing at Amsterdam
may be liable to Mis<representation>interpretation, if the Motives of it are not understood.
I am Gentlemen with much Esteem your Friend & Hble Servt.
LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers).
1. Not found.
2. The Adamses met Madame Chabanel soon after their arrival at Amsterdam in 1780 and
often enjoyed her hospitality Adams Family Correspondence, 4:148; JQA, Diary, 1:76–89passim).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0191
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-11
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam the <9>11th. Aprill 1781
[salute] Honourable Sir
May we thank yoúr Excellency for her obliging favoúr, which brought ús the Bills accepted,
that which Yoúr Excellency refers to ús; we will write to Doctr. Franklin aboút as
yoúr Excellency directs, supposing it to be agreable so as to keep the parties by
themselfs;1 We shall have again to join some gazettes to this; and for the moment we are happy
to see that every thing seems to go well According to Circúmstances, bútt as for the
Loan we are Sorry we still remain in the same situation, we wish some good Accoúnt
may alter this matter also soon for the better.
With all Respectfúll Regard we have the honoúr to be, Honourable Sir Yoúr Excellencys
most devoted obedient humble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
RC (Adams Papers).
1. In a letter of 10 April (LbC, Adams Papers), JA returned seven bills of exchange that Jean de Neufville & Fils had sent to him in
a letter of 28 March and inquired about in another of 3 April, both above. JA accepted six of the bills, but with regard to the seventh he requested that the Neufvilles
write to Benjamin Franklin to determine if he already had accepted it. They did so
on 11 April (Franklin, Papers, 34:529–530).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0192
Recipient: Sigourney, Ingraham, & Bromfield (business)
Date: 1781-04-13
To Sigourney, Ingraham, & Bromfield
[dateline] Leyden April 13. 1781
[salute] Gentlemen
It will be necessary for me to have, Tea Geer and Coffee Geer and Knives and Forks
and Table Linnen.
{ 257 } I believe a dozen and half of Tea Cups and Saucers and as many Coffee Cups— <as many Silver Tea Spoons, and an equal Number of larger Spoons> —a Set of Table Cloths and Napkins—whether there is half a dozen Table Cloths or
a Dozen I dont know in a set. Two dozens of Knives and Forks. I know not what the
Cost of all these Things will be—all I can Say is that if the Cash you have is not
enough more will be ready, <upon your orders>, at a minutes Warning. I wish you to be particularly carefull about the House—that
it be in a good and pleasant Situation, that it be large roomly and handsome, fit
for the Hotel des Etats Unis de L'Amerique. If it is necessary to go higher than three
thousand Guilders a Year you may. Yet I should think that an House, quite Sufficient
might be had for that, or less. It is possible that I may be obliged to remove from
this House, to another City and so to pay double Rent. But I should very chearfully
pay double Rent, in such a Case, though I should regret leaving Amsterdam. And there
is so much Uncertainty in Affairs, that I must expect to be subjected to Some unforeseen
Losses and Expences of this sort. This is new Work to me, having never troubled my
Head about the Furniture of Houses but you are much better Judges than I am and I
request you to get me every Thing that you judge will be necessary, for me.
<Your humble sert>.
I mentioned in a former Letter, Furniture for one Room, I now add for another because
it will be necessary to have two Rooms decently furnished, besides one for Business.
And there must be Some Furniture in the Bed Chambers. I hope <to Spend many agreable Hours> with you and <all> other Americans <in this House><and that We shall consult>, and Friends of America <yours with Esteem><America>, in this House <and that We shall> to consult <many honest><together> Some honest Plans for the good of our Country.
With great Regard &c.
LbC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0193-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-14
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] La Haie 14e. avril 1781
[salute] Monsieur
Quoique je n'aie encore vu personne, je prends néanmoins la plume, pour avoir l'honneur
de vous dire, qu'après y avoir bien murement pensé depuis que nous nous sommes quittés,
il me semble que vous ne pourrez vous passer, pour éviter tout blâme et inimitié,
lorsque { 258 } vous viendrez ici pour la démarche en question, de faire votre premiere visite chez
M. l'A—— de F—— afin de lui donner connoissance verbale de votre derniere Commission et Lres. de Cr——, et de la
nécessité indispensable où vous vous trouvez d'en donner connoissance directe et immediate
à ceux à qui elles s'adressent. Ainsi, sans soumettre la démarche même et son détail essentiel à d'autre vue et
détermination que la vôtre seule, vous conserverez l'amitié et les bons offices personnels
(qu'il faut bien distinguer des Ministeriels, pour lesquels il faudroit un Ordre de
sa Cour), que pourra vous rendre la seule personne qui soit dans le cas, pour le présent,
de les avouer et témoigner hautement. Au lieu que l'omission de cette politesse diplomatique,
et l'aveu froid qui s'ensuivroit immanquablement vis-à-vis de ceux ici, qui déferent
de plus en plus aux avis de l'A——, qu'on n'a aucune connoissance de votre mission,
&c. feroit sûrement un effet plus ou moins nuisible et mortifiant, en détruisant,
ou du moins reculant pour longtemps, ce que nous voulons avancer. Voilà, Monsieur,
ce que je crois devoir vous conseiller positivement, tant pour votre agrément personnel
dans la suite, que pour le bien de la chose, comme une chose qui ne sauroit être d'aucune
mauvaise conséquence, ni, ce que vous appellez a precedent.
On me mande de Paris: “Nous allons vous envoyer une Escadre au Texel. Elle sera bien
commandée. Nous commençons à espérer, que les 5 Vx. de Ligne et les 2 m. hommes que
nous envoyons au Cap, y arriveront avant Johnston, qui d'ailleurs n'est pas de force
à se mesurer avec nos 5 Vx.
J'ai l'honneur d'être avec un très-grand respect, Monsieur Votre très-humble & très-obéissant
serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0193-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-14
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 14 April 1781
[salute] Sir
Although I have still not seen anyone, I am nevertheless taking up my pen to have
the honor to tell you, after much deliberation since we left each other, that it seems
to me that you cannot pass up, in order to avoid all blame and enmity in coming here
for the démarche in question, an initial visit to the French ambassador in order to inform him verbally of your latest commission and letters of credence and of the
absolute necessity that this information be conveyed by you directly and immediately
to those to whom these letters are addressed. Therefore, by not making the actual démarche, and its essential details, subject
to any other viewpoints and objectives other than yours alone, you will conserve the
friendship and personal good offices (we must distinguish this from ministerial duties,
for which there needs to { 259 } be an order from his court) that will render you the only person in this case, for
the present time, to acknowledge and attest openly to them. Whereas an omission of
this diplomatic courtesy, and the cool reception which would inevitably follow vis-à-vis
those here who defer more and more to the opinion of the ambassador, and whereas he
does not have any knowledge of your mission, etc., this would certainly produce an
injurious and mortifying effect and destroy, or at least delay for some time, what
we want to advance. This, sir, is what I believe to be positive advice, not only for
your subsequent personal approval, but also for the good of the cause, and a strategy
that will have no bad consequence nor, as you say, a precedent.
I received news from Paris: “We are sending a squadron to Texel. It will be well commanded.
We are beginning to hope that the five ships of the line, and the 2,000 men that we
sent to the Cape, will arrive before Johnstone, who does not have enough forces anyway
to measure up to our five vessels.”
I have the honor to be with very great respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient
servant
[signed] Dumas
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0194-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-15
From Antoine Marie Cerisier
[dateline] Amsterdam 15 Avril 1781
[salute] Monsieur
Nous recumes, il y a quelques jours, les Gazettes Anglaises que j'ai l'honneur de
vous envoyer. Comme elles ne peuvent être pour notre comptoir, j'ai présumé que c'était
une partie de celles que nous avons demandés pour vous. Je vous supplie de ne pas
trouver mauvais, si j'ai tardé si longtems de vous les envoyer; nous avons attendu
que quelquun vînt les reclamer, et pensé que vous viendriez peut-être en cette ville
dans peu.
Je serais bien flatté de savoir ce que vous pensez des derniers nos. du politique Hollandais.1 Je serais encore plus charmé si vous aviez quelques observations à me faire dont
je puisse profiter pour les nos. suivans. Ne pourriezvous pas insinuer à Mr. Luzac d'en faire quelque mention dans Sa Gazette, afin que l'ouvrage fût demandé hors de
ce pays.
Quelquun a observé que je n'etois ni bon Anglais, ni bon français et que j'étois encore
meilleur Américain que Hollandais. Ce que je sais c'est que j'ai les principes de
la liberté trop profondément gravés dans le coeur, pour jamais trahir la cause où
je crois l'avoir trouvée et pour jamais déguiser mes sentimens.
J'ai l'honneur avec respect & vénération De votre Excellence Le très humble & très
obéissant serviteur
[signed] A. M. Cerisier
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0194-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-15
Antoine Marie Cerisier to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Amsterdam 15 April 1781
[salute] Sir
Several days ago we received the English gazettes which I have the honor to send to
you. Since they could not be for our agency, I presumed that they were part of those
that we ordered for you. Please forgive me for the delay in sending them to you. We
waited for someone to claim them and thought that perhaps you would come to our city
soon.
I would be flattered to know what you think of the last issues of the Politique Hollandais.1 I would be even more delighted if you had any observations to make to me from which
my subsequent issues might profit. Perhaps you could hint to Mr. Luzac to make mention of my work in his gazette in order to get subscribers outside of
this country.
Someone observed that I am neither a good Englishman nor a good Frenchman and that
I am a better American than Dutchman. What I know is that the principles of liberty
are deeply imbedded in my heart and that I would never betray this cause nor ever
disguise my sentiments.
I have the honor to be, with respect and veneration for your excellency, your very
humble and very obedient servant
[signed] A. M. Cerisier
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The first issue of Cerisier's Le politique hollandais was published on 12 February. JA made numerous contributions to this pro-Patriot and pro-American publication which
appeared in six volumes through 12 Jan. 1784. JA's library at the Boston Public Library contains vols. 1–4 (Catalogue of JA's Library; for additional information on Le politique hollandais, its publication and influence in the Netherlands, see Handelingen en Mededeelingen van de Maatschappij der Nederlandsche Letterkunde te
Leiden over het Jaar 1882, W. P. Sautijn Kluit, “Le Politique Hollandais,” p. 1– 36). The most recent issue, that of 9 April, compared the Dutch and American
Revolutions, much as JA had done in his replies to Hendrik Calkoen in 1780 (vol. 10:196–252). In the course of his remarks on the American Revolution, Cerisier stated “c'est
le peuple collectivement qui donne le mouvement à toute la masse: Ce n'est ni Washingthon,
ni Gatès, ni Lée, ni les deux Adams &c. qui ont animé ce vaste corps: Ils ont eux-mêmes
reçu leur impulsion de la grande machine, dont ils se sont trouvés, par leurs talens
seuls, les principales parties....” Translation: It is the whole people who have given
the movement its mass; it is neither Washington, nor Gates, nor Lee, nor the two Adamses
&c. who have animated the vast body: they, themselves, have received their direction
from the great machine, of which they find themselves, by their talents, the leaders.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0195
Recipient: Franklin, Benjamin
Date: 1781-04-16
To Benjamin Franklin
[dateline] Leyden April 16th. 1781
[salute] Sir
I yesterday had the honour of your's of the seventh. The letter inclosed is a bitter
satire on the nation which produced it. Is it possible that Arnold should shew his
Face among Men after such a Letter? If it is not a bribe it is robbery committed in
the American Service: for it is well known, that Arnold had no such Sum when the War
began. He is now employed in stealing Tobacco and Negroes— { 261 } so is Cornwallis: a fair employment for Peers—for Arnold is the Peer of them all.
