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Browsing: Papers of John Adams, Volume 13


Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0017

Author: Bondfield, John
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-14

From John Bondfield

[salute] Sir

By an Express which past this City on Sunday and by all the Letters by yesterdays post from Spain we are informd America has declared War against Portugal and Hostilities are commenct by the Capture of Six rich Brazil Ships which they name—Captain Paul Jones is said to be the Hero.1 The Portuguese Consul at Bayonne has sent orders to all Captains at this Port sailing under portuguese Colours to wait Instructions from Lisbon. Premiums on Portuguese Vessels have risen from 4 1/4 to 30 [per]Cent. This information is said to be brought by an American Schooner arrived in Spain. This intelegence I thought it my Duty to Inform you.
{ 24 }
I have the Honor to be with due respect Sir Your most Obedient Humble servant
[signed] John Bondfield
1. An erroneous report but plausible because in 1776 the Congress authorized its commissioners in Europe to offer a declaration of war against Portugal as an inducement to France and Spain to join in an alliance with the United States. (JCC, 6:1057).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0018-0001

Author: Cerisier, Antoine Marie
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-14

From Antoine Marie Cerisier

[salute] Monsieur

Vous savez à quel point les interêts de l'Amerique me sont chers. Un enthousiasme fanatique ne m'a pas guidé; j'ai regardé sa cause comme celle de l'humanité; et j'y suis d'autant plus attaché que j'ai cru suivre les vrais principes. Ainsi vous ne serez pas étonné Si je n'ai pas été indifférent sur ce qui pouvait affecter son crédit. Vous sentez déjà que je veux parler du mauvais succés du dernier emprunt de cinq millions ouvert chez Mr Hodson. Je ne croirai jamais, comme on affecte d'en répondre le bruit, que Mr Hodson, Anglomane dans le coeur, a taché de vous engager à lui donner votre confiance, afin de porter un coup mortel à l'Amérique. Ce qué j'ai pu recueillir sur ce Sujet, c'est que bien des personnes croyent que c'est un coup irréparable: c'est ce qué je n'ai jamais pu me persuader. Il me Semble qu'une conduite hardie et décisive de votre part à l'égard de ceux qui ont brigué ou briguent encore cette négociation, pourrait réparer cet écher. Je Sais même un de mes amis qui Se flatte de la faire reussir, au cas que vous voulussiez prendre confiance en lui. Il connaît une maison puissante, accréditée, qui, seule, intéressée dans cette affaire, la ferait reussir plus qu'une société. C'est Mr Mandrillon qui connaît cette maison; il a toujours été extrêmement zéllé pour la cause americaine; je l'ai vu extremement affecté de l'échec qu'a éprouvé cette négociation. Il a une adresse, et des talens et des connaissances non communes Dans ces Sortes d'affaires; et il se flatte de vous communiquer à ce sujet un plan dont les conséquences seraient tres avantageuses pour l'Amérique.1 J'attends votre Réponse avec impatience sur ce sujet; en vous priant d'etre persuadé que je serai toute ma vie avec le respect dú à vos grandes qualités Monsieur votre très humble & très obeissant Serviteur
[signed] A M Cerisier

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0018-0002

Author: Cerisier, Antoine Marie
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-14

Antoine Marie Cerisier to John Adams: A Translation

[salute] Sir

You know how important American interests are to me. Fanatical enthusiasm has not guided me. I regard America's cause as a cause for all humanity. And I am all the more attached since I am faithful to the true principles. So, you will not be surprised if I was not indifferent about that which would effect its credit. You already know that I want to talk about the failure of Mr. Hodshon's loan of five million. I will never believe, as rumors have it, that Mr. Hodshon, an English sympathizer at heart, tried to take you into his confidence in order to deal a mortal blow to America. What I could gather about the subject is that many people believe this is an irreparable blow. I cannot be persuaded on that. It seems to me that a bold and decisive effort on your part, regarding those who have solicited or solicit for this negotiation, could repair this failure. I know that one of my friends believes he can make it succeed, if you wanted to put your trust in him. He knows of a powerful private accredited bank that can, if interested in the matter, act on its own, unlike a commercial bank, to make this succeed. It is Mr. Mandrillon who knows this house. He has always been extremely passionate about the American cause and was deeply affected by the failure of this negotiation. He has a shrewdness, talent, and knowledge that is not common in these sorts of matters, and flatters himself that on this subject he could communicate to you a plan that would be very advantageous to America.1 I impatiently await your response on this matter, while asking that you be persuaded to believe me to be, with all due respect to your great qualities, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] A M Cerisier
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Son Excellence Son Excellence Mr John Adams Ministre-Plenipotentiaire des Etats-Unis de l'Amerique auprés de L. H. P. à La Haye”; endorsed: “Mr Cerisier. on the Loan 14. May. 1782.”
1. The nature of the plan to be communicated by Joseph Mandrillon, an Amsterdam bookseller, is unknown, and there is no further correspondence on the subject.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0019-0001

Editorial Note

On 14 May 1782, two days after John Adams moved into the new American legation, John Thaxter inventoried the household furnishings. On 16 Oct., the day before Adams left The Hague for Paris and the peace negotiations, Thaxter likely reviewed his inventory, focusing on the glass- and dinnerware, to determine what had been added since 14 May or was missing or broken (see No. I, note 1, below). Thaxter's inventories are not as detailed as those done by Marie Dumas, the housekeeper at the legation and C. W. F. Dumas' wife, on 22 and 24 June 1784. Although the inventories were done at different times over a period of about two years and must contain items obtained after the move to the legation, they are printed here because it is likely that many of the items described by Marie Dumas in her inventories were present but not included by Thaxter in his 1782 inventories. For the nature of the document from which the inventories are taken, see the descriptive note to John Thaxter's inventories (No. I, below). Note that French and Dutch words or phrases used by John Thaxter in his inventories have been translated in brackets following the entry in which they are used, while Marie Dumas' inventories have been translated in full following the format for translations of other foreign language documents.
The inventories provide an excellent account of the furnishings of an eighteenth-century residence, in this case the American legation at The Hague. Marie Dumas' 1784 inventories likely include all or most of the furnishings that were moved in 1785 from The Hague to the new American legation at Grosvenor Square in London. Unfortunately the lack of a corresponding inventory for the London legation makes it impossible to know precisely what was transferred from The Hague to London. Nor is it possible to know definitively, solely from the descriptions in the inventories, what furnishings originally at The Hague were retained by the Adamses when they returned to the United States in 1788 and may now be at the Adams National Historical Park.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0019-0002

Author: Thaxter, John
Recipient: Adams, John
DateRange: 1782-05-14 - 1782-10-16

I. John Thaxter's Inventories of Household Furnishings

Inventory

A true copy of the Inventory made by Mr. John Thaxter
  • 12 chafing Dishes
  • 30 Bocale Goblets1—2 broken
  • 4 salt sellers, Ghrystal
  • 22 English Wine Glasses flat—10 Wanting
  • 9 Dozen and 2 Wine Glasses small—14 gone { 27 }
  • 4. Décanters
  • 11. dito flat
  • 23 Wine glasses bought by mad: dumas
  • 19 Rhenish Glasses.
  • 12 small Décanters bought by mad: Dumas
  • 2 Castors.
  • 12 Liqueur Glasses böt by Mad: Dumas.
  • 1 Lantern.
  • 5 Beer Glasses.
this received in good order
(was signed) Lotter.2
  • 8 yellow metal candlesticks
  • 4 Weights of Copper
  • 3 little Bells.
  • 12 Water plates.
  • 1 pair scales.
  • 3 Wash Basons, Queéns, Ware
  • 6 Blue spitting pots.

Queéns Ware.

  • 3 Doz. and 9. Queéns Ware soop Plates—9 Wanting
  • 8 Doz. et 3. dito flat plates—12 Wanting
  • 6. Great round Dishes.
  • 3. dito round Dishes.
  • 8. dito.
  • 2. dito oval
  • 3. dito round and Deep—1. broken
  • 2 dito round &c.
  • 1 Turen and its Plate.
  • 4 paniers avec leurs assiettes [baskets with their plates] for strawberrys
  • 5 butter boats—2. Wanting
  • 2. Three cornered plates
  • 3. sous coup [saucers]
  • 2. fait a coeur [heart shaped]
  • 4. cal.
  • 14. little dessert plates—1 wanting
  • 2. Trouels. [fish knives]
this Articles received in good order
(Was signed) Lotter.
  • 1 faire soupe.
  • 3 Doz. et 9. small Bowls—5. Wanting
  • 5 Doz. Plates for the Bowls—6. wanting { 28 }
  • 5 Bowls for chocolate
  • 13 Sugar Pots.
  • 4 Doz. and 8. large cups.
  • 5. Doz. saucers and 2.
  • 3. Doz. and 8 ordinary Tea cups—11. Wanting
  • 4. Doz. and 4. Saucers.—2. Wanting
  • 10 Tea pots—3 little broken
  • 5 mugs
  • 6 cream Pots
  • 2 Larger Sorts Pots a créme
  • 9. pieds aux oeufs—Egg Pots
  • 8 pepper Pots
  • 5 Salt Sellers.
  • 4. mustard pots
  • 1 coffee pot—broken
  • 2 Sallad Plates.
received this above Articles in good Order
(Was Signed) Lotter.

Porcelaine Blue service

  • 4 Great Dishes deep
  • 4 dito flat.—1 broken
  • 8 dito flat.
  • 7 Small.
  • 8 Small dito
  • 4 Dégoutieres [strainers]
  • 4. Turens with their tops
  • 47. Soop plates
  • 9. Doz. and 8 plates flat—5 Wanting
  • 23 little flat plates
  • 22 little deep plates
  • 12 Sallad plates.
  • 8 butter boats
  • 8. Salt Sellers.
the full content of this received in good order
(Was Signed) F. Lotter.

Porcelaine de saxe

  • 1 Tea pot and its saucer
  • 1 tea canister
  • 1 cream pot With its Saucer
  • 1 Bowl with its Saucer
  • 1 Sugar pot With its Saucer { 29 }
  • 6 coffee cups.
  • 12 tea cups
  • 12 Saucers.

another Set of porcelaine

  • 1 tea pot
  • 1 cream pot
  • 2 sugar pots
  • 12 tea cups
  • 12 saucers
  • 12 coffee cups
  • 12 saucers
  • 1 Bowl with its saucer
  • 1 tea pot
  • 1 cream pot
  • 1 bowl
  • 12 cups
  • 12 saucers.
  • 1 Punch Bowl.
this I have received in good order
(was signed) Lotter.

Blue porcelaine

  • 1 tea pot with its Saucer
  • 1 tea canister
  • 1 Bowl with its saucer
  • 1 sugar pot with its dito
  • 11 cups one broken.
  • 8 saucers.
this Articles received in good order.
  • 2 oval affairs for Wine glasses
  • 2 round dito for Tea
  • 6 plattes for Bottles
  • 17. dito for Wine glasses
  • 16 Blac
this 5 articles received in good order
(was signed) Lotter

Bought by Madam Dumas.

  • 3 Grand compots—chrystal [3 large crystal fruit-bowls]
  • 6 dito avec leurs couveriles [6 ditto with their lids]
  • 4 dito Sans couverts [4 ditto without lids]
  • 2 Pots de moutarde avec Leurs cuilleres [2 mustard pots with their spoons]
received this Articles in a good order
(Was Signed) F: Lotter.
{ 30 }

Mr. A.

  • 1 Feather Bed

Mr. T.

  • 3 Feather Beds
  • 2 Feather Beds—chamber opposite
  • 1 little chamber
  • 1 good Feather
  • 2 for Servants.
  • 10

Mr. A.

  • 1 matrass
  • 3 little chamber
  • m. T.
  • 2
  • 6.

Bolsters.

  • 1—chamber
  • 3 little chamber
  • mr. T.
  • 2
  • mr. A.
  • 1
  • 2 Servants
  • 9

pillows

  • 8 little chamber
  • 2 mr. T.
  • 1 mr. A.
  • 4 servants.
  • 15

Strawbeds

  • mr. A.
  • 2.
  • 2. m. T.
  • 4. servants
  • 8.

Blankets.

  • 1 mr. a.
  • 5 little chamber { 31 }
  • 1 little chamber
  • 3 mr.—T.
  • 4 jacob and john
  • 2 girls.
  • 16.

Coverlids

  • 1 chamber
  • 1 mr. A.
  • 2 mr. T. chamber
  • 1 little chamber
  • 1 girls
  • 6.
Alle the Beddings received
as in the Lÿst mentioned
(Was Signed) F: Lotter.
  • 52 Draps [52 sheets]
  • 13 nappes fines [13 fine tablecloths]
  • 5 nappes pour la cuisine [5 tablecloths for the kitchen]
  • 53 <nappes> serviettes fines dito 3 more [53 fine napkins ditto 3 more]
  • 11 Essuimains [11 towels]
  • 3 petits dito [3 small ditto]
  • 19 toits de lits [19 canopies]
  • 4 tablier pour Les Domestiques [4 aprons for the servants]
  • 34 grosse Serviettes, [34 large napkins] (ceci nest pas sur Linventaire de mr. J. Thaxter) [This is not on Mr. J. Thaxter's inventory].
  • 7 Russen sloopen [Russian pillow-cases]
  • 6 white waiscoats and 3 pair of breeches.
received all Well
(was signed) F: Lotter.
FC in an unknown hand (Adams Papers) This document consists of fourteen numbered pages and was done sometime after 24 June 1784. It is a compendium of four inventories of the household goods of the U.S. legation at The Hague that were taken by John Thaxter and Marie Dumas between 14 May 1782 and 24 June 1784, the originals of which have not been found. John Thaxter's inventories are dated 14 May and 16 Oct. 1782 and appear on pages 1 through 6 of the FC. Since they cannot be definitively distinguished from each other, they are printed here as one document. Marie Dumas' inventories of 22 and 24 June 1784 (Nos. II and III, below) appear, respectively, on pages 7 through 12 and 13 and 14 of the FC. Where Thaxter uses a French or Dutch term to describe an item and it can be identified, a translation has been provided in brackets.
1. In this and other entries where it is indicated that items are broken or missing, the first portion was likely part of the original 14 May inventory, with the remainder resulting from Thaxter's review on 16 October.
2. Lotter's name, usually F. Lotter, appears throughout the inventories. He is otherwise unidentified but was presumably related to Christian Lotter who served as JA's steward at The Hague from 1784 or earlier (AFC, 6:197).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0019-0003-0001

Author: Dumas, Marie
Date: 1784-06-22

II. Marie Dumas’ Inventory of Household Furnishings

Inventaires, de tout ce qui appartient a son Excellence Monsieur Adams Ecuÿer &c &c. tant, ce que j’ai recu D’amsterdam, que ce que j’ai achetté par ordre de son Excellence monsieur adams, come aussi ce que j’ai achetté, qui ettoit absolument necessaire dans son Hotel, plusieurs articles qui ne se trouveront point sur les inventaires de Monsieur Thaxter, come, chaises, tables, tapis de toute Espece, miroirs, Lits de camp et fournitures de plusieurs articles qui ettoit necessaire pour l’usage du ménage. Fait par moi marie Dumas a la Haie le 22e. juin 1784.
meubles De L’antichambre.   16 chaises de damas Verd avec leurs couvertures.  
2 fauteuils dito avec leurs couvertures.  
1 tapis neuf de turquie  
2 rideau de toile grise  
2 rideau de gaze avec deux barres de cuivre  
Grand Salon   1 grand tapis neuf de turquie  
2 grand morceau dito a jouté au grand tapis au coin de la cheminée  
1 canapé et coussin de damas rouge  
6 fauteuils dito avec leurs coussins de duvet.  
6 fauteuils dito sans coussins  
4 rideau de damas avec leurs deux fers  
8 kwast avec leurs cordes.  
1 grand miroir avec un quadre Doré.  
1 table de marbre, et son pied tout entier.  
Sale à manger   2 tapis de turquie attaché emsemble  
1 miroir rond doré  
2 grand rideau de toile grise  
2 rideau de gaze avec leurs deux barres de cuivre.  
12 chaises vertes de trip  
2 fauteuils dito.  
Chambre en haut que Mr. Thaxter à occupés   1 grand tapis D’angleterre a fleurs rouge  
2 Lit de camp de mahony monté  
1 miroir rond doré.  
1 table de chaine brun avec deux tiroir  
{ 33 }
1 bureau de mahony avec trois tiroirs  
1 miroir de toilette avec trois tiroirs et une Cléf.  
6 chaises de trip vertes avec le dos de meme  
1 chose brune avec deux tiroirs pour mettre L’eau et ce quil faut pour se laver avec un Essuimains.  
1 Ecuelle jaune de porcelaine  
1e. Lit préparé   1 matelat bleu et blanc  
1 lit de plumie  
1 traversin  
1 cousin  
2 Draps marqué I.A. 41.  
1 toits de lits marqué I.A. 33.  
1 couverte de laine brodée au 4 coins, rouge et jaune  
1 dito de coton piquée fond rouge a fleurs.  
2d. Lit préparé   1 matelat bleu et blanc  
1 lit de plume  
1 traversin  
1 cousin  
1 Draps marqué I.A. 41.  
1 Draps marqué I.A. 11.  
1 toits de lits marqué I.A. 33.  
1 couverte de laine brodée au 4 coins rouge et jaune  
1 dito de coton piquée fond rouge a fleur.  
1 grille de fer  
1 pincette.  
Chambre du Balcon   1 lit de camp de mahony monté  
1 matelat bleu et blanc  
1 lit de plume  
1 traversin  
1 cousin  
2 Draps marqué I.A. 11:  
1 toits de lits marqué I.A. 33.  
1 couverte de laine marquée au 4 coins rouge noir et Verd.  
1 dito de coton piquée fond blanc et rouge avec des fleurs.  
1 coffre de cuir noir avec un tiroir  
{ 34 }
Chambre de Mr. J.Q. Adams   1 tapis de <turquie> d’angletterre a fleurs rouge  
1 miroir rond doré  
1 miroir de toilette avec trois tiroirs  
1 bureau de mahony avec 4 tiroirs fermé  
1 Portrait de M. Washingston avec un quadre doré.1  
1 petite cassette pour eccrire fermée  
1 chose brune avec deux tiroirs pour se laver avec une Ecuelle et une cruche, de porcelaine jaune et un Essuimains  
1 grille complette  
un balet.  
une pincette  
1 table bois de chaine brun, avec deux tiroirs fermé avec un pupitre dessus de draps Verd aussi fermé  
1 ecritoire complet D’Etaing  
6 Chaises de trip rouge  
3 coffres fermé  
1 petit coffret cordé ou j’ai posé mon cachet  
1 table ronde peinte  
une armoire avec des Livres, et la liste auprés dont j’ai copie  
une armoire avec la liste de ce quelle renform dont j’ai copie  
une armoire avec des habits ou il y a la liste dont j’ai copie  
1 Lit de mahony dressé  
2 petites paillasses  
1 matelat verd et blanc  
1 Lit de plume  
1 traversin  
1 cousin  
2 Draps marqués I.A. 41.  
1 toits de lits marqué I.A 33.  
1 couverte de laine marquée au 4 coins jaune Noir et Verd.  
1 couverte de coton fond rouge, et fleur bleue et blanche.  
1 pot de chambre de porcelaine jaune  
{ 35 }
1 petit chandelliers d’argent que j’ai remis à Son Excellence Monsieur Adams.  
chambre de Son Excellence Monsieur Adams   3 tapis de turquie attaché Emsemble.  
3 bureaux de mahony avec trois tiroirs chacun  
1 Secretaire de mahony avec un tiroir fermé  
1 Secretaire marquetté avec un tiroir.  
1 cabinet de mahonny avec 3 tiroirs.  
2 petites tables de mahonny avec un tiroir chacune  
1 table de mahony plus grande avec un tiroir et un tapis de draps Verd.  
1 grand miroir avec un quadre doré.  
2 miroirs de toilette avec 3 tiroirs chacun  
Le Portrait de S.E. monsieur adams avec un quadre doré.2  
Le Portrait de monsieur J.Q. Adams avec un quadre doré3  
Le Portrait de monsieur C: Adams avec un quadre doré4  
1 chose brune pour Se laver avec deux tiroirs, une Ecuelle et une cruche jaune de porcelaine et un Essuimains.  
2 tablas de mahony contenant 17 grandes planches et 12 petites.  
1 Echelle de mahony qui S’ouvre.  
1 boite a thé de mahony avec 3 boites de cuivre  
1 boite a tabac de mahony  
1 boite pour les razoirs, de mahony  
1 boite de fer blanc peinte  
1 coffre de cuir noir entourré de cloux.  
6 chaises de trip vertes avec le dos de meme  
1 thermometre  
1 grille, 1 pincette, et un balet.  
1 petite caisse blanche  
1 Epée d’argent, et une badine garnie en argent.  
1 fouèt, et deux chapeaux.  
1 Lit de camp de mahony monté avec 4 rideau de damas Verd et le rabas de meme 10 Kwast, avec le ciel garni en frange.  
2 paillasse  
{ 36 }
1 matelat verd et blanc  
1 lit de plume  
1 traversin  
1 cousin  
2 Draps marqués I.A. 10  
1 toits de lits marqués I.A. 33.  
1 couverte de laine brodée au 4 coins rouge et jaune  
1 couverte de coton piquée fond blanc et fleurs rouge  
1 couverture de lit de damas verd doublée en tafetas  
2 rideau de toile grise au fenetres  
1 pot de chambre de porcelaine jaune.  
  All this Articles I have
found so as they are cited here
(was Signed) F. Lotter.  
dans la chamber de Provission   2 Verres montés pour le dessert avec des fleurs.  
4 dito sans fleurs.  
2 bouteilles de cornichon  
1 dito de capres.  
1 bouteille Liqueur de marosquin  
1 dito a la fleur D’orange  
2 Lanternes pour devant la maison  
2 couvercles dito Verd et Doré.  
3 tapis D’angletterre  
1 petit morceau dito  
2 petit morceau de turquie  
2 chaufe pieds de fer  
1 réchaud dito  
1 panier de pipes  
2 rideau de gaze Verd cousu emsemble avec une barre de cuivre.  
2 tapis, rouge de table pour la chambre de S. Excellence  
Vestibule   1 lanterne peinte en Verd et doré, avec une planche  
1 morceaux de mahonny de la table de mahony.  
1 <morceaux> tapis Noir  
{ 37 }
Sur les dégrés   3 tapis D’angletterre  
29 barres de cuivre pour les attacher  
58 cuillet de cuivre attaché au Dégré  
dans L’allée   2 Bancs Verds.  
3 mattes.  
received these articles in good order.  
Cuisine   1 pot pour Le Savon  
30 formes de fer blanc  
1 grande table avec deux tiroirs  
1 chaudron de fer blanc pour boullir d’eau  
1 table ronde avec un tiroir  
1 chaudron de fer blanc, pour monsieur pour prendre le thé.  
2 grande caisse blanche  
1 vloot pour hacher Les Légumes  
1 planche dito pour hacher Les Légumes  
1 grande poele avec son pied.  
6 tamis  
une perse avec trois tiroirs  
1 boite de fer blanc peinte en rouge et fleurs jaune  
1 pot de gréve  
1 Seringue pour les fenitres  
1 forme pour les Podings  
6 batons pour pendre le linge  
1 soufflet.  
2 Lanternes pour Les Domestiques  
1 tonneau Verd avec des bandes de fers  
2 Spitjes.  
dans la 2de. chamber de Provission   1 lit de camp  
1 coffre ou est Le Linge  
chambre acoté chambre. de la Servante   1 pupitre en drap Verd, un ecritoire, et une Sonnêtte  
2 paillasse  
1 lit de plume  
1 traversin  
1 cousin  
2 Draps marqué I.A. 41.  
1 toits de lits marqué I.A. 8.  
{ 38 }
2 couvertes de laine marquée au quatre coins  
1 couverte de coton fond rouge et fleurs blanche  
Lit des domestiques   2 paillasse  
1 lit de plume  
1 traversin  
2 cousins  
2 Draps marqués I.A 41.  
1 toits de lits marqués I.A. 8.  
2 couvertes de laine marquées au quatre coins.  
  received the Same  
Lit du cuisinier   1 lit de plume  
1 traversin  
1 cousin  
2 Draps marqués I.A. 41  
1 toits de lits marqués I.A. 8.  
2 couvertes de Laine  
  received as Stands here mentioned
(was signed) F. Lotter.  

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0019-0003-0002

Author: Dumas, Marie
Date: 1784-06-22

II. Marie Dumas’ Inventory of Household Furnishings: A Translation

Inventories of everything belonging to his Excellency Mr. Adams, esquire, as well as what I received from Amsterdam that I purchased per order of his Excellency Mr. Adams, and also items that I purchased that were absolutely necessary for his home. Several articles will not be found on Mr. Thaxter’s inventory, such as chairs, tables, carpets of all sorts, mirrors, beds, and several articles of useful furnishings necessary to run a household. Done by me, Marie Dumas, at The Hague, 22 June 1784.
Furniture in the anteroom   16 green damask chairs and their covers.  
2 ditto armchairs and their covers.  
1 new Turkish rug  
2 gray toile curtains  
2 gauze curtains with brass rods  
Living room   1 large new Turkish rug  
2 large pieces of the same added to the large carpet at the hearth  
1 red damask settee and cushions  
6 ditto armchairs with their down cushions.  
6 ditto armchairs without cushions  
4 damask curtains and their rods  
8 tassels with their cords.  
1 large gilded mirror.  
1 large marble tabletop and marble base.  
{ 39 }
Dining room   2 Turkish carpets attached together  
1 round gilded mirror  
2 large gray toile curtains  
2 gauze curtains with brass rods.  
12 chairs with green upholstery  
2 ditto armchairs.  
Mr. Thaxter’s bedroom upstairs   1 large red floral English carpet  
2 assembled mahogany camp beds  
1 round gilded mirror.  
1 brown oak table with two drawers  
1 mahogany desk with three drawers  
1 dressing mirror with three drawers and a key.  
6 chairs with green upholstered seats and backs  
1 brown thing with two drawers to hold water for washing with a hand towel.  
1 yellow porcelain bowl  
1st prepared bed   1 blue and white mattress  
1 featherbed  
1 bolster  
1 cushion  
2 sheets marked I.A. 41.  
1 canopy marked I.A. 33.  
1 wool blanket with red and yellow embroidered corners  
1 floral cotton quilt with a red background.  
2nd prepared bed   1 blue and white mattress  
1 featherbed  
1 bolster  
1 cushion  
1 sheet marked I.A. 41.  
1 sheet marked I.A. 11.  
1 canopy marked I.A. 33.  
1 wool blanket with red and yellow embroidered corners  
1 white floral cotton quilt with a red background.  
1 iron grate  
1 set of tongs.  
Balcony room   1 assembled mahogany camp bed  
1 blue and white mattress  
1 featherbed  
1 bolster  
1 cushion  
2 sheets marked I.A. 11:  
1 canopy marked I.A. 33.  
{ 40 }
1 wool blanket with red, black and green corners.  
1 floral cotton quilt with a white and red background.  
1 black leather chest with a drawer  
Mr. J.Q. Adams’ bedroom   1 <Turkish> English red floral carpet  
1 round gilded mirror  
1 dressing mirror with three drawers  
1 mahogany desk with 4 closed drawers  
1 portrait of Mr. Washington with a gilded frame.1  
1 small closed writing box  
1 brown thing with two drawers and a yellow porcelain bowl and pitcher for washing and a hand towel  
1 grate  
1 broom.  
1 set of tongs  
1 brown oak table with two closed drawers with a closed writing desk on top with a green blotter  
1 pewter writing case  
6 chairs with red upholstery  
3 closed chests  
1 small-corded box where I keep my seal  
1 round painted table  
1 cabinet with a list of the books it contains of which I have a copy  
1 cabinet with a list of its contents of which I have a copy  
1 wardrobe with the list of its contents of which I have a copy  
1 assembled mahogany bed  
2 small straw mattresses  
1 green and white mattress  
1 featherbed  
1 bolster  
1 cushion  
2 sheets marked I.A. 41.  
1 canopy marked I.A 33.  
1 wool blanket marked in each corner with yellow, black and green.  
1 blue and white floral cotton blanket with a red background.  
1 yellow porcelain chamber pot  
1 small silver candelabra that I returned to his Excellency Mr. Adams.  
{ 41 }
His Excellency Mr. Adams’ bedroom   3 Turkish carpets attached together.  
3 mahogany desks each with three drawers  
1 mahogany secretary with a locked drawer  
1 marquetry secretary with a drawer.  
1 mahogany cabinet with 3 drawers.  
2 small mahogany tables each with one drawer  
1 larger mahogany table with one drawer and a green table cloth.  
1 large mirror in a gilded frame.  
2 dressing mirrors each with 3 drawers  
The portrait of his Excellency Mr. Adams in a gilded frame.2  
The portrait of Mr. J.Q. Adams in a gilded frame3  
The portrait of Mr. C: Adams in a gilded frame4  
1 brown thing with two drawers, a yellow porcelain pitcher and a hand towel used for washing.  
2 mahogany tables with 17 large boards and 12 small ones.  
1 mahogany ladder that opens.  
1 mahogany tea box with three copper boxes  
1 mahogany tobacco box  
1 mahogany box for razors  
1 painted tin box  
1 black leather box with nailhead trim.  
6 green upholstered chairs with matching backs  
1 thermometer  
1 grate, 1 set of tongs, and a broom.  
1 small white case  
1 silver sword and a switch decorated in silver.  
1 whip, and two hats.  
1 assembled mahogany camp bed with four green damask curtains and the flap in the same fabric 10 tassels with the top adorned with fringe.  
2 straw mattresses  
1 green and white mattress  
1 featherbed  
1 bolster  
1 cushion  
2 sheets marked I.A. 10  
1 canopy marked I.A. 33.  
1 wool blanket with corners embroidered in red and yellow  
1 red floral cotton quilt with a white background  
1 damask bed spread lined with taffeta.  
{ 42 }
2 gray toile curtains at the windows  
1 yellow porcelain chamber pot.  
  All this Articles I have
found so as they are cited here
(was signed) F. Lotter.  
In the storeroom   2 floral footed dessert dishes.  
4 of the same without flowers.  
2 bottles of gherkins  
1 bottle of capers.  
1 bottle of Moroccan liqueur  
1 ditto of orange liqueur  
2 lanterns for the front of the house  
2 covers ditto, green and gold.  
3 English carpets  
1 small piece ditto  
2 small pieces of Turkish carpets  
2 iron foot warmers  
1 iron stove  
1 basket of pipes  
2 green gauze curtains sewn together and with brass rod.  
2 red table cloths for his Excellency’s bedroom  
Vestibule   1 lantern painted green and gilded, with a board  
1 mahogany leaf for the mahogany table.  
1 <pieces> black carpet  
On the stairs   3 english carpets  
29 brass rods to attach them  
58 brass fasteners for attaching to the step  
In the pathway   2 green benches.  
3 mats.  
received these articles in good order.  
Kitchen   1 soap dish  
30 tin molds  
1 large table with two drawers  
1 tin plated cauldron for boiling water  
1 round table with one drawer  
1 tin plated cauldron for monsieur’s tea.  
2 large white boxes  
1 tray to chop vegetables  
1 vegetable chopping board  
1 large stove and its stand.  
6 sieves  
1 perse with three drawers  
1 tin box painted with red and yellow flowers  
{ 43 }
1 gréve dish  
1 syringe for the windows  
1 pudding mold  
6 rods to hang laundry  
1 bellows.  
2 lanterns for the servants  
1 green barrel with iron bands  
2 [spits?].  
In the second storeroom   1 camp bed  
1 chest with linens  
Room adjoining the servants’ room   1 desk with a green blotter, writing case and bell  
2 straw mattresses  
1 featherbed  
1 bolster  
1 cushion  
2 sheets marked I.A. 41.  
1 canopy marked I.A. 8.  
2 wool blankets marked in each corner  
1 cotton blanket with a red background and white flowers  
Servants’ bed   2 straw mattresses  
1 featherbed  
1 bolster  
2 cushions  
2 sheets marked I.A 41.  
1 canopy marked I.A. 8.  
2 wool blankets marked in each corner.  
  received the Same  
Cook’s bed   1 featherbed  
1 bolster  
1 cushion  
2 sheets marked I.A. 41  
1 canopy marked I.A. 8.  
2 wool blankets  
  received as Stands here mentioned
(was signed) F. Lotter.  
FC in an unknown hand (Adams Papers). For a description of this document see the descriptive note to John Thaxter’s inventories of 14 May and 16 Oct. 1782 (No. I, above).
1. This portrait of George Washington has not been located or identified, but it may be a copy of John Trumbull’s 1780 portrait of Washington owned by Jean de Neufville and known as the “De Neufville Washington.” De Neufville apparently commissioned an otherwise unidentified artist named Giraúd to copy Trumbull’s work. For the Trumbull portrait, Giraúd’s copy, and the possibility that de Neufville gave the copy to JA, see Jean de Neufville’s letter of 7 Feb., note 1, and references there (vol. 12:231).
{ 44 }
2. This portrait of JA has not been located or identified.
3. This is probably the pastel or crayon portrait done by Isaak Schmidt during the period between April and July 1783, following JQA’s return to the Netherlands from St. Petersburg. For a description of this portrait, which is now in the National Portrait Gallery, and a reproduction, see AFC, 5:xv–xvi, 215.
4. This portrait of CA was presumably done before his departure for America in mid-1781 but has been neither located nor identified. It is probably this portrait that JA refers to in his letter of 3 July 1782 to Jean de Neufville & Fils, below, where he inquires about reimbursing the de Neufville firm for the “Expence . . . of the Frame of my sons [picture].”

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0019-0004-0001

Author: Dumas, Marie
Date: 1784-06-24

III. Marie Dumas’ Inventory of Household Furnishings

Inventaires de la Batterie de cuisine, selon que je l’ai recue de Monsieur John Thaxter, et come Son Excellence Monsieur Adams, pourra toujours voir Sur le compte du ferblantier, qui a tout Etainne la dite Batterie de cuisine Selon L’accord que l’on avoit fait avec lui, Les comptes ont Eté Livrés à Son Excellence Monsieur Adams dans L’année 1782.
  • 12 casseroles
  • 12 couvercles
  • 2 rond d’une tartiere
  • 2 tartierres
  • 2 couvercles
  • 1 dégoutiere profonde
  • 1 dito platte
  • 3 marmittes
  • 3 couvercles
  • 1 grande avec Son couvercles
  • 1 placque ou l’on cuit le poisson dans Le chaudron
  • 2 grand chaudron avec leurs deux couvercles
  • 1 dito sans couvercle
  • 2 Ecumoir de fer blanc
  • 1 chocoladiere
  • 1 cafetierre
  • 1 Etouffoir avec deux couvercles
  • 1 couvercle de cuivre
  • 1 chaudron pour L’eau
  • 2 chaines
  • 1 grille avec un trift. { 45 }
  • 2 petites cuillieres D’Etaing
  • 2 trepieds
  • 3 blaakers de cuivre
  • 1 dito de fer blanc
  • 1 Lechefrite de cuivre
  • 2 fers pour mettre devant Le tourne broche
  • 1 tournebroche avec Son appareil
  • 4 blakers peint
  • 1 moulin a caffé
  • 2 balance de cuivre et Le poids dito
  • 1 rol plank et un rouleau
  • 2 fer pour La Viande au tournebroche
  • 1 couteau pour hacher
  • 1 pot de fer pour les cendres.
  • 1 sceau pour aller au marché
  • 2 Bak de mahonny pour couvrir la table
  • 7 cuillieres D’Etaing.
all this articles found
in good order.
(Was Signed) F: Lotter
A true Copy of What is Wanting1
  • 1 greén carpet of the table
  • 1 oval Affair for Wine Glasses
  • 1 blue flate Dish broken
  • 1 Wine glass of the 9 Dozen Wanting
  • 2 Decanters of the 11 Wanting
  • 2 Bowls of 3 Doz. en 9 Wanting
  • 1 Saucer of 5 Doz. and 2. Wanting
  • 3 cups of 3 Doz. and 8. Wanting
  • 7 Saucers of 4 Doz. and 2. Wanting
  • 1 Sugar pot of 13 Wants
  • 1 milk pot of 6. Wants.
  • 1 mustard pot of the 4. Wants.
  • 1 Salt Seller of 5. Wants.
  • 1 Koffy pot of madam Dumas.
  • 2 Little dessert plates of 13 Wants
  • 3 butter boats of 5 Wants
  • 1 round Dish of 8 Wants 3/poid
  • 2 plates of 7 Doz. and 3 Wanting amongst 3 Defect
  • 10 Soup plates of 3 Doz. Wants.
  • 1 Saucer to the Bowl Wants { 46 }
  • 1 Saucer of the Sugar pot Wants
  • 2 blue cups of 10 Wants.
  • 1 round Looking glass.
Je certifie moi marie Dumas, que ce que monsieur Lotter a mentionné ci dessus est vrai en foi de quoi je lui Signe ceci pour lui Servir pour Sa justification, Lorsquil devra rendre les Effets, quil à déclare par sa Signature avoir recu de moi.
[signed] (ettoit signé) marie Dumas.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0019-0004-0002

Author: Dumas, Marie
Date: 1784-06-24

III. Marie Dumas’ Inventory of Household Furnishings: A Translation

Inventory of the kitchen, according to the one I received from Mr. John Thaxter. Mr. Adams is always able to see the account at the tinsmith, who made all the pots, pans, and utensils for the kitchen according to their agreement. The accounts were delivered to his Excellency Mr. Adams in 1782.
  • 12 saucepans
  • 12 lids
  • 2 tart rounds
  • 2 tart pans
  • 2 lids
  • 1 deep strainer
  • 1 shallow ditto
  • 3 pots
  • 3 lids
  • 1 large one with its lids
  • 1 plate for cooking fish in the cauldron
  • 2 large cauldrons with their lids
  • 1 without a lid
  • 2 tin skimmers
  • 1 chocolate pot
  • 1 coffee pot
  • 1 damper with two lids
  • 1 copper lid
  • 1 cauldron for water
  • 2 chains
  • 1 grate with a [trivet?].
  • 2 small pewter spoons
  • 3 trivets
  • 3 copper candlesticks
  • 1 tin ditto { 47 }
  • 1 copper dripping pan
  • 2 irons to put in front of the roasting jack
  • 1 complete roasting jack
  • 4 painted candlesticks
  • 1 coffee mill
  • 2 copper scales and copper weights
  • 1 rolling board and a rolling pin
  • 2 irons for meat on the roasting jack
  • 1 chopping knife
  • 1 iron pot for ashes.
  • 1 bucket for going to market
  • 2 mahogany trays to cover the table
  • 7 pewter spoons
all this articles found in good order.
(Was signed) F: Lotter
A true Copy of What is Wanting1
  • 1 greén carpet of the table
  • 1 oval Affair for Wine Glasses
  • 1 blue flate Dish broken
  • 1 Wine glass of the 9 Dozen Wanting
  • 2 Decanters of the 11 Wanting
  • 2 Bowls of 3 Doz. en 9 Wanting
  • 1 Saucer of 5 Doz. and 2. Wanting
  • 3 cups of 3 Doz. and 8. Wanting
  • 7 Saucers of 4 Doz. and 2. Wanting
  • 1 Sugar pot of 13 Wants
  • 1 milk pot of 6. Wants.
  • 1 mustard pot of the 4. Wants.
  • 1 Salt Seller of 5. Wants.
  • 1 Koffy pot of madam Dumas.
  • 2 Little dessert plates of 13 Wants
  • 3 butter boats of 5 Wants
  • 1 round Dish of 8 Wants 3/poid
  • 2 plates of 7 Doz. and 3 Wanting amongst 3 Defect
  • 10 Soup plates of 3 Doz. Wants.
  • 1 Saucer to the Bowl Wants
  • 1 Saucer of the Sugar pot Wants
  • 2 blue cups of 10 Wants.
  • 1 round Looking glass.
I Marie Dumas certify that what Mr. Lotter has mentioned above is true, and in good faith I sign this to serve as his proof regarding the effects which he has declared under his signature to have been received from me.
[signed] (was signed) Marie Dumas.
{ 48 }
FC in an unknown hand (Adams Papers). For a description of this document see the descriptive note to John Thaxter’s inventories of 14 May and 16 Oct. 1782 (No. I, above).
1. Since the list of missing items was in English in the MS, it has been retained without revision in the translation.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0020

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-05-16

To Robert R. Livingston

No. 11.

