The packet for Congress contains only duplicates of one forwarded about the 10th.
of Septr: O.S. from hence by water for Amsterdam, under cover to Messrs: De Neufville
& Son, which was to be submitted to your perusal, except my letter to the President
of the 4/15 inst:.
2 You will break it up to read that, and then be pleased to forward it by the earliest
opportunity. But I shall expect you give me your sentiments in return with your wonted
integrity. I stand much in need of your friendly and substantial advice. If you find
any opinions which are not just, correct them with freedom. You know me too well to
suppose I shall not take this in good part. You will much oblige me by some account
of matters upon your last tour.
3 I want to know whether they wear the same aspect in that, as I have supposed them
to do in this political hemisphere. These
{ 36 } communications may serve to correct the notions of both of us, concerning them. When
I have said The Independence of the United States
was certainly the basis of the first plan of pacification, I have not grounded my assertion upon
the propositions of the Mediators. I have such assurances of this fact that I do not
doubt it. What I have said of the Emperor, I think myself at present equally well
founded in; and I wish you may not find my conjecture about Holland true, and that
she may be earlier prepared to do as she ought to do. Does not her political pendulum
still vibrate between bellegerent and neutral? I have indeed more hopes of her from
the spirit with which the regency of Amsterdam seem to be now supported. If you shou’d
be called upon to negociate a Treaty with her, you will pardon my suggesting to you
that the project sent to you is very defective.
4 If the copy which Mr: Thaxter made out for me is a true one, there is no provision
in it upon the following points—the right to participate in commercial priviledges
granted to the most favoured nation. (The 2d. article I think does not reach this)—Not
to disturb national Fisheries—ships of war &c, freely carrying their prizes whithersoever
they please—foreign privateers fitting out or selling prizes in the ports of either
party—free trade, except contraband articles, with an enemy—free ships free goods—description
of contraband and lawful effects—sea-papers in case of one party being at war—searches
at sea—searches in port. Is it to be supposed all these particulars were omitted as
being against us? There is a new point which I have already mentioned to you. The
abolition of the Law of Amsterdam which prohibits a Captain of a foreign Nation in
that port receiving on board his vessel even one of his own Countrymen, either as
passenger or mariner, without permission from the City Magistrate, under a very heavy
penalty.
5 This law is unjust in itself, is a snare for strangers, especially under the infamous
practices of their petty officers, who employ some villainous sailors to go on board
strange vessels to ship themselves, and then to come away and give information to
them. Some of our Countrymen have already suffered severely under it. You will consider
this Law I am sure in its proper light. There is another matter of much more consequence
still, about which I am unable to give particular information, tho’ you may obtain
this tis probable, from some of our mercantile Countrymen at Amsterdam. The abominable
abuse at the weigh houses, where after goods are weighed, certain officers (who have
a good understanding with their own merchants as some of them have confessed to me)
in a most arbitrary manner not only
{ 37 } settle the
tare, but make enormous deductions under pretence of the goods being of an inferiour quality,
or damaged, and this without giving themselves the trouble of making the proper examination.
6 Their decision is conclusive, or at least as things stand, upon appeal redress is
sought in vain: for by this craft we make much gain, say the Dutch Merchants. Those
of them to whom I have talked upon this matter, have freely acknowledged the iniquity
of this practice, but say, there is no helping it at present, when we make a commercial
treaty with you, it must be provided against. I know your views are so direct, that
you have the real interest of our Country so much at heart, that you can never be
offended at the liberty I take, or consider it as an impertinent interference in your
department. We were last seperated too suddenly, and my mind was too much agitated
by the weight of the business that lay before me, when compared with my abilities,
to recollect these things which did not immediately concern me. I am now more at ease,
tho’ I feel the want of the gentleman’s
7 Company and abilities, who had flattered me that I shou’d not want them. I wish he
had had the fortitude, shall I say, to face
dangers, no, there were none in the way; but to dissipate his unpromising apprehensions.
Pray tell him (for I have not time to tell him myself) that I have not once even in
my dreams been troubled with the idea of being banished into Siberia. If my company
is not welcome here, at least I shall be permitted to return to the place from whence
I came, without being compelled to go from thence to the place of execution. He that
attempts nothing will accomplish nothing. And if there is nothing dishonourable in
the thing attempted, and some good may come out of it, why shrink from making it?
Is a fear of being a little mortified by failing of success to deter one? If such
personal considerations had prevailed every where, the grandest Revolution that has
ever taken place in the World, cou’d never have existed. When I see such instances
of indecision in Men of real abilities and worth, I think of an observation of yours,
that no American however well disposed he may be towards his Country, and however
sincerely he may wish it success, who has not been bred up in it, under the immediate
influence, and the early perils of this Revolution, is fit to be entrusted with the
management of its important affairs.