I think the Southern States will have the Honour after all, of putting the Continent
in a right Way to finish the Business of the War.
All the Papers English, French and Dutch assure the World that I have succeeded in
a Loan. I wish they would prove their Words. I am told it will do by and by: so I
am that the nation will act vigorously by and by. I wish both may prove true: but
I have not one Grain of your Faith nor Hope.
There are Capitalists who believe Us able and honest to pay, and that We shall prevail,
and they have Inclinations enough they say, to the Loan: but the true motive of their
Conduct is fear of being pointed out to Mobs and Soldiers, as Persons who have contributed
to the Commencement or Continuance of the War with England.
I wrote You some days ago that I had not succeeded at all and requesting your Orders
how the Bills accepted should be paid.1 Some of them become payable the beginning of May, and on the fifteenth of that Month,
the sixty six Bills amounting to ten thousand pounds sterling, which were drawn in
favor of Mr. Tracy, become due. I congratulate You on your Success at Versailles.
If Spain would make a Treaty with Mr. Jay it would assist Us here. Every body asks,
why does Spain delay? You and I know very well but cannot tell. But so it is—one always
negotiates ill when one is not in a Condition to make oneself feared. If America could
dissemble enough to threaten other Nations with a return to Great Britain they would
be ready to hang themselves to prevent it: but America is too honest and sincere to
play this Game. England would have all the Mountains of Mexico and Peru in a few Years
if America should join her. Yet We are slighted. God forgive them, and enable America
to forget their Ungenerosity.
America has fought Great Britain and Ireland for Years and not only Great Britain,
but many States of Germany, many Tribes of Indians, and many Negroes their Allies.
Great Britain has been moving Earth and Hell to obtain Allies against Us, yet it is
improper in Us to propose an Alliance. Great Britain has borrowed all the superfluous
Wealth of Europe in Italy, Germany, Holland, Switzerland, and some in France to murder
Us, yet it is dishonourable in Us to propose to borrow Money. By Heaven I would make
a Bargain with all Europe, if it lay with me. Let all Europe stand still, neither
lend Men nor Money nor Ships to England nor America, and let them fight it out alone.
I would give my Share of Millions for such a Bargain. America is treated unfairly
and ungenerously by Europe. But { 262 } thus it is. Mankind will be servile to Tyrannical Masters and basely devoted to vile
Idols.
[salute] With Great Respect, Sir, Your obedient Servant.
[signed] John Adams
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0196
Recipient: La Vauguyon, Paul François de Quélen de Stuer de Causade, Duc de
Date: 1781-04-16
To the Duc de La Vauguyon
[dateline] Leyden April 16. 17811
[salute] Sir
I have the Honour to acquaint your Excellency, that I have received from Congress,
full Powers and Instructions to treat with the States General, and to conclude a Treaty
of Amity and Commerce, consistent with the Relations already formed between the United
States and France. And, that I have also received a Letter of Credence, as a Minister
Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses; and another, to his most Serene Highness
the Prince of Orange. With the greatest Respect and Consideration I have the Honour
to be, Sir, your Excellencys most obedient and most humble servant
LbC (Adams Papers); notation: “Sent the Same day by Commodore Gillon who was bound to the Hague on
a visit to the French Ambassador.”
1. In his 1809 letters to the Boston Patriot, JA wrote: “About this time, considering the connection between the United States and
France, it was very obvious that prudence required I should communicate my design
to the French ambassador. I was not, however, without apprehensions of the consequence
of it, for I could not doubt that the count de Vergennes had information of my appointment
sooner than I had, and I had a thousand reasons to believe that my whole system in
Holland, and even my residence in it, was disagreeable to him. I might presume, and
I did presume, that the duke had instructions from the count to counteract me. But
the inconveniences that would arise from concealing my design from the French ambassador,
appearing to overbalance those in the other scale, I wrote to his excellency ...”
(JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 431–432).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0197
Recipient: Van der Kemp, François Adriaan
Date: 1781-04-17
To François Adriaan Van der Kemp
[dateline] Tuesday. 17 April. 1781
Mr. Adams's Compliments to Mr. Van der Kemp1 and asks the favour of his Company this Evening at the golden Lyon, to Spend the
Evening and Sup with a chosen few of honest Americans.
1. For François Adriaan Van der Kemp, a Mennonite minister and supporter of the U.S.
and Patriot causes, see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:456.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0198-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-17
From the Duc de La Vauguyon
[dateline] La Haye ce 17e. avril 1781
J'ay recu Monsieur La Lettre par laquelle vous m'informez que le Congres des etats
unis de l'amerique septentrionale vous a revetu du Caractere de Son ministre plenipotentiair
auprès des etats generaux des provinces unies. J'ignore Si vous vous proposez de presenter
vos Lettres de créance a Leurs hautes puissances dans ce moment mais si telle est
votre intention je desirerois bien avoir lhonneur de vous entretenir auparavant et
vous communiquer des vues qui me paroissent interesser essentiellement La Cause Commune.1
Soyez Bien persuadé je vous prie Monsieur de la verité des sentiments inviolables
de la consideration tres distinguée avec Les quels j'ay Lhonneur d'etre Votre tres
humble et tres obeissant serviteur
[signed] Le duc de La Vauguyon
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0198-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-17
The Duc de La Vauguyon to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 17 April 1781
I received your letter, sir, informing me that the Congress of the United States of
North America has bestowed upon you the character of minister plenipotentiary to the
States General of the United Provinces. I do not know if you propose to present your
credentials to their High Mightinesses at this moment, but if it is your intention
to do so, I would like to speak with you about it and tell you my views regarding
the common cause.1
Please be persuaded, sir, of the sincerity of my inviolable sentiments of distinguished
consideration, with which I have the honor to be your very humble and very obedient
servant
[signed] Le duc de La Vauguyon
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Mr. Le Duc de la Vauguyon 17th. April 1781.”
1. On the 19th, JA journeyed to The Hague, took lodgings at the Parliament d'Angleterre, and announced
his arrival to La Vauguyon (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 432). The ambassador responded, requesting JA to meet with him that evening between six and seven o'clock (Adams Papers). JA described his meetings with La Vauguyon on 19 and 20 April in a letter of 21 Feb. 1782 to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Robert R. Livingston (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:192–199), but the most detailed account of the conferences is found in his 1809
letters to the Boston Patriot.
“I went immediately to the Hague, and made my visit to the hotel de France. The duke
entered at once into conversation with me to dissuade me from presenting my credentials.
He detained me two hours. I answered all his questions, and replied to all his arguments.
But as is usual, neither was convinced, and I took my leave with as full a determination
as ever to pursue my plan. The next morning at eight o'clock, the duke appeared at
my lodgings ... and renewed his efforts to divert me from my purpose. He went over
all the ground we had trod the day before, and ran about all Europe, especially the
northern maritime confederation, to find arguments against the step I proposed to
take. Although his topics { 264 } appeared to me extremely frivolous, I listened to them with all the respect which
was due to the ambassador of France, and to the personal character of the duke which
I sincerely esteemed. It is but justice to say, that in all my intercourse with the
duke de la Vaguion, I was uniformly treated by him, his duchess, their children and
domestics, with the utmost politeness, and indeed with the freedom and familiarity
of friendship.
“In this transaction I committed two faults: 1. In not insisting that these discussions
should be in writing. 2. In not committing them to writing when they were fresh in
my mind. The only excuse that can be made for both is, that I had not time. Too many
objects pressed upon me at once. At the distance of eight and twenty years, it would
be in vain to attempt a recollection of them by memory, and they must be lost forever,
unless some future Dalrymple or Fox, after a century or two, should find access to
the diplomatic archieves of France, and there find some account of them in the duke's
dispatches to his court.
“The duke detained me between four and five hours at this second interview, urging
all the time his objections and reasons against my going to the states. There was
no solidity in them; I knew them to be mere pretexts.
“At last, when he found I was not convinced, he desired me to postpone my visit to
the president of their high mightinesses, until he could write to the count de Vergennes
and have his opinion. I answered, by no means: Why? Because I know beforehand the
count's opinion will be point blank against me; and I had rather proceed against his
judgment without officially knowing his opinion, than with it, as I am determined
in all events to go. The duke had one resource still left. It was to persuade me to
join him or let him alone, in writing a request to the king of France, that he would
order his ambassador to unite with me, in my endeavors to obtain an acknowledgment
of my public character. I answered again, by no means: Why? Because monsieur le duke,
if I must speak out in plain English, or plain French, I know the decision of the
king's council will be directly and decidedly against me; and I am decidedly determined
to go to the president, though I had a resolution of the king in council against me,
and before my eyes. Besides, the moments are critical, and there is no time to be
lost—whereas, the correspondence and negociations you propose may be spun out for
years. Moreover, I think that neither the king nor his ministers ought to commit themselves
in this business. What! said the duke? Will you take the responsibility of it upon
yourself? Indeed, monsieur le duke, I will; and I think I alone ought to be responsible;
and that no other ambassador, minister, council or court, ought to be answerable for
any thing concerning it. 'Are you willing to be responsible then?' Indeed I am, and
upon my head may all the consequences of it rest. 'Are you then determined?' Determined,
and unalterably determined I am.
“The duke upon hearing this, changed his countenance and the tone of his voice, and
said very pleasantly—well I can say no more. If you are determined, and actually go
to the states general, though it will be against my opinion and advice, and although
I can give you no assistance in my official capacity, yet as a man and an individual,
I will give you all the countenance in my power. I thanked his excellency for his
declaration, which I received in the most friendly manner; and assured him it was
all the aid I expected or desired, as I fully agreed with him that neither his public
character or the conduct of his court ought in any manner or degree to be compromised
in the affair”
(JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 432–434).
La Vauguyon's letters of 11 and 15 May 1781 to the Comte de Vergennes largely substantiate
JA's recollections. The ambassador thanked Vergennes for approving his effort to dissuade
JA from presenting the memorials and assumed that Vergennes was not surprised by JA's refusal to take his advice. La Vauguyon also described his efforts to avoid any
misunderstanding with the Dutch government, indicating that he had made it absolutely
clear to its leading members that JA acted without the support or approval of France and that he, personally, had received
no communication or instructions from Paris on the subject (F. J. L. Krämer, ed.,
Archives ou correspondance inédite de la maison d'Orange-Nassau, 5th ser., 3 vols., Leyden, 1910–1917, 2:468–469, 478).