[salute] Sir

On the twelfth of this month, I removed into the Hôtel des Etats Unies de l'Amerique, situated upon the Canal called the Fleweele Burgwal at the Hague, where I hope the Air will relieve my Health in some degree from that weak state to which the tainted atmosphere of Amsterdam has reduced it.
The American Cause has gained a signal Triumph in this Country. It has not persuaded an ancient Rival and an avowed natural hereditary Enemy to take a Part against Great Britain; but it has torn from her Bosom an intimate affectionate Friend and a faithful Ally of an hundred Years Continuance. It has not persuaded an absolute Monarchy to follow the Dictates of its own Glory and Interest and the unanimous Wish of the People, by favouring it; but availing itself only of the still small Voice of Reason, urging general Motives and national Interests, without Money, without Intrigue, without imposing Pomp, or more imposing Fame, it has prevailed against the utmost Efforts of Intrigue and Corruption, against the almost universal Inclination of Persons in Government, against a formidable Band of Capitalists, and the most powerful mercantile Houses in the Republick, interested in English Funds and too deeply leagued in English Affairs.
Altho' these Obstacles are overcome so far, as to have obtained an Acknowledgment of our Independence, yet it is easy to see, that they are not annihilated and therefore We cannot expect to recieve such cordial and zealous assistance, as We might recieve if the Government and People had but one Heart.
I wish it were in my Power to give Congress upon this Occasion Assurances of a Loan of Money, but I cannot. I have taken every Measure in my Power to accomplish it, but I have met with so many Difficulties that I almost despair of obtaining any thing. I have found the Avidity of Friends as great an Obstacle as the ill Will of Ennemies. I can represent my Situation in this Affair of a Loan, by { 49 } no other Figure than that of a Man in the midst of the Ocean negotiating for his Life among a School of Sharks. I am sorry to use Expressions which must appear severe to You: but the Truth demands them.
The Title of American Banker, for the sake of the Distinction of it, the Profit of it, and the Introduction to American Trade, is solicited with an Eagerness past Description. In order to obtain it, a House will give out great Words and boast of what it can do: but not one will contract to furnish any considerable Sum of Money; and I certainly know, let them decieve themselves as they will, and decieve as many others as they may by their confident Affirmations, that none of them can obtain any considerable Sum. The Factions, that are raised here about it between the French Interest, the Republican Interest, the Stadthouderian Interests and the Anglomane Interests, have been conducted with an indecent Ardor, thwarting, contradicting, caluminating each other, until it is easy to fore see the Effect will be to prevent Us from obtaining even the small Sums, that otherwise might have been found. But the true and the decisive Secret is, there is very little Money to be had: The Profits of their Trade have been annihilated by the English for several Years. There is therefore no Money but the Interest of their Capitalists, and all this is promised for Months and Years beforehand to Bookkeepers, Brokers and Undertakers, who have in Hand Loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweeden Denmark, for the States General, the States of Holland, the States of Friesland, the East and West India Companies &c. &c. &c.
But the Circumstance which will be fatal to my Hopes at this time is this, there is just now unexpectedly opened a Loan of Nine Millions for the India Company under the Warranty of the States, in which they have raised the Interest one per Cent above the ordinary Rate. I had obtained an Agreement of the Undertakers for two Millions but before it was completed this Loan appeared, which frightened the Undertakers so as to induce them to fly off. I must therefore entreat Congress to make no Dependence upon me for Money.
There is one Subject more, upon which I beg leave to submit a few hints to Congress. It is that of Mr. Dumas, whose Character is so well known to Congress that I need say nothing of it. He is a Man of Letters and of good Character: but he is not rich, and his Allowance is too small at present for him to live with Decency. He has been so long known here to have been in American Affairs altho' in no public Character that I know of, but that of an Agent or Corre• { 50 } spondent appointed by Dr. Franklin or perhaps by a Committee of Congress, that, now our Character is acknowledged, it will have an ill effect, if Mr. Dumas remains in the Situation he has been in. To prevent it in some measure I have taken him and his Family into this House:1 but I think it is the Interest and Duty of America to send him a Commission as Secretary to this Legation and Charge des Affaires, with a Salary of five hundred a Year sterling, while a Minister is here, and at the Rate of a thousand a Year, while there is none.2
There is another Gentleman whose indefatigable application to the affairs of the United States, and whose faithfull Friendship to me, in sickness and in Health, demand of me, by the Strongest Claims of Justice and of Gratitude, that I should mention him to Congress, and recommend him to their favour.3 This Gentleman is Mr Thaxter whose Merit in my opinion is greater, than I dare express.4
Edmund Jenings Esqr. of Brussells has honoured me with his Correspondence and been often serviceable to the United States, as well as friendly to me. His Manner and Disposition are very amiable, and his Talents equal to any Service, and I cannot but wish that it might be agreable to the Views of Congress to give him some Mark of their Esteem.
How shall I mention another Gentleman, whose Name perhaps Congress never heard, but who, in my opinion has done more decided and essential Service to the American Cause and Reputation within these last eighteen Months, than any other Man in Europe.
It is Mr. A. M. Cerisier, beyond all Contradiction one of the greatest Historians and political Writers in Europe, Author of the Tableau de l' Histoire des Provinces Unies des Pays Bas, author of the Politique Hollandais and many other Writings in high Esteem. By Birth a Frenchman, educated in the University of Paris, but possessed of the most genuine Principles and Sentiments of Liberty, and exceedingly devoted by Principle and Affection to the American Cause. Having read some of his Writings, and heard much of his Fame I sought and obtained an Acquaintance with him, and have furnished him with Intelligence and Information on American Affairs, and have introduced him to the Acquaintance of all the Americans who have come to this Country, from whom he has picked up a great deal of true Information about our Affairs and perhaps some Mistakes. His Pen has erected a Monument to the American Cause more glorious and more durable than Brass or Marble. His Writings have been read like Oracles and his Senti• { 51 } ments weekly echoed and re-echoed in Gazettes and Pamphlats both in French and Dutch for fifteen Months. The greatest fault I know in him is his too zealous friendship for me, which has led him to flatter me with Expressions, which will do him no honor, however sincerely and disinterestedly they might flow from his Heart.5
Congress must be very sensible, that I have had no Money to lay out in secret Services, to pay Pensions, to put into the hands of Continental Agents, or in any other Way to make Friends. I have had no Money but my Salary, and that has been never paid me without Grudging.6 If I have Friends in Europe, they have not most certainly been made by Power, nor Money, nor any Species of Corruption, nor have they been made by making Promisses or holding out alluring Hopes. I have made no Promisses nor am under any Obligation, but that of private Friendship and simple Civility, to any Man, having mentioned such as have been my Friends, because they have been Friends to the United States and I have no other in Europe at least, and recommended them to the Attention of Congress, as having rendered, important Services to our Country, and able to render still greater, I have done my Duty, whatever Effect it may have. If some small part of those many Millions, which have been wasted by the most worthless of Men, could have been applied to the Support and Encouragement of Men of such great Value, it would have been much better.7 It is high time: it is more than time, that a proper Discernment of Spirits and Distinction of Character were made: That Virtue should be more clearly distinguished from Vice, Wisdom from Folly, Ability from Imbecility, and real Merit from proud imposing Impudence, which, while it pretends to do every thing, does nothing but Mischief.
The Treaty of Commerce is under Consideration, and will not that I foresee meet with any Obstacle.
I have the Honor to be,8 with great Esteem and Respect, Sir your most obedient and most humble servant
[signed] J. Adams
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, IV, f. 79–83.) LbC (Adams Papers).
1. When JA reprinted this letter in the Boston Patriot, 13 April 1811, he added the following in parentheses: “and furnished all their maintenance at my private expence.”
2. See Dumas' letter of 30 April 1782 (vol. 12:474–475) and JA's reply of 2 May, above. On 11 Sept., Livingston submitted this letter to Congress with the recommendation that “some attention be paid to Mr. Adams's request with respect to Mr. Dumas, who has certainly been a very assiduous servant of the United States; I could wish at least to be enabled to inform him of the sense of Congress thereon” (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:716). On 16 Sept. a motion was offered to increase Dumas' salary, but it was referred to committee and apparently never acted on again (JCC, 23:583). In any event, the Foreign Ledgers, Public Agents in Europe, 1776–1787 (DNA: RG 39 [Microfilm], { 52 } f. 10) indicate that Dumas' yearly salary was never increased beyond the 5,400 livres that he had been receiving since 1779.
3. In the Letterbook is the following canceled sentence: “Without him, I am confident to say, there would have been to this Hour no acknowledgment of American Independence in Holland.”
4. This paragraph is in JA's hand.
5. See JA's letter of 14 Jan. 1782 to the president of Congress, note 1 (vol. 12:190–191).
6. In the Letterbook, this sentence is interlined and refers to Benjamin Franklin, who was responsible for authorizing the payment of JA's salary through the firm of Ferdinand Grand.
7. The identity of the individuals that JA refers to in this paragraph is open to conjecture. In the Letterbook, the remainder of the paragraph is written following the closing and marked for insertion at this point.
8. The remainder of the closing is in JA's hand.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0021

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Roorda, Jacob
Date: 1782-05-16

To Jacob Roorda

[salute] Sir

I have just now received the Letter, which you did me the Honour to write me, on the twelfth of this Month, and am much obliged to you, for your Congratulations on an Event, which is So much to the Honour and Interest of the two Republicks, to me an abundant Reward for all the dangerous Voyages, fatiguing Journeys and other disagreeable Circumstances, which I have been obliged to Submit to in pursuit of it.
The Province of Friesland has done itself immortal Honour by being the Second Sovereign State in Europe, which has acknowledged the Independence of the new World.
It would give me much Pleasure, if it were, in my Power to assist at the feast of the Students at Francker: but my Engagements are Such that it will be impossible. I must therefore beg the favour of you to present them my Compliments and make them my Excuses. If my Son were here I would Send him to this Feast, that he might improve those Sentiments and Feelings of Liberty, which a young American may be disposed to have, by conversing with the Youth, and breathing the free Air of Friesland. But he is in Russia.
The young Gentlemen of Friesland, will live to see their new Ally, one of the most flourishing and powerfull States in the World, and to consider the late Event as one of the most important Steps, which their Country, ever took. At that time, which is not very distant, Although, I may not live to see it, they will be pleased to recollect, their Rejoicings upon this occasion: and I flatter myself they will not forget a Man, who has taken some Pains and run Some Risques, to form the first Connections between the two Republicks.

[salute] With great Respect &c

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0022

Author: Jenings, Edmund
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-16

From Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

I have receivd a Letter from Mr B1 of the 3d, wherein He says; that He has every reason in the World to Think, that what He had said to me in the preceeding Letter, (Extracts from which I took the Liberty of sending to your Excellency) was Justly founded, that Mr L is doubtful, whether He shall Act in Character, and that He is well receivd. I doubt not of this Gentleman Acting rightly, but I find that his Stay in England gives Uneasiness and Suspicion, which are not lessened by the reports, that He has been in Holland. If He has not been there, your Excellency can clear up the matter to the Confusion of Mr Ls Ennemies.
I understand, that Mr Fox has sent a Mr Greenville into Holland as a private negociator.2 He is in the Confidence of Mr Fox. There are so many reel or pretended negociators That I distrust every thing I hear. If England meant honestly, She would declare Herself Openly.
I take the Liberty of sending the inclosed Receipt to your Excellency.3
Your Excellency Knows the Cabinet is composed of the Lords Rockingham Camden Thurlow, Shelburne, Keppel Ashburton and Cavendish and Mess Fox and Conway.
Lord Rockingham is a man of a worthy Character, but is too much under the Influence of Burke, whose religion, Principles and Natural Disposition incline Him to carry Power to its Height.
Lord Camden approves of the Principles of Lord Rockingham, but having been closely connected with Lord Chatham is supposed to adopt the Ideas of Ld Shelburne. I trust however He will be Able to Correct them.
Lord Thurlow has that Kind of Honor, which haughtiness gives, and therefore Acts sometimes insolently right, but being naturally of a domineering turn is always for the full Exertion of the Prerogative.
Lord Shelburne is a man of Consummate Vanity, Meaness and falseness. He thinks Himself a great Politician, and He has certainly taken pains to get good foreign Intelligence, but I doubt whether it has improvd his Judgement. He would be Thought to be another Chatham, but He wants his greatness Sagacity and Patriotism.
Keppel is of a Whig Family and attached to Lord Rockingham. He is brave Knows his Profession as a Sailor and wishes well to the Glory of his Country.
{ 54 }
Dunning now Lord Ashburton is the Son of an Attorney, and much fitter for his Fathers business, than to be one of the Peers, a Privy Councellor and of the Cabinet. He is made up of Quibble, His manner of reasoning is never plain and Simple, but always farfetched; He puzzles his Audience to Know what He means, and when it is Known, the mind is not convinced, but left in that Embarrassement, in which its preceding attention to discover what He would be at, had plunged it. He is a man of Vanity and pettishness. He has a Knowledge of the Law, but it is merely that of a Lawyer from the Earliest Times when He was in the Temple, He was fully possest of the Omnipotence of an Act of Parliament and no doubt stil retains that Contracted Idea, for He is most violent against the Acknowledgement of the American Independance as is His Patron Lord Shelburne, if the King should flatter these two men, He makes them his own, and by them will create Devisions, of which He will take Advantage. I do not Know, that such an Insidious nobleman as Lord S is could have found a more proper Councillor and friend than Dunning.
The bringing such a Man into the Cabinet shews in design in Lord S, to take a lead therein, and supposing Thurlow Camden and Conway to concur with Him agst the America Independance, that Event is not likely to take place yet awhile, Thurlow however it is supposed will retire Soon. Lord Camden may perhaps influence in some degree Lord Shelburne and Conway may be governed by Burke, and distress may compell the great Ennemy Himself to Submit to reason Justice and Humanity.
Lord John Cavendish is the representative of the House of Devonshire in the ministry. He is Attached to Lord Rockingham by Revolution Principles—He is a man of Merit, what Kind of Financier He will make, time must Shew, but as an honest man with good Assistance, He may do as well as the embarrassed Situation of Affairs will permit.
Conway is supposed to be against the Independancy of America, but his is an uncertain Character, proceeding either from meaness of his family, which may lead Him to snatch the moment of changing to his Advantage, or from his natural Temper. He seems to bee under the Influence of Burke, who has thrust Him forward on two occasions to the Gratification of his Vanity, for he has been succesful in two important motions.4
Mr Foxs former Course of Life is against Him but He has lately taken a great Line, and was the principal means of turning out the { 55 } late ministry. He is much inclined to Acknowledge the Independancy of America, and the making a general Peace, As is the Duke of Richmond with whom He is Connected.
The Cabinet being thus Composed, there seems to be but little appearance of Unanimity therein, particularly as the Head of all acts a most Hypocritical part, pretending the Utmost Satisfaction, and Confidence in the new men, whilst He Encourages his former dependants to oppose every measure of Reform. Your Excellency cannot but Observe the Conduct of Thurlow Loughborough and Mansfield in the Contracters Bill. I cannot think, that the solid reasons given by Lord Camden in Support of that measure had their due Effect; His Threat to retire had perhaps more, it Kept the faction in order for that Moment, but it may encourage its opposition, with effect, when its Machination are complete, I do not Judge of the Temper of the Court merely by what these Law Lords said in that Debate, but this Conduct of the Bishop of Chester, who was made one of the Heirrarchy by the King and Queen without the Inclination of Ministers, affords me a more certain clue to the real desposition of the Times, being that man will have his Reward.5
Your Excellency cannot but have Observd, What Mr Fox has said relative to the Dutch war, and will make your ordinary good Use of it.6
In short, altho the grand band of Robbers and Murderers is dispersed others may collect themselves, and therefore it is Necessary, that we should go armed.
I am with greatest Respect Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servt,
[signed] Edm: Jenings
1. Probably Edward Bridgen. For the extracts from the preceding letter, see Jenings' letter of 6 May, and note 5, above.
2. See Benjamin Franklin's letter of 8 May, note 2, above.
3. Not found.
4. Presumably a reference to Conway's motions of 22 and 27 March that were instrumental in the fall of the North Ministry, for which see Jenings' letters of 4 and 7 March, and notes 3 and 1 respectively (vol. 12:287–289, 300–301).
5. On 19 April the Contractors Bill passed the House of Commons and was sent on for consideration by the House of Lords. As Jenings indicated in his letter of 31 March (vol. 12:371–372), the bill was a key element of the Rockingham Ministry's reform agenda. It provided that no one holding a government contract not open to public bid could hold a seat in the House of Commons.
In the House of Lords Edward Thurlow, 1st Baron Thurlow and lord chancellor, led the opposition, while Charles Pratt, 1st Earl of Camden and president of the council, led the bill's supporters. Thurlow opened the debate on 1 May with a long speech denouncing the bill as unwise and unnecessary. Joining him in opposition were William Murray, 1st Earl of Mansfield and lord chief justice of the king's bench; Beilby Porteus, bishop of Chester, who spoke later on the 1st; and Alexander Wedderburn, 1st Baron Loughborough and chief justice of the court { 56 } of common pleas, who spoke when the debate was renewed on 6 May.
Lord Camden's speech on 1 May rebutted the arguments of Thurlow and Mansfield and set down what he believed would be the consequences of the bill's defeat. Camden's “prime inducement to accept of the present seat he occupied, was the extirpating corruption, or gradually lopping off its several branches, till the whole could be rooted up, or rather the defence of the kingdom, retrieving its honour, and bringing back the constitution to its original tone, formed one great object.” He then declared that the bill's defeat “would determine the fate of all the rest, and from the very moment that event should take place, there would be an end of the present administration; they would be no more.” Ultimately the House of Lords approved the bill and it became law, but the debates brought into sharp relief the divisions within the Rockingham Ministry and explain Jenings' uncertainty about its future course (Parliamentary Hist., 22:1336, 1356–1382; 23:74–75; DNB).
6. Presumably Fox's renewal of his proposal for an Anglo-Dutch peace that reached The Hague on 11 May (Dumas to Robert R. Livingston, 10 May, Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:410), for which see JA's letter of 6 April to Joan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol, note 1 (vol. 12:388–390).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0023

Author: Jenings, Edmund
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-16

From Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

I take the Liberty of writing to your Excellency this Letter, expresly to recommend my Friend Mr Ridley to your Excellencys Notice. I Knew Him long in England and Ever found Him warm, Active and Affectionate to the Cause of America, we left the Ennemys Country together. He has since been in America where He signalized Himself, in being very instrumental in providing Vessels for transporting Genl Washingtons Troops, from the Head of Chesepeak to York Town, and in raising a Body of 80 Horse, in which He acted as Adjutant and Treasurer refusing any higher Post. He had the Honor of Chacing Tarllton. He has the Esteem of General Washington Lincoln and the Marquis de la Fayette, and indeed He is most intimate with the Latter and has the Confidence of the State of Maryland, from which He has now a Commission of some Trust.
I need not perhaps have mentioned the preceding circumstances to recommend my Friend to your Excellencys Acquaintance. I Know not either your Excellency or Him, if He does not recommend Himself more strongly, to your Approbation and Esteem, than any words of mine can do; for I think you will find in Him a Knowledge of Men and Things, an Integrity Firmness and Candor, not usually met with. He has a great respect for your Excellency and He Knows other people.1
I am with the greatest Consideration Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servant
[signed] Edm: Jenings
{ 57 }
1. Matthew Ridley was an English-born merchant who had gone to America in 1770 and settled in Baltimore. Returning to England in 1775, he had been active, with Edmund Jenings among others in efforts to aid American prisoners. JA already knew Ridley, having met him at Paris in 1778, and JA's diary records a meeting with Ridley and other merchants at Nantes on 12 March 1779, shortly before Ridley returned to America. Jenings' information on Ridley's activities before Yorktown cannot be verified, but he sailed for France in late 1781 on the French frigate that brought news of Cornwallis' surrender. He arrived at Paris in Dec. 1781 with a commission from Maryland to raise a European loan. However, it was his lack of success in raising a loan in France that brought him to the Netherlands in May 1782 (Herbert E. Klingelhofer, “Matthew Ridley's Diary During the Peace Negotiations of 1782,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3d ser., 20:95–133 [Jan. 1963]; vol. 7:85; JA, D&A, 2:356). For Ridley's arrival at The Hague on 19 May and his meeting with JA on the 20th, see JA's letter of 21 May to Lafayette, note 1, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0024

Author: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Author: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-16

From Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Sir

We did not receive the Letter, which your Excellency did us the honour to write to us,1 but yesterday morning about twelve ô Clock, in answer to which, we now take the liberty to propose to your Excelly the final Terms, on which we are willing to open a Loan in behalf of the united States of North America.
Your Excellency shall authorise us to negotiate a Sum of five Millions of Guilders, tho' we shall now only open a Loan for three millions at the rate of 5 [per] Co. pr. Annum for the time of ten years, and to be redeemed in the five following years, each year a fifth part, for which 3000 bonds of f1000 each shall be given, signed by your Exce. and contrasigned by us, as also paragraphed2 by a Notary; and the Coupons for the Annual Intrest signed by your Secretary, or any body, which you'll appoint for it.
The bonds shall all be dated the first of June, tho' the Subscribers have it in their choice to pay or furnish the money in June, July, August September or october, as they shall think proper, provided that the 1st. Coupon is for 12, 11, 10, 9 or 8 Month, according to the term they pay in. Your Excellency promising to open no other Loan at any other house or houses in the Republic till the whole loan for five Millions is compleated, for which we are not without hopes of Succeeding.
We shall hand to your Excellency the original bonds, on which your Excellency will be pleased to procure us the ratification of Congres as we are obliged to engage ourselves for this to the public: after receiving of which Congres may dispose directly of what Sums, that than shall be in cash.
{ 58 }
We must beg leave to observe to your Excellency that our meaning as to the Terms of 4 1/4 [per] Co. is, that we charge them for the receiving and paying out of the money now; for the remedium to the undertakers for Brokerage, and for the Expences of the notary, the Stamps &ca.3 We shall further charge Annually one p Ct. on the amount of the Intrest, for the paying out of it.
And to convince your Excellency, that we are willing to make the terms as low, as we really can, we shall only charge by the final redeeming of the Loan, for paying out of the money, and charges there on depending only one half pC.
We flatter ourselves with your Excellencys full aprobation, and have there fore got the prospectus ready printed, to be distributed the moment your Excellency will be pleased to give us your agreement to it.
We have the honour to be most respectfully Sir Your Excellency's Most humble & obedt. Servts.
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
[signed] Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst
[signed] de la Lande & Fynje
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “To His Excellency John Adams Esqr. Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of North America &c. &c at the Hague”; endorsed: “Mess Willink, V. Staphorst & Fynje. 16 May. Ansd. 17. 1782. Terms of a Loan.”
1. Of 13 May, above.
2. That is, to be signed (OED).
3. For an explanation of the roles of the various financial specialists whose participation was required to raise a loan in the Netherlands, see vol. 11:102, note 2.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0025

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Recipient: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Date: 1782-05-17

To Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Gentlemen

Your Favour of the Sixteenth instant I received last night by Mr Fynje.
In order to give as general Satisfaction As may be and in order to bring this Business to a Conclusion, I shall agree to the Terms proposed in it, with the following Explanation and alteration, which are indespensibly necessary.
The Explanation is this, that my “Promise to open no other Loan at any other House or Houses in the Republick, till the whole Loan of five Millions is compleated” shall be under Stood to be personally binding upon me alone: and that neither my Successor in the Agency, { 59 } | view shall be bound by it, nor Congress. This Explanation I have all along made verbally to Mr Fynje who has no doubt communicated to you.
The Alteration is this, I cannot agree to Allow “the Half Per Cent, for the final Redeeming of the Loan”—The two Per Cent for the House, must be both for receiving and paying the Money at first and for receiving and paying off the Capital at last.
The one Per Cent, annually on the amount of the Interest for receiving and paying it out, I agree to.
I agree also to two Per Cent for the Remedium to the Undertakers.
And to go as far as I possibly can to give you Satisfaction, I agree to allow half Per Cent for Brokerage Notary, Signatures Stamps, and all other Charges and Expences whatsoever, which attend the Loan.
These Conditions will Stand better in one View thus.
For negotiating the whole Loan, receiving the Money and paying it out to the order of Congress or their Minister—to the House1   Per Cent—     1  
For finally receiving and paying off the Capital and all Charges attending it—to the House   Per Cent—     1  
For the Remedium to the Undertakers   Per Cent—     2  
For Brokerage, Notary, Stamps and all other Charges and Expences of the Loan   Per Cent, one half     1/2  
    4   1/2  
To this add, for receiving and paying out the Annual Interest, one Per Cent upon the Amount of the Interest paid.
These Terms will be considered as Severe and discouraging, and to remove all Difficulties, As much as possible, I have ventured the Utmost Length, I can ever go. I therefore pray the Gentlemen to give me their answer, immediately whether they accept them or not. Because if there is the least difficulty, about accepting them, I intreat the Gentlemen to give me Notice of it, and to give themselves no further Trouble about the affair, but leave me to Strike a Bargain with another House, at least as advantageous to the United States.

[salute] I have the Honour to be

1. Here and in the following entry, the words “to the House” were interlined.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0026

Author: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Author: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-17

From Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Sir

We received by Mr Fynje your Excellency's esteemed favour of 17 inst, by whch. you are pleased to agree to all the terms we proposed by our letter of 16 inst, with this exception, that the allowance, for remedium of negotiating, and paying out the money, brokeridge, Notary Stamps, and all expences whatsoever, and also for the final redeeming of the negotiated Sum, all together is to be fixed at 4 1/2 [per]C: at once. Whch. being considered by us, we accept of it, to open the Loan, and to pay out in consequence of the negotiated Sum, or subscription 95 1/2 [per] Ct. all expences of negotiating and redeeming to our charge.
We observe the explanation of the promise of opening no other Loan, untill the 5 mills. are compleated; whch. by our writing is, also considered, only relative to your Excellency's Person.
We beg Leave to assure your Excellency, of our best endeavours to promote the Succes of this Loan, and to desire your influencing recommandation in our favour, by the United States for their Commands.
We have the honour to Subscribe with respectfull Consideration.
Sir your Excellency's Most Humble and most obedient Servants
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
[signed] Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst
[signed] de la Lande & Fynje
Your Excellency will greatly oblige us with a few Lines for Answer.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0027-0001

Author: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Author: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-17

From Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Sir

After the letter we had the honour of writing to your Excellency1 having got a Conversation about the Prospectus of the Loan, we think it would be more easy and convenient for yr. Excellency, to pass five Bonds, each of one Million of Guilders in our favour, { 61 } authorising and empowering us to divide them in Bonds of thousand Guilders each, under our hands, which Should be Saving a good deal of trouble to yr. Excellency in Signing, and at the Same time be much Safer by Sending over the Ratification of Congress, Since in case those five Bonds in our favor and on our names happened to fall into the hands of the Ennemy, can be of no use whatsoever, and being in blanc there remains always some Risk.
By this we take a greater charge upon us, as we'll then also take care for the Coupons being Signed, to which however we'll make no objection.
Inclosed we take the liberty of accompanying to your Excellency a Copy of the Prospectus, which we beg the favor of yr. Excellency to examine and to return us with your Approbation as Soon as possible, as they ought to be printed and distributed next Tuesday.2

[salute] We have the honour to be most respectfully Sir! Your most obedt. & hble. Servts.

[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
[signed] Nichs. & Jacob van Staphorst
[signed] de la Lande & Fynje
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers).
1. See Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje to JA, 17 May (1st letter), above.
2. JA replied to the bankers' first letter of this date on 18 May, below, but no reply to this second letter has been found. However, on 22 May, below, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst responded on behalf of the two other firms to JA's reply to their “last letter,” presumably the second letter of 17 May. In his reply JA apparently approved, but did not return, the prospectus. More importantly, however, he likely refused the proposal to issue five bonds of one million guilders each instead of one bond of five million guilders. If that is so, then at some point he reconsidered, for JA signed and sent to the Congress for ratification five contracts for one million guilders each, for which see the loan contract, [11 June], and JA's second letter of 5 July to Robert R. Livingston, both below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0027-0002-0001

Author: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Author: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-17

Enclosure: A Prospectus for the Dutch Loan

Bericht
Van eene Negotiatie ten behoeve der Vereenigde Staaten van America, groot drie Millioenen Guldens,1 Hollands Courant geld, tegens 5 pCto. Intrest in t Jaar, roor den tyd van tien Jaaren vast, te betalen op Coupons van f 50—'s Jaarlyks.
Zyn Excellentie John Adams, Schildknaap Minister Plenipotentiarie van gemelde Vereenigde Staaten van America &c. &c. speciaal door het Congres geauthoriseerd tot het doen eener Negotiatie; zal passeeren drie Obligatien La. A, B, C, in dato primo Juny 1782, ieder groot een Millioen Guldens, en dus te zamen de bovengemelde Som van drie Millioenen Guldens, ten behoeven van de Heeren Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob Van Staphorst, en De La Lande & Fynje, met authorisatie om daar van onder hunne handtekeningen uittegeven van ieder Obligatie 1000, en dus te zamen 3000 aandeelen No. 1 á 3000 ieder van f 1000—, welke door de Notarissen Van Kleef en Van Hole zullen geprothoeolleerd worden.
De aflossing zal geschieden by Loting, ten overstaan van Notaris en getuigen, in de Jaaren 1793, 1794, 1795, 1796 en 1797 ieder Jaar een vyfde gedeelte.
{ 62 }
De Intekening zal van nu af aan openstaan aan de comptoiren van de steeren Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst en de La Lande & Fynje, te fourneeren primo Juny, primo July, primo Augustus, primo September, of primo October aanstaande, ten keuze van de Geldgeevers.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0027-0002-0002

Author: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Author: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-17

Enclosure: A Prospectus for the Dutch Loan: A Translation

Report
Of a loan in behalf of the United States: three million guilders,1 Dutch currency, with a 5 percent interest rate per year, for the time period of ten years, to be paid off by 50 f coupons, annually.
His Excellency John Adams, Minister Plenipotentiary of aforementioned United States of America &c. &c., especially authorized by the Congress, will execute this loan in three bonds, La. A, B, C, on 1 June 1782, each consisting of one million guilders, adding up to the aforementioned sum of three million guilders, in behalf of Messrs. Wilhelm & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, which will be authorized by their signatures on each 1,000 f bonds and thus 3,000 bonds, number one to 3,000, each of 1,000 f, which have been notarized by notaries public Van Kleef and Van Hole.
The annual payment of 1/5 of the total amount will be made through the drawing of lots, witnessed by the notary public and other witnesses, in the years 1793, 1794, 1795, 1796, and 1797.
The account will be opened as of now to the bookkeepers of Messrs. Wilhelm & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, and should be provided by 1 June, 1 July, 1 August, 1 September, or 1 October of this year, the date of which can be chosen by the lenders.
The content of all or some notes that appeared on this page in the printed volume has been moved to the end of the enclosing document, Wilhelm & Jan Willink et al. to John Adams, 17 May 1782.
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers).
1. Note that the prospectus reflects the consortium's proposal in its letter of 16 May, above, that the loan be opened initially for three million guilders rather than the full five million contracted for between JA and the bankers.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0028

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Recipient: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Date: 1782-05-18

To Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Gentlemen

I have just received your Favour of the Seventeenth of May, in answer to mine of the Same day by Mr Fynje and it is with great Pleasure that I perceive, We are how agreed upon the Terms.1
I hope the Loan, will, in Consequence of this Agreement by opened without Loss of Time, and I wish you all the Success and Pleasure in the Prosecution of the Business that you can possibly wish your Selves.
I have the Honour to be, Gentlemen, your most obedient and most humble Servant
1. This letter is a reply to the bankers' first letter of 17 May, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0029

Author: Monitor
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-20

From Monitor

We are told here of a chace there has been for sometime in holland and that the name wanted to be run down is our old staunch friend de Nefville;2 in which base pursuit in the whole groupe of motley hounds, the mongrel Adams distinguish'd himself in such a manner that all here regretted he was not near to be rewarded as joculer by spitting in his mouth and patting his breech with their foot; which he well deserves by heading the pack of turqs and rascals who doubtless will be grateful for it as for other favors, and can do no less than second his attempts at wispering away by inuendos the Characters of every one of those to whom he owes so much of his rise and Consequces.
Blush at thy Conduct for its being worse than a dogs to want for thy Country and thyself that gratitude due to those men that have been the steps to thy elevation. Suppress that envy which merits either cause them to sicken at or raises that malignant rancour so Visible in thy countenance. Study politicks particularly that wanted in a Minister which thou mistakes in supposing it to have any affinity to the tricks or chicannery of a pettifogging Attorney our Agent Mr. Demasse3 is best able to teach thee that thou most wants if thou will but divest thyself of that insolent vanity and conceit { 64 } which blinds thee into a belief of thy designs being impenetrable tho experience teaches thee daily the contrary, even by the miscarriages of one of thy latest schemes, thou must thyself see the flimsiness of the veil over them, and how little the mask men puts on disguises thee and still less to thy Colleagues tis hoped for thy credit the report of the Courier de basse rin is true that thy late fever has fixed on thy brain impaired thy faculties4—if so phaps Congress is already apprized of it, or that thou will avail thyself of the first lucid interval to guard thyself from doing the like prejudice to the credit of America thou hast lately done by calling in the aid of other ministers who understand business, for in matters of that kind, thou must not trust it will be done to thy hand, as in that of the independence, where the people of holland or the leaders in that affair wanted only an Automaton to personate an Amcan. Minister,5 and which would sometimes have answerd their purpose far better as they would not have been in fear of having their business spoiled as is sometimes happen'd and advise6 thee again take advice, for whatever opinion the world may entertain of thy abilities as a lawyer they all know and agree thou art a most wretched politician,7 nor can all thy puffs and self written panegirick &c.8 persuade the contrary.
[signed] monitor
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “His excellency Mr John Adams Hague”; endorsed: “Anonimous Letter to me, dated Paris. 20 May 1782”; postmarked: “BRUXELLES.”
1. The author of this letter remains unidentified but may be the same person who wrote to JA on 7 April 1781, signing himself “Boston” (vol. 11:250–252). In content and tone this letter is similar to anonymous letters sent to Benjamin Franklin on 31 Jan. and 8 May 1782 (Franklin, Papers, 36:499–501; 37:289–291) and to Edward Bridgen on 3 May for transmission to Henry Laurens. At some point JA learned of the letters to Franklin, for there are copies of both in the Adams Papers; JA received the letter to Bridgen as an enclosure in Edmund Jenings' letter of 6 June, below. For a discussion of the 31 Jan. letter to Franklin, see JA's letter of 14 Jan. to the president of Congress, note 1 (vol. 12:190–191).
The four letters criticize JA's efforts in the Netherlands and seem calculated to drive a wedge between him and his colleagues Benjamin Franklin and Henry Laurens. While the letters failed to achieve that objective, they did ignite a prolonged and bitter dispute between Henry Laurens and Edmund Jenings. And one of the principal reasons was that this letter of 20 May and those to Franklin of 31 Jan. and 8 May were all postmarked “Bruxelles,” where Edmund Jenings lived, leading Laurens to conclude that Jenings was the author. An analysis of the handwriting, however, indicates that Jenings did not write the letters, for which the originals still exist for those of 31 Jan. and 8 and 20 May. In fact, there were two writers: the first wrote the letter of 31 Jan. and the second the letters of 8 and 20 May and probably, owing to its content, that of 3 May as well.
The principal difference between this letter and those to Franklin and Bridgen is the author's effort to disguise his identity. This is clear from the writer's use of the pronouns thy, thee, and thou, but the letter also differs { 65 } in its awkward sentence structure and repeated misspellings. It may be inferred from this, particularly if the author also wrote to JA on 7 April 1781 and signed himself “Boston,” that JA had met the writer, probably in Amsterdam. This inference is supported by JA's letter of 7 June 1782 to Edmund Jenings, below.
2. The reference to de Neufville here, and to the controversy over John Hodshon's participation in the loan in the 8 May letter to Benjamin Franklin, gives substance to JA's assertion that the letters originated with someone unhappy at not being included in the loan. For warnings to JA against using the de Neufville firm, see his letter to Jean de Neufville & Fils, 11 March 1781, note 1 (vol. 11:195). For the controversy over John Hodshon's participation, see Hodshon's letter of 20 April 1782, note 2, and John Thaxter's letter of 22 April, and note 2 (vol. 12:434–435, 449–450).
3. Probably a misspelling of Dumas.
4. The letters to Benjamin Franklin of 31 Jan. and 8 May both refer to JA's 1781 illness as having impaired his faculties.
5. The letter to Franklin of 8 May 1782 emphasized that the main credit for Dutch recognition of the United States should go to Joan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol.
6. The remainder of the letter from this point is written vertically in the left-hand margin.
7. The letters of 3 and 8 May to Bridgen and Franklin, respectively, all refer to JA the lawyer. The 3 May letter reads, “however great his abilities as a lawyer—they are the reverse as a Minister” (see Jenings to JA, 6 June, below), while the 8 May letter states that “as a legislator and lawyer in his lucid Intervals, his abilities may be still great—but he Wants most of those requisite for a Minister” (Franklin, Papers, 37:290).
8. This is presumably a reference to the pieces in Le politique hollandais done either at JA's instigation or on Antoine Marie Cerisier's own volition to enhance JA's standing in the Netherlands. The letters of 31 Jan. and 8 May to Franklin and 3 May to Bridgen all refer directly or indirectly to JA's efforts in this regard.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0030

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Lafayette, Marie Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de
Date: 1782-05-21

To the Marquis de Lafayette

[salute] My dear General

Yours of the Seventh of this month, was yesterday brought me, by Mr Ridley,1 and I thank you for your kind Congratulations, on the Progress of our Cause in the Low Countries. Have a Care, however, how you profess Friendship for me: there may be more danger in it, than you are aware of.
I have the Honour, and the Consolation to be a Republican on Principle. That is to Say, I esteem that Form of Government, the best, of which human Nature is capable. Almost every Thing that is estimable in civil Life, has originated under Such Governments. Two Republican Towns, Athens and Rome, have done more honour to our Species, than all the rest of it. A new Country, can be planted only by Such a Government. America would at this moment have been an howling Wilderness in habited only by Bears and Savages, without Such forms of Government. And it would again become a Wilderness under any other. I am not however an enthusiast, who wishes to overturn Empires and Monarchies, for the Sake of intro• { 66 } ducing Republican Forms of Government. And therefore I am no King Killer, King Hater or King Despizer. There are Three Monarcks in Europe for whom I have as much Veneration as it is lawfull for one Man to have for another. The King of France, the Emperor of Germany and the King of Prussia, are constant objects of my Admiration, for Reasons of Humanity Wisdom and Beneficence which need not be enlarged on. You may well think then, that the Information you give me, that “the King of France was pleased the other day to Speak to you, of me in terms of the highest Regard,” gave me great Pleasure.
I Shall do all in my Power to obtain here a Loan of Money but with very faint hopes of Success. In Short, there is no Money here but what is already promised to France, Spain, England Russia Sweeden Denmark, the Government here, and what will be fatal to me is the East India Comany have just opened a Loan for Nine Millions of florins under the Warrantee of the States of Holland and with an augmented Interest.
My Hopes of a Speedy Peace, are not Sanguine. I have Suspicions of the Sincerity of Lord Shelburne,2 Dunning and others of his Connections which I wish may prove groundless: but untill they are removed, I shall not expect a Peace. Shelbourne affects to be thought, the Chatham of the Day, without any of his great Qualities. I much fear that all their Maneuvres about Peace will turn out, but Artifices, to raise the stocks. The British Cabinet is so divided, that my Expectations are not very high. Let us be upon our Guard and prepared for a Continuance of the War. The Spaniards will demand Cessions and the Dutch Restitutions, which the English will not yet agree to, if they should get over all the Claims of France and America.
I Should be very happy to have a personal Conversation with you,3 but this will hardly take Place, untill full Powers arrive in Paris from London and I know very well that whether in America or Versailles or Paris, you will be constantly usefull, to America, and Congress will easily approve of your Stay where you are, untill you shall think it more for the publick Good to go elsewhere.
With great Affection and Esteem I have the Honour to be &c
1. Matthew Ridley's journal (MHi) indicates that he arrived at The Hague on 19 May and visited JA on the 20th to deliver this letter, and probably also Edmund Jenings' first and secondtwo letters of 16 May (above), and those from Benjamin Franklin of 21 April22 April (vol. 12:439–441) and 8 May (above). Although he had not seen Ridley in over three years, JA entered into an extraordinarily candid conversation at their meeting. JA read to Ridley the letter of 7 May from Lafayette (above), the major points of which—regarding French { 67 } financial assistance and the prospects for peace and another campaign—Ridley duly recorded in his journal on the same day. Then Ridley apparently asked JA about the prospects for peace negotiations, whereupon JA informed him that
“Mr Laurens had been in Holland that he come to know what had Passed between Mr Adams and Mr Ths. Digges who had been here and to be sure how far his and Mr. Adams' opinion coincided in case of offers of Peace—Their opinions are the same. He staid only a few Hours. The affair of Digges is as follows. He came to Holland—Put up at the Parliament of England and sent to Mr Adams to know when he could Have the honor of waiting on him—Sending him at the same 2 Letters, from Mr Samuel Hartley wherein Mr Hartley said Mr Digges was sent to Holland for the purpose of Interview with Mr Adams and he had Authority to say he was sent by Persons of the first distinction. Mr. Adams retd for answer to D. that he could have no meeting with him unless in the presence of a third Person and even not then unless he was left at Liberty to publish to the world, if he thought necessary what might pass between them and send it to Comte de Vergennes at Versailles for he would have no secrets that the third Person he should propose would be his Secretary Mr Thaxter. If he D. chose to see him on those conditions he might call the next morning. D. accepted them and came. He informed Mr Adams he was sent by Lord North that England was desirous of a Peace but did not know if the same disposition prevailed with the other parties or it would be listened to. Mr. A. told him whenever the English Ministry chose to apply in a proper way they would be attended to but while they continued to do otherways no attention would be paid to what they said. D. said they had understood that Mr. A. was inclined to Peace but Dr. Fr. was against. Mr. A. said it was impossible for any one to know his sentiments for he had never declared them to any one that the making Peace did not depend upon him Congress had named five Persons (one of which Mr Jefferson of Virga. was not yet arrived) the other four Dr. Fr. Mr Jay, Mr Laurens and himself that any offers made for Peace must be made at Paris. D. mentioned the difficulty of collecting such a number together. Mr. A told him that would be no difficulty if England made such propositions as might be listen'd to—if she did not—certainly there would be no meeting and that America would make no Peace but on such terms as would satisfy France as well as America and that it must be made in conjunction with Comte de Vergennes. A Copy of the Commission for making Peace laying at Mr Adams's hands he told Digges there was a Copy of the Commission and read it to him. D. said he should report what had Pass'd and I think Mr Adams told me talked of writing to Mr. Adams Mr. A told him he might write but he need expect no Answers from him and that he should think himself obliged to communicate to Dr. Franklin and Comte de Vergennes whatever he received. Thus the interview ended. D. returned to England Lord North was then out and he made his report to Ld. Shelburne who had come into Office and it is said added that Mr. A had promised to correspond with him which Mr. A. flatly and roundly denies.
“Spain certainly is security to France for a proportion what money she lets America have.
“Mr Adams is Much discontented with Dr. Fr. who was always agt. Mr. A's coming here as was Mons. de Vergennes nay when he determined on his Memorial he was even menaced by them. The French Minister at the Hague Duke de Vauguyon was two different days with him to prevent it. In the end Mr. A told him he had heard all the Arguments he had used on the Subject and was still determind to persist even at the risque of his head—he did and has carried his point. Mr. A informed me the people of Holland have at bottom very high notions of Liberty, that they are slow to move but when moved are full of fire—And he is sure he might with the greatest ease in the World have thrown the whole States into commotion so great was their desire for the American Independence and their dislike to the Stateholder and Duke of Brunswick. He had for this Reason since being acknowledged delivered his Credentials rather privately to prevent a tumult and has also declined several public entertainments fearing the consequences that he had since understood the Prince had expressed himself as pleased with his caution in this respect.”
JA's comments, as related by Ridley, regarding the visits of Thomas Digges in March and Henry Laurens in April, should be compared with those in his letters to { 68 } Benjamin Franklin of 26 March and 16 April (vol. 12:350–352, 410–413). For remarks regarding French opposition to JA's 19 April 1781 memorial to the States General and his meetings with the Duc de La Vauguyon about it, see his letters of 17 April 1781 to La Vauguyon, note 1, and 21 Feb. 1782 to Robert R. Livingston (vols. 11:263–265; 12:250–259).
2. The following six words were interlined.
3. The following fourteen words were interlined.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0031

Author: Mazzei, Philip
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-21

From Philip Mazzei

[salute] Sir

Permit me to congratulate your Excellency on your complete success, which I am confident is owing to your prudent, wise, and indefatigable endeavours, at least as much as to certain favourable circumstances. From this place I knew, perhaps better than you could, all the obstacles you had to surmount; which would not be surprising, as it is natural to suppose that you have almost constantly kept company with the independent and patriotick part of the Inhabitants, while I was in the way of being informed of the most refined intrigues of the opposite party from an unquestionable Authority. I have spoken of your Excellency to a great Personage, and mentioned more than once that if any good could be made of the Dutch, you was in my opinion the most proper person to bring them to it, just as I had the honour to write you in my letter of 28. March 1781.1 I congratulate your Excellency once more, because you have really gained a great point. The Personage in question had his doubts to the last moment.
I took the liberty to trouble you again the 24 and 31. of May following,2 but having not been honored since with an answer, I am still in doubt whether it did proceed from want of leasure, or from my letters being miscarried. Since that time I have recd. of the Govt. of Virginia the duplicates of my Commissions and Instructions, which were kept either by Mr. Penet, or Dr. Franklin, about a year in France, and at last sent from Passy, and left at Mr. Favi's house3 in Paris by an unknown person, without any message, together with 4. letters from the Govr., and one from the Board of Trade. The Govr. writes me that it is the 4th. set of duplicates they have sent me. The letters being now almost 2. years old can be of no service.4
I think I told you, Sir, that according to my Instructions I was impowered to give only 5. [per] % interest for the money I was to borrow on the credit of my State, and that after I had heared from Dr. Franklin (with whom my Instructions direct me to confer and avail myself of his information and advice) that he had tried to raise { 69 } money for Congress in Genoa at 6., I had written to the Govt. of Virginia desiring them to enlarge my Powers accordingly. In a letter I wrote them afterwards from Genoa, which I inclosed unsealed to your Excellency before I knew you had left Paris, I informed them that I might raise some money there at 5., allowing 3. or 4. [per] % for charges at first, once for ever, as it had been done for the Queen of Hungary, the Ducal Chamber of Milan, and others, which is much cheaper to the borrower than one [per] % annually. After receiving the honour of your letter last year, I informed them of what you had written to me in money-matter, of my answer to you on the subject,5 and desired them, in case the conditions on which the Loan could be obtained did not suit them, to let me know it, and give me leave to act for Congress. The only letter I have recd. since is from Col. Maddison, dated Philadelphia 25. October 1781.,6 in which he tells me that my cipher was lost in the late confusions in Virginia, therefore that I must make no more use of it in my future correspondence, and refers to 2. preceding letters which I have not received. I am at a loss what to do, and know nobody to consult for advice but your Excellency. Could my finances afford it, I would immediately set out for Holland.
As to finances, in one of the said letters the Govr. orders me to draw the sum of 300. louis on the House of Penet & Co:; and says “you will therefore consider yourself as authorised to draw on them for that sum and be assured that your draught will be honored.” In another letter, in which he tells me some thing of the transactions of our State with that House, he says “we have been very attentive to the strengthening their hands.”7 My bill for the 300. Louis was protested, on pretence of having no funds in their hands belonging to the State of Virginia. I have since heared from a young Virginian Gentleman now in France, son to our Col. George Mason, that Penet had recd. orders from Govt. to pay me 6, or 700. Louis, but “by the by (says he) I have been lately informed that Mr. Penet has protested bills to a considerable amount, drawn on him by the Virginia Agent at New-Orleans.” Mr. Lynch from Nantes writes me in the mean time that Mr. Penet's affaires are in a sad condition.8 I have not recd. any money from Virginia ever since I had the pleasure to see you. Had I not had some property and good Friends in this part of the World, I should have been in a deplorable situation. But now the delay begins to be unbearable, and I often think of going to France, and embark for America. I want your advice to sanctify my resolution. Pray, dear Sir, do not deny it me; honour me with { 70 } an answer, and please to have it delivered to the Director Genl: of the Dutch Post, to whom this is inclosed by the Director Genl: of the Post in Tuscany, who, besides being my Friend, is ordered to take particular care of my letters.
I am sensible of your Excellency's multiplicity of business of the last importance; a few lines written by any body, and signed by you, is all I take the liberty to ask. And I have the honour to be most respectfully, Sir, your Excellency's most Humble and most Obedient Servant
[signed] Philip Mazzei
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Mazzei 21 May 1782.”
1. Vol. 11:233–237. For the “great Personage” to whom Mazzei had spoken, probably Leopold I, Grand Duke of Tuscany, see note 3 to that letter.
2. Vol. 11:335–336, 344–349.
3. Francesco Favi was the secretary to the legation of the Grand Duke of Tuscany in France; Mazzei often used him to deliver correspondence.
4. On 8 Aug. 1781, Mazzei wrote Thomas Jefferson, then governor of Virginia, acknowledging receipt of copies of various letters, along with copies of commissions and instructions relating to his appointment to raise a loan for Virginia in Tuscany, the earliest of which dated from 1779. Mazzei also complained of the “scandalous” delay that held up the papers in Paris for over a year. By the time Jefferson received this letter, Virginia's new governor, Benjamin Harrison, had already written to Mazzei on 31 Jan. 1782 to relieve him of his appointment. Mazzei had apparently not yet received that letter at this time; he acknowledged its receipt on 6 Sept. (Jefferson, Papers, 6:114–116, 162–163).
5. JA's letter was of 18 Jan. 1781; Mazzei replied on 28 March (vol. 11:58, 233–237).
6. Not found.
7. The first quotation likely comes from Jefferson to Mazzei, 31 May 1780, the second letter Jefferson sent to Mazzei on that date, which has been lost (see Mazzei to Jefferson, 8 March 1782, in Margherita Marchione, ed., Philip Mazzei: Selected Writings and Correspondence, Prato, Italy, 1983, 1:332–336). The second quotation is from Jefferson's letter to Mazzei of 12 May 1780 (same, 1:225–226).
8. Neither of these items has been located. A few weeks later, Mazzei would describe J. Pierre Penet of the merchant house of Penet, da Costa Frères & Co., as “an accomplished master of deviousness and a swindler” (Mazzei to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, 19 June 1782, same, 1:354). Mark Lynch was a merchant in Nantes who had exchanged letters with JA in July 1780 over some books that Lynch forwarded to JA according to Mazzei's instructions (vol. 9:503–504).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0032

Author: Livingston, Robert R.
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-22

From Robert R. Livingston

No. 6
3plicate

[salute] Dear Sir

It is so important to let you know that the late change in the British Ministry and the conciliating measures they propose have occasioned no alteration in the sentiments of people here, that tho' I am too much hurried, (this conveyance going sooner than was intended,) to take particular notice of the letters we have received from { 71 } you, and which remain unanswered, yet I cannot but avail myself of it to inform you that it will not have the least effect upon the sentiments or wishes of people here, who remain invariably attached to their independence and to their alliance, as the best means to obtain it. Sir Guy has written to the general a very polite Letter, complaining of the manner in which the war has been carried on, proposing to conduct it in future upon more liberal principles, and observing that “They were both equally concerned to preserve the character of Englishmen” and concluding with the request of a passport for Mr Morgan his secretary to carry a similar Letter of compliment to Congress. Congress have directed that no such passports be given.1 The state of Maryland, whose Legislature happened to be sitting have come to resolutions which shew their determination not to permit any negotiation except thro' Congress, and their sense of the importance of the Alliance.2
No military operations are carrying on at present, the Enemy having received no reinforcements, and growing weaker every day, of consequence afford us a fine opportunity of striking to advantage, if we are not disappointed in our expectation of a naval Armament, or even without such Armament if we have sufficient vigor of mind to rely on our own strength. I commit the enclosed for Mr Dana to your care;3 I wish it could get to him, if possible, without inspection.
Congress have determined in future to pay your salaries here quarterly.4 I shall consider myself as your Agent; unless you should chuse to appoint some other,5 and make out your account quarterly, and vest the money in bills upon Doctor Franklin to whom I will remit them, giving you advice thereof, so that you may draw on him. By the next Vessel, I shall send Bills for one quarter commencing the first of January last.6 I wish to have a state of your Accounts, previous to that, that I may get it settled and remit the Ballance.
I have the honor to be, sir with great respect & Esteem Your most obedient humble servt
[signed] Robt R Livingston
Tripl (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Secretary Livingston. 22 May. ansd 6 Septr. 1782 No 6.” Although JA wrote a detailed reply to this letter on 6 Sept., he acknowledged its arrival in the form of a triplicate in his letter of 4 Sept., below. A second copy in the Adams Papers, erroneously designated No. 7, was probably the original, and the duplicate of the letter is in MHi: John Adams, Embassy MSS. Livingston's previous letter to JA was that of 5 March (vol. 12:295–299).
1. Sir Guy Carleton's letter, dated 7 May at New York, reached the Congress on 14 May as an enclosure in George Washington's letter of 10 May. The Congress immediately took the resolution indicated by Livingston (JCC, 22:263).
2. This resolution by the Maryland House of Delegates was taken on 15 May and ap• { 72 } peared in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 22 May.
3. Livingston also wrote letters to Francis Dana and Benjamin Franklin on 22 May that contained much of the same information as in that to JA (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:436; Franklin, Papers, 37:398–399).
4. Livingston was anticipating Congress' action. Such a resolution, which took effect immediately, was adopted on 29 May, but it was repealed on 5 June and replaced with another that would apply from 1 August. The measure resulted from a general review of the salaries of all American representatives in Europe initiated on 9 May when the Congress received a letter from Robert Morris dated the 8th in which he indicated that La Luzerne, the French minister, had told him “that in future no sums will be paid to the ministers of the United States in Europe by his court.” This, according to Morris, made it necessary “to make provision for their support here,” and the solution that he proposed in his letter was essentially that adopted by the Congress on 28 May. The letter from Morris was accompanied by another of the same date from the secretary for foreign affairs in which the salaries of the American ministers and their secretaries were examined and nine resolutions offered to establish a new schedule for compensation. The question of salaries was considered on 28 May and 14 June, but no resolutions establishing a new schedule were adopted, and the issue lapsed until raised anew in late Nov. (JCC, 22:308, 316, 253–260, 306–307, 332–333; 23:741, 850).
5. Livingston renewed his suggestion that JA appoint an agent to receive his salary in his letter of 29 Aug., and Robert Morris urged JA to do so in his letter of 25 Sept. (both below), but there is no indication that JA ever appointed such an agent.
6. See Lewis R. Morris' letter of 6 July, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0033

Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-22

From Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst

[salute] Sir

Since we doubt whether they have Sent your Excellency already Some Prospectus of the Loan, we take the liberty of inclosing you Some herewith.1 We flatter ourselves that it will Succeed now to your wishes.
Mr. Le Poole has brought us your Excellency's answer to our last letter.2 Notwithstanding we flatter ourselves, that if we could have had the Satisfaction to converse with your Excellency, we should have persuaded you to the proposed alteration, which we think in different respects would have been an Improvement, we could not therefore tarry the matter, and left it therefore upon the old footing.
We are in hopes of sending your Excellency in a few days a copy of the Bond, which will require Some haste, Since many People wish to furnish the money with the beginning of next month.
We shall be very glad to hear that Mr. Thaxter is recovering,3 and in the meantime we are with assurances of our Respect, as also of Messrs. Willink and Mess. De la Lande & fynje with the greatest Esteem Sir! Your Excellency's most obedt. & hble. Servants.
[signed] Nichs. & Jacob van Staphorst
1. No copies of the printed prospectuses are in the Adams Papers.
2. “Mr. Le Poole” has not been identified, but he apparently carried JA's reply, not { 73 } found, to the second letter of 17 May from Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, above.
3. This is the first mention of John Thaxter's illness, probably malaria, from which he was still recovering in late June. Thaxter wrote to AA on 23 June that he was recovering from “the vile Fever and Ague” (AFC, 4:333), and on the 25th he informed Francis Dana that “I have had the Tertian Fever for four or five Weeks rather severely and have been so reduced and weak as to be unable to write” (MHi: Dana Family Papers). For the effect of Thaxter's condition on JA's negotiations with the Dutch bankers, see his letter of 24 May to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0034

Author: Dana, Francis
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-23

From Francis Dana

[salute] Dear Sir

I had the pleasure of yours of the 28th. of April1 yesterday, in which you acknowledge the receipt of mine of the 28th. of March, as well as of the paper I had enclosed you in blank, and of my three letters to Mr: Livingston.2 I hope you will be kind enõ to transmit copies of those papers to Congress, as I do not think it prudent to hazard duplicates of them. I desired the three to Mr: Livingston to be forwarded by the same opportunity, because one of them was a duplicate, and the other two made up only one letter which, for greater safety, I had seperated and sent on to you thro different hands. I wrote to Mr: T. on the 5/16 March by a private hand to whose care I had committed four Court Almanacks and a Russian Grammer to be disposed of as mentioned in the letter. Of these I have yet heard nothing. Mr: T. makes no mention of them in his letter of the 26th. of April. Pray tell him I shall notice that letter shortly.3 Since mine of the 28th. of March I have wrote you twice viz. on the 12/23 of April, and on the 29th. of April O.S.4 The great importance of the point you have gained in Holland, will be every where felt and acknowledged, except by those to whom you allude when you speak of the “dastardly meanesses of jealousy and envy.” Your character will receive no lasting stain from their vile artifices. They may occasion some mortification for a while, but publick and private virtue will soon triumph over such Enemies. After the business you mention may be happily finished, you must remember there is another not less important still remaining, which, nothing but an absolute necessity, must induce you to think of quitting.5 I feel your situation or condition, for my own is not altogether unlike it. The difference however is against me. If I had succeeded in the main point, I shou'd not hesitate a moment to put in execution the plan you talk of for yourself. This I shou'd infallibly have done had I obtained that end: And how long my patience will hold out is uncer• { 74 } tain; but it is my present determination not to pass another Winter here. Tho I have not taken the official measure heretofore mentioned, yet I have lately taken another which may possibly be productive of the same end, and in a way unattended with any hazard. I cant now explain myself further than to say, I have undertaken the task spoken of in my letter of the 12/23 of April. I have found the way open for this.
I am happy to learn that my Son6 has arrived in safety. I have been equally anxious with you about Master John. I must really say I think it wou'd be adviseable that he shou'd return in the way you mention to Leyden, or America; perhaps it might be best if you shou'd continue in Holland for him to go to Leyden. You will feel for my cruel situation if he shou'd leave me. When I reflect upon it myself, I almost determine this shall not be; and that at all events I will press on my business to a speedy conclusion, and quit this Country with him. You will write me more decidedly upon this subject by the return post.7
I am dear Sir, with much respect and esteem your much obliged Friend, & humble Servt.
[signed] FRA DANA
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr. Dana 12/23 April 1782.”
1. Vol. 12:467–468.
2. Dana's letter was of [8 April N.S.] (vol. 12:395–398). For the three dispatches to the secretary for foreign affairs, see note 2 to that letter. For the “paper” that Dana had sent JA, see his letter of [21 Feb. N.S.], and note 1 (vol. 12:259–261).
3. The letterbook copy of Dana's letter to John Thaxter of 5/16 March indicates that Dana asked Thaxter to send three of the court almanacs to Livingston and to retain one for JA's use, but it contains no mention of a Russian grammar (MHi: Francis Dana Letterbook). Thaxter's letter of 26 April had communicated the States General's 19 April resolution recognizing the United States and JA as its minister. Thaxter wrote to Dana on 25 June but did not mention either the almanacs or the grammar. Not until 22 July did Thaxter specifically reply to Dana's letter of 5/16 March, and he wrote there that he had sent three of the almanacs to America but again made no mention of the Russian grammar (all MHi: Dana Family Papers). Dana's next letter to Thaxter was dated 8 July O.S. or 19 July N.S. (MHi: Francis Dana Letterbook).
4. That is, [10 May N.S.], above.
5. JA indicated in his 28 April letter that he was considering leaving Europe once the Dutch-American Treaty was completed. The work “still remaining” presumably refers to negotiation of an Anglo-American peace treaty (vol. 12:467–468).
6. That is, CA.
7. JA did not reply to this letter until 7 Aug., below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0035

Author: Stephens, Joseph
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-23

From Joseph Stephens

[salute] Most Hond. Sir

Your excellency gave me liberty to write to you and being persuaded of your goodness and generosity gives me reason to think that I may use the freedom alredy given; when I left your excellency { 75 } monday last 13 May your excellency was kind enough to wish me success in what ever business I under took and said you would recommend gentlemen to me when it lay in your power. I can but kindly thank you for your good wishes and for what your excellency was kind enough to make me a present of and I beg of your ecellency would be kind enough to recommend me first to gentlemen. For I have no other expectations at present but to work at days when fortune favours me with any thing to do tis not possible for a poor man and a Stranger to begin any sort of Business without money without a friend or recommendations or help or assistance from any one personne in the world—which gives me reason to think I was born to be unfortunate for the more I try exert my self with honesty fidelity and every other good which has lay and does lay in my power to server every one and to advance my self with honesty but to no purpose am less respected then those of a quite differant Caracter; to the best of my knowledge I never wronged your excellency nor any one personne living in the world of one duyte1 nor do I wish to do it if riches ware to be gained by it.
I have now workd very hard for seven years past and run all manner of resks and dangers by sea and land and every hard ship possible for humane nature to endure but nither to proffit nor advantage to me which I am very sorry to be obliged to say; and those that know I am honest and faithfull seem to be fearfull to intrust me with any thing for fear I should now begin to be dishonest; five hunderd gelders would of been enough to of helpd me to made a good Begining to get an honest living which would not of been more to them that I applyd to then one duyte would of been to me. I hope your excellency will yet be kind enough to recommend me to some gentle[men][ . . . ] Who has a respect to others as well as them[selves] they ought to have respect enough for your excellency as to comply with so small a request as what I have mentiond; they are all quite willing your excellency Should recommend them to a great share in the american trade; I hope humanity and generosite will yet cover my head through your goodness and I now repeat my humble application to your excellency hopeing you will grant me your kind aid and assistance; and I am ever to obey your excellencys commands.2
[signed] J. Stephens
I am very sorry to here that your Mr. Thaxter is so bad I wish it was in my power to give him assistance he would be soon better for the worthy deserve good attendance when sick.
{ 76 }
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “A Son Excellence Monsieur Adams Ministre plenipotentairer des etat unis de l'amerique au pres des etàt generaux A la Haye”; endorsed: “Jos. Stevens May 23. 1782.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.
1. Probably a misspelling of the Dutch word duit, meaning penny.
2. No reply by JA to this letter has been found, nor are there any more letters from Stephens in the Adams Papers, but on 13 June, in letters to Ingraham & Bromfield (LbC, Adams Papers) and Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, below, JA solicited whatever assistance those firms might be able to provide Stephens.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0036

Author: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-23

From Wilhem & Jan Willink

[salute] Sir

As Messrs. Staphorst had to send the Prospectus of the Loan, with assurance of our respect to your Excellency, we beg Leave to refer to it.
We received this mail the following note from Cadiz—Letters from London give notice his Excellency Mr. John. Adams, authorises the privateers of his Nation, to take portugeese Ships, and shall likewise do it to take danish Ships.1
As we know nothing of this, we notwithstanding take the Liberty to enquire by your Excellency abt. the truth, to be able to inform our Friend for his Large concerns rightly abt. it, wherefore a Line for answer shall greatly oblige us.
We are told your Excellency proposed himself to come in Amsterdam, of whch. we together Should be very glad, as your Excellency presence 'd surely accelerate, the readiness of the required pieces.
We have the honour to be with respectfull regard. Sir Your Excellency's most Humble and Obedient servants
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
1. Nothing further regarding this erroneous report has been found, but see John Bondfield to JA, 14 May, above, and JA's reply of 24 May to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0037

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Franklin, Benjamin
Date: 1782-05-24

To Benjamin Franklin

[salute] Sir

Your Favour of April 22d2 and that of May 8th. are recd. I will Examine, Mr Fizeaus accounts as soon as my Friend Mr Thaxter, is a little better, who is now sick of a Fever. I have attempted it alone, but I find a few little Variations from my accounts, of no great Consequence, which however perhaps Mr Thaxter may clear up.
{ 77 }
The arrangements of Time and Place, mentioned in Lord Shelburne's Letter, cannot be a Work of any difficulty: because that People whose dispositions for Peace, are Sincere, would be willing to go at any time to almost any Place, provided the Work was not to meet obstructions there. But the Question is, whether his Lordship and his Royal Master, have lowered their Ideas of British omnipotence, and cleared their Breasts of the old Leaven of Contempt for their Ennemies Sufficiently to agree to the Terms which will probably be expected.
You know his Lordship personally, and therefore I can tell you no News of him: but, I have taken some Pains for fifteen or Sixteen Years, to inform myself of his Character and Sentiments, and from all I could ever learn, it seems to me, that his Ideas of Great Britain and her Ennemies are at this hour as wild, as those of my Lord North were Seven Years ago. The Changes in his Sentiments have not kept Pace with the alterations in Things. Mr Fox appears to have much juster Notions and Sincerer dispositions, tho God knows he is no Idol to me.
If his Lordships Sense was Spoken by Mr Oswald, viz to allow of our Independance, on Condition of Britains being put into the State, she was left in, by the Peace of 1763. This is a matter of Negotiation with France and Spain, and We have nothing to Say or do in it. But France and Spain must have more Moderation than ever Britain had, if they agree to it. But perhaps he means also that Britain shall remain in Possession of Nova Scotia, Canada and the Floridas as ceded to them by the Peace of 1763. If this is any part of his meaning it is a very Serious affair for Us, and for G. Britain too, for the foundation would be laid by it for her final Ruin. She will be forever at War with the United States must expend immense Sums, in maintaining innumerable Posts and fortifications, and garrisons, and at last can no more hold it, then her Navy can rule the Moon. We shall be in perpetual hot Water, it is true: but it will keep up a military Spirit, which it is Britains Interest if she could but see it, to lay asleep.
For my own Part, I dont feel so much anxiety, about the Part We have to Act in the Negotiations for Peace, as I commonly have done, in matters even of less Consequence because, I see that France, Spain and Holland have so many just Pretensions upon England, and the Ministry in England so divided, as well as the Nation, and the greater and more powerful Part, so extravagant in their Notions and so afraid of making Concessions, that I dont expect, the Nego• { 78 } tiation will advance so far, as that We shall have to enter very Seriously into our Claims, for sometime yet. The new Ministers, and New Admirals must try their Hands first, to see if they can turn the Fortune of the War. At least this appears to me to be the Earl of Shelburnes design with which he flatters the King.
The King hates them all. But perhaps Shelburne the least. And the Nation dont appear, notwithstanding the Addrsses to have much Confidence in the new set. In short I dont believe that any one Man or set of Men, have so much of the Confidence of King and Nation, as to be able to make with Safty to themselves the Sacrifices, which will be found indispensible, at a Peace.

[salute] I have &c

LbC (Adams Papers); notation: “not sent.”
1. JA nowhere indicates why this letter was not copied and sent. With the exception of the letter of 24 May to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, below, there are no extant letters from him to any correspondent until those of 1 June to Edmund Jenings and Jean de Neufville & Fils, both below. Certainly the content of the letter—including his comments regarding Lord Shelburne, Richard Oswald, and Charles James Fox—was not particularly controversial. The most likely explanation is that he and John Thaxter were too ill to copy the text from the Letterbook and send it off to Franklin, a conclusion supported by JA's comments in his 1 June letters to Edmund Jenings and Jean de Neufville & Fils, but see also his letter of 24 May to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, all below.
2. Vol. 12:447–448.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0038

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Recipient: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Date: 1782-05-24

To Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Gentlemen

I have recd the Letters from Messrs Van Staphorst of the 22 with the Prospectus, and to day that of Messrs Willink is come to hand. I am glad the Prospectus is published, and wish the Bonds to be prepared as soon as possible and Sent to me to Sign. They shall not wait long for my Signature.
My Friend, Mr Thaxter, is so ill of a Fever that I cannot leave him, and therefore cannot come to Amsterdam, at present. If this Gentleman who is all my Dependance should not be able to Sign the Coupons, I must authorize, your Houses or any of you to Sign them.
The Report from Cadiz, that I authorized American Privateers to take Portuguese Ships, and that I should authorize them to take Danish ones, is totally groundless.1 I have no Such Authority, nor has any other. On the Contrary all the Proceedings of Congress en• { 79 } join, the most exact Observance of the Principles of the Armed Neutrality, and the most equitable Respect to the Vessells of every Neutral Power, among whom Denmark and Portugal are undoubtedly numbered.

[salute] I have &c

1. See the letter of 23 May from Wilhem & Jan Willink, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0039

Author: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-24

From Jean de Neufville & Fils

[salute] Sir

In handing your Excellcy.'s Newspapers received [per] the mail which arived this day from England, we add thereto an Accot. receivd. at the same time from the Dutch Consul at Plymouth with receipts for moneys paid to some prisoners in Mill prison by your directions transmitted him thro' us.1 Said gentleman makes a request to us, to apply to your Excellency on behalf of a Revd. Mr. Mendes, to which all we can do is to enclose said letter for your perusal, requesting it may be return'd us afterwards with the Accot. annex'd the amount of which we have placed to the debit of that of your Excellency with us.2
With all due respects We have the honor to be Your Excellency's Mo. Obed. Humble servts.
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
1. For the final accounting on payments to the prisoners of war, see de Neufville & Fils' letter to JA of 14 June and its enclosure, below.
2. JA returned the enclosed letter and account from Mr. Pjasink with his reply of 1 June, below. Although it is not mentioned, the de Neufvilles may also have enclosed C. Mends' letter of 2 May, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0040

Author: Dalton, Tristram
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-25

From Tristram Dalton

[salute] Sir

I beg leave to intrude upon a few of your important moments, in behalfe of William Armstrong, late commander of a letter of marque Brig, belonging to me, and called, the little Porga; which vessel was captur'd the 3d Nov. last by a Cutter Privateer, belonging to the Island of Guernsey—whither Capt Armstrong and his company were carried, after being stripped almost naked, according to the custom of the privateer's men from that Island. From thence They were sent { 80 } to Portsmouth, and put on board a guard ship, called the Diligent, from that vessell most of them were order'd to Mill Prison, at Plymouth—but, by letters of March 7. 1782, from the chief Mate,1 who dates them in France, it appears Capt Armstrong, on his arrival in Portsmouth, was seperated from his own people, and put between decks of the Guard ship, with the British Seamen, and confined in Irons, on both legs, and not suffered to speak to one of his own men—no reason being given for this singular treatment. The Mate writes me he left Mill Prison 28th Feby—that he had not seen Capt Armstrong there, tho' he heard he was sent to Plymouth to be examined—for what he does not say—neither can I conjecture. A Letter from his 3d Mate, dated in Mill Prison, Jany 10th, gives a full confirmation of the ill usage given his former commander—and that he was left on board the guard ship confined by both legs.
Humanity, and Justice to a fellow Subject, demand my attention. I know not to whom, so properly, to apply, for investigating the cause of this singular treatment, and for releif to the unhappy Object of it, as to yourself—trusting, you'll excuse my freedom in troubling you with the enquiry, both on public, and private, motives.2
On this affair, I beg leave, to detain you a moment longer—to acquaint that Capt Armstrong, was born in or near New Castle, Britain; came to this country before hostilities commenced with the British—being then a boy. Soon after that nation began capturing our property on the Seas, he was taken in a letter of Marque Ship bound to Philada—sent to New York—where he was put on Board the Somerset Ship of War—and was in her, when she was wrecked on Cape Cod. This event releasing him, he came to town, and put himself under his former master, a Capt Roberts, who, meeting with misfortunes, gave this lad his liberty. By his merit he got employ—and, before he was 20 years of age, commanded a letter of marque Brig, of mine, and captured a large Ship—afterwd was successful, in a privateer, untill this misfortune happen'd him. The Prisoners, whom he took, spoke, in the highest terms of praise, of the usage received from him. I know not a single circumstance of his conduct, that can have, justly, led to the uncommonly severe treatment inflicted on him. Being a young fellow of merit, and connected in my business, I feel anxious for his safety and welfare. When I look on it as an insult upon a Subject of the US of America a singular resentment arises in my breast. These motives induce me to ask the favor of your giving such directions as may appear best, both for his releif, and for preventing like usage to any other Subject of these States.
{ 81 }
I shall forward Letters to Messr John de Neufville & Son, at Amsterdam, as will entitle you, if occasion for his use calls, to draw for such sums as may be necessary.
Enclosed is a Letter for Capt Armstrong,3 which I wish might be handed him, if it can be done with propriety. It is open for your inspection.
Permit me, Sir, before I conclude, to add one request more, which, I hope, will not appear improper, as it is made with a view of serving our country. Wishing to give the little aid in my power, at this critical period, I purpose, to attend the General Court this year, as one of the representatives of this Town, being appointed by a general Suffrage. The connections and views of these States being large and extensive, it is necessary that such information and knowledge be had by those entrusted with different departments, as may enable them to act with propriety—and for the good of the whole. From the fountain alone will such advices come pure and authentic—in proportion as they run thro' different channels they become tainted, contracted, and at best uncertain. Ambitious to do the greatest possible service, in that station I am placed in, I shall earnestly seek every useful intelligence. With this view, may I presume to ask the particular favor of your having any advises, respecting public Affairs, communicated to me, which may appear to be necessary or proper, to guide my political conduct. In the high department, which must call for all your time, I cannot flatter myself with receiving your opinions and advice on any movements, made—or likely to be—tho' beleive me, Sir, I should esteem them, not only as a very singular honor, but, in the first degree, useful and beneficial. Most of us are, literally, in the dark, as to political informations—which is the occasion of many errors in the general conduct. Advantages are taken by our internal enemies, who, thro' the course of the war, have been better informed, than the friends of the Country have.4
The present proposals of the Parliament of G B, do not affect the people of this State, as that body might flatter themselves, they would. Independence is the full cry—and fixed determination. At present there seems not the least disposition to accept even a declaration of that from G B., with peace, unless the French are included in the Peace. The total Change of the British Ministry do not flatter our hopes; on the contrary, I think, it will cause greater caution, and more animated exertions—if so, the wishes of the friends to these States will be finally gratified.
{ 82 }
I beg leave to acknowledge myself to be, with the greatest respect, and, if you please to permit, with the same sincerity of friendship which possessed my breast in our younger days, Your most obedient and very humble Servant
[signed] Tristram Dalton
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Dalton May 25 recd & ans. Aug. 18. 1782.”
1. Identified as a “Mr. Buckley” in the enclosed letter from Dalton to William Armstrong, for which see note 3.
2. When JA received this letter he undertook inquiries on Armstrong's behalf, which he reported in a letter of 18 Aug. to Dalton that has not been found, but to which Dalton refers in his letter to JA of 26 Oct., below. JA's efforts were of no avail because, as Dalton indicates in his letter of 19 July, below, Armstrong had escaped from captivity and returned to America.
3. In the enclosed letter to Armstrong of 25 May, Dalton indicated that he was writing letters to JA and Jean de Neufville & Fils at Amsterdam, Conlougnac & Cie. at Lorient, and Jonathan Williams at Nantes on Armstrong's behalf and that he could apply to them for up to one hundred pounds sterling. Dalton ended the letter with assurances that Armstrong's friends were well and “particularly Miss Polly B. Who no doubt will be glad to see you on every acct.”
4. For more on Dalton's opinions regarding war intelligence, see his letter to JA of 26 Oct., below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0041

Author: Jenings, Edmund
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-29

From Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

Your Excellency will permit me to Congratulate you on you having before This embraced the noble Sufferer Mr Lawrens. I wish I had been a witness of the mutual pleasure you had in meeting one Another in a free Republick.1
I doubt not that your Excellency has recievd the Pamphlets, which I sent by Mr Myers, and Mr Hollis Memoirs, conveyed to you by my Friend Mr Ridley. The Copy which Mr B Hollis sent your Excellency is I am Affraid lost. I therefore transmitted to you, that, which was given to me, according to my promise.2
I see with pleasure that Mr Cerisier has taken up the affairs of Geneva as a matter interesting to all Republicks, which have any Connection with great monarchs. I Know not whether it will fall within that Gentlemans Plan to insert the Letter of Count de Vergennes to the republic of Geneva, which appeard I think in the Amsterdam Gazette last Octobr.—it is the Letter wherein it was declared, that France woud not Continue her Protection, and disdaind all Interference in their Affairs, but to avenge those, who might suffer, by the violence of the Citizens. The Letter was written in a Stile that effected me much, and as similar Things may happen, I wish the Letter was preserved in la politique Hollandais.3
{ 83 }
I hear that my nephew is arrivd at Boston and Therefore conceive your Son is so too.4 I congratulate your Excellency Thereon.
I beleive I need not say any thing more to recommend Mr Ridley to your Excellencys Acquaintance and Confidence. I think your Excellency must have seen something of Him by this time as to induce you to think, He is worthy of your Attention.
I am with the greatest Consideration Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servant
[signed] Edm: Jenings
1. Matthew Ridley, who had left The Hague for Amsterdam on 21 May, returned to The Hague on the 25th, the same day, according to Ridley's journal (MHi), that Henry Laurens arrived for meetings with JA. Laurens apparently met twice with JA, first, according to Ridley's journal, on 26 May, and second probably on the 27th or 28th, prior to Laurens' departure for Amsterdam on the 29th. Laurens' purpose was to inquire as to whether he should take up his duties under his 1779 commissions to raise a loan and negotiate a treaty of amity and commerce. When JA informed Laurens that the objectives of his commissions either had been or were in the process of being accomplished, Laurens concluded that JA thought “my Attendance is not re[qui]site, and that it could only be productive of unecessary Expence to the Public, which I neither wish nor would encourage.” He then set out to visit his family in the south of France (Laurens, Papers, 15:518, 521–522; JCC, 15:1198, 1210, 1235–1236). For JA's account of his exchange with Laurens, see his letter to Edmund Jenings, [ante 28 Aug.], below; for the possibility of an otherwise unrecorded JA-Laurens meeting in early June, see JA to Jenings, 5 June, below.
Matthew Ridley dined with JA and Laurens on the 26th. In his journal, Ridley indicates that after Laurens left, “soon after dinner on account of his illness,” he and JA, “took a ride to Scheidam about 3 miles from Town.” In the course of their ride the two men apparently had a conversation that, as recorded by Ridley, sheds some light on what passed during JA's meeting with Laurens but also expands on JA's criticism of Benjamin Franklin raised in his first meeting with Ridley on 20 May (to Lafayette, 21 May, note 1, above). According to Ridley, JA told him that there was
“no great prospect of Peace—Mr L. will not go to Paris—intends as soon as possible out to America. There is no doubt that when Mr. L was in the Tower and wrote to D. F for money that he gave directions for £100 part of the Money sent for the Prisoners to England to be given Mr L. This Mr L refused and never after made any application to the Dr. There seems a general dissatisfaction with Dr. F. and no scruples are made in saying the time will come when his Character will be known—that he is an intriguing unfeeling Man—at Comte de Vergennes disposition has his parties and favorites &c. &c. Mr. A. cannot forgive him for sending out Mr de Vergennes complaint agt. Mr. Adams respecting his declaration of the necessity and Justice of the 18: March business and not giving Mr Adams Notice of it. Mr A hardly knew any thing of it untill he got the Resolve of the Thanks of Congress to him for his Behavior. I find Mr A has a good opinion of Mr. Morris.”
For Laurens' request for funds in late 1781 that was relayed through Benjamin Vaughan, Franklin's response, and Laurens' reaction, see Franklin, Papers, 36:59–60, 61; Laurens, Papers, 15:385. JA's comments regarding Franklin refer specifically to Congress' 18 March 1780 revaluation of its currency and his defense of that decision in correspondence with the Comte de Vergennes. In fact, however, he is referring to the entirety of his acrimonious exchange with Vergennes in the summer of 1780 and the role played by Franklin therein, for which see the editorial notes on The Revaluation Controversy, 16 June – 1 July 1780; and The Dispute with the Comte de Vergennes, 13–29 July 1780, vol. 9:427–430, 516–520.
2. The pamphlets sent by “Mr. Myers” have not been identified, but for Jenings' promise { 84 } regarding the Memoires, see his letter of 17 Sept. 1781 to JA, at note 9 (vol. 11:488).
3. For the dissatisfaction with the oligarchical government of Geneva that led to unrest in 1781 and to a full-scale revolution in 1782, see vol. 12:47–49. The Comte de Vergennes' letter to the government of Geneva, in which he stated the French position and laid the groundwork for intervention, appeared in the Gazette d'Amsterdam of 19 Oct. 1781. For an English translation, see vol. 2 of the Remembrancer for 1781, p. 302–304. With the 6 May 1782 issue of Le politique hollandais, Cerisier began a series entitled “Sur la Contitution & les Troubles de la République de Geneve,” which continued in the issues of 20, 27 May; 17, 24 June; and 1, 22 July.
4. Jenings presumably refers to John or Matthias Bordley. CA had sailed from Bilbao, Spain, on the Cicero in early Dec. 1781 and reached Massachusetts in late Jan. 1782 (vol. 11:286; 12:324, 410).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0042

Author: Livingston, Robert R.
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-29

From Robert R. Livingston

No 7
Duplicate

[salute] Dear Sir

It is with equal Surprize and concern that I find not the least attention paid to the several Letters I have written you since I have had the honor to be in Office. I attributed this to their not having reached you, till I saw an extract of a letter which I had written to Mr Dumas, and which went by the Same conveyance with one to you published in the Courier de l'Europe, from which circumstance I conclude it must have been received.2 It would give me pleasure to learn that I had been deceived in this particular—Because the punctuality with which your correspondence with Congress has hitherto been maintained would otherwise lead me to conclude that you were not satisfied with the present arrangement of the department for foreign affairs—a reflection which would be painful to me in proportion to the value I put upon your esteem. I have seen your letter of the 26th: of March to Doctor Franklin, in which you speak of the application you have had on the score of your powers to treat of a truce.3 This together with similar applications to Doctor Franklin, and the proposals made to the Court of Versailles convince me that it is their wish to endeavour to detach us from each other. What an insult it is to our intellects to suppose that we can be catched by this cobweb System of politicks. I entertain hopes that your answer together with that of the Count de Vergennes will teach them to think more honorably of us. Our expectations with respect to the success of your mission are considerably raised, as well by your Letter, as by other circumstances that we have learned thro' different channels, by this time I hope you are in full possession of your diplomatic rights.
{ 85 }
I wrote to you three days ago, since which we have nothing that deserves your attention except what you will learn by reading the enclosed to Mr Dana, sent you under a flying seal.4 It may be well to take some notice of this affair in the Leyden Gazette, as I doubt not, if Asgill is executed, that it will make some noise in Europe.5 We are distracted here by various relations of a battle fought between the fleets in the West Indies on the 12th of April.6 The Antigua and New York account is that the British have been victorious—that the Ville de Paris and six other ships were taken or destroyed. The French account that Rodney was defeated, and that Count de Grasse had gone to Leeward with his transports. Tho' it is now six weeks since the action, we have nothing that can be depended upon.
I am sir, with great respect & esteem Your most obedt. humble servt
[signed] Robt R Livingston
Dupl (MHi: John Adams, Embassy MSS); endorsed: “Secy. Livingston 29 May ansd 6. Sept. 1782 no 7.” Although JA wrote a detailed reply to this letter on 6 Sept., he acknowledged its arrival in the form of a duplicate in his letter of 4 Sept., both below.
1. This letter bears the date on which it was dispatched (from Livingston, 30 May, below), but Livingston may have drafted it as early as 25 May, for which see note 4.
2. The Courier de l'Europe of 26 Feb. contained a French translation of the final two paragraphs of Livingston's letter to Dumas of 28 Nov. 1781 (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:30–32). The extract from the letter to Dumas formed the first third of a longer passage entitled “Extrait d'une Lettre d'un Américain à son Correspondant en Hollande.” The source of the remainder of the text is unknown, but it contained references that appear in other letters written by Livingston in late November.
3. JA's letter to Franklin had reached Livingston as an enclosure in Benjamin Franklin's letter of 30 March 1782 to the secretary for foreign affairs, for which see note 3 to JA's letter of 26 March (vol. 12:352).
4. Since there is no extant letter from Livingston to JA of 26 May, he may be referring to his letter of 22 May, above. That would suggest that this letter of the 29th, and the letter to Francis Dana bearing the same date (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:446–447), may have been drafted on or about 25 May.
5. The letter to Francis Dana of the 29th contained a detailed account of the case of Capt. Charles Asgill of the 1st Foot Guards. Captured at Yorktown, Asgill was selected for execution in retaliation for the murder of an American prisoner, Capt. Josiah Huddy, by a loyalist officer, Capt. Richard Lippincott. George Washington demanded that Lippincott be turned over to the Americans for trial. General Clinton condemned the actions of the loyalists, but he refused Washington's request, ordering instead that Lippincott be court-martialed. This led to Asgill's selection to be executed in Lippincott's stead. For a variety of reasons, including an appeal by his mother through the French government, Captain Asgill was released and returned to England on parole (DNB; Mackesy, War for America, p. 490–491; JCC, 23:845–846). In his reply of 6 Sept., below, JA indicates that Dumas translated the portion of Livingston's letter to Dana pertaining to Asgill. It appeared in the Gazette d'Amsterdam of 13 September.
6. This is the first mention in any letter to or from JA of Rodney's victory over the French fleet commanded by the Comte de Grasse at the Battle of the Saints on 12 April. News of the battle, which resulted in de Grasse's capture and the loss of seven French ships of the line, reached London on 18 May (London Gazette, 14–18 May; Mackesy, War for America, p. 456–459). For JA's first comment on the battle, see his brief note of 5 June to Edmund Jenings, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0043

Author: Livingston, Robert R.
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-30

From Robert R. Livingston

No. 8
2plicate

[salute] Sir

After I had wrote the letter of yesterday and sent it off, I recieved your favours of the 4th.1 21. 27 of Feby, 10. &c. 11 of March; the three last I laid before Congress this morning, that of the 21st. I have kept by me for further consideration, tho' I think upon the whole, as you have submitted them to my discretion, that I shall lay it also before Congress.2
I know they have been very solicituous to have some explanation of the Reasons, which induced you to take the step you did, those you assign in your letter are very full, and I see nothing in it, which it will not be proper for you to state to them, and it may remove some objections, that have been raised to the measure.
I frankly confess to you that the stile of that letter, pleases me better than any one you have written, it goes into minutia, that we ought to exact from all our Ministers, since nothing short of it can give us a just Idea of our foreign Politicks, as for a general state of them it may be got thro' various channels. But every word or look of a foreign Minister or popular Leader may serve to explain matters, which are otherways inexplicable.
I am sorry for the difficulty the cypher occasions you, it was one found in the Office, and is very incomplete. I enclose one that you will find easy in the practice, and will therefore write with freedom directing your letters not to be sunk in case of danger as many are lost by that means, want of time induces me to send you a sett of Blanks for Mr. Dana, which you will oblige me by having filled up from yours, with the same Cyphers, and transmitted by a careful hand to him, this will make one cypher common to all three, which I think will on many occasions be of use to you and Mr. Dana.3
I am very glad to hear of your proposed removal to the Hague, as it is the proper stage on which to display your Abilities and Address. I cannot hope to get any determination of Congress on the subject of your purchase in time to be transmitted by this conveyance, when another offers, you shall hear from me, can nothing be done towards procuring a loan from Holland on account of the public 10,000000 of Livres would set our Affairs here on the most respectable footing, we have just recieved an account from Charles Town { 87 } of the victory obtained by Rodney, this is a severe blow, but I hope will come too late to effect the Politicks of the United Provinces. In the United States it will I hope have no other effect, than to urge us to greater exertions, and a reliance upon our own strength, rather than on foreign Aid, you will be pleased to furnish me with the most minute details of every step that Britain may take towards a negotiation for a general or partial peace.
I am Sir with great Respect and Esteem your Excellency's most obedient humble servant
[signed] Robt R Livingston
Dupl (MHi: John Adams, Embassy MSS); endorsed: “Secy. Livingston 30 May ansd 6: Sept. 1782 no 8.” Although JA wrote a detailed reply to this letter on 6 Sept., he acknowledged its arrival in the form of a duplicate in his letter of 4 Sept., both below.
1. Livingston probably means JA's letter of 14 Feb. (vol. 12:233–235), for there is no indication that he wrote on the 4th.
2. Congress' dispatch book indicates that it received JA's letters of 27 Feb. and 10 and 11 March (vol. 12:274–277, 304–305, 308–310) on 31 May, but there is no entry marking the receipt of JA's letters of 14 or 21 Feb. (vol. 12:250–259; PCC, No. 185, III, f. 29).
3. Livingston refers to the Lovell cipher, which he replaced with a nomenclator code. He may have enclosed the code only with the original of this letter, for in his reply of 6 Sept., below, JA indicated it had not arrived with the duplicate. The original, and very likely the code, were sent with numerous other letters, including that of 31 May from Livingston to Thomas Barclay. Livingston wrote to Barclay that the packet intended for JA contained “papers of great consequence, that you will keep by you, till you can be sure they will go safe to his hands without inspection at the post offices—perhaps for greater precaution it would be well to enclose them to some Banker in Amsterdam upon whom you can rely” (PCC, No. 79, I, f. 444–445). This may indicate that the code was enclosed only with the original that Barclay received, for Barclay wrote to JA on 4 Sept., below, that he was sending the packet under cover to Ingraham & Bromfield at Amsterdam. He then apparently changed his mind and gave the packet to John Jay to give to JA whenever he arrived in Paris (from Barclay, 27 Sept., below). But JA did not report receiving the code until his letter of 30 May 1783 to Livingston (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 6:457).
The code that Livingston sent is in the Adams Papers on two large sheets of paper, one intended for encoding and the other for decoding a document. The first contains an alphabetical list of printed words or parts of words, after which are written the code numbers. The second contains a printed list of numbers from 1 to 1,000, after which are written the words or parts of words that the numbers represent. It should be noted that the list of words is endorsed “Mr Dana's Papers.” and “Cypher Amsterdam Provinces,” while the list of numbers is endorsed “Cypher No. 1. to No. 1011.” For both documents see Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 602; for a printed version of the first document, see Ralph E. Weber, United States Diplomatic Codes and Ciphers, Chicago, 1979, p. 328–336.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0044-0001