It seems clear that JA would not have discussed his memorials with La Vauguyon if Dumas had not written
on 14 April, above, regarding the indispensable necessity of informing the ambassador. Commenting
further on his decision to present the memorials to the States General and William V, JA wrote: “I had been very busily and confidentially employed in consultations with
my Dutch friends, many of whom were members of the sovereignty, and among the best
characters and { 265 } most respectable men in the nation. I had not taken a step without their advice and
full approbation. They were unanimously of my opinion that our American negociations
both for a political and commercial connection, and for a loan of money, should be
kept as distinct as possible from all French influence” (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 438). This seems to explain both JA's initial decision not to consult with the French ambassador concerning the memorials
and his later declaration that he would take full responsibility for the initiative
and neither desired nor expected the official approbation or assistance of France.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0199
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-17
From Jean de Neufville & Fils
[dateline] Amsterdam 17 April 1781
[salute] Hounoured Sir
We found out by the bring in that the Amsterdam Leyden and Utrecht Newspaper are all
belonging to Your Excellency and have accordingly the honour to forward them; the
English papers of yesterday went by the [ . . . ]1 this morning having unfortunately come to late yesterday for which we are to make
many apologies for our Clerk that was charged with them; We suppose however that the
Leyden paper will be superflouous now and beg your Excellencys orders about it.
Might we beg at the same time to be informed by Your Excellency whether Mr. Saml.
Hillegas was yet treasurer of Congress in Jany. 1779 and whether Loan Certificates
signed by him under that date be of value.2 We should be extreemly obliged to your Excellency for that intelligence being asked
about it and not willing to assure any thing we are not absolutely Certain off.
We have the honour to be with great respect Sir Your Excellencys Most Obedient & Very
humble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville Son
Many people inquire about the time of Your Excellencys coming in town. May we give
them and entertain some hopes of its being soon? Our french letters being just come
in We find that a Vessel has arrived at Cadiz from Marylnd which she left 10 feby
with the report that 6 or 7000 Virginians had assembled between Arnold and his shipping
and that they were in the greatest Ardor to fight that traitor; May we trouble your
Excellency with the inclosed.3
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Mr. John De Neufville Fils 17th. April 1781.”
1. This word cannot be read.
2. Michael Hillegas was appointed Continental treasurer in 1776 and treasurer of the
U.S. in 1777, a post he held until 1789 (DAB). His son Samuel was one of a number of people he appointed in Dec. 1776 and May
1777 to sign the currency and other financial instruments that Congress issued (JCC, 6:1046; 7:354).
3. The enclosure has not been found.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0200
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-18
From Francis Dana
[dateline] Leyden1April 18th. 1781
I feel myself happy that Congress have made it my duty to consult your Excellency
upon the Mission with which they have charged me for the Court of Petersburgh. To
this end I have already laid before you, all the papers which I have received from
Congress, any way relating to it, and also my correspondence with his Excellency the
Comte De Vergennes, and Dr. Franklin upon the same subject, as well as my letters
to the President of Congress from the time I received this Commission.2 From all these your Excellency will be fully instructed in the several matters on
which I wish to have your advice; but to bring some of them more immediately under
your view, I beg leave to state the following questions.
Whether, all circumstances considered, your Excellency thinks it expedient for me
to proceed to Petersburgh in the character of a private Citizen of the United States
only, and to wait there for a favourable moment to announce my publick Character?
Or, Whether, previous to my going in such a character, you judge it expedient for
me to communicate my design to Prince Gallitzin, the Russian Ambassador at the Hague
(secreting from him at the same time, my publick Character) and to take his opinion
thereon; according to the intimation given to me by the Comte De Vergennes, at our
conference?3
Whether it is adviseable to communicate my real Character to the Court of Petersburgh,
and to ask their permission before I undertake the journey?
Whether, in case you think it adviseable for me to proceed to Petersburgh, in a private
character only, without further communications to any one, You conceive it to be the
Intention of Congress, that I shou'd present their resolutions relative to the rights
of Neutral Vessels, to the Court of Petersburgh on my arrival there, or whether this
is left to my discretion, to be regulated by the then State of Affairs at that Court?
Your Excellency will readily perceive the propriety of my writing to you on this business,
altho' we have already had a conference upon it, and of my requesting your sentiments
in writing also.
I shall be happy to make a more particular Communication of my own sentiments and
views, in further conversation, if you think it needful, before you give me yours.
{ 267 } I am with the greatest Respect and Esteem your Excellency, most obedient and most
humble Servant
[signed] FRA DANA
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Dana ansd.”; by CFA: “April 18th 1781.”
1. Francis Dana left Paris on the morning of 8 April (Franklin, Papers, 34:515).
2. Dana received his commission, instructions, and letter of credence as minister to
Russia from John Laurens on 15 March. His instructions required him to consult with
Benjamin Franklin and JA regarding his mission and recommended that he also confer with the French government.
The letters referred to here, which describe in considerable detail Dana's conversations
with Franklin and Vergennes, are those to Congress of 24, 28, and 31 March, and 2
and 4 April; to Vergennes of 31 March and 2 April; and to Franklin of 6 April; as
well as letters of 1 April from Vergennes and 7 April from Franklin (JCC, 18:1166–1173; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:325–327, 333–334, 344, 349–351, 343–344, 348, 352–353, 348, 353–354; Franklin, Papers, 34:514–519).
3. Franklin first raised the issue of whether Dana should inform the Russian government
of his mission before departing for St. Petersburg. He believed that Dana should ask
the Comte de Vergennes whether such a course was advisable. Dana disagreed. He feared
that Vergennes would recommend it and that to do so would force the Russian government
to take official cognizance of Dana and, perhaps, prohibit him from going to St. Petersburg.
Franklin reconsidered and decided it necessary only to inform the French government
of the intended mission. When Dana met with Vergennes on 4 April, the foreign minister
recommended only that he inform Prince Gallitzin at The Hague of his intention to
go to Russia as a private citizen (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:325–327, 333–334, 349–351; Franklin, Papers, 34:517–519). For JA's answers to this question and the others Dana posed, see his reply that immediately follows.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0201
Recipient: Dana, Francis
Date: 1781-04-18
To Francis Dana
[dateline] Leyden April 18. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I am at no Loss, what Advice to give you, in answer to the Questions in your letter
of this day, because they relate to a Subject, on which I have long reflected, and
have formed an opinion, as fully as my Understanding is capable of.
I think then that it is necessary for you to prepare for a Journey to Petersbourg
without Loss of Time, that you travel in the Character of a Gentleman, without any
distinction of public or private, as far as the Publication of your Appointment already
made in France will admit.
I Should think it altogether improper to communicate your Design to the Prince de
Gallitzin of travelling to Petersbourg as a private Gentleman, Secreting from him
at the Same time your publick Character. It would expose you to Something very disagreable.
The Prince would ask you, why you asked his Advice? when it is well known that private
Gentlemen travel, without Molestation in every Country in Europe. Besides the Ambassador,
I have reasons to believe, would not, give you any Advice, without Instructions from
his Court, and this would require so much Time, that the most favourable Opportunity,
which now presents itself would be lost. And after applying to { 268 } the Prince, and being advised against the Journey or to postpone it for Instructions
from Petersbourg, it would be less respectfull to go, than to go now, when the Circumstances
of the Times are very favourable.
The Same Reasoning applies equally against Writing to Petersbourg beforehand. The
best opportunity would be lost, and the Court would never encourage you to come untill
they had determined to receive you, and you would have no Opportunity to assist the
deliberations upon the subject, by throwing in any Light, by answering Objections
or explaining the Views of Congress.
After your Arrival at Petersbourg, I should advise you, unless upon the Spot you discover
Reasons against it, unknown to Us, at present, to communicate your Character and Mission
to Count Panin, or the Minister of foreign Affairs in Confidence,1 asking his Advice,2 but at the Same time presenting him a Memorial ready prepared for the Empress. If
he informs you, that it is best for you to reside there as a private Gentleman, or
to travel for a Time into Sweeden or Denmark, or to return here to Holland, where
I shall be happy to have your Company and Advice, take his Advice.3 The United States of America have nothing dishonourable to propose to any Court or
Country. If the Wishes of Congress which are for the good of all Nations, as they
apprehend, are not deemed by such Courts or Nations consistent with their Views or
Interests, of which they are the Supreme Judges, they will candidly Say so, and there
is no harm done. On the Contrary Congress will be applauded for their Candour and
good Intentions.
You will make your Communication to the French Ambassador of Course, according to
your Instruction.4
This Method was taken by this Republick, in her Struggle with Spain, nay it was taken
by the Republican Parliament in England and by Oliver Cromwell. It was taken by Switzerland
and by Portugal in similar Cases with great success. Why it should be improper now
I know not.
I conceive it to be the Intention of Congress that you should communicate their Resolutions
relative to the Rights of neutral Vessels, and I am the more entirely of this Opinion,
because I have already communicated those Resolutions to their High Mightinesses the
states General and to their Excellencies, the Ministers of Russia, Denmark and Sweeden,
at the Hague,5 in Pursuance of the Letters I had received from the President,6 and I should now think it im• { 269 } proper in me, to Sign a Treaty according to those Resolutions if invited thereto,
because it would be interfering with your department.
America, my dear Sir has been too long Silent in Europe. Her Cause is that of all
Nations and all Men: and it needs nothing but to be explained to be approved. At least
these are my Sentiments.
I have Reasons in my Mind, which were unknown to their Excellencies the Comte De Vergennes,
and Mr. Franklin when You consulted them: Reasons which it is improper for me to explain
at present. But the Reasons I have given appear to me conclusive. No Measure of Congress
was ever taken in a more proper Time, or with more Wisdom, in my Opinion, than the
Appointment of a Minister at the Hague and at Petersbourg. The Effects of it may not
appear in Sudden and brillant Success: but the Time was exactly chosen and the happy
fruits of it will appear in their Course.
Although I shall be personally a sufferer by your Appointment, yet I sincerely rejoice
in it for the publick Good.
When our Ennemies have formed Alliances, with so many Princes in Germany and so many
Savage nations against Us—When they are borrowing so much of the Wealth of Germany,
Italy, Holland Switzerland, to be employed against Us, no wise Court or reasonable
Man can blame Us, for proposing to form Relations with Countries whose Interest it
is to befriend Us.
An Excess of Modesty and Reserve, is an Excess still. It was no dishonour to Us to
propose a Treaty to France, nor for our Ministers to reside there more than a Year
without being acknowledged. On the Contrary all wise Men applauded the Measure, and
I am confident the World in general will now approve of an Application to the maritime
Powers, although We should remain without a public Reception as long as our Ministers
did in France and Spain; nay although We should be rejected.