Author: Ravekes, Gerbrand, & J. G. Thin van Keulen (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-30

From Gerbrand Ravekes & J. G. Thin van Keulen

[salute] Monseigneur

Quoique nous ayons fait tout ce que nous avons pu pour Tacher de trouver quelqu'un qui voulut Se charger de la Maison, que nous eumes L'honneur de Louër a Votre Excellce.1 en notre qualité, il ne { 88 } S'est trouvé personne, qu'apresent; Mais Comme l'on en Veut donner que f 1200. de Soyer par an, nous n'avons pas osé y Consentir Sans L'aveux de Votre Excellce. en egart a la perte qu'elle y auroit En consequence nous prions tres humblement Votre Excellce. de nous Honnoré d'un mot de reponce, pour nous Servir de Regle.2
Nous avons L'honneur d'etre avec la plus grande Concideration & le plus proffond respect. Monseigneur De Votre Excellence Les Tres Humb. & Tres Obeisants Serviteurs
[signed] G: Ravekes gg
[signed] J: G: Thin Van Keulen gg

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0044-0002

Author: Ravekes, Gerbrand, & J. G. Thin van Keulen (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-30

Gerbrand Ravekes & J. G. Thin van Keulen to John Adams: A Translation

[salute] Sir

Although we have done everything possible to try to find someone who wants to take over the house that we, in our capacity, had the honor to rent to your excellency,1 we had not found anyone until now. But, since they only want to pay f 1,200 in rent per year, we have not dared to agree to it without your excellency's consent, considering the loss that will result from it. We very humbly ask that your excellency honor us with a short reply to guide us.2
We have the honor to be with the greatest consideration and the deepest respect, sir, your excellency's very humble and very obedient servants
[signed] G: Ravekes gg
[signed] J: G: Thin Van Keulen gg
1. This is the house “upon the Keysers Gragt . . . near the Spiegel Straat” that JA had rented in April 1781 and resided in until his move to The Hague in May 1782 (vol. 11:254, note 1).
2. For JA's reply of 31 May to Gerbrand Ravekes & J. G. Thin van Keulen, not found, in which he apparently agreed to their proposal, see the firm's letter of 29 June, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0045-0001

Author: Chabanel, Mme. V.
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-31

From Mme. V. Chabanel

[salute] Monsieur

Cet Avec Empressement, que Je Solisitte Monsieur Le Baron de, Brederode, Chanbellan Actuels de Sa Majeste Imperià le et Roÿale et Colonel au Service de LEtat, de vouloir Se Charger de La presente, pour Minformer de LEtat de Senté, de Votre Excelence, Lequel Jespere Sera parfaitte, cequi mefera plaisir dEntendre, Comme Aussi de LEstimable Monsieur Thaxter, on Ma dit quil Ettoit fort Malade ades fievres, Jespere quon M'aúramal Instruit et En cas quil a Le Malheur je Luÿ Soúhaitte un Promt Retablissement.
{ 89 }
Monsieur Le Baron et Madame Son Epouse Son fort demes bons, Amis Lequels Je Respecte baucaeup. Monsieur est un homme, dún Grand Esprit et tres Zelé patriote, Desire fort de Lier Conaissance avec Votre Excelence et ma Souvant Solisitee de Luÿ En proeuver Les Ocations qui Mont Souvent Manquée.
Jaÿ Recuë des Lettre Mardie de Mon Neveu Le Roÿ du 11 Mars de la havana, que Lambargo Lempechet de pour Suivre Son Voÿage, pour philadelfia cequi est fort Chagimant pour Luÿ, et pour Moi Messieurs van hasselt et Brailfort, Y vont En Caroline, Le Vaissaux du Comandore Nest pas En Core, En ordre Cependt. mon Niveú, Ne le hazardera pas a Le Remonter Aÿant prie passage avec docteur Waterhous, pour philadelfia. Les 5 prix que Mr Gillon ofait Sont Venduë pour 250 Mille florins dehollande, aulieu que Sa Auroit Valuië isi 11 Cent Mille florins,1 Mon Neveu abien du Contre tans dans Ce Voyà ge, tout La fante du Comandore.
Depuis quelque temps jeSuis fort indisposee de foiblesse de Poitriene et Ma plus Jeúne fille, a Continuellement Les fievre, depuis 3 Semaines.
Toute Ma famille, assúre deleur profonds Respects Votre Excelence, telle que Celle, qui après, Setre Recomander dans Lhonneur de Votre Souvenir, Se Nomme avec La plus haute Estime & Veneration Monsieur Votre Tres Humble Obeisante Servante
[signed] V. Chabanel2
Nee Le Roÿ

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0045-0002

Author: Chabanel, Mme. V.
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-31

Mme. V. Chabanel to John Adams: A Translation

[salute] Sir

I have eagerly asked Mr. Baron de Brederode, the current chamberlain to his royal and imperial majesty, and colonel in the state's service, to deliver this letter to you so that I may be informed of your health, which, I hope, is perfect, as well as the health of the inestimable Mr. Thaxter, who I have heard has been very ill with fevers. I hope I was misinformed but if not, I do wish him a quick recovery.
The Baron and his wife are good friends for whom I have great respect. He is man of great spirit and is a zealous patriot who wishes to make your excellency's acquaintance. He has often asked me to introduce him, but I have often missed the opportunity.
Tuesday, I received letters from my nephew Le Roy dated 11 March from Havana. The embargo prevents him from continuing his voyage to Philadelphia, which is very distressing for him and for me. Mr. van Hasselt and Brailsford are going to Carolina on the commodore's ship, which has not { 90 } | view yet arrived. However, my nephew does not dare go on board, being committed to taking passage with Dr. Waterhouse for Philadelphia. Mr. Gillon's five prizes brought 250,000 f instead of 1,100,000 f they would get here.1 My nephew had quite a setback on this voyage, and the commodore's health suffered as well.
I have been indisposed for a while now with a weakness in my chest, and my young daughter has had fevers continuously for three weeks now.
My whole family sends their deep respects for your excellency, which we hope you will hold in your memory as an assurance of the highest esteem and veneration, sir, of your very humble obedient servant
[signed] V. Chabanel2
Nee Le Roÿ
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mad. Chabanelle May 31. 1782.”
1. For Gillon's sale of his prizes at Havana, see note 2 to JA's letter of 10 April to La Vauguyon (vol. 12:402). The figure given here in florins is approximately equal to the sum given there in pounds sterling.
2. For Madame Chabanel and her nephew, Herman Le Roy, see AFC, 4:148; JQA, Diary, 1:76–89passim.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0046

Author: Grand, Henry
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-31

From Henry Grand

[salute] Sir

Pursuant to Doctor Franklin's Approbation I have Settled your Account in the only way you could admit of, that is to Say I have given you credit for the sum you ordered to Mr. Dana's Account   £6857.   3    
adding to that the Ballance I owed you on the 10th. of sept of   2557.   16    
makes up a sum of   £ 9414.   19    
from which there is to be deducted                
1st. the £400. making with the charges   Bf 4045.2            
   at 53   £9158.   14.   3   }   9221.   18.   3  
2dly. the two payments made to Chavann de la Giraudiere of 31.4 and 32   63.   4.    
I Stant your Debter of   £ 193.    .   9  
which I request Messrs. Fizeaux Grand & ce. to pay you by Bf 86. 9. I shall be happy to hear you approve of all this.
The Wine is not yet all gone, but I hope very Shortly to be able to give you in an Account of what it cleared.
I forbear talking Politicks till fortune of War presents me with a fairer Opportunity, meantime I remain with great Respect sir Your most obt hble st.
[signed] Grand
{ 91 }
RC (Adams Papers); notation: “6 June 1782 Recd this 86f. 9. of Mr Fizeaux &c for which I gave two Receipts to serve for one. J. Adams.”
1. With this letter Henry Grand closed the controversy over JA's account that had begun with Grand's letter of 29 Jan. 1781 (vol. 11:87–88). From JA's viewpoint it involved a straightforward transfer of funds to Francis Dana, but considerable confusion resulted when Grand and JA sought to reconcile JA's account. For the correspondence dealing with the matter see the indexes to volumes 11 and 12.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0047

Author: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-31

From Jean de Neufville & Fils

[salute] Sir

We beg leave to reffer ourselves to the letter we wrotte your Excellcy. the 24th. Instt. and have now to enclose your Account Currt. Ballanced in our favour with the sum of f3937: 1: 8 Including the Accot. of Disbursements for the loan In 1781.1 We shall esteem your Excellcys. ordering our Reimbursement of said sum—and that you Will return us the papers desired by our former—and that you Will at the same time direct us, what we are to do with 500. obligations we still have of said loan. Interim we Remain with due respect Your Excellency's Most Obedt: Hble: Servts:
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
1. The two accounts enclosed with this letter have not been found, but for the loan that JA undertook with the de Neufvilles in March 1781, see the indexes to vols. 11 and 12; for the reconciled account, see the de Neufvilles' letter of 14 June 1782, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0048

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-06-01

To Edmund Jenings

[salute] My dear sir

I have taken my Pen, Simply, to thank you for Several excellent Letters, for the Pamphlets by Mr Myers and the Memoires by Mr Ridley,1 and to tell you that I am Sick.2
I Sometimes think I shall die a Martyr to the Dutch alliance, and I declare to you, if it had been the only action of my Life, I should have thought it a Life well Spent, Such are my Ideas of its Importance to the Cause of our Country. The Influence of it, may not be soon percieved and may never appear in a Striking Light. But it will exist. I shall love the Dutch Nation, till I die, although most other Men, perhaps every Man of Spirit in my Circumstances would have cursed them and quitted them long ago. But where the holy Cause is at Stake, I am not a Man of Spirit, enough to do it an Injury.
{ 92 }
Mr Ridley ever appeared to me a worthy Man. I have been honoured with but little of his Company, but hope for more of it, which will always give me Pleasure.
The great News, is not well received, at Petersbourg, but your Acquaintance, receives Visits and Congratulations upon the Occasion, from the Ministers of two Powers.3 This is not the Smallest of the advantages, which will result from it, that an american Minister, at any Court, when he is not recd will be able to See respectable Company. The French Ministers for want of Somebody to countenance them, have been heretofore rather Shy. The Spanish Min. and sec. are very obliging and Social with me, as private Gentn. They did me the Honour to dine with me, two or three days ago—with the Amb. de France and his Family and Some of the Members of this Govt.
1. From Jenings, 29 May, and note 2, above.
2. JA identified his illness as influenza in a letter to AA, 16 June (AFC, 4:324). An influenza pandemic had first been reported in Russia the previous winter, though it probably actually originated in Asia, and by this time had reached western Europe and was crossing the channel to England. The disease may also have been the cause of Lord Rockingham's death on 1 July. All told, it effected tens of millions of people—in some places up to 80 percent of the population—and killed hundreds of thousands (K. David Patterson, Pandemic Influenza 1700–1900: A Study in Historical Epidemiology, Totowa, N.J., 1986, pp. 20–24; Morris, Peacemakers, p. 280–281).
3. See Francis Dana's letter of 10 May, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0049

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Date: 1782-06-01

To Jean de Neufville & Fils

[salute] Gentn.

I duely received yours of 24 of May, and Should have answered it sooner, if I had been in better Health: But both Mr Thaxter and I have been too ill, to have given that Attention to it, that We should otherwise have done. I return you inclosed, the Letter and Account, of Mr Frasink [Pjasink].
This Morning was brought me, yours of 31. May, with the two Accounts inclosed—one of Disbursements relative to the Loan opened on March 1. 1781, on Account of the United States—another my private Account. I should be obliged to you, if you would transfer the article of 105 f. paid Mr Dumas on the 16 of July, from my private Account to that of the publik, as it was for a publik Service.
I propose to come to Amsterdam, as soon as I Shall be well enough, and then to take Measures for discharging both Accounts, { 93 } which would have been sooner done if you, had Sooner furnished me with the Accounts, as I have several times requested.1
I realy know not what to do, with the 500 obligations you still have, nor with those that remain in my Possession. I Should be glad to have your Advice what to do with them. If they cannot be converted to any use, they had better be all burned. It has been, but an unfortunate Enterprize.
I have the Honour to be, your, respectful humble Servant
[signed] J. Adams
1. Matthew Ridley's journal (MHi) indicates that JA went to Amsterdam on 8 June. For the reconciled accounts, see the de Neufvilles' letter of 14 June, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0050

Author: Franklin, Benjamin
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-02

From Benjamin Franklin

[salute] Sir

Since mine of May 8th I have not had any thing material to communicate to your Excellency. Mr Grenville2 indeed arriv'd just after I had dispatch'd that Letter, and I introduc'd him to M. De Vergennes; but as his Mission seem'd only a Repetition of that by Mr Oswald, the same Declarations of the King of Englands sincere Desire of Peace, and willingness to treat of a General Pacification with all the Powers at War, and to treat at Paris, which were answer'd by the same Declarations of the good Dispositions of this Court; and that it could not treat without the Concurrence of its Allies, I omitted writing till something should be produc'd from a kind of Agreement that Mr Vergennes would acquaint Spain and Holland with the Overture and that Mr. Grenville would write for full Powers to treat and make Propositions &ca, nothing of Importance being in the meantime to be transacted.
Mr. Grenville accordingly dispatch'd a Messenger for London, who return'd in about 12 Days. Mr. G. call'd on me after having been at Versailles and acquainted me that he had received the Power, and had left a Copy of it with M. de Vergennes, and that he was thereby authoris'd to treat with France and her Allies. The next time I went to Versailles, I desired to see that Copy, and was surprisd to find in it no mention of the Allies of France or any one of them; and on speaking with M. De Vergennes about it I found he begun to look upon the whole as a Piece of Artifice to amuse us and gain Time; since he had uniformly declar'd to every Agent who had { 94 } appear'd here, viz: to Forth3 Oswald, and Grenville, that the King would not treat without the Concurrence of his Allies, and yet England had given a Power to treat with France only, which shew'd that she did not intend to treat at all, but meant to continue the War. I had not 'till Yesterday an Opportunity of talking with Mr. Grenville on the Subject, and expressing my Wonder, after what he told me, that there should be no mention made of our States in his Commission: He could not explain this to my Satisfaction; but said he believ'd the Omission was occasioned by their Copying an old Commission given to Mr. Stanly at the last Treaty of Peace,4 for that he was sure the Intention was that he should treat with us, his Instructions being fully to that purpose. I acquainted him that I thought a special Commission was necessary, without which we could not conceive him authoris'd and therefore could not treat with him. I imagine that there is a Reluctance in their King to take this first Step, as the giving such a Commission would itself be a kind of Acknowledgment of our Independence; their late Success against Count de Grasse may also have given them Hopes that by Delay and more Successes they may make that Acknoledgment and a Peace less necessary.
Mr. Grenville has written to his Court for farther Instructions. We shall see what the Return of his Courier will produce. If full Power to treat with each of the Powers at War against England does not appear, I imagine the Negociation will be broken off. Mr. G. in his Conversations with me insists much on our being under no Engagements not to make Peace without Holland. I have answer'd him that I know not but you may have enter'd into some, and that if there should be none, a general Pacification made at the same time, would be best for us all, and that I believ'd neither Holland nor we could be prevail'd on to abandon our Friends. What happens farther shall be immediately communicated. Be pleased to present my Respects to Mr Lawrens to whom I wrote some Days since.5 Mr Jay I suppose is on his Way hither.6
With great Respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, Your Excellency's most obedient & most humble Servant
[signed] B Franklin
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Dr Franklin June 2, 1782 ansd 13. recd 11th.”
1. Franklin did not write again to JA until 15 Oct., below. This hiatus of over four months probably was owing to Franklin's ill health during that period, and also to the fact that from early August, John Jay kept JA abreast of the progress of the peace negotiations.
2. Grenville was the representative of Charles James Fox, but his mission ended when Fox resigned from the cabinet follow• { 95 } ing the Marquess of Rockingham's death on 1 July (Morris, Peacemakers, p. 271–281).
3. Nathaniel Parker Forth. See Franklin's letter of 13 April, and note 2 (vol. 12:407–408).
4. Hans Stanley, who conducted preliminary, but unsuccessful, negotiations at Paris in 1761 to end the Seven Years' War (DNB).
5. Probably Franklin's letter of 25 May (Laurens, Papers, 15:514–517).
6. Franklin told JA that he intended to ask John Jay to come to Paris in his letter of 20 April (vol. 12:432–433) and wrote to Jay on the 22d. Jay received Franklin's letter on 8 May, left Madrid on the 21st, and reached Paris on 23 June (Franklin, Papers, 37:198–199, 288; Morris, Peacemakers, p. 282).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0051

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-06-05

To Edmund Jenings

[salute] Dr Sir

Just a Line, by our venerable Friend, President Laurens, with whom your Communions will be sweet.2 Pray let me know if Mr Jay is coming to Paris, or come. The last Victory of Rodney, to whom Heaven grants them to shew that it dispizes them, has restored the national Delirium, in all its Effervescence. We shall have no Peace I suppose, in Consequence. War then! War? Yet I sigh for Peace as much, as a Dutchman.
Yours &
[signed] J. Adams
1. JA was at The Hague on 5 June, making it likely that he gave this letter to Henry Laurens when Laurens paid him a “very short Visit” when he passed through The Hague on his journey from Amsterdam to Le Vigan in southern France (to Benjamin Franklin, 13 June, below).
2. Opposite this sentence in the left margin is the following notation by Jenings: “NB. <Very> the most bitter I recal <Hy L Candour> Ed J. 1783.” Jenings refers to his dispute with Henry Laurens over several anonymous letters that sought to sow dissension among the peace commissions and that Laurens believed Jenings had written. For the letters and the dispute, see the letter from Monitor, 20 May, and note 1, above. Laurens later recalled that he immediately suspected Jenings, but when Laurens visited him, they apparently got along well because Laurens wrote to Edward Bridgen on 11 June that “I have received much Satisfaction from a short acquaintance of three days, and promise myself much more hereafter by Correspondence—Our Ideas on American Affairs are in Unison” (Laurens, Papers, 15:528–529). But see also Laurens' 25 Aug. letter to JA, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0052

Author: Neufville, Jean de
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-05

From Jean de Neufville

[salute] Sir

It was with concern we foúnd by the letter Yoúr Excellency honord ús with in date of the 1st. instant yoúr and Mr. Thaxters indisposition, we sincerely wish a speedy restablishment of yoúr healths, that yoú may vizit as soon as yoú wish this Capital, which however we do not súppose will be hastend on Accoúnt of the small { 96 } Ballance to be payd us, as we wish yoú to make it perfectly Convenient to yoúr self. We shall transfer agreable to yoúr orders the article of f 105. payd Mr. Dúmas from Yoúr Excellencys Accoúnt to that of Congress, it being for publick búsiness.
We are múch obliged to yoú for yoúr attention in retúrning ús Mr. Tyarinks [Pjasink] letter &ca.1 and shall esteem yoúr sending ús back also two from Docor. Franklin we send yoú last winter for yoúr perúsal,2 as we are apprehensive we shall be under the necesisity of troubling Congress with a tedioús and disagreable Correspondce. at which that Honble. Body múst natúrally wonder at, as they will after all refer oúr Accoúnts back to those persons in Eúrope, who should be the best judges, in that case it múst appear to them, as it múst to every júdicioús person, that delays were soúght only to add to the vexations of varioús kind we have been made to experience, for as to oúr disinterestedness, at least in that búsiness, it Can not be misconstrued, as we are as ready to repeat the like offer to Congress we made, before we knew how the affair of the ships would túrn oút, and give úp any advantage there may have resulted from the shares we were made to hold in those ships, though we were exposed to be saddled with the whole loss that might have happend; There for if that (trifling as it is) Could be an object, I shoúld think it would add bút little to the sacrifices I have made, and I would not for such a paltry Consideration pút Congress under the embarassment súch an offer from me would Caúse them; nor do I see on what reasonable pretence an application to them is made before we are satisfied; as all objections there to are removed, by oúr offer of entering into any obligation to be still Accountable for any part of the Accoúnts Congress should disaprove, and woúld with Chearfúlness abide by whatever últerior resolútion it may make; being persuaded it is not the intent of that Honble. body that we should be mortified on every occasion withoút reason, as we are Conscioús we deserve a more liberal treatment, and that by oúr interfering for the Credit of the United States, we should be subject, thoúgh in a less degree, to the Inconvenience we suffer from a Separate one, and on private Accounts from the enormoús advances we are at in amca. and which makes ús want the more what we have advanced for Congress, though an object of no great magnitude.3
It would have given ús pleasúre, to have been able to reply more Satisfactorily to that part of yoúr Letter concerning the obligations which yoú know were first produced, when it was impossible to do any thing with them, and what we attempted aboút them, was Con• { 97 } trary to oúr judgement, in mere Complyance to Your Excys. persuasion.4 Hear, and at the acknowledgement of the American Independence, when we could have disposed of them, we were not at Liberty; it is now evident that then, it became immaterial to the Success of the Loan, in whose hands it was placed; provided it was not in those of an obnoxioús Caracter to the frinds of America, and Liberty.5 Congress indeed might have been saved the expence of the last 500 Obligations had it not been necessary, (had they been used), which we could not but think they would; that they should all be of the Same year: now indeed we join yoúr Excy. in opinion that they may be doomd to the flames for any Service they may be of.
If we múst be forced as complainants or petitioners before Congress to demand oúr dúe, we shall be glad as soon as may be, to have the objections to oúr Accoúnts Yr. Excy. shall be pleased to make, (which have been Chiefly reserved in silence,) that we may be able to state fúlly the whole matter; which will be an Ircksome task to me, who Wished only to enjoy in retirement the reflexions which will arise from the súccess of my last Years laboúrs, in the Common Caúse; being not less Ambitioús to preserve my own Independence then I have been earnest for that of others.
I have the honor to be with all dúe Respect. Sir. Yoúr Excellencys most obedient and most húmble Servant
[signed] John de Neúfville
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Messrs De Neufville 5 June 1782.”
1. A reference to the material JA returned to de Neufville & Fils in his 1 June letter, above.
2. See JA to de Neufville & Fils, 6 June, note 1, below.
3. De Neufville is referring here to the still unresolved controversy regarding the disposition of war-related goods that Alexander Gillon was supposed to have taken to America in 1781. Efforts to settle the affair resulted in an extensive correspondence between JA, Franklin, the de Neufvilles, and others, for which see vols. 11 and 12, passim.
4. In this paragraph, de Neufville refers to his and JA's unsuccessful effort to raise a Dutch loan for the United States in 1781, which was superseded in 1782 by that undertaken by the consortium of Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje.
5. Presumably John Hodshon.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0053

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Date: 1782-06-06

To Jean de Neufville & Fils

[salute] Gentn.

I have Just received your favour of yesterday. You desire me to Send you, two Letters from Dr Franklin. I have no Remembrance of your ever leaving with me, more than one, which is the Drs Letter to you of the 4. Sept. 1781. This original Letter, I return you, herein inclosed. I have no other. I have indeed a Copy, which you gave me { 98 } of the Drs Letter to you of 26 Octr. 1780.1 The original I never had. If this Copy will be of any Service to you, I send it inclosed. These are all the Letters or Copies of Letters from Dr Franklin to you which I have, or ever had to my knowledge.
You Say, “you shall be glad as Soon as may be, to have the objections to our Accounts, which I shall be pleased to make.” I am wholly at a Loss for your meaning in this, as I know nothing of your Accounts.
There is the Article of Money advanced to American Prisoners indeed in my private acct. that I cant comprehend. The Money to Talbot I never ordered, and indeed his Rect is on Account of his owners. And I had advanced him, the same sum another Way. The five Guineas to Ed. Savil and others I dont remember ordering, and I had Sent them, money more than once another Way.2 This however, I will pay, but the Article charged is 234. f. 11s. which is more than all the Receipts amount to.

[salute] I have the Honour to be &c

1. For Franklin's letter of 4 Sept. 1781 to de Neufville & Fils, see Franklin, Papers, 35:437–438; the letter by which it was sent to JA has not been found. The letter copied actually was dated 26 Nov. (same, 36:117) and was enclosed with the de Neufvilles' letter of 5 Dec. (vol. 12:112–115). For the de Neufvilles' interest in retrieving these letters, see their letter of 5 June 1782, and note 3, above.
2. Silas Talbot and Edward Savil were American prisoners of war in Britain to whom JA had provided financial assistance. For the reconciled account, see the de Neufvilles' letter of 14 June, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0054-0001

Author: Jenings, Edmund
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-06

From Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

I recievd yesterday your Excellencys Letter of the 1st Instant. I am sorry to hear that your Excellency is sick in Body your Heart is am sure not so, I see that is sound by all your Actions.
I sent your Excellency a Receipt from one of our unfortunate Countryman in prison; If I remember right Mr Sawrey wrote on it, recommending to your Charity 7 of those, who were releivd in March last: Their Names are Lewis Glover Jer: Bass Samuel Curtis Ths Vinton, Gregory and Samuel Clark and W. Horton.1 I wait your Excellencys order thereon.
My Friend B2 informed me about a week or ten Days Ago that He had had an Anonymous Letter sent Him to Caution Mr Lawrens against Your Excellency. I wrote immediately to Him to transmit it to me, He has sent the Copy thereof to Mr Lawrens. He tells me it { 99 } came by the foreign Mail—I shall enquire whether He can discover from what Country. The wretches are at their Dirty work—perhaps Mr Ridley may know the Hand. La Voici.3
I sent in the Course of last week, four Letters for Mr Lawrens under Cover to your Excellency, I have another for Him from London, which I shall keep until further orders.
I am Happy to hear that Mr Dana and his Companion have an opportunity of seeing respectable Company. However I like not the Court at present.
A Courier from England for France past through ostend 8 days ago.
Allair, who was put into the bastill sometime ago, makes frequent visits in Holland.4 He ought to be watchd. I am well assured that He has a Pension from the English King, paid by his Minister here.
I am with the greatest Consideration, Sir Your Excellencys, Most Obedient Humble Servant,
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); enclosure endorsed: “Receiv'd May 17: 1782 by the foreign Mail EB.”
1. The seven prisoners listed here were of special interest to JA because all were the sons of his Braintree neighbors. For JA's previous correspondence with Jenings regarding their relief, see vol. 12:249–250, 371–372, 382–383.
2. Edward Bridgen.
3. Here it is. For this and other anonymous letters that Henry Laurens came to believe were the work of Edmund Jenings, see Monitor to JA, 20 May, note 1, above. JA received this letter and its enclosure on 7 June, for when he went to Amsterdam on the 8th he followed Jenings' advice and showed the enclosure to Matthew Ridley. Ridley includes a summary of the anonymous letter in his journal (MHi) but gives no indication that he recognized the handwriting. JA also apparently was unable to identify the handwriting, but for his opinion regarding the letter's source, see his reply to Jenings of 7 June, below.
4. For an earlier mention by Jenings of Peter Allaire, a New York merchant and British agent, see vol. 12:26–27, 28, and references there.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0054-0002

Author: UNKNOWN
Recipient: Bridgen, Edward
Date: 1782-05-03

Enclosure: An Anonymous Letter to Edward Bridgen

[salute] Sir

You have a friend who has suffer'd too much from the particular situation he was in lately, not to interest every honest man in his behalf to prevent his being the dupe of artifice, he has already been ill treated from a quarter unlookd for, and the same game is Continued to answr the end first proposed—Amcan. ministers in Europe have various politicks to pursue, and some of them understand best those that can serve their interest—Adams envious of every superior merit has much labour'd clandestinely in injuring Franklin and Laurens to secure his Situation and answer further ends, and by the means he has used, has perhaps succeeded better than in serving the interest of his country here, where his business has been done by others, for however great his abilities as a lawyer—they are the reverse as a Minister—be discreet in giving Mr. Laurens a Caution from that quarter, and at another time you shall be apprized of the secret of a Conduct which is every way base and dishonourable.
yours
[signed] XXX
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); enclosure endorsed: “Receiv'd May 17: 1782 by the foreign Mail EB.”
{ 100 }
The content of all or some notes that appeared on this page in the printed volume has been moved to the end of the preceding document.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0055

Author: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Author: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-06

From Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Sir

In consequence of Mr. van Staphorst's information, that your Excellency did intend to come in town Monday or Theusday, we got the translation of the bond performed in better English; whch. we now inclose to submit to your Excellency's approbation.1
We shall be glad to Learn the Same, and to have this translation returned to us, with your Excellency's advice of the day, you are pleased to fix for passing the bonds here, whch. requires all possible Speed, because we are desired by Several persons, who have their money ready to deliver the bonds, and that it'll much contribute moreover to engage other Subscribers.
We have the honour to remain most respectfully Sir Your Excellencys most Humble and most Obedient Servants
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
[signed] Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst
[signed] de la Lande & fÿnje
1. The days given would have been 10 or 11 June, but JA actually went on 8 June (MHi: Matthew Ridley Journal). The enclosed bond has not been found.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0056

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-06-07

To Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

Yours of June 6. is just arrived, with its Inclosure. From the first day of my acquaintance with Mr Laurens to this moment, I know not that I ever Said a disrespectfull or unkind Word concerning him, or entertained an unkind or disrespectfull Thought. I have ever found him and ever represented him as a Man of Honour, Candour, { 101 } Integrity and abilities, of great publick and private Merit. This however is not the only anonimous Letter that has come to my Knowledge. I dont Suspect these, however, to come from afar. They originate I fear within a few miles. They will do no harm. I suspect they originate from disappointment in the Loan.1 Say nothing of this.
1. See the letter from Monitor, 20 May, and note 1, above. JA's view that the letters originated with someone disappointed at not being involved in raising the American loan was shared by Matthew Ridley, who informed Benjamin Franklin that the handwriting resembled that of one of the clerks at de Neufville & Fils. Franklin informed Laurens of Ridley's contention in a letter of 6 Dec. 1783, but he indicated that he had his doubts (Laurens, Papers, 16:358–359).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0057-0001

Author: Heefke, Jan
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-07

From Jan Heefke

[salute] Eminent Heer!

Zeer lang, heb ik vierrig en hartelijk gewenscht, in Noord America te zijn; maar noojt is mijn wensch vervult: voor grote 3 maanden geliet het zig als ofick er kommen zou; ik verzochte den Heer Willem Hooft (die mij kent) zijn welE: mogte mij daar toe verhelpen die Heer sturde mij naar den Heer Jan de Nuviele, die mij ooik niet alleen mijn verzoek [gratie?] selijk toe stond; maar mij daar en boven beloofd i ginter verders voort tehelpen; tog ik moste noch twe maanden wachten; eer een Schip van zijn Edele daar naar toe ginck: maar helaas! toen de twe Maanden om waaren liet hij mij weeten: hij had geen Schip of geleegen hijd mij te help en. Toen heb ik gins en weer gedacht of er geen uitkomst vor mij was. In tuschen Quwam mij ter kennis, dat hier een Heer is die; aan Zienlijke onbebauwde Landen in Noord America, zowel in Canada, alsook boven Albani, aan de Rifier die op Nieu York uit loopt; te verkoop en heeft; maar hier noch nietzs verkocht. Eendeel van dezelanden waarg waaren licht tot Baulanden te maaken, door een bende Glas blaasers. Het is ongeluckig voor mij dat het mij aan de Middelen ont breek anders zag ik kans; in wijnig Jaaren veele Deuzenden Ackers tot de vrucht baarste Landen te maaken; door dien weg. Want bij mij te lande, in het Meeklenburgse is die Afferey veel Jaaren sterck gedreeven; maar haut nu viel op uit gebreck van Hout: daar zou men de schoonste Benden hiertoe kunnen krijgen: wist ik maar raat, om mijn gebreck te helpen. Vertoorn U niet Groote Minster! dat een Man U eene Gunst kompt afsmeken; die hij weet dat U licht te doen zalzijn: terwijl ik teffen weet, dat UWE { 102 } Exelentie met een Mensch lievend Gemoed bezielt is: die gerne Ymanden geluckig maak: en ik ben licht geholpen door U. Groote voorspraack, en Aanzien in mijn [ . . . ], ik ben dan een der geluckigste der Menschen op de Waerld; en zal toonen en dat ik uit zodanigen Stuck Land; meen ick te voortbrengzelen zal weeten te halen: zodat, UWE Exelentie zich niet over die weldaat zal behoeven te schamen; maar vergnoegen daar van hebben. Op volgende Wijs was ik tehelpen: dor de voorspraack en Aanzien van UWE Exelentie. Ik zaude dien Heer, die dit Land te koop heeft in de eerst koomende Jaaren Kunen betaalen: die zich dat ook wel zal laaten gevallen. En die mij de noodige Penning daartoe verstreckten kon ik in de twe volgende Jaare met gemack betaalen. Het Stuck Land dat aan de Groot Rivier lijt en is met een klijne Rifier door sneeden zau uitneemend tot Zodanigen onder neeming geschickt zijn. Het is groot []1 5000 Ackers, en zou op f12000 beloopen. en de Penningen die tot de onder neeminge verijst zouden werden. Zouden op f7000 beloopen: want hier toe zau een Troep van ruim 30 glas blaasers noodig zijn. Want de uit rusting, en de Transport is de grooste beswaarnis maar, integendeel; waneer zij ook eerst aan 't werck zijn kunen ze tenminsten in 4 Jaar 10 à 1200 kisten glas maaken; behalven veele Deuzenden Vleschen die altijd voor 't arbijds loon gereekend werden. Dus, kon ik, (wanneer ik ook maar rekend dat ik f10 voor ijder kist kreg) f10000 vrij geld over hauden, waar uit ik dan licht, dat Capitaal kon afdoen m/Vier Jaaren, wat was ik dan niet een Gluckig Mensch! door UWE Exelentie! Ik heb niet meer als reum 2000. Guldens in handen noodig, (en hier voor kan ik van verschijde Zeer braave Landens; een regt goedgetuignis van mijn Eerlijk en braf bestaan brengen) den rest zau men naar goed vinden, per Wissel kunen overmaaken, of ginter dor een begoetman laaten geven: di ook int vervolg Inspectie van mijn doen kan neemen. Een eerlijk Man steld zig gerne onder alle verbanden. Het UWE Grooteminister! van een Gluckig Land! UWE Exelentie is het licht (:een Man die hier 12 Jaaren, met alle tegenspoed en dimaar uit te denken zijn gewostelt heeft) te helpen, door u groot Aanzien. Het zal mij aan gen vieglantie ontbreken. Ik kan mij met grond flattiren dat ik de Econimi en bezonders den Land bau, vervoiking, als ook de Gronden; als ook de verschijden Arten van behandlingen, welversta.
Noch maals Groote Minister smeek ik om vervuling van mijn verzoek. Tog zal U besluit met Lijzaamhijd aanneemen. Noch een { 103 } onderdaanigbede; laat Uwe Exelentie mij U besluit door wijnig Leteren toekommen.
Ik verzoek om gunstig vergfnis van mijn vrijhijd van doen. En blijve met de Grooste Ondaanighijd.
UWE Exelenties.
Zo UWE. Exelentie, een bedruik perzoon met een Letterje be eeren mogte, zo is mijn Adres. bij de Weduwe Altinaa op de Achter Burchwal bij 't Emder of Friesse Post Camtoor.

[salute] Onder Danige Dienaar

[signed] Jan Heefke2

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0057-0002

Author: Heefke, Jan
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-07

Jan Heefke to John Adams: A Translation

[salute] Distinguished Sir!

For a long time I have had an ardent and avid desire to be in North America, but never did my wish come true: for three long months it seemed as if I would be able to get there; I asked Mr. Willem Hooft (who knows me) whether this honorable gentleman might help me. This particular gentleman sent me to Mr. Jean de Neufville, who did not only allow me this favor graciously but also promised to help me once I got there. Nonetheless I had to wait two more months before a ship of this honorable gentleman left thereto. But alas! When the two months had gone by he notified me that he had neither ship nor opportunity to help me. So I pondered my problem and tried to think of a solution. In the meantime I found out that there is a gentleman here who has a considerable amount of vacant and uncultivated land in North America for sale, both in Canada and north of Albany on the river which leads to New York, but so far he has not sold anything yet. Part of these lands could well be used by glassblowers. Sadly, I lack the means, for if I had them I would be able in a few years to turn thousands of acres of fallow land into fertile land. I have run a strong business in my country around Mecklenburg, but I had to discontinue it because of a lack of wood; I could run the most beautiful business if only I knew of a way to help my lack of means. Great minister, do not be angry with a man who begs you for a favor. I know that your excellency has a charitable disposition and that you like to make people happy; and I would be greatly helped by your mediation and distinction, and I would be one of the happiest people in the world; I would show that I would know how to get the most from such a piece of land. Thus your excellency would not have to be ashamed of your charity, but you would have nothing but pleasure from it. You can help me in the following way: by mediating, and through your distinction I would be able to pay off in the next few years the gentleman who has his land for sale. It will be good business for him, too. And he could give me a loan, which I would pay off the next two years with ease. The piece of land by the big river that is cut through by a small river would be very suitable for such an enterprise. It amounts to []1 5,000 acres and would cost f12,000 plus the money that would be { 104 } required for such an enterprise, which would amount to f7,000. Because I would need more than thirty glassblowers of whom the tools and transport would be the biggest burden. However, once they would get to work, they would be able to produce 1,000 to 1,200 cases of glass in four years. With the exception of the many thousands of bottles that would be counted as wages, I could in this way (if I charged f10 for every case) save f10,000, which I would use to pay off the land in four years. I would be such a happy man if I could do that! All because of your excellency! I do not need more than upwards of 2,000 florins in hand, and with this I can buy several pieces of decent land, which would be sincere proof of my honest and decent livelihood and existence. The rest could, if you agree with this, be sent or be delivered by an emissary. The same person could henceforth inspect my enterprise. An honest man is not afraid of such inspections. Honorable great minister! Of a happy country! It would be easy for your honorable excellency to help me because you are a man with so much distinction (and you are a man who has been here twelve years and has wrestled with all imaginable adversity). I will not lack in vigilance. With good reason I can flatter myself that I know the economy and the particularities of the land and the cultivation of the land; in addition I understand the various arts.
Once again, great minister, I beg you to make my wish come true. I will accept your decision with resignation. I am your humble servant. Please, your excellency, you can send me your decision in a few words. I beg you to forgive me for these liberties I took.
Your excellency,
In case your excellency honors me with a letter, my address is in care of widow Altinaa at the Achter Burchwal at the Emder or Frisian post office.

[salute] Your humble servant,

[signed] Jan Heefke2
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Dutch”; in another hand: “June 7th 1782.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.
1. A symbol at this point could not be read but may possibly be a “2,” making his planned purchase 25,000 acres.
2. JA probably did not reply to this letter, but that did not deter Heefke's plan to establish a glasshouse. In May 1785, Heefke and his partner Ferdinand Walfahrt signed a contract with Leendert de Neufville, Jean de Neufville's son, to establish a glasshouse at Dowesborough (now Guilderland), N.Y., about eight miles from Albany, and by 1787, after workmen had been brought from Germany, production had begun. Unfortunately by 1789 the enterprise was on the brink of failure, and by 1791 it had closed (Helen and George S. McKearin, Two Hundred Years of American Blown Glass, N.Y., 1949, p. 30–31).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0058

Author: Neufville, Jean de
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-07

From Jean de Neufville

[salute] Sir

We are honored by your Excelly. Letter of yesterday with the letters we wanted inclosed, the reason we have mentioned in our last our accounts to you, is—that the Honle. Thos. Barclay Esqr. has { 105 } lately mentioned again, the reffering them to you and Dr. Franklin, or At least that he should write both your Excellys. on the subject, and it could not but appear more reasonable to us, that the persons empowered by Congress to settle the business in Europe of that kind, should do it now, in this instance;2 rathan than write to America for directions upon it which we are told can only produce the referring the matter back to themselves, who ought to be the best judges of the matter. With respect to the money advanced to the American Prisoners, and particularly to Capn. Talbot, we are sensible the Dutch Consul went beyond your, or our orders, we have only transmitted him your request in behalf of these men; and he is sensible of it himself, as he acknowledged it by his Letter, and for that reason we sent both letter and account for your perusal; but as your Exy. is not bound by what the consul has done, you will please only tell us, what part, of these charges (if any) you chuse we should pass to your acct—or more properly what part of it we are to discharge from it—having agreeable to yours of 1st. Inst. (which did not object to it) inform'd Mr. F Jarink [Pjasink] that tho' he had exceeded orders, you had not disaproved of what he had done, in favor of Captn Talbot but observed to him at same time, not to go beyond orders in future at any rate we should not have suffered him to be out of pocket on such an occasion, knowing how difficult it is to refuse to relieve distressed Prisonners, particularly when they know the persons that Interest themselves in their behalf, but if we are to pay the whole of this, it will be but a very trifling addition indeed, to the charge we have been at on the same account, before; and we should have taken that of these men also to ourselves, had you not given us a list of them to procure their Liberty, if possible; in that case we Could not hesitate in the propriety of Congress's discharging the disburses of the Consul, by handing it you, rather than in this case, to take that charge to ourselves, but as we said before it can make but a trifling addition to the expence we have been at, and we shall abide by whatever Your Exy. may determine, and have the honor to remain Sir Your most obdt & hum Servt.
[signed] John de Neufville
RC (Adams Papers). Filmed (at [ca. 10 June], Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 357.)
1. This date is supplied with reference to JA's letter of 6 June, above, to which this letter is clearly a reply.
2. With regard to the disposition of the goods left by Alexander Gillon, Barclay wrote to Benjamin Franklin on 17 June (Franklin, Papers, 37:493–494) and to JA on the 28th, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0059-0001

Author: Roorda, Jacob
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-08

From Jacob Roorda

[salute] Monsieúr

Je Súis Tres mortifie de ne pouvoir pas avoir L'honneúr de voús voir ici par mi noús; comme voús m'avez Ecrit par votre tres gracieúse Lettre dú 16 dú mois de mai, il n'importe je fairai place a la Raison vú qúe votre presence Sera plús requise et Edificate ailleúrs, Cependant Je croirai manqúer a mon devoir, si je ne voús marquoit qúe le feú d'artifice en question aúra lieú, le 13. dú Courant, et en meme tems je n'epargnerai rien poúr convaincre nos bien intentionés frisons, des bons resentiments qúe voús cultivez pour notre Province de frise.
Quelqúe grand dégât qu'une Guerre Pernicieúse occasionne dans une partie dú monde, noús le Suportons cependant Tranquillement dans l'espoir qúe quand noús aurons ún Joúr une paix universelle, avec nos voisins et poúr noús toujoúrs nuisibles Englois, notre commerce et navigation Se relevera, comme ún aútre Phoenex hors des Cendres; et qúe la Perte qúe notre Republiqúe aúra Essuje Se Reparera bien tot par Le Commerce Sur L'Ameriqúe.
Je Croi voús avoir de ja marqúé, qúe je Súis marchand et tiens Comptoir, avec mon beaú frere Soús La Firme de Roorda & Smit, Si voús voulez bien noús honorer de quelqúe commissions voús pouvez etre assuré qúe rien ne noús Sera plús agreable, et qúe noús les Effectuerons avec toute L'exactitude Possible.
La natúre dú Commerce exige de L'étendre toujoúrs. Je Souhaite de Tout mon Coeúr, que Vos Sages efforts púissent etre Couronner des meilleurs Succes Poúr Votre et notre Republiqúe.
Veuille le Ciel Voús accorder tout ce qúi Vous est necessaire poúr maintenir le veritable interet de votre Republiqúe naissante; et Le droit incontestable, propre a tout h'omme né dans un paÿs de Liberté. Veuille le tout Púissant rependre Ses plus precieúses benedictions Súr L'amerique independante, et La faire Croitre et Fleurir.
Et qúe Si a caúse des diversitez notre rúine en Seroit La Suite, et qúe noús noús trouvions contrains deplier le coú Soús L'esclavage dúne monarchie; Veulle Le ciel faire trouver refuge dans L'ameriqúe independante, poúr toús ceúx qúe ne Sont accoutúmez qu'a ce Soumettre, a des commandements qui Sont Fondez, Sur le Vraye Raison, en Equité, Dieú Soit Loue de ce que par Sa providence il y a eú toujoúrs meme depúis la Creation dú monde quelqúe contree ou Lon púisse joúir de Liberte.
{ 107 }
Je me recommende dans vos bonnes Graces et Suis avec ún Profond Respect, Monsieúr, Votre tres humble & Obeissant Serviteur,
[signed] Jacob Roorda

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0059-0002

Author: Roorda, Jacob
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-08

Jacob Roorda to John Adams: A Translation

[salute] Sir

I am very disappointed that we will not be able to have the honor of seeing you here with us, as stated in your very gracious letter of 16 May. And even though it stands to reason that your edifying presence will be required elsewhere, I would be remiss, however, if I did not fulfill my duty to tell you that the fireworks will take place on the 13th of the month, and at that same time, I will spare nothing to convince our well-intentioned Frieslanders of the good feeling that you have cultivated for our province.
Whatever great damage a pernicious war causes in part of the world, we take comfort in the hope that one day there will be a universal peace with our neighbors and, for us, with the ever injurious English, and that our trade and navigation will rise up like another phoenix from the ashes, and that the loss suffered by our republic will soon be recovered through trade with America.
I believe that I have already told you I am a merchant and banker with my brother-in-law at the firm of Roorda and Smit. If you would like to honor us with any commissions, you can be assured that nothing would be more agreeable to us, and we would execute them with all possible accuracy.
The nature of trade demands that it always expands. I hope with all my heart that your wise efforts will bring great successes to our republic and yours.
May heaven grant you all that is necessary to maintain true interest in your young republic and the incontestable right owed to each man born into a free country. May the all powerful spread his most precious blessings over the independent America and make it grow and flourish.
And if differences result in our ruination, and we find ourselves forced to bend under the tyranny of a monarchy, may heaven grant refuge in an independent America for all those who are accustomed to submit only to those commandments that are founded on true reason, in equity. Thank God through his providence that there has been, since the beginning of the world, someplace where freedom can be enjoyed.
I ask to be in your good graces and am with a deep respect, sir, your very humble and obedient servant,
[signed] Jacob Roorda

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0060

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-06-09

To Robert R. Livingston

[salute] Sir

The Admiralty have reported to their High Mightinesses their Remarks upon the Plan of a Treaty of Commerce, which I had the Honour to lay before them; together with Such Additions and Alterations as they propose. This Report has been taken ad Referendum by all the Provinces, except Overyssel, which has determined to vote as Holland Shall vote, this being the principal maritime Province, and the other inland. The Forms of Proceeding, according to this Constitution, are So circuitous that I dont expect this Treaty, will be finished, and Signed in less Time than three months, though Some of the most active members of the Government tell me, they think it may be Signed, in Six Weeks.1 I have not yet proposed the Treaty of Alliance, because I wait for the Advice of the Duke de la Vauguion. His Advice will not be wanting, in the Season for it for his Excellency is extreamly well disposed.
I have, after innumerable vexations, agreed with three Houses which are well esteemed here, to open a Loan. The extream Scarcity of Money, will render it impossible to Succeed to any large Amount. I dare not promise any Thing, and cannot advise Congress to draw. I Shall transmit the Contract for the Ratification of Congress as Soon as it is finished, and then I hope to be able to say, at what Time, and for how much Congress may draw.
This Nation is now very well fixed in its System, and will not make a Seperate Peace. England is So giddy, with Rodneys late Success in the West Indies, that I think She will renounce her Ideas of Peace for the present. The Conduct of Spain is not at all changed. This is much to be lamented on public Account, and indeed on Account of the Feelings of my Friend Mr Jay: for I perfectly well know, the cruel Torment of Such a Situation, by Experience, and I know too, that he has done as much and as well, as any Man could have done, in that Situation.
The late President Laurens, made me a Visit, at the Hague, last Week, in his Way to his Family, in France. He informed me, that he had written from ostend to Dr Franklin, declining to Serve in the Commission for Peace.2 I had great Pleasure in Seeing my old Friend, perfectly at Liberty, and perfectly just in his political opinions. Neither the Air of England, nor the Seducing Address of { 109 } her Inhabitants, nor the Terrors of the Tower, have made any change in him.3
I have the Honour to be, with perfect Esteem and Respect, Sir your most obedient, and most humble Servant
[signed] J. Adams
P.S. I hope Congress will receive a Collection of all the Resolutions of the Provinces and the Petitions of the Merchants, Manufacturers &c respecting the Acknowledgement of American Independence, and my Reception, as Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, by their High Mightinesses. I shall transmit Duplicates and Triplicates of them as soon as Health will permit. But Mr Thaxter has been Sick of a Fever, and myself with the “Influenza,” ever Since, our Removal, from Amsterdam to the Hague. This Collection of Resolutions and Petitions, is well worth printing together in America. It is a compleat Refutation of all the Speculations of the Small half toryfied Politicians among the Americans and of the malevolent Insinuations of Anglomanes, through the World against the American Cause. The Partisans of England, Sensible of this have taken great Pains to prevent an extensive Circulation of them.4
RC (PCC, No. 84, IV, f. 85–88); endorsed: “A Letter from Mr Adams June 9th. 1782.” LbC (Adams Papers); notation immediately following the postscript: “11 June 1782 drew an order for 8 ducats in favour of William Alcock an American Prisoner escaped on M. M. Willinks &c and desired them to take 3 Notes to President of Congress to serve for one.” See also Allcock's letter of 9 July, below. When copying the duplicate of this letter (PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel 1, f. 204–211), JA apparently inadvertently included the notation but then crossed it out.
1. On 26 April the States General issued a printed Dutch translation of JA's draft treaty of amity and commerce for submission to the admiralties of the various provinces for their comments and proposals for changes. On 21 May a new copy of the draft was printed, this time with the text of the draft in the left column and the proposals for changes or additions in the right column. The 21 May printing was intended for submission to the States of the various provinces for their consideration. For these documents and the draft treaty as submitted to JA on 22 Aug. and the ensuing negotiations, see The Negotiation of the Dutch-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce, 22 Aug. – 8 Oct., below. It should also be noted that at this time a French translation of the draft treaty, the source of which is unknown, was appearing in the Gazette d'Amsterdam (28, 31 May; 4, 7, 11, 14 June). There is no indication that JA had any role in the appearance of the draft in the Gazette, but it is ironic in view of his refusal to allow Herman van Bracht to publish the draft treaty in his Verzameling van de Constitutien . . . van Amerika, 2 vols., Dordrecht, 1781–1782 (to Van Bracht, 3 May, above).
2. JA and Laurens probably met on 5 June, the date on which JA wrote a letter introducing Laurens to Edmund Jenings, above. For Laurens' letter, variously dated 16 or 17 May, to Benjamin Franklin declining the commission, see Laurens, Papers, 15:501–504; Franklin, Papers, 37:377–380.
3. In the duplicate of this letter, JA placed this paragraph after the closing.
4. In this paragraph JA likely refers to his letter of 19 April, which contained English translations of the resolutions of the seven { 110 } Dutch provinces and States General recognizing the United States and JA as its minister to the Netherlands (vol. 12:420–428). Livingston received that letter on 11 Sept. and on the 14th reported its arrival to Congress, which immediately resolved that the letter should be published (PCC, No. 185, III, f. 41; JCC, 23:580–581; see also Livingston's letter of 15 Sept., below). The letter appeared in various newspapers, including the Pennsylvania Gazette of 18 Sept. and the Boston Gazette of 7 October.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0061

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Franklin, Benjamin
Date: 1782-06-10

To Benjamin Franklin

[salute] Sir

I have the Honour to inform you, that I have this day drawn upon you, in favour of Messrs Fizeau Grand & Co for the Amount of Six hundred and twenty five Pounds sterling being for my Salary, for one Quarter of a Year, which you will please to charge to the United states, according to the Resolutions of Congress. I hope I shall not have occasion to draw upon your Excellency for any further Sums for my Salary, because although I have no Sanguine Hopes of obtaining a Loan very Suddenly, for any very large sum, yet I am led to expect some what.

[salute] I have the Honour &c

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0062

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-11

Contract for a Loan with Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

Translation from the Dutch
minuted on a Seal of 48 Stivers.
(Signed.) Van Hole
Notarÿ.
On the Eleventh daÿ of June in the ÿear one thousand Seven hundred and eightÿ two appeared before me Pieter Galenus van Hole Notarÿ of Amsterdam admitted bÿ the honble. court of Holland.
The Honble. John Adams Esqr. Minister plenipotentiarÿ on the part of the united States of America bÿ their high Mightinesses the Lords States general of the united Netherlands &a. &a. in qualitÿ as especiallÿ qualifÿed and authorized bÿ the above mentioned States of america in Congress assembled, for and in behalf of Said States of America to raise a Loan with anÿ person or persons States or { 111 } | view { 112 } companies with Subjoined assurance in good faith to ratifÿ and fulfill all that Shall be done in this respect bÿ him Honble. Appearer according to authentick copÿ and translation of the original Commission or Power exhibited to me Notarÿ and deposited in mÿ custodÿ in behalf of the joint Moneÿ Lenders.
The Honble. Appearer residing in the Hague but being now in this Citÿ.
And the honble. Appearer acknowledged himself, in his aforesaid qualitÿ and thus in the Name and in behalf of the abovementioned States of America to be dulÿ and Lawfullÿ indebted to and in behalf of Sundrÿ Persons or Moneÿ Lenders in all a Sum of one Million guilders Dutch current Moneÿ1 arising from and on account of So much readÿ Moneÿ received bÿ him honble. Appearer in his aforesaid qualitÿ to his perfect Satisfaction from the Said Moneÿ Lenders in consequence of the receipt hereafter mentioned to be Signed bÿ the honble. Appearer under the authentick Copies hereof, expresslÿ and formallÿ disavowing the exuse of untold Moneÿs.
And the Honble. Appearer promised in his aforesaid qualitÿ to repaÿ in this Citÿ the Said Sum of one Million of Guilders free from all costs charges and damages to the abovementioned Moneÿ Lenders or their Assigns at the expiration of fifteen ÿears after the first daÿ of June 1782 and that in the following Manner to Wit:
That the abovementioned Capital Shall remain fixed during the Space of ten ÿears and that with the eleventh ÿear and thus on the first daÿ of June 1793 a fifth part or two hundred thousand guilders of the Said Capital of one Million Shall be redeemed and in the Same Manner from ÿear to ÿear untill the first daÿ of June 1797 inclusive So that the whole Capital Shall be redeemed and discharged within the abovementioned Space of fifteen ÿears.
And that for Said Capital at first for the whole and afterwards for the Residue at the Expiration of Everÿ ÿear interest Shall be paid, at the rate of five p:Cent in the ÿear commencing the first daÿ of June 1782, and to continue untill the final accomplishment and that on coupons to be Signed bÿ or for account of Said honble. Appearer in his aforesaid qualitÿ.
That the abovementioned redeeming Shall be performed bÿ drawing in presence of a Notarÿ and witnesses in this citÿ after the Expiration of the first mentioned ten ÿears in Such a Manner that the Nos. of the Obligations drawn Shall be betimes made known in the publick papers.
{ 113 }
That the paÿment of the interests as also the redeeming of the respective Periods Shall be made at the compting houses of the hereafter mentioned Gentlemen Directors or at Such other places within this Citÿ as Shall likewise be advertized in the publick Papers.
That the Directors of this Negotiation Shall be Messieurs Wilhem and Jan Willink Nicolaas and Jacob van Staphorst and de la Lande & Fÿnje Merchants of this Citÿ who are bÿ these presents thereto named and appointed bÿ the Honble. Appearer in his afore Said qualitÿ.
The honble. Appearer promising and engaging in the Names of his Constituents that the amount of the interests and of the redeemings to be made from time to time of the Said capital Shall be in due Time remitted to the aforesaid Gentlemen Directors their Heirs or Successors in good Bills of Exchange America Products, or in readÿ Moneÿ without anÿ abatement or deduction Whatsoever.
That this Obligation Shall never be Subject to anÿ Imposts or Taxes alreadÿ laid or in time to come to be laid in the Said united States of America even in case (which God forbid) anÿ war Hostilities or Divisions Should arise between aforesaid united States or anÿ of them on the one Side and the States of these Lands on the other that the paÿment of the Capital or interests of this Obligation can in no wise nor under anÿ pretext whatsoever be hindered or delaÿed.
The Honble. Appearer in his aforesaid qualitÿ promising and engaging moreover for and in the Names of the Said united States that there Shall never be made bÿ them or on their Parts or anÿ of them in particular anÿ convention or treatÿ publick or private at the making of peace or otherwise bÿ which the validitÿ and accomplishment of these presents might be prejudiced or where bÿ anÿ thing Contrarÿ thereto might be Stipulated but that without anÿ Exception the contents hereof Shall be maintained in full force.
The honble. Appearer in his aforesaid qualitÿ likewise promises engages and binds himself bÿ these presents that this engagement Shall be ratifÿed and approved as Soon as possible bÿ Said States in congress assembled and that authentick Copÿ Translation of Said ratification with the original Shall be deposited in custodÿ of me Notarÿ to be there kept with Said authentick copÿ translation of the Commission or Power of Him Honble. Appearer and the engrossed hereof for the Securitÿ of the Moneÿ Lenders untill the abovemen• { 114 } tioned Capital and interests as aforesaid Shall be redeemed and paid off.
And there Shall be made of this Act (as the Honble. Appearer in his aforesaid qualitÿ consents) above and besides the abovementioned engrossed one thousand authentick Copies which Shall be of the Same force and value and have the Same Effect as the engrossed one, under everÿ one of which copies Shall be placed a receipt of one thousand guilders dutch current Moneÿ either on Name or in blank at the choice of the Moneÿ Lenders to be Signed bÿ him Honble. Appearer, and which Receipts Shall be respectivelÿ numbered from No. 3001 to 4000 inclusive and countersigned bÿ abovementioned Gentlemen Directors and dulÿ attested bÿ me Notarÿ as a testimonÿ that no more than one thousand obligations are numbered in virtue of this Act.
All which authentick copies with the Receipts hereunder placed Shall at the redeeming of the capital be restored bÿ the Bearers.
On failure of prompt paÿment as well of the capital as of the interests at the appointed Periods, the Capital or residue thereof maÿ be demanded bÿ the Gentlemen Directors in behalf of the Moneÿ Lenders who Shall be then interested therein and the aforesaid Principals and committents of Him Honble. Appearer Shall in that case be held and bound to redeem and discharge immediatelÿ in one Sum the remaining capital with the interests and charges.
For the accomplishment and performance of all the abovewritten the Honble. Appearer binds in his aforesaid qualitÿ and thus in the Names and on the Part of the abovementioned united States of America the Said united States of America jointlÿ and each of them in particular together with all their Lands, chattels Revenues and Products together with Imposts and Taxes alreadÿ laid and raised in the Same or in time to come to be laid and raised and thus of all the united States of america jointlÿ and of each of the Same in particular for the Whole.
He the Honble. Appearer renouncing in the Names as above for that purpose expresslÿ beneficium divisionis as likewise de duobus vel pluribus reis debendi2 Signifÿing a retribution of debts and that when two or more are indebted, each of them can Satisfÿ with the paÿment of their Portion, the honble. Appearer promising in his aforesaid qualitÿ never to have recourse to the Said or to anÿ other Evasions whatsoever.
This being pass'd (after Translation into English was made hereof, and which likewise is Signed bÿ the honble. Appearer and { 115 } { 116 } deposited in the custodÿ of me the Said Notarÿ) within Amsterdam aforesaid in the presence of Gidion Victor et Cornelis Marchant Witnesses.

[salute] Coll:

[signed] (Signed.) P: G: van Hole
Notarÿ
Faithfullÿ translated from the Dutch
[signed] Joannes Vergeel & Son
Sworn Translator.
MS (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Form of my Obligations in the Holland Loan” and “No. 4.”
1. This contract represents one of five that were prepared, each for the sum of one million guilders. It reflects the decision by JA and the bankers not to issue a single contract for five million guilders, as originally planned, because the amount was thought to be too large for a loan with doubtful prospects for success. Instead, the initial offering was to be for three million guilders, with the other two million to be raised later if there was sufficient investor interest. Although the Dutch version of the contract was notarized on 11 June and the English translation was finished on 17 June, the contracts were not sent to Congress until 11 July and then as enclosures in a letter from Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje to Robert R. Livingston (PCC, No. 78, XIV, f. 523–526). The delay was caused by the need to prepare 25 copies of the contract in both Dutch and English, five of which were sent to Livingston by five different conveyances. For the transmission of the contracts, see JA's second letter of 5 July to Livingston and his letter of 10 July to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, both below.
2. Both of these phrases refer to the right of one of several borrowers to pay only its prorated share of the debt. In other words, JA was affirming that the states were collectively responsible for the whole debt rather than that individual states were responsible for only that part that might be apportioned to them.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0063

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Franklin, Benjamin
Date: 1782-06-13

To Benjamin Franklin

[salute] Sir

I had Yesterday, at Amsterdam, the Honour of receiving your Excellencys Letter of June 2.
The Discovery that Mr Grenvilles Power, was only to treat with France does not Surprize me, at all. The British Ministry, are too much divided among themselves, and have too formidable an opposition against them, in the King and the old Ministers, and are possessed of too little of the Confidence of the Nation, to have the Courage to make Concessions, of any Sort, especially Since the News of their Successes in the East and West Indies.2
What their Pride will end in, God only knows. For my own Part, I cannot See, a Probability, that they will ever make Peace, untill { 117 } their Financies are ruined and such Distresses brought upon them as will work up their Parties into a civil War.
I wish their Ennemies could by any means be perswaded to carry on the War against them in Places where they might be sure of Tryumphs, instead of insitsing upon pursuing it, where they are Sure of Defeats. But We must take Patience, and wait for Time to do, what Wisdom might easily and Soon do.
I have not as yet taken any Engagements with the Dutch not to make a Peace without them, but I will take such Engagements, in a moment if the Dutch will take them, and I believe they will chearfully. I shall not propose it however untill I have the Concurrence of the Duke de la Vauguion who will do nothing without the Instructions of his Court. I would not delay it, a moment from any Expectation that the English, will acknowledge our Independence and make Peace with Us, because I have no such Expectations. I confess, it would be with infinite Reluctance that I should see a Peace made between England and any of her Ennemies, unless it is made with all. If France, Spain and America should make Peace with England, and leave Holland alone at War, she would be at Mercy, and she would find the tenderest of it, Cruelty.
The permanent and lasting Friendship of the Dutch, may be easily obtained by the United States; that of England never. It is gone with the days before the Flood. If we ever enjoy the Smallest degree of Sincere Friendship again from England I am totally incapable of Seeing the Character of a Nation or the Connections of Things, which however may be the Case, for what I know. They have brought themselves by their Frenzy into Such a Situation. Spain has such Pretensions, Holland has Such Pretensions, America has Such Pretensions, the Armed Neutrality has Such Pretensions, that where is the English Minister, or Member of Parliament that dares to vote for the Concession to them? The Pretensions of France I believe would be so moderate that possibly, they might be acceeded to. But I fear that Spain who deserves the least will demand the most. In Short the Work of Peace appears So impracticable, that I am happy in being restrained to this Country by my Duty and by this means excused from troubling my Head much about it. I have a Letter from America which informed me that Mr Jay had refused to Act in the Commission for Peace:3 but if he is on his Way to Paris, as you suppose I presume, my Information must be a Mistake, which I am very glad of. Mr Laurens, did me the Honour of a very short Visit, in his Way to France, but I was very Sorry to learn from { 118 } him, that in a Letter to your Excellency he had declined Serving in the Commission for Peace. I had vast Pleasure in his Conversation, for I found him possessed of the most exact Judgment respecting our Ennemies, and of the Same noble Sentiments in all things, which I Saw in him in Congress.
What is the System of Russia? Does she Suppose that England has too many Ennemies upon her, and that their demands and Pretensions are too high? Does she Seek to embroil affairs and to light up a general War in Europe? Is Denmark in Concert with her, or any other Power? Her Conduct is a Phenomenon. Is there any Secret Negotiation or Intrigue on Foot, to form a Party for England among the Powers of Europe, and to make a Ballance, against the Power of the Ennemies of England?
The States of Holland and several other Provinces have taken the Resolutions, against the Mediation for a Seperate Peace, and this nation seems to be well fixed in its System and in the common Cause.

[salute] My best Respects and Affections to my old Frid Mr Jay, if you please.

1. With the exception of a letter of 23 July (LbC, Adams Papers; Franklin, Papers, 37:664), this is the last letter that JA wrote to Benjamin Franklin until his letter of 1 Nov. (Franklin, Papers, vol. 38), after he arrived in Paris, and that was a reply to Franklin's of 15 Oct., below. JA's letter of 23 July concerned accounts that Franklin had enclosed with his letter of 22 April (vol. 12:447, see note 1).
2. A reference to Rodney's victory at the Battle of the Saints on 12 April and the defeat of Haidar Ali, ruler of Mysore, by Gen. Eyre Coote the previous summer, reports of which appeared in the London newspapers in late May and early June. The London Chronicle, 30 May – 1 June 1782, reported that “dispatches were received at the India House, from Lieutenant General Sir Eyre Coote, K. B. containing the important advice of his having gained a complete victory over Hyder Ally. The engagement was brought on by a skirmish, in which 400 of the enemy were made prisoners; soon after which the action became general, when Hyder Ally's army was totally routed, leaving 1,500 killed, 4000 prisoners, together with the loss of the whole train of artillery, &c. &c. In consequence of this brilliant advantage, two important settlements immediately surrendered to the British arms.” For an account of events from the Indian perspective, see B. Sheik Ali, British Relations with Haidar Ali (1760–1782), Mysore, 1963, p. 258–268.
3. JA likely refers to AA's letter of 17 March in which she wrote that “the minister at Madrid has done himself and country Honour by refuseing to take part in the New instructions” (AFC, 4:293). John Jay wrote to Thomas McKean, president of Congress, on 20 Sept. 1781, to express his reservations about accepting the role of peace commissioner, given Congress' instructions to defer all major decisions to France in the negotiations, and to indicate his desire that Congress relieve him of this position (RichardRobert B. Morris, ed., John Jay: The Winning of the Peace, Unpublished Papers 1780–1784, N.Y., 1980, p. 104–106).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0064

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Hodshon, John
Date: 1782-06-13

To John Hodshon

[salute] Sir

I called the day before Yesterday at your House, but had not the good Fortune to find you at home. My Business was to pay you my Respects, and to present you my Sincere Thanks for your Kindness and Politeness to me, in assisting my Removal from Amsterdam to the Hague, and to pay you the Expence of it. But not finding you at home and being obliged to return to the Hague, I do myself the Honour to write you this Letter for the Same Purposes, and to beg the favour of you to make out the Account and I shall desire a Gentlemen to call on you to discharge it.
I have further, Sir to beg of you to accept of my Thanks for the generous <and Gentlemanlike> manner, in which you conducted in the whole affair of the Loan, especially in nobly releasing me, from my Engagements with you, if upon Enquiry I should find I could do better for the publick.1 I am very Sorry to have been the innocent occasion of giving you any disagreable feelings upon this occasion; but I found that a Party Spirit, and very disagreable altercations would have been the Consequence of persevering, and upon the whole I thought it would be better for you as well as the publick, to proceed with the Society, who now have the Loan under their direction.
But Justice and Gratitude will forever oblige me to Say, that your Conduct through the whole Affair, was that of a Man of Honour, a Gentleman and a true Friend of the United States of America.

[salute] I have the Honour to be, with great Respect and Esteem, sir your most obedient &c

1. For a complete discussion of JA's decision not to undertake the loan with Hodshon, see his letter of 26 April to Hodshon, note 1 (vol. 12:461–463).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0065

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Recipient: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Date: 1782-06-13

To Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Gentlemen

I must beg the Favour of you, to <call on> Send to Mr De Neufville, and pay him, an Account he has against the United States, for { 120 } Services done under my Direction amounting to better than 2000 Guilders, and take his Receipt upon the Account and charge it in your Books to the United States of America. He has also <a Small> an Account against me in my private Capacity, to which should be added the Expence of two frames for Portraits, one of General Washington and one of my son. This I beg you to discharge and place it, to my private Account. I am indebted also for half a Years Rent, of my House in Amsterdam, and as I had hired it for another Year, I am afraid it is not let for so much as I contracted to give. I would beg the favour of you, Gentlemen to compound this matter with the owners of the House, pay the Money and charge it to my private Account.
I am also indebted to Mr John Hodshon, for assisting me, with Boats, Workmen, and accommodations in my Removal from Amsterdam to the Hague, I must beg the favour of you to discharge that Account also, and place it to my private Account. I hope you will excuse me, for desiring to give you this Trouble, with my private affairs, but the publick service would not admit of my Staying long enough in Amsterdam to arrange them myself.

[salute] I have the Honour to be

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0066

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Recipient: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Date: 1782-06-13

To Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Gentlemen

There is a Person, by the Name of Joseph Stevens in Amsterdam, a Native of America, who has attended me, through many a dangerous Voyage and painful Journey; but who has fallen in Love with and married a young Woman in Amsterdam, which obliged him to leave my service. I wish well to the Man, and should be glad to assist him if it were in my Power, in getting a Living. But I knew of no better Way, than to beg the favour of you, Gentlemen to employ him, in any of your Affairs, where you can conveniently employ him, to his Benefit, without any Detriment to yourselves. He is well acquainted with Americans and may perhaps be usefull to you. This however, I only submit to your Consideration, and remain, your respectfull humble servant
[signed] J. Adams
{ 121 }
1. JA wrote a similar letter on this date to the firm of Ingraham & Bromfield (LbC, Adams Papers). Both letters were in response to the plea of Joseph Stephens, JA's longtime servant, in his letter of 23 May, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0067

Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-13

From Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst

[salute] Sir

Hereby we've the honour to hand your Excellency the English Copy of the Bond, which you was pleased to desire for your perusal. We hope to send you soon the printed bonds for signing, and also the authentic copys, which are to be send to Congres for ratification.
Since Messs. Willink and De La Lande & Fynje were occupied with other Business, they had no opportunity to sign this letter, which we beg to excuse, and to accept the assurances of their Esteem, as also of the sincerest and humble considerations from Sir Your most humble, and Most obedient Servants
[signed] Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0068

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-06-14

To Robert R. Livingston

The Hague, 14 June 1782. RC (PCC, No. 84, IV, f. 89–93). LbC (Adams Papers). printed: Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:493–494. Livingston received this letter on 11 Sept. (PCC, No. 185, III, f. 41).
In it, JA informed him that Russia, in pursuit of its objective of a separate Anglo-Dutch peace, had asked France to relax its opposition to such a settlement. JA then included the French text of France's response to the proposition. France appreciated Russia's concern but declared that it was inappropriate for either the French or the Russian governments to seek to influence the Dutch. Arguing national sovereignty, the French stated, somewhat disingenuously, that if the Netherlands should wish to honor their relationship with their French allies by not undertaking a separate peace, then Russia must recognize that it would be inappropriate for France to divert them from such a resolution. In the PCC, France's response is given in the original French and is followed by an English translation by John Pintard. In the letterbook copy, however, the French response is translated into English. There is no indication as to why JA included the French text but not the translation in the recipient's copy, since both it and the letterbook copy are wholly in JA's hand.
RC (PCC, No. 84, IV, f. 89–93). LbC (Adams Papers). printed: (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:493–494.) Livingston received this letter on 11 Sept. (PCC, No. 185, III, f. 41).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0069

Author: Hodshon, John
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-14

From John Hodshon

[salute] His Excellencÿ

As Mess: de Neufville & Son have at Last applied to the Shippers of Capt: Cazneaús Vessel There was a meeting at my Lawyers hoúse on That búsines, when on my retúrn home were sorry to find yoúr Excellency had Calld, and not expecting yoúr Excellencys departure would have been so sudden, was The occasion my not paying yoúr Excellency a vizit That evening, and on sending the next morning were Told yoúr Excellency returnd to the Hagúe.
From were yoúr Excellencÿs pleases to honnoúr me with a most polite Letter,1 for which praÿ yoúr Excellency to accept my most warmest Thanks and shal Think my self ever happy to preserve yoúr Excellencys esteem and regard.
Agreable to your Excellencys wishes enclosed The reckoning paid the man and rent of the Trunks In all f37:12. If at any Time are Capable to be usefull to yoúr Excellencÿ pray Command and no one wil be more ready to Execute yoúr Commands then him whome begs Leave to subscribe to be with reverence and esteem Your Excellency most obliged & obt servt
[signed] John Hodshon
1. 13 June, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0070-0001

Author: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-14

From Jean de Neufville & Fils

[salute] Sir

We now send your Excellency's Accounts after having deducted the Dutch consuls' at plymouth for his advances to the prisoners1 You were pleased to give us a list of except £5:5: Stlgs. thereof as you desired, reserving to ourselves the remainder of those charges. The Ballance of these Accounts is now f3772:17: 8 in our favour.
We beg leave to add thereto the Inclosed and to assure you that we remain With due respect Your Excellency's Most Obedient Humble Servts:
[signed] John de Neufville Son
P S Another Alteration we have made in the Accots. is the f250 pd. for Master Charles Wch. was pass'd as Bco. money, when it Should have been Currency.
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); enclosure endorsed: “Messrs De Neufvilles Acct. 31. May. 1782.”
1. See de Neufville & Fils to JA, 24 May, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0070-0002

Author: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-05-31

Enclosure: An Account

His Excellency John Adams Esqr: his Account Current with John de Neufville & Son.
Debtor:                        
1780                        
May 30   To amount of sundries sent to the Honble: Lady Adams Pr: the Brig Hannah Captn: Haydon   f   364:   18:   1  
1781                        
July 16   To do: Pr: the Ship Minerva Captn: Brown   ″   392:   19:   2  
″   To Cash pd: Frans P: Vergendo for silks &c as Acct. of 14 June   ″   136:   10:   —  
″   To do: Pd: J: DeLanoy for silk Handfs: as do: 16 do   ″   199:   15:   —  
″   To do Larwood Van Hasselt & Co: for Postage of a parcell Letters and papers via Gottenburg   ″   12:   4:   —  
Decemr: 20                        
  To so much, paid by Major Jackson to his Excellency's son at Bilboa   Bco f.250:   —              
  Agio 5 Ct.   ″  12:   10:   —     ″   262:   10:   3  
1782                        
May 26   To Cash paid by Mr Fjasink of Plymouth to the following prisoners in Mill prison.          
    Jerh: Bass   }                    
    J: Field   A guinea each £5:5:              
    S Curtis   35   Bco f55:   2:          
    B Newcomb   Agio 5 Ct   ″  2:   15:   ″   57:   17:   —  
    Edwd: Saville                    
31   To postage of Letters and parcells from Octr: 1780 to this day   ″   256:   12:   —  
″   To Amt of Disbursemts: relative to the Loan open'd by His Excellency the first March 1781 as Acct   ″   2315:   10:   —  
                f   3998:   15:   —  
{ 124 } | view
Credt:                        
1781                        
May 7   by a Remittance of the honorable Lady Adams on Doctr B: Franklin Dollars 100 or £500 To: Exchange a 51 3/4 [ . . . ]   Bo f215:   12:   8            
  Agio 4 3/4 Ct    ″ 10:   5:   —     f   225:   17:   8  
1782                        
May 31   By Ballance due to us   ″   3772:   17:   8  
                f   3998:   15:   —  
Errors Excepted
Amsterdam 31 May 1782
John de Neufville Son
The content of all or some notes that appeared on this page in the printed volume has been moved to the end of the preceding document.
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); enclosure endorsed: “Messrs De Neufvilles Acct. 31. May. 1782.”
1. See AFC, 4:132–135.
2. See same, 4:239, 240, 242–243, 244.
3. See same, 4:247.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0071

Author: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-14

From Wilhem & Jan Willink

[salute] Sir

We take the liberty to pray your Excellency to inform us, if Autruchian, Danish, prussian Ships shall be received in America, and permitted to unLoad and Load again for their return, we beg pardon of troubling your Excellency with this question because we'd not Load in Such Colours if we are not assured they'll be admitted in America to unLoad.1
We have the honour to remain with respectfull Consideration Sir Your Excellency's most Humble & Obedt Servants
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
We receive together just now, your Excellency's favours,2 both together, to the contents of whch. we Shall pay due Respect.
1. In his reply of 15 June, JA stated, “You may be assured, that Austrian, Danish, Prussian Ships and all other Ships and Flaggs in the World, except English will be readily admitted, into any Port of the United States and to Unload and load again for their Return, provided they dont carry any Thing of the Growth, Production or Manufacture of the British Dominions” (Adams Papers).
2. The first and second ofBoth 13 June, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0072

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Adams, Samuel
Date: 1782-06-15

To Samuel Adams

[salute] Dear sir

The ill Health, contracted in Amsterdam, which began with a violent nervous Fever, last August, and which left me with Gout and Scurvy, and a complication of Disorders, which are scarce yet cured, have prevented me from Writing to my Friends so often as I wished.
It was necessary that I Should take my Station, at Amsterdam, in the Time of it, for the Sake of the Society of my Countrymen, and for the Convenience of free Conversation with those Persons, who were able And desirous to promote the American Cause. But my Residence in that City has given a terrible shock to my delicate and feeble frame.
What Say you, to the alliance of the first Commercial Power in Europe,1 next to England a Republican and a Protestant Power? Is it an Event of any Importance or no? There are who dispute it. The two Houses of orange and Brunswick have heretofore acted Sublime Parts in favour of the Cause of Liberty. They have lately acted too much in Concert against it.2 That of orange must now return to its old System and Principles. I confess I felt a great Pleasure to be introduced to that Court, where William the first and William the third, accomplished Such great Things, in favour of the Protestant Religion and the Rights of Mankind, and to their hereditary successors. This Country appears to me, more a Home, than any other that I have Seen. I have often been to that Church in Leyden where the Planters of Plymouth worshiped So many years, and felt a kind of Veneration for the Bricks and Timbers.
Pray how does your Constitution work? How does the privy Council play its Part? Are there no Inconveniences found in it? It is the Part which I have been most anxious about, least it should become unpopular and Gentlemen should be averse to serve in it.3 This Form of Government has a very high Reputation in Europe, and I wish it may be as well approved in Practice as it is in Theory.
The great Work of Peace advances but slowly. Our excellent Friend Mr Laurens, has declined acting in the Commission on account of his ill Health, an Excuse that I might alledge, perhaps with equal Reason, for transmitting a Resignation of all my Employments, for I really am in a very feeble State. I have returned { 126 } to my old Phisician a Saddle Horse and if his Skill does not restore me, I shall certainly try the Air of the blue Hills.
This moment comes in an Invitation to Mr Adams to Sup with the Prince and Princess of orange, at his Country Seat which they call the Maison du Bois, this Evening. All this is very right. The Sons of Liberty have the best right of any People under Heaven to dine and sup, with this Family. I wish you could be of the Party. I always think of you when I see any of the Portraits of this Family. William the first looks much like you.
I will make a Visit to day to his Highness and pray him to send an Ambassador to Congress. I have a right to Speak to him upon this subject, as he is a Member of the States General, tho as statholder it is not in his Department.

[salute] Adieu

RC (NN: George Bancroft Coll.); endorsed: “Letter from JA Hague June 15. 82 Copied & ExC.”
1. The following three words were interlined.
2. Regarding the House of Orange, JA presumably contrasts both William I's leadership during the Dutch revolt against Spain and William III's assumption of the British throne after the Glorious Revolution with William V's opposition to recognizing the United States.
3. A reference to the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780, which JA had drafted in 1779, and specifically to the governor's council (vol. 8:228–271). Samuel Adams was currently president of the state senate.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0073

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-06-15

To Robert R. Livingston

No. 13.

[salute] Sir

This Morning, I made a Visit to the Grand Pensionary Mr Van Bleiswick, and had a long Conference with him concerning the Plan of a Treaty of Commerce, which is now under Consideration, and endeavoured to remove some of his objections, and to explain to him the Grounds and Reasons of certain Articles which have been objected to by others—particularly the Article which respects France and that which respects Spain.1 He made Light of most of the Objections which had been Stated to the Plan and thought it would be easy to agree upon it but there must be time for the Cities to deliberate.
I asked him, if they did not intend to do us the Honour, Soon of Sending an Ambassador to Congress? and Consuls, at least to Boston and Philadelphia.2 He thought it would be very proper—but Said they had some difficulty in finding a Man, who was suitable, and at { 127 } the Same time willing to undertake so long a Voyage. I asked him, if it would not be convenient to send a Frigate to America, to carry the Treaty, their Ambassador and Consuls all together, when all should be ready? He Said he could not Say whether a Frigate could be Spared.
Very well, says I Smiling, and pointing to the Prince's Picture, I'le go and make my Court to His Highness and pray him to send a Frigate to Philadelphia, with a Treaty an Ambassador and two Consuls, and to take under her Convoy all Merchant Vessells ready to go. Excellent says he, Smiling, I wish you good Luck.
We had a great deal of Conversation too concerning Peace, but as I regard all this as idle, it is not worth while to repeat it. When a Minister shall appear, at Paris or elsewhere with Full Powers from the King of England to treat with the United States of America, I shall think there is Something more than Artifice to raise the Stocks and lay Snares for Sailors to be caught by Press Gangs.

[salute] I have the Honour to be.