In this Case Congress and their Constituents, will all be Satisfied. They will have
neglected no Duty in their Power, and the World will then see the Power and Resources
of three or four Millions of virtuous Men, inhabiting a fine Country, when contending
for every Thing, which renders human Life worth Supporting. The United States will
then fix a Medium, establish Taxes for the Payment of Interest, acquire the Confidence
of their own Capitalists, and borrow Money at home, and when this is done they will
find Capitalists abroad willing enough to adventure in their Funds.
With ardent Wishes for your Health, and Success, I have the { 270 } Honour to be Dear sir, your Excellencys most obedient & most humble servant.
[signed] John Adams
1. Count Nikita Ivanovich Panin was Catherine II's first minister of the college of foreign
affairs. Dana would deal with either him or his deputy, Ivan A. Osterman (De Madariaga, Armed Neutrality of 1780, p. 17–18).
2. The remainder of this sentence was interlined.
3. JA directed his response in the remainder of this paragraph and in much of the rest
of the letter, less at Francis Dana's request for advice than to a statement Benjamin
Franklin made in his letter of 7 April to Dana (Franklin, Papers, 34:517–519). There Franklin wrote that “I have long imagined that we let ourselves
down in offering our Alliance before it is desired; and that it would have been better
if we had never issued Commissions for Ministers ... till we had first privately learnt
whether they would be received, since a Refusal from one is an actual Slight, that
lessens our Reputation, and makes others less willing to form a Connection with us.”
4. Dana's instructions ordered him to confer with the French minister at St. Petersburg,
Charles Olivier de Saint Georges, Marquis de Vérac (JCC, 18:1170; Repertorium der diplomatischen Vertreter aller Länder, 3:133).
5. See the memorial to the States General and JA's letter to Prince Gallitzin, both of 8 March, above.
6. The remainder of this sentence was interlined.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0202-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-18
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Lahaie 18e. Avril 1781
[salute] Monsieur
Je fus hier au Soir chez un ami de poids, qui, Sur ce que je lui témoignai ma surprise
de ce que votre Mémoire1 avoit été remis au Greffe, c'est-à-dire, comme jeté ou rejeté, comme on me l'avoit fait entendre me dit, que l'expression étoit outrée, et que
ce qui étoit remis là étoit considéré comme déposé jusqu'à nouvel ordre.
On attend tous les jours des Dépêches de Petersbourg; et l'on est assuré d'avance
qu'elles seront Satisfaisantes. J'espere d'en savoir davantage vendredi au soir.
On me fit demander hier au soir votre adresse; ainsi je ne doute pas que vous n'ayiez
reçu aujourdhui une Lettre de certaine part, et quelle ne soit cordiale et polie.2 Je n'ai pas encore fait visite à cette part-là; je vous en dirai la raison quand
nous nous verons; et vous l'approuverez. Je persiste dans ce que je vous en ai écrit
dernierement.3
Je viens d'apprendre, que Mrs. Searle et Dana sont avec vous. Si vous avez la bonté
de me donner demain de vos nouvelles et des leurs, je me ferai un devoir de vous visiter
et de les complimenter Samedi matin. Mais je voudrois être Sûr auparavant que nous
ne nous manquerons, ni ne croiserons: or l'un ou l'autre pourroit arriver, Si { 271 } vous veniez ici, ou Si vous alliez à Amsterdam, dans le temps que j'irois à Leide.
Je crois que les Etats d'Hollde. se sépareront Vendredi pour un peu de temps.
J'espere que Mr. votre fils est rétabli,4 et qu'il pourra venir voir notre belle foire avec Mr. son frere et Mr. Thaxter. Elle
mérite bien aussi votre présence, et celle de Mrs. Searle et Dana, aux quels je vous
demande la permission de présenter ici mes respects. Je Suis toujours avec tout celui
qui vous est voué, Monsieur Votre très-humble & très-obéissant serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0202-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-18
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 18 April 1781
[salute] Sir
Last evening I visited an influential friend who, upon learning my surprise that your
memorial1 was back at the clerk's office and, as I understood it, was considered thrown out or rejected, told me that the expression was exaggerated and that the memorial was left there
for brand new consideration.
Everyday we expect the dispatches from St. Petersburg. We were assured in advance
that they would be satisfactory. I hope to know more about this Friday evening.
Last night I was asked for your address. I do not doubt that you received a letter
today from a certain party and that the letter was cordial and courteous.2 I have not visited this person yet and will tell you why when we see each other.
You will approve. I persist in what I wrote to you about it last time.3
I have just learned that Mr. Searle and Mr. Dana are with you. If you would be so
kind as to give me your news and their news tomorrow, I would make it my duty to visit
and congratulate you on Saturday morning. But I would like to be certain first that
we do not miss each other or pass each other because someone could arrive here or
in Amsterdam during the time that I am traveling to Leyden.
I believe that the states of Holland are adjourning on Friday for a short time.
I hope that your son is recovered4 and will be able to come to our beautiful fair with his brother and Mr. Thaxter.
You should come and see it also, as well as Mr. Searle and Mr. Dana, to whom I wish
to send my regards. I remain, sir, with all of my devotion, your very humble and very
obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0203
Recipient: Bleiswyck, Pieter van
Date: 1781-04-19
To Pieter van Bleiswyck
[dateline] Leyden April 19th. 17811
[salute] Sir
I have the Honour to inclose to your Excellency a Copy of a Memorial2 to their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces.
With the greatest Respect and Consideration, I have the Honour to be, Sir, your Excellency's
most obedient and most humble Servant.
[signed] John Adams
RC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers). LbC (Adams Papers)
1. Signed by JA, this is likely the copy of the letter he presented to van Bleiswyck, Grand Pensionary
of Holland, on 4 May together with a copy of his memorial to the States General, below, both of which van Bleiswyck returned. For JA's meeting with van Bleiswyck on the 4th, see his letter of 7 May to the president of Congress, below. For the dating of this letter and the memorial,
see JA's memorial to the States General, 19 April, note 1, below. JA wrote a virtually identical letter to Hendrik Fagel, secretary to the States General (Adams Papers), but after his conference with van Bleiswyck decided that a meeting with the secretary
was pointless.
2. At this point in the Letterbook are the canceled passages: “<, which I had this day the Honour of presenting>, to <the President of>.”
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0204
Recipient: Netherlands, States General of
Date: 1781-04-19
Memorial to the States General
Copy
[dateline] Leyden April 19. 17811
A Memorial To their High Mightinesses, the States General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.2
[salute] High and Mighty Lords
The Subscriber has the Honour to propose to your High Mightinesses, that the United
States of America, in Congress Assembled, have lately thought fit to send him a Commission
(with full Powers and Instructions) to confer with your High Mightinesses, concerning
a Treaty of Amity and Commerce, an authentic Copy of which he has the Honour to annex
to this Memorial.3
At the Times, when the Treaties between this Republick and the Crown of Great Britain,
were made, the People, who now compose the United States of America, were a Part of
the English Nation; as such, Allies of the Republick, and Parties to those Treaties;
entitled to all their Benefits, and chearfully submitting to all their Obligations.
It is true, that when the British Administration, renouncing the ancient Character
of Englishmen for Generosity, Justice and Humanity, concieved the design of subverting
the political Systems of the { 273 } | view { 274 } Colonies; depriving them of the Rights and Liberties of Englishmen, and reducing
them to the worst of all Forms of Government; starving the People, by blockading the
Ports and cutting off their Fisheries and Commerce; sending Fleets and Armies to destroy
every Principle and Sentiment of Liberty, and to consume their Habitations and their
Lives; making Contracts for foreign Troops and Alliances with savage Nations to assist
them in their Enterprise; casting, formally, by Act of Parliament, three Millions
of People at once out of the Protection of the Crown: then, and not 'till then, did
the United States of America, in Congress Assembled, pass that memorable Act, by which
they assumed an equal Station among the Nations.
This immortal Declaration, of the fourth of July one thousand seven hundred and seventy
six, when America was invaded by an hundred Vessels of War, and, according to Estimates
laid before Parliament, by fifty five thousand of veteran Troops, was not the Effect
of any sudden Passion, or Enthusiasm; but a Measure, which had been long in deliberation
among the People, maturely discussed in some hundreds of popular Assemblies, and by
public Writings in all the States: it was a Measure, which Congress did not adopt,
until they had recieved the positive Instructions of their Constituents: it was then
unanimously adopted by Congress, subscribed by all its Members, transmitted to the
Assemblies of the several States, and by them respectively accepted, ratified and
recorded among their Archives: so that no Decree, Edict, Statute, Placart or fundamental
Law of any Nation was ever made with more Solemnity, or with more Unanimity or Cordiality
adopted, as the Act and Consent of the whole People, than this: and it has been held
sacred to this day by every State with such unshaken Firmness, that not even the smallest
has ever been induced to depart from it; although the English have wasted many Millions,
and vast Fleets and Armies in the vain Attempt to invalidate it. On the contrary,
each of the thirteen States has instituted a Form of Government for itself, under
the Authority of the People; has erected its Legislature in the several Branches;
its Executive Authority with all its Offices; its Judiciary Departments and Judges;
its Army, Militia, Revenue, and some of them their Navy: and all these Departments
of Government have been regularly and constitutionally organized under the associated
Superintendency of Congress, now these five Years, and have acquired a Consistency,
Solidity and Activity, equal to the oldest and most established Governments. It is
true, that in some Speeches and Writings of the English it is still contended, that
the People of America are still in Principle and { 275 } Affection with them: but these Assertions are made against such evident Truth and
Demonstration, that it is surprising they should find at this day one Believer in
the World. One may appeal to the Writings and recorded Speeches of the English for
the last seventeen Years to shew, that similar Misrepresentations have been incessantly
repeated through that whole Period, and that the Conclusion of every Year has in fact
confuted the confident Assertions and Predictions of the beginning of it. The Subscriber
begs Leave to say from his own Knowledge of the People of America, (and he has a better
right to obtain Credit, because he has better Opportunities to know than any Briton
whatsoever) that they are unalterably determined to maintain their Independence. He
confesses, that notwithstanding his Confidence through his whole Life in the virtuous
Sentiments and Uniformity of Character among his Countrymen, their Unanimity has surprised
him: that all the Power, Arts, Intrigues and Bribes, which have been employed in the
several States, should have seduced from the Standard of Virtue so contemptible a
few, is more fortunate than could have been expected. This Independence stands upon
so firm and broad a Bottom of the Peoples Interests, Honour, Consciences and Affections,
that it will not be affected by any Successes that the English may obtain either in
America, or against the European Powers at War, nor by any Alliances they can possibly
form, if indeed in so unjust and desperate a Cause they can obtain any.