1. These were Arts. 22 and 23 of JA's draft. For the controversy over them and its ultimate resolution, see The Negotiation of the Dutch-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce, 22 Aug. – 8 Oct., below.
2. Pieter Johan van Berckel, first Dutch minister to the United States, was appointed in May 1783 (vol. 12:229). Not until Sept. 1784 did the States General appoint consuls to reside at Philadelphia, New York, Baltimore, Charleston, and Boston (PCC, No. 99, f. 203–210, 219–221, 223–225, 233–235).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0074

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Warren, James
Date: 1782-06-17

To James Warren

[salute] dear Sir

Broken to Pieces and worn out, with the Diseases engendered by the tainted Atmosphere of Amsterdam operating upon the Effects of fatiguing Journeys dangerous Voyages, a Variety of Climates and eternal Anxiety of Mind, I have not been able to write you so often as I wished:1 But now I hope the fine Season and the pure Air of the Hague, will restore me. Perhaps You will say that the Air of a Court is as putrid as that of Amsterdam. In a moral and political sense perhaps, but I am determined that the bad Morals and false Politicks of other People shall no longer affect my Repose of Mind, nor disturb my Physical Constitution. What is it to me, after having done all I can to set them right whether other People go to Heaven or to the Devil? I may howl and weep but this will have no Effect. I may then just as well Sing and laugh.
{ 128 }
Pray how do you like your new Allies the Dutch? Does your Imagination rove into futurity and Speculate and combine, as it used to do? It is a pretty Amusement to play a Game with Nations, as if they were Fox and Geese—or Corns upon a Checkerboard—or the Personages at Chess, is it not? It is however, the real Employment of a statesman to play such a Game sometimes, a sublime one truly, enough to make a Man serious, however Addicted to sport. Politicks are the divine Science after all. How is it possible that any Man should ever think of making it Subservient to his own little Passions, and mean private Interests? Ye base born sons of fallen Adam! Is the End of Politicks a Fortune a Family, a gilded Coach, a Train of Horses a troup of Livery servants—Balls at Court—Splendid Dinners and suppers? Yet the divine Science of Politicks is at length in Europe reduced to a mechanical system composed of these Materials—what says the Muse Mrs Warren?2
What is to become of an independent Statesman? One, who will bow the Knee to no Idol? who will worship nothing as a Divinity, but Truth, Virtue and his Country? I will tell you, he will be regarded more, by posterity than those who worship Hounds and Horses, and although he will not make his own Fortune he will make the Fortune of his Country. The Liberties of Corsica, sweeden and Geneva may be over turned, but neither his Character can be hurt nor his Exertions rendered ineffectual. Oh Peace, when wilt thou permit me to Visit Penshill Milton Hill and all the Blue Hills? I love every Tree and every Rock upon all those Mountains. Roving among these and the Quails Partridges squirrells &c that inhabit them shall be the amusement of my declining Years God willing. I wont go to Vermont.3 I must be within the Scent of the sea.
I hope to send along a Treaty in two or three Months. I love the Dutchmen with all their Faults. There is a strong Spirit of Liberty among them, and many excellent Qualities. Next year, their Navy will be so strong as to be able to do a great deal. They may do some thing this.
I am going to Court to sup with Princes, Princesses and Ambassadors. I had rather sup with you at one of our Hills, though I have no Objection to Supping at Court. Adieu.
RC (MB); endorsed: “Mr J A Letter June 17. 82.”
1. JA's last known letter to Warren was of 9 Dec. 1780 (vol. 10:404).
2. For Mercy Otis Warren's response, see her letter of 25 Oct., below.
3. A reference to AA's plan to purchase land in Vermont as a retreat for JA, for which see AFC, 4:257–258, 293, 315–317.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0075

Author: Jenings, Edmund
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-20

From Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

I have the Honour of having recived your Excellencys Letters of the 1st and 7th Instant.
My Friend B cannot tell me any thing more of the Anonymous Letter,1 but that He receivd it by the foreign post, and that it cost 10 d. The post mark does not appear on it. B had sent a Copy of it to Mr L. It was therefore the Subject of a Conversation between us. Wherein He declared his Disbeliff, and thorough Contempt of its Contents. I Obeyed your Excellencys Injunction, not to mention any thing containd in your Letter of the 7th altho I wished to do it, and I did not moreover mention that your Excellency Knew any thing of such anonymous Letter having been Sent.
Mr L. Staid here a week, during which his Health was visibly established. He left this place last Friday on his Journey to the South of France. He gave me much Information of America with respect to Men and Things, when He left the Country, which tended to Confirm my former Ideas of them. He left me by consequence agitated both with pleasure and Concern on their Account, but when He told me that He would not take his Share in the Commission &ca. my uneasiness was very great in deed. It is not enough for a man to think He can do no good—when He may prevent mischief, nor is this a Time for any One to think of his own Tranquillity, when the Happiness of millions in future are at Stake. This is the moment of greater Danger than what America has yet seene, and which therefore calls forth those, to avert it, who are pitched upon for the purpose. I beleive Mr Jay is now at Paris.2
There has been much talk here amongst the English of a Truce or a perpetual Cessation of Arms with the United States. The Latter put me in mind of eternal Love which is too often sworn. Doctr Youngs Lover had a true Idea of its nature, when He said

Eternal Love I swear, my mistress and my Friend,

but say, what Day next week, the Eternity shall End.3

The Atheist disbelieves in the Existence of Eternity and the Lover laughs at it. The one is roguish and the other is foolish but the Politician who talks not of the Perpetuity of Policts, Constitutions and Conventions is somewhat wise and honest.
{ 130 }
I have the Honour to be Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servant,
[signed] Edm: Jenings
1. For the issue of the anonymous letter, supplied by Edward Bridgen and directed at Henry Laurens, see Jenings to JA, 6 June, and its enclosure, above.
2. Jay did not reach Paris until 23 June (Morris, Peacemakers, p. 282).
3. Jenings misquotes from Edward Young's Love of Fame, the Universal Passion. In Seven Characteristical Satires. The original verse reads, “Eternal love I vow, the Swain replies; / But say, my all! my mistress, and my friend! / What day next week the eternity shall end?” (“Satire V. On Women,” lines 326–328).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0076

Author: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Author: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-21

From Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Sir

In consequence of what Messrs. Van Staphorst had the honor of writing you yesterday, we've had a meeting last evening about our common business, and have now the honour to advise your Excellency in answer to your respected favor of the 13th. Instt. that agreable to your order we have apply'd to young Mr. De Neufville to have the exact Amount of his Account against the United States for Services done under your direction, which you only mention to be upwards of Two thousand Guilders. Mr. De Neufville however seem'd not to have expected that question and told us that he got no orders from your Excellency therabout. That his House had Sent the Account,1 consequently that the exact Amount thereof was known to your Excellency and that he therefore was waiting your orders, where he could of course receive the payment for. We do easily conceive that it cann't be agreable to that Gentleman, that we made him Such a question, and take therefore the liberty to desire your Excellency, that you'll be so kind as to draw a Bill on us for the Amount in favor of Messrs. De Neufville and remit the Same to them, by which means all difficulties and uneasiness can be prevented.
We do presume that the Same case, if not worse, will exist with Mr. Hodshon and beg therefore leave to propose to your Excellency, that you'll be so obliging as to write to him, desiring to send the Account of his expences and afterwards to furnish him in the Same manner with a Draft on us.2
As to the rente of your House we have not been able to get the { 131 } proper Informations thereabout as yet, but shall have the honour of writing you fully thereabout with our next.
In the meantime you'll greatly oblige us by returning the Thousand Bonds as soon as possible,3 and to believe us always with the utmost Consideration and respect Sir! Your most obedt. & very humble Servants
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
[signed] Nichs. & Jacob van Staphorst
[signed] de la Lande & fynje
We are desired by a friend of ours to remit you the inclosed letter to his Excellency General Washington4 and to beg the favor of you to forward it amongst your dispatches to America, by which you'll greatly oblige Sir! Yr. most humble Servts
[signed] N. & J. Van Staphorst
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Messrs Willinks & others 21 June 1782.”
1. See de Neufville & Fils to JA, 14 June, above.
2. No letter from JA to Hodshon concerning his account has been found, but see JA's letter of 10 July to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, below.
3. On 20 June (Adams Papers), Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst wrote to JA to acknowledge his first and secondtwo letters of 13 June to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje (above) and enclosed a thousand bonds for his signature. In a letter of 22 June to the consortium (LbC, Adams Papers), JA returned the bonds and requested more as soon as possible. On the 24th (Adams Papers), the consortium acknowledged JA's letter of 22 June and promised to send another thousand bonds in a few days.
4. This letter has not been identified, and the editors of Washington's papers have been unable to locate any letter for this period that would seem to fit the description provided by the Van Staphorsts.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0077

Author: Gannan, B., & Zoon (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-26

From B. Gannan & Zoon

[salute] Sir

Desirous and ambitious of rendering ourselves usefull and agreeable in any mode, tending to for cause, which our best wishes has ever acompanied; we beg leave with due submission, to inform your Excellency, that we are now fitting out here, under Imperial colours for Philadelphia, a Cutter, known for one of the fastest sailing Vessells built in England, burthen 280. tons, mounting 18. guns and sixty odd men, to be ready for sea in the course of some days: should she prove agreeable to your Excellency for the purpose of conveying dispatches, goods or other effects, we will pledge ourselves for the principles of the captain in whom every trust may be confided.
{ 132 }
Our name as residents at Dunkirk, is well known at Versailles in the Bureau of marine, equally so to many american Gentlemen, among them, Mr. Nisbett1 of L'orient, who was lately in these parts.
This same vessell came lately from Philadelphia to this port in seventeen days fully loaded with tobacco, shipp'd by Messrs. Saml. Inglis & Co. of former place. The captain is born English and naturalised Imperial; many of his men are also British, but burghers of this country, they were all very favourably receiv'd, at Philadelphia still the captain seems to intimate a wish of possessing a protection from the ministers of the united states (in Europe) as a guarantee to his safety at his arrival, lest as himself and major of his crew, born Englishmen, should be conducive to some obstacle or trouble.
Under this consideration, we crave your Excellency's support, and request that it would be so favourable as to ordain any such protection to this vessel, as your Excellency shall judge necessary2—she is call'd the Maarstrand, capt. henry Cook.
We have a quantity of prize goods, such as lead, tin, Iron &c. bought at Dunkirk, we make no doubt that the same tho' English manufactory or make, may be imported into america free and without dangers; any advices, your Excellency will be gracious enough to give us thereon, we will most gratifully acknowledge.
We have the honor to he with profound respect & much at yr command, Sir, Your most Humble & obedient Servants
[signed] B Gannan & Zoon
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Messs. B. Gannan & Son 26th. June 1782.”
1. The banker Jonathan Nesbitt, who dined with JA in May 1779 and JQA in May 1785 (vol. 6:31; JA, D&A, 2:370; JQA, Diary, 1:271).
2. No reply by JA to this letter has been found, and there is no indication that he provided the requested protection or used the Marstrand to carry dispatches to the United States. The firm had written a very similar letter to Benjamin Franklin on 25 June, to which Franklin did not respond (Franklin, Papers, 37:37).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0078

Author: Chapman, Richard
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-27

From Richard Chapman

[salute] Sir

I hope you will pardon the Liberty I have taken of Adressing my Self to you but haveing waited on Mr: Barttly1 Expecting Some Assistance from him, he Informd me it was not in his Line but that your Excellency was the only person to Apply too.
These lines will Inform your Excellency that I was Mate of a Con• { 133 } tinental Packet Call'd the Active Commanded by John Hodge Esqr: from Philadelphia Bound to the Havannah with Dispathes we Saild from the Capes of Dilaware the 10th: of March last and was Unfortunately taken the 25th: by the Proserpine Frigate the Brigg with the Capt: was Ordred to Jamiaca myself with the people was Brought home to Spit Head from which place I Soon made my Escape and by the Help of Friends at Portsmouth and London I have Safe Arrived here but have been Under the Docter's hands good part of the time I have been here till within this ten or twelve days. So that I hope your Excellency will Consider my Situation and Afford me as much Asistence as your Excellency may Judge Nessesery as I am determind to git home as Soon as poserble as I Belong to the Service and Have near five months wages due at Eighteen Dollars [per] month I Should take it as a great Favour if it is poserble, for it to be paid to me here, as it would be of Infinite Service to me at present; as I am Intirely Destitute of Cloths and Every other Nessesery I Shall want when I Come to go to Sea. Relying on your Excellency's Goodness I am with the Greatest Submission your Excellency's most Obet: Humbl: Servt:
[signed] Richard Chapman
NB Your Excellency will be So Kind as to Answer the Above as it will not lay in my power to See him personly If Nessesery till I Receive Some Asitstance.2
At Mrss' Mc:Graves Worm Street.
1. Thomas Barclay, the U.S. consul to France, was in Amsterdam attending to the disposition of the goods left there by Alexander Gillon in 1781. See Barclay's letter of 28 June, below.
2. Chapman's account of the capture of the Active is accurate (Dict. Amer. Fighting Ships), but nothing further is known of him beyond what is in this letter. JA replied on 1 July (LbC, Adams Papers), congratulating Chapman on his escape but noting that he was not authorized to pay him his wages. JA, however, proposed to lend him eight ducats—about four pounds—for which he was to sign a note payable to Congress.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0079

Author: Barclay, Thomas
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-28

From Thomas Barclay

[salute] Sir

Captain Smedley will, I expect, Sail in about Six days, and if your Excellency has any Dispatches, or other Commands, he will be a good opportunity to Send them by.1 I Shall endeavour to wait upon you at the Hague previous to his Departure. Mr. Livingston wrote to { 134 } me Some time ago to Send him Such Pamphlets or Papers as Contain any thing of Consequence or Information, but I can lay my hands only on Some Registers which Shall go, and if you have got a few news papers or any thing of the Kind to Spare, they Shall be carefully forward'd.
Some time ago His Excellency Docter Franklin wrote to me that Mr. Morris had Sent and Estimate of Supplies to the amount of about Two Million of Livers, with Directions, that Mr. Ridley and myself Shou'd Compleat the Purchases, but that the funds Cou'd not be procured in France for its Execution. I beg leave to Submit to your Excellency the propriety of Employing any part of the Loan which you have negociated in Holland for the purposes of Sending those Supplies. My Instructions from Congress empower me to draw in Cases of absolute Necessity on any funds which I Shall Know to be procured for Congress in Europe, of this necessity you must in this Case be the Sole Judge, as you Know much better than I do the wants and the Situation of our Country, and Consequently by what application of the money those Wants Can be best removed. I have taken the liberty of mentioning this matter to you now, and when I have the honour of Seeing you at the Hague you can give me your Sentiments.2
Mr. Thaxter gets Something better, his friends have advised his Staying here a few days longer, and indeed it Seems to be absolutely necessary to the Reestablishment of his health.
I have the honour to be with the greatest Esteem and respect Dear Sir Your Most Obedt Servant.
[signed] Tho Barclay
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “His Excellency John Adams Esqre. at the Hague”; endorsed: “Mr Barclay”; by John Thaxter: “June 28th 1782.”
1. Samuel Smedley of Fairfield, Conn., was a former prisoner appointed by Barclay to command the General Sullivan, which he had chartered to carry to America some of the goods originally intended to go with the South Carolina. The vessel was renamed the Heer Adams between 25 and 29 April in honor of Dutch recognition of the United States (Louis F. Middlebrook, History of Maritime Connecticut During the American Revolution, 2 vols., Salem, Mass., 1925, 2:123, 325; Franklin, Papers, 37:213, 237).
2. Neither Franklin's letter to Barclay nor Robert Morris' letter of 9 March, to which it likely referred, has been found. But for the content of Morris' letter to Franklin, see his letter of 9 March to Congress (Morris, Papers, 4:376–378). JA apparently did not reply to this letter, presumably because, as Barclay intended, the two men discussed the matter at The Hague. Barclay gives an accurate summary of his 10 July 1781 instructions (JCC, 20:736–737), but it is unlikely that he received the requested funds because JA had not yet received any significant return from his new loan and, in any case, was reluctant to make substantial disbursements without the direct orders of Congress (to Robert R. Livingston, 5 July, 2d letter, below).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0080

Author: Mazzei, Philip
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-28

From Philip Mazzei

[salute] Sir

In my preceding of the 21st. ultmo. I acquainted your Excellency, that Mr. Maddison had written me from Philadelphia, that my cipher had been lost in the late confusions in Virginia, for which reason all I had written in cipher since that time, as well to him for the use of Congress, as to the Governor and Council of my State, still remains unlocked, and must be so untill I get there myself, which I expect will soon be the case, provided I can get a tollerable good opportunity to go. Having now some thing to write, which I would not venture cross the Atlantic unless it was in cipher, I must desire the favour of your Excellency to do in my stead, if you should think it worth the notice of Congress, as I do.
Last saturday, 22. instt., this Sovereign1 told me, “that things had intirely changed; that the Courts of Russia and Vienna had declared they would never acknowledge the Independency of America; that he had been assured the King of Spain would not suffer it to be mentioned to him, and would rather fall out with France than do it; that all other Powers were of the same mind; that France had taken a bone too hard for her alone to digest; that Holand hangs to a thread; that probably in less than two years time the name of the Dutch Republick will no more exist; and that perhaps in a short time there will be so much to do in Europe as not to think of America.”
As I could not affect to be ignorant of his way of thinking in regard to France, I could not likewise, with any degree of prudence, speak out my sentiments relative to the power, steadiness, and magnanimity of our good and great Ally. I confined myself merely to say, that the Americans would certainly exercise their Independency, whether Europe did acknowledge it, or not; and that I had not the smallest doubt but the English would soon acknowledge it themselves, while, from political, interested, and ambitious views, they did all they could to prevent other Nations being before hand with them.
In my opinion the Courts of Russia and Vienna will think better than to meddle seriously in the dispute, unless they had formed a plan, which the King of Prussia should give his assent to; however it seems to me that the above intelligence is not such as to be intirely disregarded. This Prince is in the way of knowing the inclination { 136 } and desire of certain Courts, 'though he may be mistaken in regard to what they may be at last willing, or able to do. The more I consider the great Theater of the World, the more I conceive that, besidess the duties of honour and gratitude, it is our interest to convince the Courts of Europe, by all means in our power, of our sincere attachment to France, and that our union shall be solid and permanent. I long to see the happy day when France and America will derive the greatest advantages from each other, in peace and tranquillity, and bid defiance to the World.
If your Excellency should think proper to send a copy of this letter to America,2 I beg the favour, that a copy of the same may be sent from Congress to the Governor and Council of Virginia, whom I wish to be likewise informed, that, in consequence of the above-said conversation with this Sovereign, I have thought proper to take my leave of him, which I have done with a good grace, having had his permission to write to him in a direct line from any part, whenever I shall think it requisite, and his promise of returning me an answer when the purport of my letter should require it.
I think of setting out in less than a month, and hope to be in person to ask the honour of your command for America. Mean while I have that of being most respectfully, Sir, your Excellency's most Humble & most Obedient Servant
[signed] Philip Mazzei
P.S. Your Excellency will receive this from the French Embassadour. Should you think of honouring me with your Commands, you will be so kind as to send them, through the same channel, inclosed to Mr. de Billerey Chargé des affaires du Roy a Florence, who, in case I should be gone, will send them safe wherever I shall be.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Mazzei Ansd Aug. 12. 1782.”
1. Probably Leopold I, Grand Duke of Tuscany. For earlier references to him by Mazzei, see vol. 10:81–82; 11:236.
2. JA did not send a copy of this letter to America. For his reasons, see his letter to Mazzei of 12 Aug., below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0081

Author: Ravekes, Gerbrand, & J. G. Thin van Keulen (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-29

From Gerbrand Ravekes & J. G. Thin van Keulen

[salute] Your Excellencÿ

We have received your esteemed letter of 31th May, and accordingly your consent we have lowed the house at Mr L: de Neufville Jansz for 1200 f in the year; it was impossible to obtain any more; his rent is also in the 11/M: from 1 Juni 1782 to 30 April 1783 f 1100.—
{ 137 } | view
The loss thereof, that comes for you, is   f   480:   —    
added Expences made, in publication in Newspapers new bill dressing &c. &ca:   “   11:   12    
Mount: ad   f   491:   12:   —  
Pray to sent us by Mr Van Staphorst our friend, these f 491:12:—with our bill of this house, than will we give him again your bill; and we will take care for the rest, and decharging your Excellency of all this affairs.
We have the Honour to be with very much respects Your Excellency's Most obedient servants
[signed] Gerbrand Ravekes gg.
[signed] J: G: Thin Van Keúlen gg.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0082

Author: Thaxter, John
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-29

From John Thaxter

[salute] Sir

You will doubtless be surprized to recieve another Letter from me dated from hence, and I fully expected to have been at the Hague several days agone when I wrote last,1 but the prospect of Mr. Barclay's Company, the kindness and Attention of my Countrymen here and a daily Increase of Health and Strength have hitherto prevented. I intended returning to day in the Chariot de Poste, but I did not find myself very well this morning and the day was bad. Capt. Trowbridge's Arrival from Boston at the Texel was another Reason of my tarrying in Town. He had 48 days Passage. He is now upon the Pompus and not a being has come on Shore as yet, so that We know of no News by him. If there are any Letters for You, I shall bring them on or forward them immediately.2
I have recovered amazingly since my Residence here, and must never open my Lips again to reprobate the Air of Amsterdam. 'Tis excellent for the Chest. My Arms are much stronger than they were, but I am still hampered in writing. I am almost ashamed to stay here longer, and wish most sincerely I could sit down and do a Paris day's work in writing and relieve You from a Part of your Burden. I am grieved to be useless to You at this moment, when there is so much to do and the Letter Book is never out of my Head. I must work double Tides when I am able.
Smedley and Grinnel are both over the Pompus to their great Joy, and will be ready to go down to the Texel in eight or ten days.3
{ 138 }
Stephens has been here and informs me he and his Family have been very sick with the bilious Fever—says he does not know what to do with himself—thinks three hundred Guilders would enable him to do hansomely for himself in a short time—requests if You could not spare that Sum that You would be so good as to let him have twenty Ducats to pay his Doctor and House Rent—says he is in great distress and desired me to represent his Case to You. I told him I could mention the Matter to You only, but could not interfere in the Business in the smallest degree nor give him the least Encouragement, and that as soon as I had your Answer I would let him know it. Unfortunately I could not get into Mr. Ridley's Lodgings, and was obliged to come to Mr. Kaa's at the first Bible in the Warmoestraat, where I found a Number of our Countrymen, who desire their best Respects to You.
Compliments if You please to Mr. Dumas and Family.
My Paper and Arm both warn me to close—but not without subjoining my sincerest Wishes for your Health, and an Assurance of that invariable Respect and Attachment, with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most humble Servt.
[signed] J Thaxter
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Thaxter. June 29th 1782.”
1. The last extant letter from Thaxter to JA from Amsterdam is dated 6 May (AFC, 4:322).
2. For the letters brought by Capt. Caleb Trowbridge of the Firebrand, see letters from Thaxter of 30 June and from John van Heukelom & Zoon of 1 July, both below, but see also AFC, 4:354, 362. Trowbridge's vessel was on the Pampus, an area of shallow water in the Zuider Zee separating the Texel from Amsterdam. Ships had to wait for high tide to be lifted across it using camels.
3. Captains Samuel Smedley and Moses Grinnell commanded the Heer Adams and the Sukey, respectively; the first was bound for Philadelphia and the second for Boston (from Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, 11 July, note 3, below; AFC, 4:339).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0083

Author: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Author: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-29

From Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Sir

In conformity of our agreement we have the honor to accompany your Excellency herewith 25 English and 25 dutch copies of the General Bonds of the Loan of Five Millions for the United States of America, viz: five copies of each Million, to be forwarded to Congress by five different opportunities, in order to get the Ratification thereon.
{ 139 }
Respecting the Rent of your House we have Spoken to the Gentlemen who have the direction of it, but as they wish to have your Excellency's Approbation for the new Bail they told us yesterday that they would write you themselves about it,1 which of consequence we make no doubt but they'll have done and we'll expect your orders if we Shall pay their demand.
We remain with perfect Esteem Sir! Your most obedt. hble. Servts.
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
[signed] Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst
[signed] de la Lande & fÿnje
Instead of the aforementioned five copies we only send your Excellency Three copies of each Million, the others not being ready as yet. We shall be very glad to receive the Bonds for the Second Million as soon as your Excellency has signed them.
1. From Gerbrand Ravekes & J. G. Thin van Keulen, 29 June, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0084

Author: Thaxter, John
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-06-30

From John Thaxter

[salute] Sir

Between 6 and 7 this morning Capt. Trowbridge came and delivered me the five Letters and News Papers inclosed.1
Every thing in a quiet state on the other side the Water—Provissions plenty and cheap—hard Money not scarce. He has brought Tobacco, and Sugar and Coffee from Boston. Sugar and Coffee from Boston to Amsterdam, is a Phenomenon in the mercantile World, and ought not to be forgotten.
If there are any Letters for me, please to inclose them to Messs. Ingraham and Bromfield, they may come by the Chariot de Poste at six o. Clock tomorrow Morning.
I have the Honor to be &ca.
[signed] J. T.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “His Excellency Mr. Adams”; endorsed: “Thaxter 30. June 1782”; notation by JA: “Pestel de Republica batavar Janiçon. chez de tune libraire pres le marechal de turenne.” JA's notation has nothing to do with Thaxter's letter but presumably is an instance where JA used an available piece of paper to jot down a note to himself. The note indicates that Frederik Willem von Pestel's Commentarii de Republica Batava (Leyden, 1782) and François Michel Janiçon's Etat présent de la république des Provinces-Unies, et des païs qui en dépendent (4th ed., 2 vols., The Hague, 1755) were at the bookseller near the Mare• { 140 } schall de Turenne, an inn at The Hague. The Catalogue of JA's Library indicates that he acquired both volumes.
1. JA wrote to AA on 1 July and indicated that two of the letters were hers of 10 and 22 April, with a third likely being Isaac Smith Sr.'s of 6 May (AFC, 4:337, 305–308, 313–317). A fourth letter may have been Richard Cranch's of 31 Jan. (same, 4:281–282), for which see the letter of 1 July from John van Heukelom & Zoon, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0085

Author: Dana, Francis
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-01

From Francis Dana

[salute] My Dear Sir

My last to you was of the 12/23 of May. I have not received any from you since yours of the 28th. of April.1 Enclosed you will receive the latter part of my letter to Mr: Livingston, which I pray you to forward with a proper direction.2 I send them open to you for your private Information. The matter these mentioned is what is alluded to in my last. Since the new British Ministry have consented upon the intercession of Her Imperial Majesty, to treat with the Dutch upon the basis of their old Marine Treaty, and the principles of the Armed Neutrality, She seems to press the business of Mediation with greater vigour. Whether a particular peace between Britain and Holland can be now brought about by Her Majesty's exertions, you are better able to say than I am, and I shou'd be glad of your sentiments upon this subject. I am inclined to think it cannot be, and that the whole may issue in a general Mediation on the part of Her Majesty and the Emperor, whenever the English can be brot to consent to the Admission of our Ministers into the Congress, and not before. This is certainly upon the whole the most just, and I think the only rational method which remains to be adapted, with any prospect of Success, in the present state of affairs. If you were to hear the Anglomanes of this Country speak of the late successes of the British, you wou'd think they imagined the power of the whole House of Bourbon beaten down so as never to rise again, and that the British had gained a complete and lasting Triumph over all their Enemies: So ignorant are they of the real relative force of the Belligerent Powers. Time, I presume will destroy these absurdities and their momentaneous effects. The war, if it shou'd not be closed in the course of the next winter by a general pacification, may rage with new vigour on all parts. The late emancipation of Ireland may give some additional force to our Enemies, and we ought to be pre• { 141 } pared to meet it.3 Abating this circumstance, I rejoice in the recovered liberty of that long and cruelly oppressed Country. This great event, as well as those of the freedom of the Commerce and of the Navigation of all the Nations of Europe, are undoubtedly consequences of our Revolution; and the latter most certainly must depend upon the establishment of our Independence. This truth I think, is so obvious to all of them that it cannot be overlooked. If they are not therefore absolutely blind to their own essential Interests, or so corrupt as to disregard them, they must openly or secretly favour and support it. But, my dear Friend, I am almost weary of this pitiful existence; in waiting for what is called “the proper moment;” and I may suddenly put in execution what I have before told you I have seriously contemplated, and return to America by the first opportunity which may offer.
I beg you to present my regards to Mr: T. and to tell him tho' I have not wrote him for so long a time, yet I have not forgot him, or my obligations to him for his former favours.
I am, Dear Sir, your much obliged Friend & obedient humble Servt:
[signed] FRA DANA
RC (Adams Papers). Filmed at 21 June, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 357.
1. Vol. 12:467–468.
2. Probably Dana's letter of 28 June to Robert R. Livingston (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:528–532).
3. On 17 May both houses of the British Parliament voted to repeal the Declaratory Act of 1720, which had permitted it “to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the kingdom and the people of Ireland.” This resolved a longstanding grievance and finally established Irish legislative independence (Gerard O'Brien, Anglo-Irish Politics in the Age of Grattan and Pitt, Dublin, 1987, p. 59). For the texts of the Declaratory Act of 1720 and of the 1782 act repealing it, see same, p. 176.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0086

Author: Heukelom, John van, & Zoon (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-01

From John van Heukelom & Zoon

[salute] Honourable Sir

We have the Pleasure to inform ÿour Excellencÿ; that we received this morning by the Firebrand Capt Caleb Trowbridge a letter from the Honbe: R. Cranch Esq. he charged üs with his kindest regards to your Excellencÿ and begged we would inform ÿoür Excellencÿ, that your dear Charles after a tedious passage at last arrived safe to the arms of his Mother in perfect health, he hopes that ÿoür Excellencÿ will receive letters bÿ this Same conveyance from your Ladÿ;1 Your Excellencÿ's familÿ being all well.
{ 142 }
As to oür Büsiness; Mr. Cranch Sold alreadÿ two Pieces of cloth for us, with a good profit, and returned to us the amount in á bill of exchange: he understood our letter and thinks that a verÿ Large and adventageoüs Vent for our Cloths maÿ be had in this waÿ; he Sends üs Samples of the most fashionable Caloürs in America with proper instructions when it is the best time to Ship them; in Short we are So pleased with this Gentleman's behaviour towards us that we flatter ourselves to have Soon established á Solid and agreeable Correspondence to our Mütüal advantage and here we cannot but present our Sincerest thanks to your Excellencÿ whose kindness so afforded üs this opportunitÿ.
We beg oür Compliments to Mr Thaxter. & are with great respect Honourable Sir Yoür Most obedient & Humble Servants.
[signed] John van Heukelom & Zoon
1. For letters from AA, Isaac Smith Sr., and Richard Cranch likely brought by Trowbridge, see John Thaxter's letter of 30 June, note 1, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0087-0001

Author: Uhl, Jean Henri David
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-01

From Jean Henri David Uhl

[salute] Monsieur

Votre Excellence étant Ministre plenipotentiaire des provinces unies de l'Amerique accredité auprès des hautes puissances les états generaux d'Hollande à la Haye à fait eclater autant de marques de ses grandes qualités, qu'elles me donnent la confïance d'implorer vos secours dans un cas singulier qui m'est arrivé avec un armateur Americain.
Le Plantage Fredericdorp à Suriname appartient à ma femme et Famille en heritières usufructuaires testamentaires1 de J. F. Knoffel, les heritières sont les deux filles du Defunt P. L. Knoffel Directeur de Monnoye de sa Majesté prussienne, frère du testateur et par consequent des sujets nées prussiennes à Berlin. Les fruits consistent en Café et vont sur des navires hollandois à notre compte et sont addressés sur le compte du Plantage Fredericdorp pour notre Correspondent Mr. Pieter van der Meulen dirckzoon à Amsterdam.
Il arrive souvent dans la guerre que les Anglois prennent les vaisseaux hollandois chargés de fruits de Suriname, mais les amirautés en Angleterre rendent aux sujets neutres prussiens les fruits qui vont sur leur compte et se trouvent dans les vaisseaux hollandois. { 143 } Les heritiers du Comte de Neal à Berlin qui ont plusieurs Plantages à Suriname ont reclamé et reçu les fruits pris des Anglois sur des Vaisseaux hollandois de leurs plantages; moi même je reclame à present 10000 livres de Café du Plantage Fredericdorp en Angleterre. Nouvellement un Armateur Anglois à pris le vaisseau du Capt. C. G. Weis un americain l'a repris et vendu le vaisseau et la Charge à Martenique; sur le vaisseau hollandois en question se sont trouvé 8679 Livres de Café de mon Plantage Fredericksdorp addressés à mon Correspondent van der Meulen et l'americain s'est approprié le bien des sujets neutres prussiens; que les Anglois leur auroient rendu selon le prix de L'Europe à Londre ou à Amsterdam.2
Si les sujets neutres prussiens ne peuvent recouvrer le bien pris par l'americain, ils ont plus tort à craindre des Americains qui sont amis des Hollandois avec qui les prussiens commercent que des Anglois qui sont ennemis declarés des Hollandois.
L'armateur à eu le droit de s'approprier le bien hollandois repris des Anglois par le droit de la guerre, mais non pas le bien d'un neutre. Il l'a ignoré, mais étant informé que les 8679 livres Café du Plantage Fredericdorp appartiennent aux sujets neutres prussiens, le droit des gens exige qu'il le rende et j'ai sans doute le droit de reclamer le prix des 8679 livres de l'Americain selon la Valeur d'Amsterdam; une bagatelle pour l'armateur qui a pris tout d'un coup trois cent mil livres de Cafe sur le vaisseau hollandois et le prix du navire; mais un grand dommage et la ruine pour une famille à Berlin qui dois vivre de L'usufruis d'un Plantage de Suriname!
Je suis sur que la nation des provinces unies de l'Amerique est animée du meme esprit de droiture d'amour de Justice et de respect pour le droit universel des gens libres, que la nation Angloise dont elle est issue et qu'elle rendra en justice ce qui appartient aux neutres. Mais la difficulté d'y parvenir faute de connoissance des voyes ujitées en Amerique est la raison que je prie Votre Excellence de m'aider.
Mon Correspondent et mandataire en Reclames des Produits du Plantage Fredericdorp à Suriname Mr. P. van der Meulen Dirckz. à Amsterdam étalera à votre Excellence les preuves authentiques que les 8679 livres de Café du Plantage Fredericdorp sont pris dans le vaisseau du Capt. Weis d'un Americain et vendu à Martenique; que les produits du Plantage Fredericksdorp appartiennent aux heritiers de Knoffel sujets neutres prussiens à Berlin et que la reclames est fondé sur la verité du fait; Votre Excellence etant convaincu de la { 144 } verité du fait et du droit, je demande la grave de lui donner la dessus l'attestation, de l'informer de la plus facile maniére dont il puisse recouvrer le prix d'Amsterdam de 8679 livres Café en question pour les sujets neutres prussiens et de suppediter ce qui nous manque de connoissance en Amerique.
Le caractère de votre Excellence deja connu en Europe me fait esperer que votre Excellence me donnera l'occasion de louer et faire connoitre l'amour de Justice de la nation que vous représentés dans les cas du droit des gens envers les neutres sujets prussiens. Je suis avec le plus profond respect Monsieur de votre Excellence le plus humble et très obéissant serviteur,
[signed] Jean Henri David Uhl
Conseiller à la Chambre de Justice superieure
allemande de sa majesté le Roi de Prussè

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0087-0002

Author: Uhl, Jean Henri David
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-01

Jean Henri David Uhl to John Adams: A Translation

[salute] Sir

It is because of the fact that your excellency, minister plenipotentiary of the united provinces of America, has displayed so many of the great qualities of his character, in view of the High Mightinesses, the States General at The Hague, that I have the confidence to ask for assistance in a very singular situation involving an American ship owner.
The Fredericdorp plantation in Suriname belongs to my wife and her family through an usufructuary bequest1 by J. F. Knoffel. The heiresses are the two daughters of the late P. L. Knoffel, finance minister for his Prussian majesty, brother of the testator, and consequently Prussian-born subjects in Berlin. The coffee crop aboard the Dutch ships was ours and was addressed in the name of the Fredericdorp plantation for our correspondent Mr. Pieter van der Meulen in Amsterdam.
It so happens often in the war that the English take Dutch ships loaded with Suriname's goods, but any goods belonging to neutral Prussian subjects on board these Dutch ships are returned by the English admiralty. The heirs of the Count de Neal in Berlin, who have several plantations in Suriname, have reclaimed and received their crops seized by the British from Dutch vessels. I am currently reclaiming 10,000 pounds of coffee from the Fredericdorp plantation in England. Recently, an English ship-owner took the ship of Captain C. G. Weis. An American took it back and sold the vessel and its cargo in Martinique. The 8,679 pounds of coffee from the Fredericdorp plantation, addressed to my correspondent van der Meulen, were on board the Dutch ship in question. The American took what is rightfully the Prussians'; the English would have returned it to them according to the European price in London or Amsterdam.2
{ 145 }
If the neutral Prussians cannot recover the goods taken by the Americans, then the mistake would be to fear the Americans, who are friends with the Dutch and with whom the Prussians trade, rather than to fear the English who are Holland's declared enemy.
The ship owner had the right to confiscate Dutch property taken back from the English by the rules of war but not the property of a neutral party. He ignored this, and being informed that the 8,679 pounds of coffee from the Fredericdorp plantation belong to the neutral Prussians, the law of nations demands that he return them. I no doubt have the right to reclaim the price of the 8,679 pounds according to the value in Amsterdam. It is a trifle for the ship owner who suddenly took 300,000 pounds of coffee from a Dutch ship and the ship itself; but what great pity and ruination for a Berlin family whose livelihood depends on the profits from a Suriname plantation!
I am certain that the united provinces of America are animated with the same spirit of love of justice and respect for the universal rights of free people as the English nation from which it descended, and that justice will be brought to the neutrals. But the difficulty in achieving this lies in not knowing the common ways in America, and that is the reason I am asking your excellency for assistance.
My correspondent and proxy for reclamations for the Fredericdorp plantation in Suriname, Mr. P. van der Meulen Dirckz in Amsterdam, will send authenticating proof to your excellency that 8,679 pounds of coffee from Fredericdorp plantation were taken from Captain Weis' ship by an American and sold in Martinique; that the Fredericdorp plantation's products belong to Knoffel's heirs, the neutral Prussian subjects in Berlin; and that the reclamation is based on fact. I ask that your excellency, being convinced of the truth of the facts and the law, grant me the favor of giving you the above attestation and of informing you in the easiest way possible so that you may recover the Amsterdam price for the 8,679 pounds of coffee in question for the Prussian neutrals, and provide us with the knowledge we lack about America.
Your excellency's character is already well known in Europe and makes me hope that you will give me this occasion to praise and recognize the love of justice in the country you represent in the case of the law of nations toward neutral Prussian subjects. I am, with the deepest respect for your excellency, sir, the very humble and very obedient servant,
[signed] Jean Henri David Uhl
Member of the Supreme German
Court of His Majesty the King of Prussia
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr J. H. D. Uhl. Berlin 1. Juiller 1782 ansd. 9.”
1. That is, the bequest permitted Uhl's wife and family to enjoy the profits of the plantation but did not transfer ownership to them (OED).
2. Uhl's complaint concerns the differing views of the status of neutral property. The British followed the traditional principle of the law of nations that enemy property was { 146 } subject to seizure wherever found, even on a neutral ship, while neutral property, unless it was contraband, was free or not subject to seizure wherever found, even on an enemy ship (Emerich de Vattel, The Law of Nations or the Principals of Natural Law, bk. 3, ch. 7, § 115–116). Thus when a British warship or privateer found Prussian merchandise on a Dutch ship, that property would be counted free and returned to the owner. The United States and France followed the alternative principle that free ships made free goods, which provided that all, even neutral, property was subject to seizure on an enemy ship and that all, even enemy, property was free on a neutral ship so long as it was not contraband (Miller, Treaties, 2:20–21). In the case cited by Uhl, the Dutch vessel recaptured from the English had apparently been judged to have been long enough in the hands of its British captors to have assumed the character of an enemy ship and thus all of its cargo was good prize. Nothing further is known about Uhl's case, which was apparently never pursued in the United States, but see JA's reply of 9 July, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0088

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Gerry, Elbridge
Date: 1782-07-02

To Elbridge Gerry

[salute] Dear sir

Well! how do you find yourself, after a little Repose? Are you married? or making Fortune in Trade? or Still buried in Politicks, and publick Good? I am in a longing Condition for your Letters, because they used to give me, the most comprehensive Ideas of affairs. You ought to remember me, for it was you, who sent me abroad in quest of Adventures,1 which have ruined me de fond en comble2—I am worn out and broken to Pieces—but can still laugh at the Folly, and ill Nature of the World.
I can tell you no News. The Mynheers have received us, with open Arms at last. If They should not do much for Us, they have increased our Reputation, and they have bound themselves to do nothing against Us, which is a great Point gained. The open, publick Manner in which all has been conducted, redounds much to our Honour.
The News, must be divided into that which respects War, and that which respects Peace. The War in Europe is wholly maritime. The combined Fleet Sailed from Cadiz, the 4. June, and has not been heard of Since.3 It is expected in the Channell, to be joined by the Dutch and by other French ships from Brest. But some begin to suspect, that Cordova is gone to Jamaica or New York. If they come to the Channell the English cannot meet them—they must skulk into Torbay &c certain little Intrigues, from certain Individuals in Russia and Denmark, make some suspect that these Powers wish to favour England, but they can do nothing.4 They all agree that the American Question is decided, but say there are so many Pretentions, against England, that she should be favord a little. Ireland has { 147 } carried Points for the present, which will be the foundation of a War between them and England hereafter.
Mr Grenville is at Paris, and after a long time has obtained Powers to treat with all the belligerent Powers, but as the English dont allow Us to be a Power, they mean to chicane, to raise the stocks, to get Money and to lull the sailers in to Tranquility, that they may press them without suspicion. I have no faith in the Success of this Negotiation for Peace, but wish I may be deceived.
What is become of the American Navy? Is it the System to let it die? This is not prescient. How does your Constitution Work and your Governors &c behave? does all play well like a good Instrument of Musick.
I hope you go to Congress again. Jackson and Lowell, I find are going, these are good Hands. But there is a Parsons that I want to go, if You and sullivan, Jackson Lowell, &c go, Mass. will be highly represented.5 We must send our best Men there. That is the great Wheel—The Governor himself, Councellors senators, Judges all ought to consider it, as honourable to go to Congress. We should be very carefull to send no mean Men there. <I wish I had the Honour to be there, nevertheless>.
I fancy, that in America, the Task will not be difficult—There are three subjects, which ought to be attended to above all Things, Finance, a Navy, and foreign affairs. These subjects are not yet generally well understood, and their immense Importance is not discerned. If We do not maintain an Independence in our foreign Politicks, if We do not avoid Frivolity, Intrigue and Chicane, and rest upon our proper Basis, Reason and Right our Posterity will have reason to regret it for Ages and forever. We shall be made the Sport. We are not and never shall be a Match for them, in Power and Magnificence Intrigues of Pleasure, Bribes and Corruption, and the moment We tolerate this Method in our Ministers, we are hurried down a torrent. Whereas it is the easiest Thing in the World to make ourselves respected, by standing upon national Interests.
In Time We shall have Courage equal to our Strength. It is worth while to go abroad, to see by what Men this World is governed—and by what Women!

[salute] Adieu, my dear Friend, remember me

RC (ICN: Herbert R. Strauss Coll.).
1. Gerry played a major role in obtaining JA's 1779 appointment to negotiate Anglo-American treaties of peace and commerce, but see in particular his 29 Sept. 1779 letter { 148 } informing JA of his selection and the circumstances by which it came about. There he wrote that “I flatter myself that You will not hesitate a Moment, at accepting the highest office of Honor and Trust, under the united States, when elected thereto by the Voice of eleven States” (vol. 8:179–184).
2. From top to bottom.
3. The combined fleet commanded by Spanish Admiral Córdoba, with a French contingent led by Guichen, was to be joined by a squadron from Brest under La Motte-Picquet in early July. Its objective was to block the mouth of the English Channel and thereby positioning itself to intercept convoys and hopefully bring the inferior British channel fleet to battle. While the presence of the combined fleet did free the Dutch fleet at Texel for operations in the North Sea, it produced few other tangible results. Early in his voyage, Córdoba captured nineteen vessels of a convoy bound to Newfoundland, but he was unable to intercept a far more valuable Jamaican convoy or force a decisive battle with the channel fleet (Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 290–291; Mackesy, War for America, p. 478–479).
4. The intrigues emanating from Russia and Denmark stemmed partly from Charles James Fox's proposal for a settlement of the Anglo-Dutch War based on the terms of the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1674, which would have placed Britain's maritime policy toward neutrals in accord with the principles of the Armed Neutrality. The proposal, first made in March and renewed in May, had no chance for success because of French opposition and Dutch recognition of the United States, but it encouraged Russia, supported by Denmark, to revive the proposal for an Austro-Russian mediation of the Anglo-French War (vol. 12:389–390). It is not surprising that JA dismissed as pointless an effort to revive the mediation in the summer of 1782 in view of the fact that he had rejected it unequivocally in conversations with Vergennes in July of 1781, for which see vol. 11:index. But Fox's proposal also was part of his effort to create a northern alliance composed of Britain, Russia, Prussia, and possibly Denmark, a diplomatic colossus that would enable Britain to obtain a favorable peace. It failed for a variety of reasons but most importantly because Russia had a secret alliance with Austria and thus could not enter into an alliance with Prussia (Scott, British Foreign Policy, p. 318–319).
5. Gerry and James Sullivan were elected to Congress in 1782 but neither attended. Jonathan Jackson and John Lowell each served for part of 1782 (Smith, Letters of Delegates, 18:xviii–xix; 19:xx). Parsons is likely Theophilus Parsons, who served with JA in the state constitutional convention of 1780 but never was elected to Congress.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0089

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Warren, James
Date: 1782-07-02

To James Warren

[salute] Dear Sir

It is a long time Since I had a Line from you, and from Sickness, and various Engagements it is long since I had the Pleasure of Writing to you.1 I Suppose that Milton Hill, furnishes you with Amusement enough, in your beloved science and Practice of Agriculture. I wish I had Fortune enough to purchase me an equal Farm upon Pens Hill, and enter into an Emulation with you, which should make his Hill shine the brightest. I find that the various Combinations of street Dust, Marsh Mud and Horse dung furnish a more delicate Employment, than the foul Regions of machiavillian Politicks. Yet when Honest Wisdom tryumphs over its opposite, as is sometimes the Case, Politicks themselves offerd an Exquisite Entertainment, to a well regulated Mind.
It is a Problem at present whether the English will evacuate { 149 } N. York and Charlestown or not. It is very probable they would if they could, but how to get away. A great Number of Transports must be had—these must be protected by a superiour Fleet. If Pigot, who succeeds Rodney2 should go with the whole Fleet, the French and Spaniards may do Mischief in the West Indies in the meantime.
It is supposed, that Carleton, has orders to make Propositions to Congress but what can they be?3 Reconcialion, Seperate Peace, even upon an express Acknowledgment of our Independence, can never be thought of. We must keep our faith and not violate our Treaties—it is whispered too that the Garrisons of N. York and Charlestown are to be removed to Rhode Island, which is to be fotified as a Place of Arms &c. This Policy is beyond my Comprehension. There is but one sensible system for the English, and it is amazing to me they dont see it, that is evacuate the United States and declare them by an Act of Parliament independent. Then, they might defend themselves better against France and Spain and other European Powers, would wish them success, and aid them by Negotiation to obtain more favourable Terms of Peace. But the present British Ministry have forced themselves into Power, partly by decrying the Capacity and Activity of the old Ministry and partly by Promisses to the King and Nation that they had Address enough to make a seperate Peace with America and Holland. Both these Professions were false—they now appear to be so—and the Ministry know not what to do.
The present Ministry therefore, as I conjecture will languish away the time undecided what to do, untill they become as unpopular as the past, unless the Parliament Should be dissolved, and a new Election should give them a more decided Majority, ready to vote for American Independance—the Principles of the Armed Neutrality; Fisheries to France and spain, Restitutions to Holland, Gibraltar and Minorca to Spain &c. &c &c.
Thus it is that an Empire has, in a Frenzy, committed Suicide upon itself, almost as suddenly, as one of its Individuals could have Swallowed a Pistol Bullet.
They have Succeeded in propagating a general opinion in Europe that Peace will be soon made, and that their Stocks will rise after a Peace which opinions have actually raised them before the Peace, 5 or 6 Per Cent, by foreigners sending over considerable sums to purchase in, if the Conferences for Peace should be broken off, the Stocks will fall again. Both Sides will be loth to break off: but I really dont expect that any Thing will come of them this year.
{ 150 }

[salute] My most profound Respects to your good Lady.

[salute] Adieu.

RC (MHi: Warren-Adams Coll.); endorsed: “Mr J A. Letter July 2. 82.”
1. James Warren's last letter to JA was of 4 June 1781 (vol. 11:352–353), but JA had written to Warren on 17 June, above.
2. Admiral Hugh Pigot replaced Sir George Rodney as admiral of the British fleet in the wake of the fall of the North government in March 1782. This proved an embarrassment for the new Rockingham government when news subsequently reached Great Britain of Rodney's victory at the Battle of the Saints. The government tried to undo its decision and recall Pigot, but he had already sailed for the West Indies (Mackesy, War for America, p. 472–473; Alfred Thayer Mahan, The Major Operations of the Navies in the War of American Independence, Boston, 1913, p. 225).
3. For the proposals to be made by Sir Guy Carleton, commander of the British forces in America, see vol. 12:414–415; for Congress' reaction, see Robert R. Livingston's letter of 22 May, and note 1, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0090

Author: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-02

From Jean de Neufville & Fils

[salute] Sir

We have to apprize your Excellency that we have received Two Bills of the United States in date of the 6th. July 1780 No. 84 and 85 a Six Months Sight, to the order of Joseph Carleton,1 drawn on the Honourble. Henry Laurens Esqr. for f 550 each, and to request you will inform us, where, we are to send 'em for Acceptance, And at the same time that you would be pleased to inform us whether it is your Wish we should carry the Amount of what you are indebted to us, (as mention'd pr. our letter of 31st. May) on Accot. of the States, and your own, to a new Accot., being as [per] our last together f 3772:17:8 as from our Senior Mr. J—— De N——'s having retired from Business, it becomes Necessary.2
With due respect We have the honour to be Your Excellency's Most Obedient & Hble: Servt:
[signed] John de Neufville Son
1. Joseph Carleton (1754–1812) was paymaster and secretary to the Board of War (JCC, 13:128; PCC, No. 49, f. 578).
2. The de Neufville firm was presumably creating new accounts for its clients upon Jean de Neufville's retirement. For an earlier reference to de Neufville's retirement, see his letter of 5 June, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0091

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Mazzei, Philip
Date: 1782-07-03

To Philip Mazzei

[salute] Sir

I have received the Letter, which you did me the Honour to write me the 21. May, and thank you for your Congratulations, on the { 151 } Tryumph the American Cause has gained, in this Country. I call it a Tryumph because, it prevailed over great obstacles, long Habits of Friendship, vast Interests of Capitalists in the Stocks, intimate ancient and modern Connections of ruling Families, and multifarious little Intrigues, from Several other Courts; I cannot call them refined as you do: to me, they appear gross.
I am not able to give you any Advice in the World. I dont believe you will succeed in any Attempt to borrow Money, but you may know better than my belief.
England is not cured of her Delirium, as yet. But the Devil is in the other Powers of Europe, if they Suffer the war to continue much longer. We shall have Ireland, in Alliance with America, France, Spain and Holland, very soon for what I know: and a lucky or unlucky Game and Cards may throw all Europe together by the Ears.
It is so easy and Simple to pacify the Universe that it is amazing it is not done. The System of Mankind is arranged exactly for the Purpose. There is nothing wanting, but for the confederated Neutral Powers, to admit the United States of America, to acceed to the Principles of the armed Neutrality, and the Business is done. England herself would rejoice in it, and, in her Heart thank those Powers, and the belligerent Powers, after this, would chicane but a very little time about Peace.
By keeping open this Dispute, the Neutral Powers may begin to think England too much weakened, and France and Spain too much Strengthened and by and by all may be embroiled. I dont know that America, need distress herself much about this, for the more miserable the Powers of Europe make their Subjects at home, the more will emigrate.
England is So equally divided into Parties, that neither has an Influence decided enough to acknowledge American Independence: but if the Example were set by the neutral Powers, the honest Party in England, would gain by it, Sufficient Authority to venture on the step.
If you are in a Situation to learn the refined Intrigues, as you call them, here, I wish you would explain them to me, for one can learn more in such a round about way, of such Things, than is to be got directly, nearer home.
We may make ourselves very easy, for neither “refined Intrigues” nor crude Intrigues, nor gross Intrigues, nor wicked Intrigues, can { 152 } much injure Us. The Rescources of our Country appear greater and greater, every Year and the Population, Wealth, and Power of the United States, augment every day, in the midst of the War. I have recd a Letter within four days from Boston1 which informs me, that the Numbers of People, have increased by many Thousands, Since a Valuation in 1778, according to a new one lately taken, that the Property was proportionally increased, and that even the horned Cattle had increased by many Thousands, notwithstanding the immense Consumption of Beef, by the American Army, the French, Spanish and even English Fleets and Armies, in the West Indies, and in the United States, for all those derive a great Part of their supplies of Provisions, directly or indirectly from New England.
Old England deserves to be damned, and will be, without Repentance for having ever indulged the desire or conceived the Thought of enslaving such a Country: and a great Part of Europe deserve little less, for having viewed the accursed Project, with so much Indifference and Lukewarmness. I never could find an Image to represent the wickedness of this attempt in Britain. Herods murder of the Innocents was a trifle in comparison.2 Lady Macbeth uttered a Sentiment a little like it.

“I have given Suck; and know how tender tis to love

the Babe that milks me: yet would I: even when 'twas

smiling in my face; have plucked my Nipple from its

boneless Gums and dash'd the Branis out.”3

Stop Mother! You may pluck away the Nipple, if you please But the Boy is too big for the rest—have a Care, Mamma!
Such a total Deprivation of all the Moral Sentiments and natural Feelings, must and ever will be punished. Let Us lament that human Nature is capable of such Baseness, but let Us rejoice too, that it is capable of Elevation enough to resist it.

[salute] But I am wandering while I should asure you of the Esteem &c.

1. This letter may have been Isaac Smith Sr.'s of 6 May, which has not been found but is mentioned in JA's letter of 1 July to AA (AFC, 4:337–339). The economic information as related by JA was similar to that conveyed in other letters from Smith. See, for example, his letters to JA of 7 Sept. (same, 4:378–379) and 9 Oct., below.
2. For Herod's murder of every male child in Bethlehem under two years of age after Jesus' birth, see Matthew, 2:16.
3. Shakespeare, Macbeth, Act I, scene vii, lines 55–58. For previous references by JA to this passage, see vol. 9:89; 10:439.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0092

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Date: 1782-07-03

To Jean de Neufville & Fils

[salute] Gentlemen

I have received your Letter of Yesterday, and as to the Bills of Exchange, you will please to Send them to me, for Examination and Acceptance.
As to your Accounts; I called, at your House, the Morning I left Amsterdam, with the Cash in order to discharge them, but not finding you within I was obliged to come away to this Place, from whence I wrote to Messrs Willinks &c desiring them to pay you, who answered me that they had offered it, but you had made Some difficulty about receiving it.1
However, whenever, or wherever it is paid, there must be two Accounts made out, one against the United States of America, and the other against me, and whenever this is done I am ready to pay the Money here, or Messrs Willinks &c will pay it at Amsterdam, but Receipts must be taken upon each Account as a Voucher.
I Shall not dispute the Articles of the Accounts although I think it was very imprudently managed to pay the Stamps &c &c upon all the obligations, before it was known, that [not] more than four of them could be disposed of. And the Expences for Advertisements in the News Papers when there could not be more than four or five Creditors or Possessors of Obligations, appear still more extraordinary.
I will enter however into no Disputes but pay the Accounts when presented to me or desire Messrs Willinks &c to pay them when presented to them, that there may be an End of this Business.
Meantime I have the Honour to be, your most obedient sert
[signed] J. Adams
P.S. There is the Expence of the Picture of General Washington, and that of the Frame of my sons,2 which I beg you to add to my private Account, as I see those Articles are omitted.
1. See JA to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, 13 June (1st letter), and their reply of 21 June, both above.
2. For these portraits, see also Household Inventories of the U.S. Legation at The Hague, 14 May 1782 – 24 June 1784, No. II. Marie Dumas' Inventory of Household Furnishings, 22 June 1784, notes 1, 3, and 4, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0093

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Rutledge, Edward
Date: 1782-07-04

To Edward Rutledge

[salute] Dear sir

I do my self the Honour to inclose these Papers relative to the Chester, to you, and to beg the Favour of your Attention and Advice, to the Gentleman who bears them.1
The owners are very confident that Injustice has been done them. There was no Claim; and they say that the Privateers, contrary to their Bonds, Sent away the Master, and other Persons who could have claimed for them. That no British Subject, had directly or indirectly any Interest in Vessell or Cargo. The owners are very respectable People and I should be very happy to have them convinced, that no Injustice has been done them, if that is the Case, or to obtain Justice for them if they have been wronged. If the Privateers went contrary to their Bonds, those Bonds may be put in suit, for the Benefit of the Injured, or I suppose an Action for Damages would lie against the Commanders.
I congratulate you most Sincerely, on your Restoration to Liberty,2 and live in hopes of sometime meeting you, again in Congress.

[salute] With great Esteem &c

1. The person carrying this letter has not been identified, but JA's purpose in writing is to introduce him to Rutledge as a Charleston lawyer well qualified to represent the owners of the Chester, a Dutch sloop captured by the South Carolina privateers Experiment and Fair American in 1777. The case ultimately was settled in favor of the captors in 1787. For previous references to the Chester, particularly the letter of 17 June 1781 from F. & A. Dubbeldemuts, Rotterdam merchants with an interest in the vessel, which may have included the otherwise unidentified documents included with this letter, see vols. 7:288, 289; 11:378–379, 380–381.
2. Rutledge had been captured at the fall of Charleston in May 1780 and held at St. Augustine from Sept. 1780 until he was exchanged in July 1781 (DAB; Smith, Letters of Delegates, 17:434).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0094

Author: Hodshon, John
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-04

From John Hodshon

[salute] His Excellencÿ

By Capt: Trowbridge arrived from Boston received à Letter from our Mutual friend M. Isaak Smith1 with Two Bills on the Honnourable Henry Laurens Esqe. for bf550. Each which presúmed to present your Excellencÿ for Acceptance and request to retúrn the Same.
At same Time Shall be Obliged to your Excellencÿ to be Informed where to present the six Bills for payment falling due the 4 of next Month.
{ 155 }
I am on all Occasions with the profoundest Esteem and Consideration His Excellencÿ Your Most Obd: & Much Obligd Servt
[signed] John Hodshon
1. Isaac Smith Sr. was AA's uncle and a business associate of Hodshon. In 1780 Smith had forwarded a letter through Hodshon to JA at Paris (AFC, 3:285).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0095

Author: Livingston, Robert R.
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-04

From Robert R. Livingston

No: 9
Triplicate

[salute] Sir

By every late advice from Holland we learn their disposition to enter into a Treaty with us and tho' we have no intelligence from you since the 11th: of March, we Still presume that you have ere this been received in your public Character—no wise governmt: constituted as that of the United Provinces is, will venture long to oppose the wishes of the people. I am very Solicitous to know how you have availed yourself of the opening this has Afforded you.1
If you have been unconditionally received, it will give you more leisure to mature the plan of a Subsequent Treaty, which is too important in its Consequences to be hurried—if possible, it were to be wished that the heads of it as proposed on either Side, could be sent here and submitted to the Judgment of Congress, before any thing was absolutely agreed. The independency to which each of the states are entitled renders great caution in all commercial engagements not provided for particularly by the confederation absolutely necessary for which reason I should prefer definite Articles to loose expressions of standing on the same ground with the most favoured nations. Our Connexion with the West Indies renders it proper to lay that Trade as open to us as possible. Great benefit would result both to us and the Dutch from giving us one or two free ports in such of their Colonies as raise Sugars, where we could exchange the produce of both Countries, and check that monopoly which other nations will endeavour to create at our Expence. Nothing will encourage the growth of such Colony or enable them to raise sugars to more advantage than the cheap and easy rates at which they would thereby receive the produce of this Country. I need not urge the propriety of availing yourself of your present situation to procure a Loan. You may easily convince the government of the Validity of the { 156 } security which it is in the power of a growing Country, as yet very little incumbered with debt to give That security will derive new force from our being a Commercial people, with whom public Credit is almost invariably preserved with the most scrupulous attention. And such is our present Situation that a Twentieth part of what Great Britain expends annually in her attempt to enslave us, would be more than Sufficient to enable us to defeat all her attempts and to place our finances on the most respectable footing. I see the people of the United Provinces are struck with the importance of forming a commercial connection with us, when ours with Britain is dissolved. Not only Congress, as appears by their public Acts, but the whole body of the people are strongly opposed to the least intercourse with Britain. This would effectually prevent it, if in addition thereto three or four large frigates or two fifties could be stationed in the Delaware or Chesapeak, So as to protect our Commerce against the British frigates from New York. In this case a Voyage to this Country and from thence to the Islands, where our flour and lumber commands the highest price either in money or produce affords the fairest prospect to the European merchant of the most profitable returns. Tobacco and bills offer a more direct return to those whose Capitals will not permit them to engage in the circuitous Commerce I have mentioned.
This Letter is hastily written, as the express that carries it is to go off this evening and I have several others to write. I mention this that you may not consider any thing it contains as an instruction from Congress to whom it has not been submitted.
I have the honor to be, sir With great respect & esteem Your most obedt humble servt:
[signed] Robt R Livingston
RC (MHi: John Adams, Embassy MSS); endorsed: “Mr Livingstons Letter of 4. July 1782. triplicate. No: 9. ansd.”
1. JA's letter of 11 March, together with those of 27 Feb. and 10 March (vol. 12:308–310, 274–277, 304–305) had arrived on 31 May (PCC, No. 185, III, f. 29). Since then, on 24 June (same, f. 31), Livingston had received JA's first and second letters of 25letters of 25 (2) and 29 Dec. 1781 and 14 and 15 Jan. 1782 (all calendared) to the president of Congress and JA's letter of 14 Feb. to himself (vol. 12:158, 165–166, 186–191, 233–235). JA's letter of 19 April, announcing his admission as the U.S. minister at The Hague, was received on or about 14 Sept. (vol. 12:420–428).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0096

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-07-05

To Edmund Jenings

[salute] Dear sir

Will you be so good as to inclose the inclosed to your Friend B and tell him that your humble servant is not the ill natured Mortal that Anonimous Gentry represent him.1
Pray what is the News about Peace? You know I presume the whole History of it. I know nothing. Is Mr Jay arrived at Paris? Is, the U. S. of America a belligerent Power? Where is the combined Fleet? Is Gibraltar to be relieved? Is common sense ever to return to G. B.? Is the Pope about to abolish the Inquisition? The Celibacy of the Clergy? &c dont the Emperor make another Journey this summer?
The States of Holland are assembled and next Wednesday go upon my Treaty—and they Say We shall soon agree.2 The Dutch Fleet too they say is going out. What a Scourge to his Country is that Rodney? His Countrymen, as soon as ever they begin to come to their senses, have their Heads turned again by some of his Feats? But it cannot be always so—a few more thirty Millions, will drain the Fountain.
Pray have you any certain Intelligence that Mr A. Lee is in Congress. I see by the Papers Mr Izzard is chosen?3
Adieu
1. See the anonymous letter attacking JA that Jenings received from his friend Edward Bridgen and then enclosed with his letter of 6 June to JA, above.
2. That is, on 10 July. A printed copy of the report on the treaty that the Provincial States of Holland and West Friesland adopted on 18 July is in the Adams Papers. There it is accompanied by a partial French translation in Dumas' hand. The focus of the report was on the revision or omission of Arts. 22 and 23 of the draft treaty, for which see The Negotiation of the Dutch-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce, 22 Aug. – 8 Oct., below.
3. Arthur Lee had been elected to Congress in Dec. 1781 and reelected in June 1782. He served for lengthy periods in 1782, and in July he was in attendance in Philadelphia. Ralph Izard was elected to Congress in Jan. 1782 and served through much of 1782 into 1783 (Smith, Letters of Delegates, 18:xxiii, xxii; 19:xxv, xxiv).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0097

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-07-05

To Robert R. Livingston

[salute] Sir

Soon after my publick Reception by their High Mightinesses The Body of Merchants of the City of Schiedam, were pleased to send a { 158 } very respectable Deputation from among their Members, to the Hague, to pay their Respects to Congress and to me as their Representative, with a very polite Invitation to a publick Entertainment in their City, to be made upon the occasion.1 As I had Several other Invitations from various Places and Provinces about the Same Time, and had two many Affairs upon my Hands to be able to accept of them, I prevailed upon all to excuse me, for Such Reasons as ought to be and I Suppose were Satisfactory. The Deputies from Schiedam requested me to transmit from them to Congress, the inclosed Compliment, which I promised to do. I was much affected with the Zeal and ardour of these worthy Gentlemen and their Constituents, which with many other Things of a Similar Kind, convinced me, that there is in this Nation a strong Affection for America and a Kind of religious Veneration for her just Cause.2
With great Respect, I have the Honour to be sir, your most obedient & most humble sert
[signed] J. Adams
RC and enclosure (PCC, No. 84, IV, f. 113–122); endorsed: “a Letter from Mr Adams, July 5th: 1782.”
1. See C. W. F. Dumas to JA, 30 April, note 1 (vol. 12:474–475), and JA to Dumas, 2 May, and Dumas' Address to the City of Schiedam, [8 May], both above.
2. The enclosed “compliment” was addressed to JA, dated 24 April, and signed by six deputies appointed by the merchants and traders of Schiedam. Therein was recounted the Dutch struggle for independence against Spanish tyranny, the remembrance of which required Dutch support for the American cause. The merchants congratulated JA on being the representative of “l'Illustre Congrès Américain” and celebrated that “Jour Glorieux” when the Netherlands recognized the United States and cemented a lasting relationship between the two nations. The address ended with the merchants' expressing their hope that the products of Schiedam could be imported into the United States without being subjected to heavy duties. For an English translation of the address, see Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:596–597.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0098

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-07-05

To Robert R. Livingston

[salute] Sir

I have the honour to inclose Copies in Dutch and English of the Negotiation, which I have entered into, for a Loan of Money.1 My Commission for borrowing Money, promises to ratify what I should do;2 and the Money Lenders, require Such a Ratification, which Messrs Willinks, Van Staphorsts, and De La Lande and Fynje, have engaged Shall be transmitted. Authentic Copies of the original Contracts, in Dutch and English, are inclosed for the Ratification of Congress, which I must intreat them to transmit forthwith, by various opportunities, that We may be Sure of receiving it, in time; for I { 159 } Suppose, the Gentlemen will not think it Safe, for them to pay out, any considerable Sum of the Money, untill, it arrives.3
Although I was obliged to engage with them, to open the Loan for five Millions of Guilders, I dont expect We Shall obtain that Sum for a longtime. If We get a Million and an Half, by Christmas it will be more than I expect.
I Shall not venture to dispose of any of this Money, except for Relief of escaped Prisoners, the Payment of the Bills heretofore drawn on Mr Laurens, which are every day arriving, and a few other Small and unavoidable Demands, but leave it entire to the Disposition of Congress, whom I must intreat not to draw, untill they receive Information from the Directors of the Loan, how much Money they are Sure of; and then to draw immediately upon them.
These Directors are three Houses, well esteemed in this Republick Messs Wilhem and Jan Willink, Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst and de la Lande and Fynje.
I have made the Contract, upon as good Terms as I could obtain—Five Per Cent Interest—Two Per Cent to the House or rather to the Society of Houses—Two Per Cent to the undertakers—and half Per Cent for Brokerage and other Charges. This four and an half Per Cent, together with one Per Cent for receiving and paying off, the annual Interest, is to include, all the Expences of the Loan of every Sort. These are as moderate Terms, as any Loan is done for. France gives at least as much, and other Powers much more.4
I must beg, that the Ratifications of the Obligations may be transmitted immediately by the way of France, as well as Holland by Several opportunities.
The Form of Ratification, must be Submitted to Congress. But would it not be Sufficient to certify, by the Secretary in Congress, upon each of the Copies inclosed in English and Dutch, that they had been received and read in Congress, and thereupon resolved that the original Instruments, executed by me, before the Said Notary be, and hereby are ratified and confirmed.
The Form of the obligations is Such, as was advised, by the ablest Lawyers and most experienced Notaries, and is conformable to the usage when Loans are made here for the Seven Provinces. It is adapted to the Taste of this Country, and therefore lengthy and formal, but it Signifies no more, in Substance, than, “that the Money being borrowed, must be paid.”
With great Respect and Esteem, I have the Honour to be, Sir, your most obedient & most humble Servant
[signed] John Adams
{ 160 }
RC and enclosure (PCC, No. 84, IV, f. 95–112); enclosure endorsed: “Copy Contract with certain money lenders in Holland.”
1. Enclosed with this letter were five copies in Dutch and English of JA's loan contract with Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, [11 June], above. This letter and the contracts in turn were enclosed with the loan consortium's letter of 11 July to Robert R. Livingston (PCC, No. 78, XIV, f. 523–526). For JA's transmission of the letter printed here, together with four additional copies of it, to the consortium, see his letter of 10 July to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, below.
2. See JA's commission of 20 June 1780 to negotiate a loan (vol. 9:452–453).
3. For the consortium's explanation to Congress of how the money would be paid out, see the 11 July letter from Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, note 4, below.
4. Compared to the 5 percent interest rate paid by the United States, Britain was borrowing at 3.25 percent and France at nearly 6 percent. For an evaluation of the loan and the terms obtained by JA, see James Grant, John Adams: Party of One, N.Y., 2005, p. 272–276.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0099

Author: Adams, John
DateRange: 1782-07-05 - 1782-07-08

A Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe

[salute] Sir

This War has already continued so many Years, been extended to so many Nations, and been attended with so many unnatural and disagreable Circumstances that Every Man, who is not deficient in the Sentiments of Philanthropy, must wish to see Peace, restored upon just Principles, to Mankind:2 I shall therefore make no other Apology, for the Liberty I take in Writing this Letter, not in a public ministerial Character, but in a private and confidential Manner So that it is not expected or desired that you should make any further Use of it, then for your private amusement, unless you should judge it proper, to take any publick steps in Consequence of it, in which Case you are at Liberty to make what Use of it you think proper.
All the World professes to wish for Peace: England professes Such a Desire, France, Spain, Holland and America, profess it. The neutral Powers, profess it, and Some of them are giving themselves much Trouble, by Negotiations and offers of Mediation to accomplish, it, either generally or at least partially. All the Nations at War with England seem to be be very well agreed in the Sentiment, that any partial or Seperate Peace, would only retard a general Peace, and therefore do more harm than good, and this Sentiment, is past all doubt perfectly just.
What Measures than can be taken, with any plausible appearance of Probability, to bring about a General Peace?
Great Britain, is in a Situation as critical as any Nation was ever known to Stand in. Ireland and all her foreign Dominions discon• { 161 } tented, and almost ripe to follow the Example of the United states of America in throwing off, all their Connections with her. The Nation at home, nearly equally divided between the old Ministry and the New, and between the old System and the new, So that no Party, has an Influence sufficiently clear to take any decided Step. A Sentiment of Compassion for England3<and a Jealousy of the growing Commerce and naval Power of their Ennemies>,4 may take Place in Some of the neutral Powers, and after sometime induce them, especially if any new Motive should turn up, to become Parties to the War, and thus involve all Nations in a flame.
America has perhaps the least to dread, perhaps the most to gain by Such an Event of any of the Nations of the World. She would wish however to avoid it. But the Question is, in what manner?
If England could be unanimous, in the only Plan of Wisdom she might easily resolve this Question, by instantly declaring the United states of America, A souvereign and independent state—and by inviting them as Such to a Congress, for a general Pacification, under the Mediation of the two Imperial Courts as was proposed last Year.5 But the present british Ministers are not Sufficiently Seated in the Confidence of the King or the Nation to venture upon so Striking a Measure. The King would be displeased, the Nation allarmed, and the old Ministry and their Partisans, would raise a popular Cry against them, that they had Sacraficed the Honour and Dignity of the Crown and the essential Interests of the Nation.
Something is therefore wanting, to enable the Government in England to do what is absolutely necessary for the Safety of the Nation. In order to discover what that is, it is necessary to recollect, a Resolution of Congress of the
5th. of October 1780, in these Words
“Her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, attentive to the Freedom of Commerce, and the Rights of Nations, in her Declaration to the belligerent and neutral Powers, having proposed Regulations founded on Principles of Justice, Equity and Moderation, of which their most Christian and Catholic Majestys, and most of the neutral maritime Powers of Europe, have declared their Approbation, Congress willing to testify their Regard to the Rights of Commerce, and their Respect for the Sovereign, who hath proposed, and the Powers who have approved the said Regulations.
Resolve, that the Board of Admiralty prepare and Report Instructions for the Commanders of armed Vessells, commissioned by the { 162 } United States, conformable to the Principles contained in the Declaration of the Empress of all the Russias, on the Rights of neutral Vessells.
That the Ministers Plenipotentiary, from the United States, if invited thereto, be, and hereby are, respectively impowerd to accede to Such Regulations, conformable to the Spirit of the Said Declaration, as may be agreed upon, by the Congress expected to assemble in pursuance of the Invitation of her imperial Majesty.”6
This Resolution, I had the Honour on the 8th of March 1781 of communicating to their High Mightinesses, and to the Ministers of Russia, Sweeden and Denmark residing at the Hague, and to inform them, that I was ready and desirous of pledging the Faith of the United states, to the Observances of the Principles of the armed Neutrality, according to that Resolution of Congress.7
Now I Submit it to your Consideration sir, whether the Simplest and most natural Method of bringing this War to a General Conclusion is not, for the neutral Powers to admit a Minister from Congress to acceed to the Principles of the marine Treaty of Neutrality in the Same manner as France and Spain have done.
But it will be Said this is Acknowledging the Souvereignty of the United States of America. Very true—and for this very Reason it is desirable, because it settles the main question of the Controversy, it immediately reconciles, all the illdisposed Part of the English Nation to the Measure, it prepares the Way to the two Imperial Courts to invite the Ministers of the United states of America to a Congress, for making Peace under their Mediation, and enables the British Ministry to reconcile the King and the present opposition to an Act of Parliament declaring America independent, and most probably is the only Method of Saving Great Britain herself from all the Horrors of an internal civil war.
This great Point once decided, the Moderation of the belligerent Powers and the impartial Equity of the two imperial mediating Courts, would leave no room to doubt of a Speedy general Peace.
Without Some such Interposition of the Neutral Powers, the War will probably be prolonged untill a civil War breaks out in England, for which the Parties there appear to be nearly ripe. The Vanity of that Nation will always enable artfull Men to flatter it, with illusive hopes of Divisions among their Ennemies, of Reconciliation with America, and of Seperate Peace with some that they make take vengeance on others. But these are all Delusions—America will never be unfaithfull to their Allies nor to herself.
{ 163 }
I wish therefore, Sir, for your Advice, whether it would not be prudent for the Sates General to take Some Steps. To propose this matter to the Considerations of the Empress of Russia, the Emperor of Germany and all the other Neutral Courts—or at least to instruct their Ambassadors at all those Courts, to promote, the Admission of the United states of America to become Parties to the late Marine Treaty.8
LbC (Adams Papers); located between items dated 5 and 8 July.
1. This date is derived from this letter's location in the Letterbook between JA's second letter of 5 July to Robert R. Livingston (above) and that of 8 July to John Jay (below), but see also note 3. The caption is taken from JA's comment following the letter as printed in the Boston Patriot of 17 April 1811. There he wrote: “N. B. in 1810. This letter in the substance of it, was afterwards transformed into 'A memorial to the sovereigns of Europe,' and published in the gazette of Leyden, and from that into many other journals, without any names.”
Although a revised version of this letter was published in several newspapers, European and American, it seems likely that when JA wrote it he had a recipient in mind, possibly the French ambassador, the Duc de La Vauguyon. This may be indicated by JA's statement in the first paragraph that he was not writing “in a public ministerial Character” but rather intended the letter for the recipient's “private amusement” unless he judged “it proper, to take any publick steps in Consequence of it.” Further evidence that JA did not initially intend the letter for publication is his statement immediately after the text of Congress' resolution of 5 Oct. 1780 that “This Resolution, I had the Honour on the 8th of March 1781 of communicating to their High Mightinesses.” That, plus the reference in the first paragraph, clearly identified JA as the author, something that he likely would not have done if he originally intended to publish the letter.
At some point JA decided not to send the letter but rather to have it published, and to facilitate that effort he had C. W. F. Dumas translate the letter. The format of Dumas' very literal translation in his letterbook (Nationaal Archief, The Hague, Dumas Papers, Microfilm) makes it almost certain that it was done from JA's Letterbook copy, and it is clear that all of the French printings were derived from that translation. Although it is impossible to know with certainty how many European newspapers the letter appeared in, JA wrote to JQA on 18 Aug. that it had been printed in the Courier du Bas Rhin, the Gazette de Leyde, and the Gazette de la Haye (AFC, 4:366–367). It also appeared in Courier de l'Europe of 23 Aug. and Lepolitique hollandais of 26 August. JA sent a copy of the Courier du Bas Rhin containing the piece to Cotton Tufts, who had it translated and printed in the Boston Evening Post of 2 Nov. (same, 5:12, 14).
Before the letter was published, the salutation, date, and personal pronouns were removed. Because these alterations did little to change either the meaning or the tone of the letter, they have not been indicated by specific notes. But two changes were significant: the removal of a portion of the first paragraph and the replacement of the final paragraph with a wholly new creation, for which see notes 2 and 8. It cannot be determined whether JA, or perhaps Dumas, made the changes before the document was submitted for publication or whether one of the publications' editors made them before publishing the piece. What is clear is that the copy printed in the Gazette de Leyde of 11 Aug. is identical to that in the Courier de l'Europe and Le politique hollandais and, from an examination of the English translation in the Boston Evening Post, to that in the Courier du Bas Rhin. In the Gazette de Leyde the proposal was preceded by a short introduction commenting on Britain's difficulty in deciding how and when to recognize the United States as a party to peace negotiations and offering JA's proposal as a means to cut the Gordian knot. In the Boston Evening Post, apparently the only American newspaper in which it appeared, it was prefaced by the headnote: “The following speculation on the most likely means of bringing about a general peace, was published in Europe in the month of August last. { 164 } | view It is said to have been written by an American gentleman now residing in Holland, whose great abilities as a statesman are universally acknowledged. If you think that its publication, though under the disadvantage of a translation, will be acceptable to your readers, it is at your service.”
2. As printed the remainder of this paragraph was omitted.
3. JA's remarks here and in the second paragraph below about the British ministry refer to the overthrow of the North ministry and its replacement by Rockingham's, and are similar to the sentiments expressed in his letter of 8 July to John Jay (below). This is another indication that JA wrote on or before 8 July, because in the letter to John Jay of that date it is clear that JA did not yet know of Rockingham's death, which was first reported in the Gazette d'Amsterdam of 9 July.
4. When JA prepared the letter for publication in the Boston Patriot, he restored this passage.
5. For the proposed Austro-Russian mediation, see the indexes to vols. 11 and 12 and the index to this volume, below. The proposals contained in this letter and later in the published version, however, had been overtaken by events. By July 1782 direct, if only preliminary, negotiations aiming toward a peace were already in progress among Britain, France, Spain, and the United States. This effectively made the proposed Austro-Russian mediation or the League of Armed Neutrality's recognition of the United States irrelevant.
6. JCC, 18:905–906.
7. Vol. 11:182–185 .
8. As printed in Europe and America in 1782 but not in the Boston Patriot in 1811, this paragraph was replaced by the following: “Ainsi, repuë de chimères en chimères, la Grande-Brétagne verra à la fin ses maux devenir incurables; et le Système de la Neutralité-armée, qui peut-étre n'eût jamais eu lieu sans la Révolution Américaine, et qui ne scauroit subsister qu'imparfaitement, si les Etats-Unis ne sont admis à la jouissance de ses avantages et a l'observation de ses devoirs, restera sans effet et s'évanouira enfin dans l'ancienne Anarchie” (Gazette de Leyde, 11 Aug.). Translation: “Thus conducted from one chimera to another, Great Britain will finally become incurable, and the system of the armed neutrality which would never have been attempted to be formed without the American revolution, and which cannot subsist if the United States are not admitted to the enjoyment of its advantages and, the observation of its duties, will remain without effect, and vanish into its antient anarchy” (Boston Evening Post, 2 Nov.).
The reasons for the change cannot be known with certainty, but two possibilities seem likely. The first is that the change removed the last vestiges of the original letter format by deleting the appeal for advice. The second is that it provided the piece with a more decisive ending, one that emphasized the American Revolution's effect on European diplomacy.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0100

Author: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-05

From Jean de Neufville & Fils

[salute] Sir

Agreable to Your Excellencys directions1 We have the honour to inclose two bills for acceptance viz.
No   84 in date of 6 July 1780   }   drawn by F Hopkinson order J Carleton on The Honble: Col Laurens for f550 each.  
“   85 . . . . . . . . do do  
Mrs. Delalande Fynje told us some time ago it is true that they had directions to pay us 2 accounts for Your Excellency one publik and one private but how great our personal reguard be for these gentlemen, we did not Suppose it was the choice of Your Excellency { 165 } that they Should look into these accounts—because that will be exactly as your Excellency will Chuse to direct us. We wonder a little at the observations you still are pleased to make upon these accounts—the Stamps could not have been got of the same date after the first Jany 82 and the 500 last were only ordered in December. We will restrain from any other observation or Apology. The frames we omitted on Purpose the print having been given by our friend Coll Trumbull we wished to pay Your Excellency the Compliment of the frame and we beg that it may stand as it is as to that of Young Mr Adams picture as their may not be the Same propriety we may add it to the account though its almost too trifling a matter to be remembered.
We have the honour to be Sir Your Excellencys Most Obedient & Very humble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville Son
1. See JA to de Neufville & Fils, 3 July, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0101

Author: Morris, Lewis R.
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-06

From Lewis R. Morris

No: 1
4plicate

[salute] Sir

The same opportunity which carries this to Europe, also conveys Bills to Doctor Franklin, for the amount of the Salaries due our foreign Ministers, from the first day of January to the first day of April 1782.
Your Salary for that time is £650 stg reduced to Dollars at 4/6 sterg. is 2.777 68/90 Doles. Exchange at 6/3 Curreny for 5. Livres is. 14.583 lt Livres, You will draw on Doctor Franklin for this sum.1
I am sorry it is out of my power to include in this account, the allowance you make your private Secretary, and the contingent Expences of your Office, but not possest of any rule to estimate either of these Charges, they must necessarily remain unsettled, till we are informed of their amount, you will be pleased to advise Mr Livingston on this subject as soon as possible, with the state of your account, that it may be settled, and the arrears if any, remitted to you.
I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient humble Servant.
[signed] L R Morris
{ 166 }
RC and enclosure (MHi: John Adams, Embassy MSS); addressed: “His Excellency John Adams Hague”; endorsed: “L. R. Morris 6. July 1782 relative to Salary.” This letter was written on a sheet folded to make four pages. On the third page is a duplicate of Lewis Morris' letter of 9 Aug. (Adams Papers) concerning JA's salary from 1 April to 1 July, and enclosed is a bill signed by Robert Morris and drawn on the Grands at Paris for JA's salary for that period. For other copies of this letter, see note 1, below.
1. The figures given by Morris in this letter are confusing. The first problem is that he entered the wrong sum for JA's salary. In 1779, Congress set the yearly salary of a minister at £2,500 sterling per year or, as in this letter, £625 per quarter (JCC, 15:1145). In fact, Morris used that figure when he computed the sum in dollars, but the dollar amount should be 2,777 70/90 at an exchange rate of 4s. 6d. per dollar. In the second conversion to French livres tournois, Morris refers to the exchange rate between Pennsylvania currency and livres tournois. At par value, £166.67 Pennsylvania currency was worth £100 sterling. Therefore, £625 sterling equaled £1,041.67 Pennsylvania currency, which, at 6s. 3d. Pennsylvania currency per 5 , equaled 16,666 13s., rather than the 14,583 that Morris gives in this letter. However, Morris' figure is the same as that produced by using the exchange rate Congress adopted on 7 March 1783 and applied retroactively to salaries due on 1 Jan. 1783 (JCC, 24:175–176). For the effect this had on ministerial salaries, see Laurens, Papers, 16:257.
There are two other extant copies of Morris' letter, both in the Adams Papers. One is virtually identical to this letter as printed, containing the same figures and a copy of Morris' letter of 9 Aug. on the third page. The other, designated as a quadruplicate, does not give JA's salary in pounds sterling, only the dollar amount, and gives the amount in livres tournois, converted from Pennsylvania currency, correctly as 16,666 13s. The reason for the discrepancy is unknown, since all of the copies are in Morris' hand. It should be noted, however, that when JA received his salary from the Grands, the exchange rate was 24 per pound sterling, or 15,000 for the quarter (Foreign Ledgers, Public Agents in Europe, 1776–1787, DNA: RG 39 [Microfilm], f. 190).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0102

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jay, John
Date: 1782-07-08

To John Jay

[salute] Sir

The Duke de la Vauguion has this Moment, kindly given me Notice, that he is to Send off a Courier this Evening at Eleven, and that the Dutch Fleet has Sailed from the Texel this Morning.
I shall take Advantage of the Courier Simply to congratulate you, on your Arrival at Paris,1 and to wish you and Mrs Jay, much Pleasure, in your Residence there. Health, the Blessing which is Sought in vain, among these Meadows and Canals, you can Scarcely fail of enjoying in France.
Shall I beg the Favour of you, to write me, from Time to Time the Progress of the Negotiation for Peace? The states of Holland, go upon my Project of a Treaty, the 10th. and I dont foresee any Obstacle to the Compleation of, it, Slowly however. After which I fancy I shall make a further Proposal, with great Modesty and Humility as becomes me, but which the English, if not the Russians and the Danes, will think very forward and assuming. How the Loan here is { 167 } likely to suceed I cannot as yet inform you, I am flattered with Hopes of getting a Million and an half, but I dare not depend upon one Quarter Part of that sum, nor indeed upon any Part, untill the Money is received. Appearances in this Country are not less uncertain now than they were in the Times of D'Avaux and D'Estralles.2
I hope, in God that your Spanish Negotiation has not wrecked your Constitution as my Duch one, has mine. I would not undergo again, what I have suffered here, in Body and mind, for the Fee Simple of all their Spice Islands. I love them however, because with all their Faults and under all their Disadvantages, they have at Bottom a Strong Spirit of Liberty, a Sincere Affection for America, and a Kind of religious Veneration for her Cause.
There are Intrigues, going on here, which originate in Petersbourg and Copenhagen, which Surprize me. They Succeed very ill: but they are curious—have you discerned any coming from the same sources at Madrid or Versailles? Whether the Object of them is, to Stir up a Party in favour of England to take a Part in the War, or only to favour her in Obtaining moderate Terms of Peace, or whether it is Simply, to share some of her Guineas, by an Amusement of this kind, like a game at Cards is a Problem.3
As to Peace, no Party in England Seems to have Influence enough to dare to make, one real Advance towards it. The present Ministry are really to be pitied. They have not Power to do any Thing. I am Surprized they dont all resign—if they dissolve Parliament, I dont believe they would get a better. Is Mr Carmichael4 at Paris with you, or does he continue at Madrid?5
With great Esteem I have the Honour to be Sir your most obedient servant
[signed] J. Adams
RC (NNC: John Jay Papers); endorsed: “adams. 8 July 1782 ansd 2 Augt.”
1. JA apparently learned of Jay's arrival at Paris from Matthew Ridley on 7 July (Ridley to JA, 13 July, note 1, below).
2. For JA's earlier comments on Jean Antoine de Mesme, Comte d'Avaux, and Godefroi, Comte d'Estrades, both French ambassadors at The Hague in the seventeenth century, and their accounts of negotiations with the Dutch, see vol. 12:18, 20.
3. For the intrigues and their outcome, see JA's letter of 2 July to Elbridge Gerry, and note 4, above.
4. William Carmichael was Jay's secretary at Madrid.
5. When JA wrote this letter, he did not yet know that a new ministry had been formed and that Shelburne had replaced Rockingham (for which see Matthew Ridley to JA, 13 July, note 4, below), but when he reprinted this letter in the Boston Patriot, 20 April 1811, he included the following note:
“N. B. in 1810. A single hint will explain not only this letter but the history of that time. Lord Shelbourne was an Irishman, and although equal at least, if not superior, as a statesman, to all, at least to any of either of the other parties, he was equally hated by the Scotch and the English parties. To my knowledge Fox and Burke hated him as much as North and Bute.”

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0103

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Date: 1782-07-08

To Jean de Neufville & Fils

[salute] Gentlemen

I return you the Bills Ns. 84 and 85 for 5.50 Guilders each accepted, which you Sent me in yours of 5. July.
As to the Accounts, I know of no Reasons, for concealing those Accounts, from the Gentlemen I desired to pay them. And if you will present them to Messrs Wilhem & Jan Willink Nicholas and Jacob Van Staphorst, and De la Lande and Fynje or either of them, they will pay them and take the proper Receipts, or, if you will draw upon me here for the Money, it is ready, at a Moments Warning. I cannot leave the Hague, at this critical Moment, or I would go to Amsterdam, and carry the Money with me in order to pay those debts, and finish the matter.