Nevertheless, although compelled by Necessity, and warranted by the fundamental Laws
of the Colonies, and of the British Constitution; by Principles avowed in the English
Laws, and confirmed by many Examples in the English History; by Principles interwoven
into the History and public Right of Europe in the great Examples of the Helvetic
and Batavian Confederacies and many others, and frequently acknowledged and ratified
by the Diplomatic Body; Principles founded in eternal Justice and the Laws of God
and Nature: to cut asunder forever all the Ties which had connected them with Great
Britain; yet the People of America did not consider themselves as seperating from
their Allies, especially the Republick of the United Provinces, or departing from
their Connections with any of the People under their Government: but, on the contrary,
they preserved the same Affection, Esteem and Respect for the Dutch Nation in every
Part of the World, which they and their Ancestors had ever entertained.
When sound Policy dictated to Congress the Precaution of sending Persons to negotiate
natural Alliances in Europe, it was not from any { 276 } failure in Respect, that they did not send a Minister to your High Mightinesses with
the first whom they sent abroad: but, instructed in the Nature of the Connections
between Great Britain and the Republick, and in the System of Peace and Neutrality,
which She had so long pursued, they thought proper to respect both so far, as not
to seek to embroil her with her Allies, to excite Divisions in the Nation or lay Embarrassments
before it. But, since the British Administration, uniform and persevering in Injustice,
despising their Allies, as much as their Colonists and fellow Subjects; disregarding
the Faith of Treaties, as much as that of Royal Charters; violating the Law of Nations,
as they had before done the fundamental Laws of the Colonies, and the inherent Rights
of British Subjects; have arbitrarily set aside all the Treaties between the Crown
and the Republick, declared War, and commenced Hostilities, the settled Intentions
of which they had manifested long before, all those Motives, which before restrained
the Congress, cease, and an Opportunity presents of proposing such Connections, as
the United States of America have a Right to form, consistent with those already formed
with France and Spain,4 which they are under every Obligation of Duty, Interest and Inclination to observe
sacred and inviolate; and consistent with such other Treaties as it is their Intention
to propose to other Sovereigns.
A natural Alliance may be formed between the two Republicks, if ever one existed among
Nations.5
The first Planters of the four Northern States found in this Country an Asylum from
Persecution, and resided here from the Year one thousand six hundred and eight to
the Year one thousand six hundred and twenty, twelve Years preceeding their Migration.
They ever entertained, and have transmitted to Posterity, a grateful Remembrance of
that Protection and Hospitality, and especially of that religious Liberty they found
here, though they had sought them in vain in England.
The first Inhabitants of two other States, New York and New Jersey, were immediate
Emigrants from this Nation, and have transmitted their Religion, Language, Customs,
Manners and Character. And America in general, until her Relations were formed with
the House of Bourbon, has ever considered this Nation as her first Friend in Europe,
whose History and the great Characters it exhibits, in the various Arts of Peace,
as well as Atchievements in War by Sea and Land, have been particularly studied, admired
and imitated in every State.
{ 277 } A Similitude of Religion, although it is not deemed so essential in this as it has
been in former Ages to the Alliance of Nations, is still, as it ever will be thought
a desirable Circumstance. Now it may be said with Truth, that there are no two Nations
whose Worship, Doctrine and Discipline are more alike, than those of the two Republicks.
In this particular therefore, as far as it is of Weight, an Alliance would be perfectly
natural.
A Similarity in the Forms of Government is usually considered as another Circumstance,
which renders Alliances natural: and although the Constitutions of the two Republicks
are not perfectly alike, there is yet Analogy enough between them to make a Connection
easy in this respect.
In general Usages, and in the Liberality of Sentiments in those momentous Points,
the Freedom of Inquiry, the Right of private Judgment and the Liberty of Conscience,
of so much Importance to be supported in the World, and imparted to all Mankind, and
which at this Hour are in more danger from Great Britain, and that intolerant Spirit
which is secretly fermenting there, than from any other Quarter, the two Nations resemble
each other more than any others.
The Originals of the two Republicks are so much alike, that the History of one seems
but a Transcript from that of the other: so that every Dutchman, instructed in the
Subject, must pronounce the American Revolution just and necessary, or pass a Censure
upon the greatest Actions of his immortal Ancestors; Actions which have been approved
and applauded by Mankind, and justified by the Decision of Heaven.
But the Circumstance, which, perhaps in this Age, has stronger Influence than any
other in the formation of Friendships between Nations, is the great and growing Interest
of Commerce; of the whole System of which through the Globe, your High Mightinesses
are too perfect Masters for me to say any thing that is not familiarly known. It may
not however be amiss to hint, that the central Situation of this Country; her extensive
Navigation; her Possessions in the East and West Indies; the Intelligence of her Merchants;
the Number of her Capitalists and the Riches of her Funds, render a Connection with
her desirable to America. And on the other Hand, the Abundance and Variety of the
Productions of America; the Materials of Manufactures, Navigation and Commerce; the
vast Demand and Consumption of the Manufactures of Europe, of Merchandizes from the
Baltic, and from the East Indies, and the Situation of the Dutch Possessions in the
West Indies, cannot admit of a doubt, that a { 278 } Connection with the United States would be useful to this Republick. The English are
so sensible of this, that, notwithstanding all their Professions of Friendship, they
have considered this Nation as their Rival in the American Trade: a Sentiment which
dictated and maintained their severe Act of Navigation, as injurious to the Commerce
and Naval Power of this Country, as it was both to the Trade and the Rights of the
Colonists. There is now an Opportunity offered to both to shake off this Shackle forever.
If any Consideration whatever could have prevailed with the English to have avoided
a War with your High Mightinesses, it would have been an Apprehension of an Alliance
between the two Republicks: and it is easy to foresee, that nothing will contribute
more to oblige them to a Peace than such a Connection once completely formed. It is
needless to point out particularly, what Advantages might be derived to the Possessions
of the Republick in the West Indies, from a Trade opened, protected and encouraged
between them and the Continent of America: or what Profits might be made by the East
India Company by carrying their Effects directly to the American Market: how much
even the Trade of the Baltic might be secured and extended by a free Intercourse with
America, which has ever had so large a Demand, and will have more for Hemp, Cordage,
Sail Cloth and other Articles of that Commerce: how much the national Navigation would
be benefited by building and purchasing Ships there: how much the Number of Seamen
might be increased, or how much Advantage to both Countries to have their Ports mutually
opened to their Men of War and Privateers and their Prizes.
If therefore an Analogy of Religion, Government, Original, Manners and the most extensive
and lasting Commercial Interests can form a Ground and an Invitation to political
Connection, the Subscriber flatters himself, that in all these Particulars, the Union
is so obviously natural, that there has seldom been a more distinct Designation of
Providence to any two distant Nations to unite themselves together.
It is further submitted to the Wisdom and Humanity of your High Mightinesses, whether
it is not visibly for the Good of Mankind, that the Powers of Europe, who are convinced
of the Justice of the American Cause (and where is one to be found that is not?) should
make haste to acknowledge the Independence of the United States, and form equitable
Treaties with them, as the surest Means of convincing Great Britain of the Impracticability
of her Pursuits: whether the late Marine Treaty, concerning the Rights of neutral
{ 279 } Vessels, noble and useful as it is, can be established against Great Britain, who
never will adopt it nor submit to it but from Necessity, without the Independence
of America: whether the Return of America, with her Nurseries of Seamen and Magazines
of Materials for Navigation and Commerce, to the Domination and Monopoly of Great
Britain, if that were practicable, would not put the Possessions of other Nations
beyond Seas wholly in the Power of that enormous Empire, which has long been governed
wholly by the feeling of its own Power; at least without a proportional Attention
to Justice, Humanity or Decency. When it is obvious and certain that the Americans
are not inclined to submit again to the British Government on one hand, and that the
Powers of Europe ought not and could not with Safety consent to it, if they were,
on the other: why should a Source of Contention be left open for future Contingencies
to involve the Nations of Europe in still more Bloodshed; when, by one decisive Step
of the Maritime Powers, in making Treaties with a Nation long in Possession of Sovereignty,
by Right and in Fact, it might be closed.
The Example of your High Mightinesses would, it is hoped, be followed by all the Maritime
Powers, especially those, which are Parties to the late Marine Treaty: nor can an
Apprehension, that the Independence of America would be injurious to the Trade of
the Baltic be any Objection. This Jealousy is so groundless, that the reverse would
happen. The Freight and Insurance in Voyages across the Atlantic are so high, and
the Price of Labour so dear in America, that Tar, Pitch, Turpentine and Ship Timber
can never be transported to Europe at so cheap a Rate, as it has been and will be
afforded by Countries round the Baltic. This Commerce was supported by the English
before the Revolution with difficulty, and not without large Parliamentary Bounties.
Of Hemp, Cordage and Sail Cloth, there will not probably be a Sufficiency raised in
America for her own Consumption in many Centuries, for the plainest of all Reasons,
because those Articles can be imported from Amsterdam, or even from Petersbourg or
Archangel cheaper than they can be raised at Home. America will therefore be for Ages
a Market for these Articles of the Baltic Trade.
Nor is there more Solidity in another Supposition, propagated by the English to prevent
other Nations from pursuing their true Interests, that other Colonies will follow
the Example of the United States. Those Powers, which have as large Possessions as
any beyond Seas, have already declared against England, apprehending no such Consequences.
Indeed there is no Probability of any other Power of { 280 } Europe following the Example of England, in attempting to change the whole System
of the Government of Colonies, and reducing them by Oppression to the Necessity of
governing themselves. And without such manifest Injustice and Cruelty on the Part
of the Metropolis, there is no danger of Colonies attempting Innovations. Established
Governments are founded deeply in the Hearts, the Passions, the Imaginations and Understandings
of the People, and without some violent Change from without to alter the Temper and
Character of the whole People, it is not in human Nature to exchange Safety for Danger,
and certain Happiness for very precarious Benefits.
It is submitted to the Consideration of your High Mightinesses, whether the System
of the United States, which was minutely considered and discussed and unanimously
agreed on in Congress in the Year one thousand seven hundred and seventy six, in planning
the Treaty they proposed to France, to form equitable Commercial Treaties with all
the Maritime Powers of Europe, without being governed or monopolized by any: a System
which was afterwards approved by the King, and made the Foundation of the Treaties
with his Majesty: a System to which the United States have hitherto constantly adhered,
and from which they never will depart, unless compelled by some Powers declaring against
them, which is not expected; is not the only means of preventing this growing Country
from being an Object of everlasting Jealousies, Rivalries and Wars among the Nations.
If this Idea is just, it follows, that it is the Interest of every State in Europe,
to acknowledge American Independency immediately. If such benevolent Policy should
be adopted, the new World will be a proportional Blessing to every Part of the old.
The Subscriber has the further Honour of informing your High Mightinesses, that the
United States of North America in Congress Assembled, impressed with an high Sense
of the Wisdom and Magnanimity of your High Mightinesses, and of your inviolable Attachment
to the Rights and Liberties of Mankind, and being desirous of cultivating the Friendship
of a Nation, eminent for its Wisdom, Justice and Moderation, have appointed the Subscriber
to be their Minister Plenipotentiary to reside near You, that he may give You more
particular Assurances of the great Respect they entertain for your High Mightinesses,
beseeching your High Mightinesses to give entire Credit to every thing, which their
said Minister shall deliver on their Part, especially when he shall assure You of
the Sincerity of their Friendship and Regard. The original Letter of Credence, under
the Seal of Congress, the Subscriber is ready to deliver to your High { 281 } Mightinesses, or to such Persons as You shall direct to recieve it. He has also a
similar Letter of Credence to his most Serene Highness the Prince Stadtholder.6
All which is respectfully submitted to the Consideration of your High Mightinesses,
together with the Propriety of appointing some Person or Persons, to treat on the
Subject of his Mission, by
[signed] John Adams
MS in John Thaxter's hand, with date and signature by JA (Adams Papers); notation: “Copy of Memorial of 19 April 1781.” A nearly identical MS and two MS French translations in John Thaxter's hand are also among the Adams Papers. JA probably intended to present the MSS to Pieter van Bleiswyck and Hendrik Fagel on 4 May, see JA to the president of Congress, 7 May, below. LbC (Adams Papers), preceded by a French translation in JA's hand. Lb/JA/16 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 104) also contains two Dft's dated [ca. 27–29 March] and [ca. 6 April]. For differences between the Dft's and the MS, see notes 3 and 6.
1. JA deliberately dated the memorial 19 April, the sixth anniversary of the opening battles
of the American Revolution. The allusion to Lexington and Concord would be obvious
to Americans and also would remind the Dutch people of their own revolt against Spanish
rule. Note that exactly one year later, on 19 April 1782, the States General recognized
the United States.
JA also may have intended to present the memorial on 19 April, but events delayed its
delivery until 4 May. The memorial was completed prior to 13 April, the day Dumas
translated the text into French (LbC, Adams Papers). JA's ultimate decision to inform the French ambassador of his intentions, however, and
his subsequent meetings with La Vauguyon, which did not take place until 19–20 April,
as well as William V's absence from The Hague between 18 and 24 April all would have
delayed its presentation (from La Vauguyon, 17 April, above; Gazette de Leyde, 17, 27 April).
2. JA was fully aware that the States General would not accept a memorial from the minister
of a nation as yet unrecognized, but he nevertheless went through the motions of presenting
it. Then, to insure that his initiative would not disappear into the labyrinth of
the Dutch political system, JA published the memorial in English, French, and Dutch editions. He chose to rely on
public opinion to influence the various provincial states and the instructions they
would give their representatives in the States General. Clearly it was a departure
from normal diplomatic practice and when JA later described it as resembling the unexpected tactics of a militia against a regular
army, the memorial of 19 April became the epitome of “militia diplomacy” (to the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, 21 Feb. 1782, Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:192–199).
Even more significant perhaps than its appearance as a pamphlet was the memorial's
wide publication, despite its length, in European and American newspapers. See, for
example, Le politique hollandais, 14 May; Gazette de Leyde, 15 May; Mercure de France, 26 May and 9 June; London Courant and Westminster Chronicle, 21, 22, and 23 May; Courier du Bas Rhin (from Dumas, 18 May, below); Boston's Independent Chronicle, 27 Sept.; Massachusetts Spy, 4 Oct.; and the Pennsylvania Gazette, 10 October. The appearance of the memorial in so many different publications, particularly
in Europe, gives it an importance beyond that of a simple, if unorthodox, diplomatic
initiative. It is likely that the memorial was the most widely published piece JA ever wrote. More importantly, its succinct explanation of why the American colonies
chose to throw off British imperial rule, including several telling passages on the
Declaration of Independence and the sort of relationship that the U.S. envisioned
with Europe, was likely the first such account that many Europeans read.
3. In the drafts, JA preceded the announcement of his commission as minister plenipotentiary to the Netherlands
with an account of his appointment as minister to negotiate an Anglo-American peace
treaty. The enclosed copy of JA's commission of 29 Dec. 1780 (vol. 10:449) has not been positively identified, but it may be that which is at
the South Carolina { 282 } Historical Society and bears the notation: “Leyden April 19. 1781. A true Copy attest.
John Adams.”
4. In the printed English version, A Memorial. To their High Mightinesses, the States General of the United Provinces
of the Low-Countries, [Leyden, 1781], the preceding phrase reads “consistent with the Treaties already
formed with France & Spain.” JA wanted the word “Treaties” replaced with “Relations,” see JA to Dumas, 19 May, and Dumas' reply of 23 May, both below. He personally corrected John Trumbull's copy of the Memorial [Leyden, 1781], now at the Massachusetts Historical Society, by writing the word
“Relations” in the margin. He also must have corrected the Memorial he enclosed in his first letter of 16 May to the president of Congress, below, because when the Pennsylvania Gazette printed the memorial on 10 Oct. it used the word “Relations.” JA apparently failed to make the correction in the copy he sent to AA on 22 May because the Boston Independent Chronicle of 27 Sept. retained the word “Treaties” (Adams Family Correspondence, 4:122). When JA published the memorial in 1782 as part of his Collection of State Papers, he evidently used the Memorial as his source, because the word “Treaties” and the differences indicated in note
5 are repeated.
5. In Memorial [Leyden, 1781] this sentence reads “If there was ever among Nations a natural Alliance,
one may be formed between the two Republicks.”
6. In the first draft the preceding six paragraphs do not appear. There the final substantive
paragraph states that even if the States General refused or postponed its acceptance
of JA's credentials, the law of nations still obligated it to extend to him their protection
as a minister of a sovereign state passing through their territory. This statement
also appears in the second draft, where it originally formed the final paragraph of
the memorial. There, however, it was canceled and the paragraph beginning “The Subscriber
has the further Honour to inform Your High Mightinesses” was added. The letters of
credence to the States General and William Vreferred to here are dated 1 Jan., both above.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0205
Recipient: William V, Prince of Orange and Stadholder of the Netherlands
Date: 1781-04-19
Memorial to William V, Prince of Orange
[dateline] Leyden April 19. 1781
A Memorial To his most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange and Nassau, Hereditary Statholder and Governor of the Seven United Provinces of the Low Countries.
The Subscriber has the Honour to inform your most Serene Highness, that the United
States of America, in Congress assembled, impressed with a deep Sense of your Wisdom
and Magnanimity, and being desirous of cultivating the Friendship of your Highness
and of the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands, who have ever distinguished
themselves by an inviolable Attachment to Freedom and the Rights of Nations, have
appointed the Subscriber, to be their Minister Plenipotentiary at your Court, that
he may give You more particular Assurances of the great Respect they entertain for
your Highness, and for the People over whom You preside as Statholder, beseeching
your Highness to give entire Credit to every thing, which their said Minister shall
deliver on their Part, especially when he shall assure You of the Sincerity of their
Friendship and Regard. The original Letter of Credence, under the Seal of Congress,
he is desirous of the Honour of delivering whenever and in whatever manner { 283 } | view { 284 } your Highness shall judge proper to recieve it.1 He has the further Honour of informing your Highness, that the said United States
have honoured him with full Powers to form a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with the
States General, and also with Letters of Credence as Minister Plenipotentiary to their
High Mightinesses. In Consequence of which he has done himself the Honour to present
a Memorial, a Copy of which is here annexed.2
The Subscriber in the discharge of these Trusts considers himself rather as proposing
a Renovation of old Friendships than the Formation of new ones, as the Americans have
ever been the good and faithfull Allies of this Nation, and have done nothing to forfeit
its Esteem. On the contrary they are confident they have a better title to it, as
they have adhered stedfastly through every Trial to those Principles which formed
and supported the Connection, Principles which founded and have supported this Republick,
while others have wantonly abandoned them.
The Subscriber thinks himself particularly fortunate to be thus accredited to a Nation,
which has made such memorable Exertions in favour of the Rights of Men, and to a Prince,
whose illustrious Line of Ancestors and Predecessors have so often supported in Holland
and England those Liberties for which the United States of America now contend: and
it will be the Completion of his Wishes if he should be so happy as to recommend the
Cause of his Country to the favorable Attention of your most Serene Highness, and
of this People.
[signed] John Adams
MS in John Thaxter's hand, with date and signature by JA (Adams Papers); notation: “[Me]morial to the Prince of Orange [19] April 1781. [Pres]ented but not recd, and never [pub]lished.” For JA's presentation of the MS to William V's secretary, see his letter of 7 May to the president of Congress, below. A portion of the MS has been cut off, resulting in the loss of portions of the endorsement, but not the
text of the memorial.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0206
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-21
From Benjamin Franklin
[dateline] Passy, April 21. 1781
[salute] Sir
Agreable to my Faith I have obtain'd a Promise of Money sufficient to pay the Bills you have accepted,
and shall accordingly accept those you draw on me for that purpose. I request only
that you would send me immediately a List of the Bills, and of the Times of their
becoming due, that I may be always provided, and that as the Money will come { 285 } gradually into my hands, you would not draw upon me for the whole Sum at once, but
for the Sums as they become demandable of you. Mr. Grand will write by this Courier
to the House of Fizeaux & Grand to take your Bills in that way, and furnish you with
the Money. Mr. Neufville has written to me about another Bill that is come into his
Hands, which he desires me to accept or engage to pay.1 There seems to me a Risque in doing so without seeing the Bill, as our Enemies are
not too honest to attempt Counterfeiting. I wish therefore that you would look at
it, and if you find it good accept it.
I must now beg you would concur with me in writing earnestly to Congress, to hazard
no more Drafts where they have no Funds. I believe there is hardly another Instance
in the World of a People risquing their Credit so much who unfortunately have so little,
and who must by this Proceeding, if continued, soon have none at all. The Necessity
of their Affairs is the only Excuse for it. This Court is our firm Friend, but the
best Friends may be wearied, and worne out, by too frequent and unexpected Demands.
I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient & most humble Servant
[signed] B Franklin
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0207
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-22
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels April 22d. 1781
[salute] Sir
It is so very long since I had the Honor of hearing from your Excellency, that I am
fearful your Excellency is out of order.1
I take the Liberty of informing your Excellency, that I shall leave this place the
Tenth of next Month, in order to Conduct my Nephew2 to Nantes, where He will embark about the first of June for America. Should your
Excellency have any Commands I can Answer for Him, He will execute them most Faithfully.
We have no News here. It is Supposed the Spanish fleet after having put on shore its
Sick and taking refreshments the 27th. Ultimo put to sea again the 4th. Instant.
The Merchants and Traders of these Countries have laid before the Governor a memorial,
wherein they state their losses by the English to amount to four Millions of Florins.
Dispatches are sent to Vienna and to London on this Account.
I have reason to think your Excellency has recieved the Packet, which was negligently
left at Valenciennes, and about which I was very Uneasy. I shall be glad to hear truth
thereof confirmd.3
{ 286 } I am with the greatest Respect Sir Your Excellencys Most Faithful & Obedient Humble
Servt.
[signed] Edm. Jenings
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0208
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-22
From James Searle
[dateline] Amsterdam 22d. April 1781
[salute] Sir
Having recieved so many proofs of your Friendship and Civility to me personally, and
being fully convinced as I am of your Ardent desire to be usefull to your Country
and to render every Service in your power to each individual State, I beg leave as
Agent for the State of Pennsylvania for the purpose of procuring a Loan of money in
Holland for the use of that State to ask in this manner your opinion whether my longer
Stay in Europe For the purpose abovementioned is likely to be attended with the Success
that might be wished. I have already communicated to you my instructions from the
President, Speaker of the Assembly, and Council, and have also informed you of the
Steps I have taken to comply with their Instructions by every means in my power; It
woud be unnecssary to tell you that my endeavours have been altogether unsuccessfull both in Holland and France,
and from any thing I can find there is not the least prospect of my Succeeding in
procuring Money on Loan for the State of Pennsylvania for a long time to come, if
at all in Holland, or indeed from any other part of Europe. Thus disagreably circumstanced
if you shoud be of opinion that there is but little or no prospect of my Succeeding
in any reasonable time, (and for my own part I am clearly of that opinion) I shall
think it my duty to return by the first good opportunity to America and give an account
of the Situation of matters in Europe respecting Loans of money.1
I hope Sir for your indulgence in the liberty I take with you which nothing but the
distress of mind I find myself sinking under coud induce me to do. I am with every
Sentiment of Respect & Veneration Dr. Sir Your most Obliged & Obedt. Servant
[signed] James Searle
RC (Adams Papers).
1. For Searle's official account of his efforts to raise money in France and the Netherlands,
in which he mentions the assistance JA provided, see his letter of 23 July 1782 to William Moore, President of Pennsylvania
(Penna. Archives, Series 1, 9:589–591).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0209-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-26
From C. W. F. Dumas
[dateline] Lahaie 26e. Avr. 1781
[salute] Monsieur
Je n'ai rien, pour le coup, de nouveau à vous marquer, Si ce n'est, que je viens d'apprendre
qu un certain nombre de Marchands de la grande ville fera enfin la basse démarche
auprès du Mre. Br. d'envoyer des Députés à L—— négocier la restitution de ce qui leur
appartient des effets capturés à S. E. Quelques bons Patriotes, quoi, qu'ils y perdent
aussi, ont refusé de souscrire à cette Députation, à la tête de laquelle Sera Mr.
H—— .1 Ceux de Rm. ont refusé aussi de participer à cette petitesse. J'espere que votre
démarche, dans la premiere Semaine du Mois prochain, relevera par ses bons effets
le courage des autres. Je viens de mettre au net ma Traduction, pour l'avoir prête
à remettre à l'Imprimeur dès que vous le jugerez à propos après la démarche faite.2 J'en suis toujours plus content; et je me persuade de plus en plus, que vous avez
raison de ne pas vouloir différer davantage. Il est bon d'ailleurs que cela se fasse
lorsque les Etats d'Hde. se trouveront assemblés ici: Or ils le seront le 4 du mois
prochain. Ayez la bonté, Monsieur, de vouloir m'avertir quand vous quitterez Amst.,
et quand vous comptez de vous rendre ici pour la Démarche. J'écris ce soir à Bruxelles
à une Maison dont on m'a donné l'adresse, et qui se charge ordinairement de faire
venir des effets de Paris à bon compte par des Rouliers, afin de Savoir leurs conditions,
et l'adresse de leur Correspondant à Paris. Dès que j'aurai réponse, je vous en ferai
part; et alors vous pourrez avoir vos Coffres quand vous voudrez et sûrement. Mes
respects, S'il vous plait, à Mr. Searle, et à Mr. Gillon, S'il est à Amstm. Je suis
avec tout celui qui vous est voué pour toujours, Monsieur Votre trèshumble & trèsobéissant
serviteur
[signed] Dumas
Le Courier qu'on attend ici de Petersb. n'est pas encore arrivé.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0209-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-26
C. W. F. Dumas to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] The Hague, 26 April 1781
[salute] Sir
I have nothing new to relate to you except that I just learned that several Amsterdam
merchants will make a démarche to the British minister to send deputies to London
to negotiate restitution for their belongings captured at St. Eustatius. Several good
patriots, even though they also suffered losses, refused to participate in the deputation,
headed by Mr. H——.1 Those from Rotterdam also refused to participate in this pettiness. I hope that your
{ 288 } démarche, during the first week of next month, will elevate the courage of others
through its goodness. I just finished my translation so that I will have it ready
for the printer when you need to send it after the démarche.2 I am still very happy with it, and am persuaded more and more that you were right
not to make any more changes. It is good, moreover, that this is taking place while
the Dutch states are assembled here, which they will be on the 4th of next month.
Have the kindness, sir, to warn me when you are to leave Amsterdam, and when you plan
to come here for the démarche. Tonight I am writing a letter to an establishment in
Brussels, for which I was given the address, in order to get their terms, and their
Parisian correspondent's address, for transporting goods from Paris by wagon. As soon
as I get a reply from them, I will tell you about it and maybe then you could have
your trunks sent to you when you like. Give my regards, if you please, to Mr. Searle,
and to Mr. Gillon, if he is still in Amsterdam. I am with all that is devoted to you,
sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Dumas
The expected courier from St. Petersburg has not arrived yet.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. No démarche was made. “Mr. H–” remains unidentified.
2. This was Dumas' French translation of JA's memorial to the States General dated 19 April, above, but presented on 4 May. Jean Luzac was JA's original choice for translator, “but Mr. Dumas was very desirous of performing
that service” (JA, Corr. in the Boston Patriot, p. 430). Dumas' original translation has not been found. The copy that JA entered into his Letterbook includes the notation: “Traduit par ordre de S. E. à
Leide le 13 avril 1781, Sur un original anglois Signé de S. E. par C. W. F. Dumas
A.D.E.U.” Translation: Translated by order of His Excellency at Leyden, 13 April 1781,
from the original English signed by His Excellency, by C. W. F. Dumas, Agent of the
United States.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0210
Recipient: Franklin, Benjamin
Date: 1781-04-27
To Benjamin Franklin
[dateline] Amsterdam April 27. 1781
I have received your Excellencys Letter of the 21. and will Send you the List of the
Bills, and of the times of their becoming due according to your desire, as soon as
I can make it out. I will examine Mr. De Neufvilles Bill, and if it is good, accept
it.
From the time I received from Congress, their orders to borrow Money here, I have
constantly, in my Letters, requested that no draughts might be made upon me, untill
there should be News from me that I had Money to discharge them. This Request I shall
repeat. But the Cries of the Army for Cloaths, induce Congress to venture upon Measures,
which appear hazardous to Us. However, by the Intelligence I have, they had grounds
to expect, that the Draughts hitherto made would be honoured.1
I sometimes think, paradoxical as it may Seem, that one set of Bills protested would
immediately procure Congress, a large Loan. No { 289 } Bills are in better Credit than these. There is an Appetite here, for American Trade,
as ravenous as that of a shark for his Prey. And if they Saw danger of having this
Trade broke up, they would do much to save it.
I have the Honour to acquaint your Excellency, that I Sometime ago, received from
Congress, full Powers to conclude with the States General of the United Provinces
of the low Countries, a Treaty of Amity and Commerce. And that I have very lately
received a Letter of Credence as Minister Plenipotentiary, to their High Mightinesses
and another to his most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange. Being thus fixed to
this Country for the present I have taken a House in Amsterdam, on the Keysers Gragt,
near the Spiegel Straat, for the Convenience of our Countrymen who may have occasion
to visit me, and of the Merchants who have Bills upon me, untill their High Mightinesses,
shall have taken the necessary time to deliberate upon it, and determine to acknowledge
the Independance of the United States, enter into Treaty with them and receive me
at the Hague. If this should happen, I hope We should obtain a Credit here: but We
never shall before. I have the Honour to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble
servant
[signed] John Adams
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0211-0001
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1781-04-27
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Amsterdam April 27. 1781
[salute] Dear Sir
I have received yours of the 22. Will you be so kind as to give me the Address of
your Nephew, that I may be able to convey to him, Letters for America, as I may have
opportunity before he Sails.
At present I know not what to write from this Country. We are now to wait untill the
20th. of June and then see great Things.1
The Packets you mention reached me, the Sixth of this Month, after many hair breadth
'Scapes in Dilligences Post offices, and Treck Schuyts. One would conclude, by their
good Fortune they were destined to do good. Time will discover, but there must be
a great deal of it.
We are told that Things are in a good Way here: but I wish I could see more Proofs
of it. It requires more Patience, to be here than any where.
{ 290 } It is a misfortune that We have not the American Account of Tarletons defeat. The
Militia of the Carolinas begin to feel themselves. I fancy the British Troops will
have enough of them, before long.
Clinton Seems to be going down Hill. It is high time for him to publish his Apology,
in Imitation of Burgoine and How.2
The Maxim of Lucullus's soldier “Let him mount Breaches who had ne'er a Groat,” is
adopted by all of them.3 Cornwallis's Fortune, is to be made next. Clintons Abilities and indeed his Activity
and Exertions have been much inferiour to those of Burgoine and How. And Cornwallis's
when he gets the Command in Chief will be less still.
There is an hourly Expectation of News from Petersbourg which is Supposed to be good.
The Empress is still believed to be firm and wise.
The English have little Consolation left, but to gnash their Teeth and cry Rebel.
What a Pleasure they take in pronouncing that Word! Since it is all the Pleasure they
have left, it is a Pity to envy it, to them. They now make it every other Word in
all their Writings and Speeches. Rebel Rebel Rebel, Rebel.4 They remind me of a mad Woman I once saw who had no Comfort but in pronouncing the
Words “oh dreadfull, dreadfull dreadfull.” She would pronounce this Word all day and
all night.
I have taken an House on the Keysers Gragt near the Spiegel Straat, and am about becoming
a Citizen of Amsterdam—unless their High mightinesses should pronounce me a Rebel,
and expel me their Dominions, which I believe they will not be inclined to do.
Mr. Winslow Warren the son of my Friend, who would not be Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts,
will call upon you.5 I should be particularly obliged to you to shew him Brussells.
Inclosed are Some broken Hints, which I wish you would enlarge upon in detail, you
know where.6 It is a subject at present of critical Importance. I have not time at present to
digest, it, or I would be more particular.
Say what they will a Connection with America, is no indifferent thing to this People.
In my Opinion their Independance, depends upon that of the U.S. Should America return
to the English—or remaining independent, should this Republick despise or neglect
America untill a Peace, is made between her and England this Republick would loose
gradually her Manufactures her Baltick Trade her African Trade, her Greenland Fisheries
and even her coasting { 291 } Trade. The Devil is in the Dutch to be so stupid and insensible to their situation,
if they dont awake, they will sleep the sleep of Death.
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); endorsed: “His Excellency Mr Adams April 27. 1781.” Enclosure filmed at 23 April
(Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 354).
1. The significance of 20 June is unknown.
2. Like John Burgoyne and William Howe, who published pamphlets in 1780 defending their
actions in America, Henry Clinton soon wrote his own account, entitled Narrative of Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Clinton, K.B. Relative to His Conduct during Part of His Command of the King's Troops in North-America,
Particularly to that which respects the unfortunate Issue of the Campaign in 1781, London, 1783.
3. Horace, Epistles, Bk. II, Ep. ii, line 40 (Horace: Satires, Epistles and Ars Poetica with an English Translation, by H. Rushton Fairclough, Cambridge, 1947). One of Lucullus' soldiers saved a sum
of money, which was then stolen. After he acquired new riches through valor on the
battlefield he uttered this line when asked to once again risk his life and fortune.
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0211-0002
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1781-04-23
Enclosure: Draft of an Article
[dateline] April 23. 1781
[salute] Sir
It is often Said in this Country, “We have nothing to gain by this War.” But who is
to gain? If Holland has nothing to gain, it has much to loose, and the Question now
is not what is to be gained, but was it to be Saved and defended. This Republick,
may loose all her Possessions in the East and West Indies: she may loose her Navigation
and Commerce: she may loose her Baltick Trade: her Greenland Fishery; her African
Trade; her Manufactures, her Weight in the commercial and political scales of Europe;
nay she may loose her Independance, and be conquered and divided among her Neighbours.
The Question is whether these Objects are worth defending?
What would be the Consequence to this nation if America should return to the Domination
and Monopoly of Great Britain? What would be the Consequence, if an ungenerous Treatment
of America should oblige the Congress, to purchase Peace and Independance of Great
Britain by Sacrifice of the Commerce of this Republick? What would be the Consequence
if the Congress should propose to the K. of G.B. “Acknowledge our Independance, and
We will enter into a Treaty with you, not to trade directly or indirectly with the
Dutch.” It would be better for America to do this, for the sake of a speedy Peace,
than to continue to be made a Spectacle like a Match at Cock fighting or Bull or Bear
Baiting, as they are to People who are almost as much interested in their Independance
as they are them selves.
Notwithstanding our fond Attachment to England, her Rivalry has been a source of terrible
Evils to this Country. While America was in Connection with the British Empire, it
was an enormous Tree, by the side of a small shrub which extracted and exhausted the
Nutrition of the soil, and prevented the Circulation of the Juices in the Bush, untill
one Sprig and branch of it after another died away, and it was in danger of perishing
even to the Root.
What was the flourishing state of our Manufactures forty years ago? And into what
decay are they fallen now? What is the Cause of this?
Because the English, having such a vast demand for Manufactures in America, and being
able to sell them there at what Price they pleased, and to get American Productions
the Materials of Manufac• { 292 } tures and Commerce, as cheap as they pleased, their Manufactures received such an
Encouragement, that they were able to Undersell Us, at the foreign Marketts. Have
not our Numbers of seamen been diminished too, by Similar Means and those of England
increased.
What is the Cause of the Decay of our Possessions in the West Indies, Surinam Coracoa
&c. Was it not because they recieved no Advantage from a Commerce with the Continent
of America?
Was it not because the superiority of the English Possessions in that Country, obstructed
their Trade and Growth.
What was the Effect of this Rivalry or superiority in the East Indies?
What the Effect in Africa?
What would be the Effect upon all these Interests if, America were to return again
to the Obedience and Monopoly of G. Britain? What would be the Effect of it upon the
Baltic Trade, upon our Manufactures, our Greenland Whale Fisheries, our African Trade,
or East India and West India Possessions!
There is a current opinion here, that We should wait untill England has acknowledged
American Independance, and then make a Treaty with the United States. But are We sure,
that America will then make a Treaty with Us? By no Means. She will have no Motive
to it. On the Contrary there is great danger, that England will sooner or later offer
to acknowledge America Independance, on Condition that she will agree to Sacrifice
the Dutch, and in such a Case America would be a Fool if she did not Accept it.
But We will then lend her Money. I answer then she would not Accept of Money from
you. The American Debt if this War should continue 20 Years, will be part of it paid
off, the very first Year of Peace. Instead of borrowing Money after Peace they will
instantly set about paying off the Capital, of the Debt contracted during the War.
Suppose a Peace. England has acknowledged American Independance and made a Treaty
of Amity and Commerce with the United States, Similar to that between France and them.
What Motive will they have to make one with us? None. They will tell us you meanly
neglected Us and despised Us in our distress, now take your own Course. We will trade
with you as much as is for our Convenience, but We will bind ourselves to nothing.
We can have Hemp Cordage Sail Cloth from Russia Sweeden and Denmark, or we can take
them of England. We dont want your Friendship now. And it is probable, that America,
having by Treaty a Right to trade with France and England, that England and America
would run away with all our Baltick Trade. Whereas, it is now in our Power, to turn
this Trade { 293 } into such a Channell, by making a Treaty with America, that We should continue in
Possession of it, after a Peace. We shall continue to Supply France and Spain and
America with those Articles. Whereas, if We refuse it We shall very soon see American
ships supplying France and Spain with stores from the Baltick.
We are lending vast Sums of Money to England, and have lent them Ships to enable them
to murder Americans. We have prohibed Supplies to Americans, with a partial Rigour.
And We may depend upon it if this system is pursued, this Country is undone. We are
preparing Vengeance for ourselves and Posterity, which both the English and the Americans
will take in full Tale.
What will become of our Greenland Fishery, if America were again joined to England?
This would be undermined by degrees, like our Manufactures.
Power and Wealth, like those of G. B. united with America, grow and multiply rapidly,
at the Expence of all around them. Like an overgrown mercantile House in a particular
City, they draw away the Business and Profit from all inferiour Merchants.
It is in England a recommendation to an Estate in the Country, that there is no lord
within ten mile. The great Fish Eat the little ones.
The content of all or some notes that appeared on this page in the printed volume
has been moved to the end of the preceding document.
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); endorsed: “His Excellency Mr Adams April 27. 1781.” Enclosure filmed at 23 April
(Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 354).
Docno: ADMS-06-11-02-0212
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1781-04-28
From John Laurens
[dateline] Paris April 28. 1781
[salute] Sir
I have the honor of transmitting to your Excellency copies of a { 294 } representation made to me by Commodore Gillon on the subject of the frigate South
Carolina—and a memorandum of articles settled and agreed upon between us.1 My motives for engaging in this business are That the excellence of the conveyance
enables me to transmit immediately a part of the Specie destined for the United States,
which would otherwise have been the object of a future and uncertain epoch. That the
greatest part of her present Cargo consists in articles which I am directed to forward
to America on Continental account. That She will have a considerable vacancy for an
additional Cargo of the same kind. That the said Cargo can be obtained immediately
in Holland—and That the arrival of a Ship of her force and peculiar good qualities
on the American Coast will be a very valuable acquisition. With respect to the State
of South Carolina, there is a prospect of considerable benefit to her, from having
her Ship at sea in condition to profit by cruising—and She will have her share in
the advantages that will result to the general interest, in common with the other
Members of the Union.
Mr. J. de Neufville has engaged to provide and ship the additional Cargo, on Continental
account, agreeable to an Invoice delivered him, by the 20th. of May on the most reasonable
terms. The confidence placed in him by Your Excellency was my only inducement for
accepting the offer of his services on this occasion.
It appeared to me adviseable both for the sake of authenticity—and in order that a
controul should be placed in the most respectable hands—to trouble your Excellency
with drawing the bills for the payment of the new purchases and the Cargo already
on board—the former to be made payable to Mr. Neufville & Co. at six months sight—and
not to be drawn until the whole of the supplies are embarked, and the proper invoices
and vouchers are delivered to Your Excellency. The latter to be made payable to Commodore
Gillon at six months sight, and to be drawn upon his application—the whole to be addressed
to our Minister plenipotentiary at this Court.
I expect to obtain two millions of livres to arrive in Holland in time to be transmitted
by the South Carolina. Two millions more will be sent in the frigate destined to reconduct
me, which I hope will sail in all the next month.2 Five millions will be procured at Vera-Cruz or the Havannah to be conveyed by a frigate
to be detached for that service from the french W. Indies. This is the distribution
of pecuniary succours for the present moment.3 The epochs are to be fixed as near as possible for farther transmissions. Captn.
Jackson, Aide de Camp to General Lincoln, An Officer of merit, intelligence, and { 295 } activity, has at my request and from zeal for the service undertaken the journey to
Holland in order to accelerate as much as possible the whole of this business. I entreat
your Excellency's advice to this Gentleman—and it is with the confidence inspired
by your distinguished public services that I sollicit your protection and assistance
as far as may be required, in a matter the success of which is so essential to the
interests of the United States.
I should have had the honor of introducing myself to Your Excellency and announcing
the objects of my mission by Mr. Dana, but unluckily for me he left Paris at a moment
when I was closely occupied at Versailles. I have much to regret that my short stay
in Europe will deprive me of an opportunity of cultivating a particular acquaintance
with your Excellency, whose public and private character have inspired me with so
much veneration. It will in some degree console me if your Excellency will render
me in any way useful to you in America—and favor me with your particular commands
for that Country.
I have the honor to be with the most profound respect Your Excellencys most obedient
and most humble servt.
[signed] John Laurens
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers;) endorsed: “John Laurens Esqr. 28 April 1781. ansd. 8. May 1781.”; docketed by CFA: “John Laurens Esqr. 28. April 1781.” Following Laurens' signature John Thaxter copied
JA's note of 18 June to Benjamin Franklin, below. For the enclosure, endorsed: “Agreement between Coll
Laurens & Comr. Gillon”; see note 1.
1. Alexander Gillon's representation has not been found. The enclosed agreement, dated
28 April and in John Laurens' hand, documents Laurens' promise to purchase on Congress'
account £10,000 worth of goods from the cargo of the frigate South Carolina, thereby enabling Gillon to pay off his creditors and sail for the U.S. In return,
Gillon agreed to surrender the original invoices to Laurens' agent, provide the maximum
cargo space for Congress' goods by removing all nonessential items from the frigate,
load the ship expeditiously, and proceed directly to Philadelphia by the northern
route around Scotland, thereby avoiding British privateers lurking in the English
Channel. The agreement served the needs of both men, but it was never executed as
intended because of Gillon's actions as commander of the South Carolina, and the differing expectations of Laurens and Franklin regarding the funds available
for their use.
2. Laurens sailed from Brest on 1 June aboard the French frigate R