[salute] I have the Honour &c

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0104

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-07-09

To Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

You have very much obliged me, by the Act and the Bill.1 It is to the last degree Astonishing to see, that perfect Ignorance, of the United States of America, which still prevails in old England. They willfully Shut their Eyes, that they may be Sure not to See.
My Bowells of Compassion begin to be moved for this blind, debauched, devoted old Woman Britannia. Is there no possibility of reforming and Saving her? The Powers of Europe, must undertake this charitable Work, if it is ever done, for it is in vain to expect it from herself. The Nation is so divided, there Seems to be no Government left. No Party has Power! No Man, or Number of Men have Influence. The Nation has lost all Confidence in Men and in Systems, and seems almost ripe to draw the sword upon itself. I can think of but one Expedient, to save them and that is this. Let the Empress of Russia, the Emperor the Kings of Prussia, sweeden and Denmark, or in other Words the Neutral Powers, admit Mr Dana, as the Minister of the United States, to Sign the Treaty of maritime Neutrality, that is to say acceed to the Principles of it, as France and Spain have done. This is done in a Moment, and thereby the whole Difficulty is removed. The United states are then acknowledged to { 169 } be sovereign by all the World. This would instantly Suppress the old Ministry in England and their System, and give Influence and Authority to the new,2 to propose and obtain, an express Acknowledgment of the Independence of America by Act of Parliament. It would enable them to perswade the King to give a Commission to some Ambassador, to treat with the United States or their Ministers—and it would take away all Objections to an Invitation of Dr Franklin and Mr Jay, to a Congress to treat of a general Peace. In this Way England would be likely to obtain better Terms than in any other.
If you have Influence enough with the neutral Courts, to perswade them to a step which will do them so much Honour, and the weary World So much good, pray make use of it, from a Principle of Philanthropy.
I am with the greatest Esteem, sir, your most obedient Servant
[signed] J. Adams
1. On 8 July, Jenings wrote to JA, “I take the Liberty of enclosing two Pieces of british Manufacture, neither of which will, I belieeve, pass in the American Markets” (Adams Papers). For more on the bill, see Jenings to JA, 24 July, note 3, below.
2. In the Letterbook copy, JA underlined the remainder of this sentence and the following one.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0105

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Uhl, Jean Henri David
Date: 1782-07-09

To Jean Henri David Uhl

[salute] Sir

I received this Morning, the Letter, which you did me the Honour to write me, on the first of this Month, and if it were in my Power to give you any Advice or assistance, in your affair, it would give me Pleasure to do it.
If the Vessell and Cargo were Sold at Martinique, it is probable it was in Consequence of a regular Proscess in the Court of Admiralty there, and by Virtue of a Decree of that Court rendered according to the Laws of Nations and of France in Such Cases. You have not informed me, whether any one, on your Part, claimed your Coffee in that Court. If not, this Seems to have been an omission, it is necessary, that Neuters who ships Merchandizes on the Bottoms of other Nations, should always furnish the Master or some other, with Evidence of their Property and Authority to claim it. If this was done, nether the Court of Admiralty in Martinico, nor the Com• { 170 } mander of the Privateer appear to have done wrong. And whether, after this omission it will be easy or even possible for you to obtain a Remedy I know not.
You think it a Trifle for the Privateer—but this Privateer may have many owners, and many families may have embarked their all on bord this adventure, who have been unsuccessfull in other Cruises or even in this So that it is impossible, for You and I, who know nothing of their History, to say that this Coffee is not of more importance to the Captors or Some of them, than to the first owners of it. We can never determine where Justice lies by Such Speculations. The only Questions are how is the Law and the Fact. It is a mere Question of Law and of private Property, a Question in which Authority cannot peroperly interfere, even in a Monarchy, much less in a Republick like the United States where there is no Authority but the Law.
If it were proper for Congress to interfere at all, it would be upon a Memorial of a Prussian Ambassador, and I wish with all my Heart, you would prevail, upon that Great Prince1 who does so much Honour to his age, to do us the Honour of Sending a Minister to Philadelphia,2 and use his Influence with all the Neutral Courts to do the same, a Measure so easy to take, and yet in its Consequences perhaps one of the greatest actions of his Reign, and it may be depended on, that every Representation of such a Minister would be attended to with perfect Respect.
If you desire me to interpose with Congress, I really dont know whether I can do it with perfect Propriety: Yet, nevertheless, I will hazard it, So far as to transmit to Congress any Papers, relative to this Matter that you or your Correspondent at Amsterdam can desire. Yet I ought to tell you, that I should have very little hopes of being usefull to you, in this Way, because it does not appear to me to be, the right Way.
The proper Way, and the only one, which has a Probability of success is, for you to give a Procuration to Some one, who is going to America, as several respectable young Merchants are, or to some Correspondent already established there, to make the proper Enquiries, and pursue the matter, against the Privateer in a legal Course, in which Case you must send the proper Evidence. I would give to such an Agent, a Letter of Introduction or do any Thing else in my Power to assist him, with Pleasure.3
You may depend upon it, sir, that the Sense of the obligations to Justice, is not less decisive in America than in England, and that { 171 } every Thing will be done there, which can be done in any free Country to obtain it for you.

[salute] I have the Honour to be

1. Frederick II (the Great) of Prussia.
2. The material from this point through the word “Reign” was written in the left-hand margin of the Letterbook and marked for insertion here.
3. There is no indication that JA wrote a letter of introduction or took any other action regarding the confiscated Prussian property, nor have the editors found any evidence that the matter was taken up with Congress or pursued in the courts.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0106

Author: Allcock, William
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-09

From William Allcock

[salute] honnerbell Sir

I take apon My Self to troble you With a few lines to in form you that for the Better Suply of My Self one of My Countraman have let Me have this ticket paying him at philladelfa. I larder in form you that I apply to the loneoffice Who the gentelmen Lookt upon it to good But they wish to hear your apinnion upon it and honnerbell Sr. as we have not Sailed I have Sent you the ticket in Cloused in this Letter and i hope that your honner Will troble your Self to gave Me ansar with the Same in Cloused and Derick it to the Crown and I hope your honner will let Me No Whether it be good or not and likewise What you Will alow Me to Recive for it. If your honner alowes any thing for it pleas to Send Me order in Cloused with the ticket, Pleas to Send Me ansar first porst as I Expect to Sail in a Day or two. So No More at present.2
My Complements to your honner
[signed] Cp Wm. all Cock
1. William Allcock of New Bern, N.C., had been a crewman on the brig Friends out of Edenton, N.C., which was captured in March by a St. Lucia privateer. His captors put Allcock on a Danish brig that carried him to Calais. There he obtained four guineas and set out for Paris. On 6 May, out of money at Amiens, Allcock wrote Benjamin Franklin to request additional funds and received 336 livres (Franklin, Papers, 37:5, 272–273). He likely then set out for the Netherlands in search of a ship to carry him home and at some point requested JA's assistance, for following the postscript to JA's letter of 9 June to Robert Livingston (above, descriptive note) is a note indicating that on 11 June he supplied Allcock with eight ducats.
2. Regarding the “ticket” that Allcock enclosed with his letter, JA replied on 10 July that he knew nothing of it, had no authority to do anything about it, and could give him nothing for it (LbC, Adams Papers). For JA's further dealings with Allcock, see John Loveney's letter of [ca. 1 Aug.], and note 2, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0107

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Ravekes, Gerbrand, & J. G. Thin van Keulen (business)
Date: 1782-07-10

To Gerbrand Ravekes & J. G. Thin van Keulen

[salute] Gentlemen

I received in Time, your Letter of the 29 of June, and should have answered it before, but upon Searching for the Lease, I found it has been mislayed in removing from Amsterdam, and my Secretary has been Sick and absent, So that I have not been able to find it.
I consent that Messrs Willinks, Van Staphorsts and De la Lande and Fynje, Should pay you, the f491:12s, in Addition to the Arrears of Rent, due, upon your delivering him my Lease and a Receipt. Your Lease, I will return to you as soon as I can find it, and if it should not be found, this Letter shall warrant and indemnify you, from all Demands or Damages arising from it.

[salute] I am Gentlemen your very humble servant

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0108

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Recipient: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Date: 1782-07-10

To Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Gentlemen

I inclose you a Letter to Messrs Gerbrand Ravekes, and J. G. Thin Van Keulen,1 and request you to pay them, the Sum of f1281:12s, and take up the Lease, and a Receipt in full for half a years Rent in Arrear, and for the Loss and Expences upon the present year, arrising from their Letting the House to another with my Consent. This Sum you will please to charge to the United States of America.
I inclose you also the Account of Mr Hodshon, for Thirty Seven Florins and twelve, which I request you to send him, and charge it also to the Same Account.2
I Sent you Sometime ago, the Second Thousand of Obligations Signed by me, the Receipt of which you have not yet acknowledged. By Mr Barclay, I sent you, Three Dispatches to Congress, for their Ratification of the obligations, and two other Copies of my Letter to enable you to make up two more Similar dispatches, which will be quintuplicate.3
You will please also to acknowledge the Receipt of these, and send one of them, by one Vessell and another by another, that some { 173 } one May arrive, and We may be sure of receiving the Ratification in Time. I wish also that you would write to Congress and inform them, how much Money, they may safely draw upon you for, and by what time.4 You will be Sure not to exceed. You had better be a few hundred Thousand Guilders under, than any Thing above the Sum because there are bills every day arriving, which were drawn two years ago upon Mr Laurens, which I accept upon the Supposition that you will be able to pay them, five or Six months hence.

[salute] I have the Honour to be

1. 10 July, above.
2. See John Hodshon to JA, 4 July, above.
3. The three dispatches and two letters that Barclay carried to the consortium were copies of JA's second letter of 5 July to Robert R. Livingston, above. The dispatches presumably included the letter with five copies of the loan contract for one million guilders in Dutch and English enclosed. Two other copies were sent with the intention that the consortium complete the dispatches by enclosing five copies of the loan contract with each before sending them off. For the consortium's transmission of the five dispatches with their letter of 11 July to Robert R. Livingston (PCC, No. 78, XIV, f. 523–526), see their reply of 11 July to JA, below.
4. Ostensibly this led to their letter of 11 July to Livingston, although they presumably would have written to Livingston without any instruction from JA.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0109

Author: Neufville, Jean de, & Fils (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-11

From Jean de Neufville & Fils

[salute] Sir

In Consequence of Your Excellencys request,1 We have Sent the Accounts to Mrs DelaLande & Fynje and these Gentn: in combination with Mrs W & J Willink, and N & J Van Staphorst, have paid the Same, against double receipts for each. We added to that of Your Excellencys private acct: f 12:15:— for the frame of Young Mr Adams's picture in conformity to our last.2 We Could as to ourselves have no objection against any body whatsoever Seeing these accounts and are as well Satisfi'd with this mode of payment as any other, happy to See an end of that matter. We thank your Excellency for the acceptance of the 2 bills you were pleasd to return us and have the honour to be Sir Your Excellencys Most Obedient & very humble Servants
[signed] John de Neufville & Son
1. 8 July, above.
2. 5 July, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0110

Author: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-11

From Wilhem & Jan Willink and Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst

[salute] Sir

We have before us your esteemed favour of 10 inst: with a letter for Messrs. Ravekes van Keulen, to whom we Shall pay f 1281s12. for half a years rent in arrear, and for the loss and expences upon the present year, and up the Lease, and their receipt to remit to your Excellency, to charge Said Sum to the account of the United States of America.
We Shall hand Mr Hodshon the f 37:12 to place on said account, on which we've charged f 2373s 7. payd to Messrs. de Neufville & son according to the inclosed account and receipt.
We've also to Said Gentlemen the ballance of your Excellency's acc. f 1412: 5: 8 of whch. We in close the account and receipt whch. Sum we charge Your Excellency's account with us.1
We have well received the Second thousand obligations Signed by your Excellency, and Mr. Barclay handed us the three dispatches to Congress, together with two other copies of your letter,2 forwhch. we get two Similar dispatches ready, whch. shall serve for Quintuplicates to be Sent by different Vessels, so as we already practised with one by Captn: [] and one by Capn. []3 in order to receive the ratification on time.
We conveyed Said dispatches with a letter to Congress, by which we respectuously confirmed your Excellency's letter for the Conditions of the Loan, and advised to have already in cash more than one Million of Guilders.4
In consequence of Your Excellency's writing we Shall henceforth be cautious with our further advices to Congress about it and remember the drafts on Mr Laurens which Shall be payable in 5 a 6 month hence, against whch. time, we don't doubt, but we'll have Sufficient money in cash, as we are in a more favourable opinion for the Loan than your Excellency seems to be, in the mean while we beg leave to inform us, of about the Sums, the drafts on Mr. Laurens may amount to.
We have the honour to be with respectfull regard Sir Your Excellencys most humble and Obedient Servants
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
[signed] Nichs. & Jacob van Staphorst
{ 175 }
Messrs de La Lande & Fynje not being home, is the reason of their not signing this letter and of not mentioning, the names of the Capns., whch. they did not yet told us, So we mention it to your Excellency by our first Letter.
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Letter. from Messes Willinks & Van Staphorst 11. July 1782.”
1. This receipt is with this letter in the Adams Papers, but the receipt referred to in the previous paragraph is not.
2. JA's second letter of 5 July to Robert R. Livingston, but see also JA's letter to the consortium of 10 July, note 3, above.
3. This appears to indicate that the consortium sent off two of the dispatches earlier in the day before they received JA's letter but after they had written their letter of 11 July because the dispatches went as enclosures with the consortium's letter of that date to Livingston (PCC, No. 78, XIV, f. 523–526). For the vessels by which the consortium sent the dispatches, see the letter of 8 Aug. from Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, below. The first of the dispatches to arrive was the original sent on the Heer Adams, Capt. Samuel Smedley, which reached Philadelphia on 11 Sept. (James Madison to Edmund Randolph, 11 Sept. [2 letters], and Samuel Osgood to John Lowell, 13 Sept., Smith, Letters of Delegates, 19:150–153; from Robert R. Livingston, 15 Sept., below).
4. In their letter the members of the consortium indicated their acceptance of the conditions stated in the contract and their hope that Congress would ratify it as soon as possible. They also indicated the need for specific instructions from Congress regarding the use of the funds raised. They noted that a group of investors had engaged for 1,600,000 guilders, but that in return for that commitment, the consortium was to hold the money in their possession until Congress' ratification had been received. This led them to insist that no bills drawn by Congress be sent to Europe before the ratification because they would be unable to honor them and that would have a bad effect on the prospects for the loan. Finally, as they indicate in this letter, they informed Congress that they already had received over a million guilders, an assertion that ran counter to JA's cautionary note in his letter of the 10th, but which is a further indication that the consortium had written its letter prior to receiving that from JA. Incredibly, given the difficulty of getting letters to the United States, the five dispatches containing the loan contracts, each with the covering letter of 11 July from the consortium, reached Congress (PCC, No. 78, XIV, f. 523–526; No. 145, f. 173–176; PCC, Misc. Papers, Reel 4, f. 648–651, 652–655, 656–659).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0111

Author: Ridley, Matthew
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-13

From Matthew Ridley

[salute] Sir

I did not write you last Tuesday as I had it not in my power to inform you with any certainty on the Subject my Letter was intended for.1 I can now assure you the Marquis de la Fayette will not leave home this summer. Monsieur de la Touche with the Eagle2 and some other Frigates have by this time sailed, with sundry Vessels under Convoy, having on board Stores Cloathing &ce for both Armies. A number of Officers are also gone.
Monsieur de Guichen has arrived off Ushant. They have taken 18 sail of Quebec Vessels and a small Frigate.3
{ 176 }
The business of peace drag'd on very slowly. There was no probability of doing any thing this summer. This was before the late sudden change in England.4 I think a person may venture to pronounce now that it will drag on yet more heavily if not be entirely broke off. We have it here that Mr. Fox's open declaration for an avowal of American Independancy in a clear and explicit manner: and saying the Cabinet were unanimously of the same opinion was the occasion of his Resignation. Both the King and Lord shelburne denied the latter part. I have a Letter from there telling me several more Resignations were talkd of and that every thing was in great confusion.
I have the honor to be with great respect Your Excellency's Most obedient & most humble Servant
[signed] Matt: Ridley
1. Tuesday was 9 July. Ridley went to The Hague on Sunday, 7 July, and returned to Amsterdam the next day. Ridley and JA had a long conversation over tea on the afternoon of the 7th, recorded in Ridley's journal (MHi), during which he may have promised JA that he would write upon his return to Amsterdam. At their meeting on the 7th, JA indicated, based on what he had learned from Franklin's letter of 2 June (above), that Grenville had received new powers to negotiate with the belligerent powers but not specifically with the United States, and that Grenville had been informed that those powers were insufficient. JA was also critical of William Alexander's visit to London in the winter of 1781–1782, during which Alexander stated that formal recognition of American independence was not required as a preliminary to Anglo-American peace negotiations. JA believed that Alexander, a bankrupt who was arrested during his visit, had been sent by Franklin as his agent to sound out the British government regarding peace negotiations, and that Alexander's statement regarding recognition reflected Franklin's position. Ridley indicated that he was “realy amazed” at this, but JA responded that it was true, for “Dr F had sent him Letters relating to it.” The letters JA referred to were those between Franklin and David Hartley that Franklin enclosed with his of 13 April to JA (vol. 12:407–408, and references there; see also, Morris, Peacemakers, p. 303–304). It was also during his meeting with Ridley that JA apparently first learned of John Jay's arrival at Paris, leading him to writeto Jay on 8 July, above.
2. This was the forty-gun frigate Aigle. The Gazette d'Amsterdam reported on 12 July that the Aigle was carrying a number of French officers to America but that Lafayette was not, as previously thought, among them. Upon its arrival in America in September, with British warships in close pursuit, the frigate ran aground in the Delaware River and was lost, but its dispatches and passengers were saved (Franklin, Papers, 37:539–540; from Robert R. Livingston, 15 Sept., below).
3. Guichen's vessels were part of the combined fleet then patrolling off Ushant at the mouth of the English Channel. The Gazette d'Amsterdam of 12 July reported the capture of eighteen vessels of a convoy bound to Newfoundland and Quebec, and on the 16th it provided a list of the captured vessels taken from Guichen's report dated 27 June. No frigate is listed as taken.
4. The Marquis of Rockingham died on 1 July after a long illness, bringing to a close a ministry established only four months earlier. George III immediately named the Earl of Shelburne to form a new ministry. For the controversy over the change in ministries, particularly Charles James Fox's resignation from the cabinet, see JA's letter of 17 July to Edmund Jenings, and note 3, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0112

Author: Jenings, Edmund
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-14

From Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

I am honoured by the Receipt of your Excellencys Letters of the 5th and 9th Instant.
The Letter to Mr Boylston is sent.1
Your Excellencys Enquiry of me of the news about Peace, under a Presumption, that I Know the whole History and that you Know nothing of it, makes me smile, and at the same Time gives me Concerns; Surely you ought to be acquainted with every thing, and I cannot have any Information—but I can guess and have hitherto done it not amiss. I ask not Questions I am not prying for I would not Appear impertinent: a few well ascertained Facts, a Knowledge of the Temper of certain Men and the general Spirit of the Times are Sufficient to give a clue to the Unravelling of most transactions, your Excellencys being Kept in the Dark of what has been lately going forward leads me my Imagination a great way, giving it at the same time a Gloomy Tincture, but let insidious men Act with what Concealment they will for a Time, they cannot hold it long, at least my Lord Shelburne cannot; He has at length shewed the baseness of his Character to all the World, for which He will be cherished by the british King, but detested by every honest Man. I am astonished, that He could have deceivd his late Connections, even our Friend, who lately passed through this Town thought He was not so bad, as I imagined He was;2 I have Letters on the late Event addressed to Edmund the Prophet, for I foretold, what has happened, and was indeed somewhat surprized at what Fox had declard, with respect to a Change in Lord Shelburnes Political Confession, He never has changed, and yet mr Fox was right, for He had certainly assurances He had. There is no Fallacy or falsehood, which his Lordship will not Commit. Oh what a mighty Struggle will there be between the Monarch and the Vassel for preeminence in Hypocrisy and Insidiousness; the History of their Conduct towards Each other will be worthy of being handed down to Posterity. Does your Excellency Know which of them will get the better; I think the monarch will, for altho the Vassal is not inferiour in Design, yet the means, which the monarch has by his Station, will crown him with Success.3
Will not an account of this avowed Design of the English Court be sent immediately to America? Will not America declare unremit• { 178 } ted War against England during the Life of the present King at least. The people of that infatuated Country, for whom I find your Excellency has some feeling, as I have when I am alone and hear not repeated Acts of folly and wickedness, must Suffer for the permitted malice of their master. The manifesto of the Congress may have in View the Declaration of England, when She Announced war against United Provinces,4 for countenancing the pretended Delinquency of the City of Amsterdam, and may suggest the same means of reconciliation, ie that of leaving the King alone to bear the Sufferings of War. If this Idea is good, and surely it is in the Case of England, as of Holland, Congress ought to Vote, they will not meet with the british People until their present King is sent a packing, whether Congress comes to a Vote of this Kind or not, it is not possible there Should be no Peace, until He ceases to have power in this World.
Your Excellencys proposal about the part, which the armed neutrality ought to take at this Juncture is a good One, and would certainly be decisive, but that Heterogeneous Body wishes not Peace, had it done so, it might have been brought about long Ago. However I Heartily wish your Excellencys Idea, was suggested to those, who might get it adopted.
I have seen, as I suppose your Excellency may do, by chance, the Count et la Countesse du Nord.5 I looked at them with Concern; for I have my forebodings About them. Your Excellency may recollect, I foretold they would make a long Journey. She is to lie in at Vienna. I find Prince Potemkin is gone into the Country for a Month, will He return at the Expiration of that Time?6
Mr Fox explained last Tuesday his Conduct and Views, when He came into the Ministry. And the general Objects of the whole Party, that He and others had been deceivd most grosely by Lord Shelburne, who to curry favor with a base Court had enterd into its Intrigues against the people. That He would Watch all his motions and bring Him to punishment. He talked most Eloquently and forcibly for two Hours, during which, He said in particular, that He had been Accused of being an Enemy to his Country in being willing to Acknowledge the Independancy of America, He avowed that He thought that it ought to be done immediately, and that so far was He from wishing to reestablish the former dependancy either by force or negociation, He should be for refusing it, if the Americans were inclined to Submit Again.7 Burke and the Solicitor were personally abusive of Lord Shelburne.8 Conway acted Trimmingly as usual.9
{ 179 }
Is Lord Howe sailed to intercept the Dutch Fleet? I cannot think He will cruise off Brest.
Mr A Lee is certainly in Congress. I have receivd a Letter from Mr Lawrens He is going to Nants where He desires his Letters to be directd to Him a Madame Babut & Labouchere.10
I am with Greatest Respect Sir your Excellencys most Obedient Humble Sert
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Mr. Jenings 14th. July 1782. Ansd. 17th.”
1. Probably JA to John Boylston, 5 July (AFC, 4:341–342).
2. Probably Henry Laurens, but see his comments on Shelburne's duplicity in his letter of 7 Aug. to Benjamin Franklin (Laurens, Papers, 15:549–552).
3. It is unclear whether Jenings, when he wrote this portion of the letter, had seen the account of the debates in the House of Commons on 9 July over Rockingham's replacement by Shelburne and Fox's resignation, which he mentions later in this letter (see note 7). But he is referring to the charges by the Rockinghamites, raised during the debates, that Shelburne conspired with George III to undermine Rockingham, that Shelburne was unfit to replace Rockingham, and that Shelburne had abandoned the promises that he had made regarding his policies at the onset of the Rockingham ministry (JA to Jenings, 17 July, note 3, below). Jenings' reference to an assertion by Fox about “a Change in Lord Shelburnes Political Confession” may refer to Fox's speech on 2 July, prior to his resignation, in which he seemed to indicate that Shelburne might have changed his views regarding recognition of the United States (Parliamentary Hist., 23:138–139).
4. For Britain's manifesto declaring war against the Netherlands, see vol. 11:2–3.
5. This was the pseudonym assumed by Grand Duke Paul and Grand Duchess Maria Feodorovna of Russia during their extended visit to western Europe that began in Sept. 1781 and concluded in Dec. 1782. The trip began with a visit to Vienna and was intended to strengthen the alliance between Catherine II and Joseph II. But it also was intertwined with the power struggle between Prince Potemkin, Catherine's chief advisor, and Count Panin, the foreign minister and the grand duke's former governor, which led to Panin's fall from power in Sept. 1781 (De Madariaga, Armed Neutrality of 1780, p. 18, 342–346). For a full account of the journey and Paul's concerns regarding it, which included being barred from returning and being removed from the line of succession, see Roderick E. McGrew, Paul I of Russia, 1754–1801, N.Y., 1992, p. 114–142. Jenings presumably saw the couple at Brussels, which they reached on the evening of 11 July. They reached The Hague on 15 July and on the 16th were honored by William V at a “magnifique Fête” in the gardens of the Maison du Bois (Gazette d'Amsterdam, 16 July). For JA's attendance at the “Fête,” see his reply of 17 July, note 6, below.
6. Jenings presumably had seen a newspaper report about Potemkin's departure for the country. The Gazette d'Amsterdam of 9 July reported from St. Petersburg that Potemkin enjoyed the “plus haute faveur” of the empress, who had visited him prior to his departure for four weeks in the country.
7. It is clear from this paragraph that Jenings had seen an account, likely from a London newspaper, of the 9 July debate in the House of Commons over the change in ministries and Fox's resignation. His summary of Fox's remarks agrees in substance with what was apparently said, but it differs in detail from all of the newspaper accounts examined and even from the address as revised and published as The Speech of the Right Honourable Charles James Fox . . . in Defence of His Resignation, London, 1782. This is particularly true of Jenings' assertion that Fox declared himself unwilling “to reestablish the former dependency” even “if the Americans were inclined to submit again.” See, for example, the debates as reported in the 10 July issues of Parker's General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer and the Morning Herald and Daily Advertiser or in the Parliamentary Hist., 23:155–187. For the controversy over Rockingham's replacement { 180 } by Shelburne and its consequences, see JA's reply to Jenings of 17 July, note 3, below.
8. Both Edmund Burke and John Lee had resigned the offices they had held under Rockingham, Burke as paymaster and Lee as solicitor-general. For their comments supporting Fox and criticizing Shelburne, see Parliamentary Hist., 23:180–183, 186–187.
9. Gen. Henry Seymour Conway retained his position as commander in chief under Shelburne. The motions against the American war that Conway had offered in Feb. 1782 had played a significant role in bringing down the North ministry, but it was also Conway's remarks during the debate on 9 July that provoked the response by Fox that Jenings summarizes in this letter (vol. 12:288–289; Parliamentary Hist., 23:165–168).
10. Of 4 July, LbC (ScL [ScU]).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0113

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-07-17

To Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

I am honoured with yours of the 14. You might well Smile at the Supposition that I know nothing about the Negotiations for Peace. I have no direct Information about it, Since the 2 of June,1 but I presume the Reason is, there is nothing to communicate. I am indirectly informed, that Greenville, after a long time recd a Commission to treat with all the belligerent Powers.2 But as our Ennemy dont acknowledge Us to be a Power, they have thus reserved to themselves a Place for Chicane.
Mr Fox has Shewn himself, an able Man. He has at last taken a decided Part, and if he adheres to it, with Fortitude and Constancy, he will carry his Point, make himself Prime Minister and give Peace to his Country and to Europe, upon the best Terms that are attainable by G. Britain. His opinion, against receiving again the Dependence of America, if offered is perfectly just.3 It would be, ruinous to G. B. to receive it, as was fully demonstrated in a Parcell of Letters I sent to you two Years ago.4 Pray what is become of them. Can you get them back? I should be very glad to see them again. Since they are not worth printing, in London I would have them published here in French.
I have the Honour to agree with you, in your opinion that the Master will get the better of the Vassal, in their Contention for Preeminence, but there is another Emulation going on, between the Same Vassal, and a certain hoary head,5 where I think the Vassal will get the better.
I have had the Honour to Sup at the great Feast at Court, in Company with the great Personages you Saw at Brussells, and had several fine opportunities to take their Phisiognomies very near.6 Their appearance and their Behaviour, were very agreable. Yet who would wish to be, in their Situation? their Forebodings may very probably be as gloomy as yours.
{ 181 } { 182 }
Will not Fox's decisive Conduct compel the Master and the Vassal to be explicit? The Declarations of Conway, Richmond, and even shelburne, are so possitive, that the Intention is to acknowledge American Independence,7 that it Seems difficult for them to evade and equivocate, much longer, especially as Fox and Burke, Cavendich8 &c will not forget their Declarations. All Europe will consider the Kings Honour Dignity, Parole, engaged to acknowledge our Independence, if he retreats he will, Sink his Character lower than ever in every Court of Europe. I think that Shelburne will not be able to with Stand the Torrent. He must call in the Bedfords to his Aid.9 These will not be able to support him long, and presently, Several of the old Ministry will come in again. But none of them can disavow, the Declarations, in which King and all are compromised, to acknowledge American Independence, either conditionally or without Conditions. Fox uttered a Volume of good Sense, when he attached the Salvation of his Country to the Words “Without Conditions.” This sentiment has convinced me that he has a more comprehensive View of the State of the Nation, of France, Spain, Holland America, and the Neutral Powers, than all the other Men in England, and has formed a more Sagacious Judgement upon the whole.
Between you and me, Where shelburne says, he has Proofs lately recd that he is not disagreable to the Americans, he means a flattering Letter that Franklin has written him.10 I dare say he has no other Proof—at least he has none from me, who confess that I have as little Confidence in him, as you have or Mr Fox. I have long foreseen, that his Ambition his Trimming System, and insideous Character, <would> might Slide itself into the Place of the old Ministry, and put the last finishing Hand to the Ruin of G. B. and have ever wondered, that Fox and Burke did not see it sooner. They however depended I suppose upon the Marquis of Rockingham.
There now remains nothing but for Fox Burke, &c to be Steady. They have Seized the precise Idea and the only one that can be of Service to their Country. If they persevere, they will have the Glory, far greater than even that of a Chatham,11 of restoring as much Friendship between G. B and America, as is now in the nature of Things possible, and in as short a time as possible, and at the Sametime that of obtaining the best terms possible from the other belligerent Powers. Fox appears to have considered the advantage they give to France Spain and Holland by keeping the Question of American Independence open. An immense Advantage it is, that of throwing the odium of the Continuance of the War upon America { 183 } { 184 } or rather upon England, that of Saying, with Truth We cant give Peace to the World yet, because the English cant perswade themselves to pronounce the Word Independence. This Point, fairly settled America will be Steady to her plighted faith and Honour it is true, but She will say, “I am Satisfied, Satisfy my Allies.” Their Allies must then take upon themselves the sole Merit of continuing the War. This Sentiment, will constrain them to a Moderation to which they have no Motive while the other Question is open.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “His Excellency Mr Adams July 17h. 1782.”
1. See Benjamin Franklin to JA, 2 June, above.
2. On 10 June, Fox sent Thomas Grenville a revised commission, authorizing him to negotiate with France and “with any other of the Enemies of G. Britain.” In his reply to Fox of 21 June, however, Grenville questioned whether his power to negotiate with any “Princes and States” could apply to America until it had been recognized as independent (Mary A. Giunta, ed., The Emerging Nation: A Documentary History of the Foreign Relations of the United States under the Articles of Confederation, 1780–1789, Washington, D.C., 1996, 1:428, 434–435). By the date of this letter, Fox's resignation had made moot the issue of Grenville's powers to negotiate.
3. Here and later in the letter, JA analyzes the effect of Shelburne's replacement of Rockingham and Fox's subsequent resignation. These events had considerable significance with regard to the domestic political situation in England, but their effect on prospects for Anglo-American peace negotiations were more apparent than real. As JA points out later in the letter, it made little difference who was in power, because the debates in the Houses of Commons and Lords on 9 and 10 July, respectively, made it clear that one way or another, all parties were committed to recognizing American independence and concluding a peace treaty (Parliamentary Hist., 23:152–196). But the nature of the negotiations and the timing and form of the recognition remained uncertain. Fox favored recognizing the United States as independent and sovereign in advance of peace negotiations and gave the refusal of the cabinet to support his position as a reason for resigning. Fox's position led many Americans, including JA, to see him as the more desirable person with whom to negotiate. By contrast, Shelburne, who would now control the negotiations and was mistrusted by virtually everyone, had long opposed granting full independence to the United States. As a result, and despite what Shelburne might say publicly, JA and others suspected that Shelburne continued to favor some form of settlement with the United States short of full independence (Stanley Ayling, The Life of Charles James Fox, London, 1991, p. 102; Scott, British Foreign Policy, p. 325–327; see also JA's letter of 20 July to Jenings, below).
4. It was the perceived need to remove any illusions held by Shelburne or anyone else about an Anglo-American settlement that stopped short of full independence that finally led to the publication, beginning in August, of the “Parcell of Letters” that JA had sent to Jenings in 1780. The letters numbered twelve, ten of which were published in Parker's General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer between 23 Aug. and 26 Dec. 1782 under the title “Letters from a Distinguished American.” All twelve letters are printed under the date of [ante 14–22 July] 1780, the span in which they were written (vol. 9:531–588). This was done because, significant as their publication is in 1782, JA's motives for writing them in the summer of 1780 and then sending them off to be, as he assumed, expeditiously published are perhaps even more important for understanding his diplomacy.
5. That is, George III was the “Master” and Shelburne was his “Vassal.” The “hoary head” was probably Benjamin Franklin, whom JA apparently believed would be outwitted by Shelburne.
6. That is, JA had attended the “Fête” on 16 July honoring the arrival of the Grand Duke Paul and Grand Duchess Maria Feodorovna of Russia at The Hague. JA, however, was not originally invited. According to C. W. F. Dumas, it was only after he raised { 185 } the issue with the Duc de La Vauguyon, and the ambassador took the matter up with the Dutch government, that an invitation, which arrived on the morning of the 16th, was issued to JA (PCC, No. 93, II, f. 76, 85).
7. For Henry Seymour Conway's declaration during the debate in the House of Commons on 9 July that recognition of American independence was a guiding principle of the Shelburne ministry, see Parliamentary Hist., 23:165–166. In the House of Lords on 10 July, Charles Lennox, 3d Duke of Richmond, who served as the master general of ordnance in both the Rockingham and the Shelburne ministries and was Charles James Fox's uncle, reportedly declared “that the independence of America should not stand in the way of so desirable an object as peace with that country.” Shelburne followed, reiterating what Richmond had said and stating that despite his long-held belief that granting independence to the United States would be a disaster for Britain, he had concluded that there was now no other choice if peace was to be obtained (same, 23:188–195).
8. Lord John Cavendish had resigned as chancellor of the exchequer. For his statement during the Commons debate on 9 July, see same, 23:179–180.
9. The Bedford Party had taken a particularly hard-line stand with regard to the American colonies during the late 1760s. In the summer of 1782, rumors circulated in London that Shelburne might seek the support of former members of the Bedford Party to shore up his position (Lord Fitzmaurice, Life of William Earl of Shelburne, London, 1912, 2 vols., 1:321, 361–392; John Norris, Shelburne and Reform, London, 1963, p. 245–246).
10. During the Lords debate on 10 July, Shelburne reportedly said that “it had been insinuated elsewhere, that had his principles been known relative to American independence, the people of America would be backward to treat with him for peace; but he had learned sufficient by the information he received during the last two months that he was Secretary of State, and since, that there was no man with whom the Americans would more willingly treat than himself” (Parliamentary Hist., 23:193–194). The letter from Franklin to Shelburne referred to by JA was probably that of 22 March, a copy of which Franklin sent to JA with his letter of 20 April, but that letter also included another to Shelburne of 18 April (Franklin, Papers, 37:24–25, 165–167; vol. 12:432–433).
11. A reference to William Pitt, 1st Earl of Chatham, known for his leadership during the Seven Years' War. Later he opposed the Stamp Act and called for its repeal, but he also strongly opposed independence for the American colonies (JA, D&A, 1:308; vol. 9:21).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0114

Author: Barclay, Thomas
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-18

From Thomas Barclay

[salute] Dear Sir

I had a letter some days ago from Doctor Franklin desiring me not to draw on him for any more money, to which yesterday I wrote a reply, a Copy of which I send inclosed to your Excellency.1 If you shou'd ask why I trouble you with it, my answer is, that it is for the reason I have given Doctor Franklin for writing so long a letter to him, “because I wish you to know minutely my situation.” I have little doubt but he will relax from his Injunctions, in which Case I shall have the pleasure, I hope, in about ten days of waiting on you for your Commands to France, and to return you my acknowledgements for your kindness and attention to me in Holland.
In the mean time I am with the greatest sincerity Your Excellencys Very Obed Servant
[signed] Thos Barclay
RCand enclosure (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “T. Barclay Esqr 18th. July 1782. Inclosing Copy of Letter to Dr. Franklin”; docketed by CFA: “Mr { 186 } Barclay. July 18th 1782.” The enclosed letter to Franklin is dated and filmed at 17 July (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 357).
1. Franklin's letter was of 5 July but has not been found. For Barclay's reply of 17 July, which was a detailed account of his continuing efforts to reach a final settlement regarding the goods left by Alexander Gillon in 1781, see Franklin, Papers, 37:641–644.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0115

Author: Dalton, Tristram
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-19

From Tristram Dalton

[salute] Sir

Under the 25th May last I did myself the honor of addressing you in behalfe of a Capt William Armstrong, late Comander of a vessel belonging to me—who, by the then last accounts, was suffering a severe confinement on board a Ship at Portsmo. I felt much on this account, both as he was a worthy young fellow—and as it appeared to me an insult upon a subject of these States—therefore on a public principle, joyned to a presumption on our former connections, I took the liberty to ask your noticing the affair.
It is with much pleasure I can advise of Capt Armstrong's escape from Portsmo and his safe arrival home. He tells that on his arrival at Portsmouth he was put on board a Guard Ship—Admiral Pye's,1 there confined in Irons on both legs, for three months and three days—and part of the time handshackled, for which treatment no reason was given him. At a very great risque, tired of his cruel situation, he effected a happy escape.
Being informed that a regular exchange of American Prisoners who are or may be carried to England, is likely to take place, any such behaviour in the British, for the future, may be easily enquired into—and a stop put thereto.2
As the aforementioned Letter of 25th May, may go in the same vessel with this, I beg leave to refer you to the latter part of it, respecting my present engagements in public life, which makes me more earnestly wish for every intelligence, that may be useful in that line.3
I remain, with the highest Esteem, and personal Regard, Sir your most hble Servant
[signed] Tristram Dalton
1. Adm. Thomas Pye was the commander in chief at Portsmouth, thus the prison ship would have been under his responsibility (DNB).
2. Dalton had likely heard of “An Act for the Better Detaining and More Easy Exchange, of American Prisoners Brought into Great Britain” that had come into force on 25 March. For the act, see Benjamin Franklin's letter of 21 April, and note 1 (vol. 12:439–440).
3. Dalton represented Newburyport in the Massachusetts House of Representatives (Sibley's Harvard Graduates, 13:572).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0116

Author: Jay, James
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-19

From James Jay

[salute] Sir

My arrival in this kingdom is a matter so trivial in itself, that I should not think of saying any thing to Your Excellency about it, if certain paragraphs in some of the Public Papers did not seem to render it proper at this Juncture.1
I cannot suppose that those paragraphs, suggesting that I am authorised by Congress to negotiate with the British Court, can at any rate make the least impression on You; or even impose on any persons but those who are utterly ignorant of the circumstances of my coming here; on which fact alone, that falshood, and all the others connected with it, are built. But as I presume the circumstances I allude to, may be unknown to you, I think it not amiss to give you a little sketch of them, which will be sufficient to enable you, if it should ever be worth while, to expose the misrepresentation.
I was taken prisoner in the Jerseys, carried to N. York and confined 3 weeks in the Provost. Sir Guy Carleton's arrival, and the new System of conduct he brought with him, released me from confinement. On the same principle however on which I was confined, it was thought improper to exchange me, or to permit me to return on parole within our own Lines, for some months; in order, by that severity, to deter others from renewing the Scheme, which, they alledge, I was concerned in, of getting Specie from New York and Long Island, to relieve the necessities, and carry on the public business, of our State. Finding myself thus condemned to pass the time in idleness, and among Tories, in the British Lines, I applied, a day or two after my release, for leave to go to the Continent of Europe, and return again in the Autumn, unless my exchange should be effected before that time. This request I was indulged in, with an exception against going to France. The time allowed me to perform the voyage being but short, and the Packet ready to sail, I embraced that opportunity of coming to Europe to prevent the disagreeableness of a late passage home, which a longer continuance in N. York would subject me to. Thus, Sir, it is evident that Congress knew nothing, and could know nothing of my coming abroad. Neither had I been in Philadelphia, nor held any communication with that Honble. Body for some months before I was taken.
I am happy in the present opportunity of congratulating your Excellency on the success of your negotiation with the States of Hol• { 188 } land: and of assuring You that I am, with great respect & esteem, Your Excellency's Most Obedt: & humle. Servt:
[signed] James Jay
1. Sir James Jay was John Jay's brother and served as JA's physician when he was living at Auteuil outside Paris. For a sketch of James Jay that touches on his political problems, see AFC, 3:14–15. The Morning Herald and Daily Advertiser of 10 July stated that “a report prevailed last night, that Sir James Jay is arrived express from Congress with proposals of preliminaries for an accommodation.”

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0117

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-07-20

To Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

The more I reflect upon the late Revolution in the British Ministry the more I am Struck, with the Conduct of Mr Fox. I am become, upon certain Conditions his Admirer, <and almost wish to be his Friend!>. The Conditions are two
1. That his Conduct has been the Result of Deliberation and Judgment, not of mere Jealousy Ambition, or Resentment.
2. That he has Patience and Fortitude enough to persevere, to the End.1
His Conduct, appears to me Such, as that of a Man whose large Mind embraced, the whole Scheme of the Affairs and Relations of his Country, and capable of Seizing the only Clue which remained for extricating her out of that Entanglement in which the old Ministry had left her, ought to have been. If he stands fast upon the Ground he has taken, he will Shew himself worthy to be the Man of the People,2 and must finally prevail, if his Idea had been adopted and3 America declared a Sovereign State by Act of Parliament, the Way would have been clear, for the King to consent, that the two Imperial Courts Should immediately acknowledge American Independence by Admitting Mr Dana to Sign the Treaty of armed Neutrality, or otherwise as they pleased and invite Dr Franklin and Mr Jay to a Congress, for a general Peace, under their Mediation. These Combinations of Objects, are easy and natural although one of the Objects is unweildy, I mean the Armed Neutrality. As it is in the Power of this body So easily to pacify the World, it is their Duty to do it, by acknowledging the United states. Peace would soon follow.
Pray has not Parliament Seperated4 without agreeing to the Taxes for Paying the Interest of the last Loan? Is not this unprecedented? and what will be the Consequence? Will it not wound public Credit?
{ 189 }
Lord Shelburne, had it in his Power to have pacified the World, and has failed. Mr Fox saw how to do it, but shelburnes opposition took away from him the Power. But5 shelburne would not have opposed, if Franklin had not piddled. If Vergennes and Franklin had decidedly refused to see any Agent about Peace, who had not a Commission and full Powers to treat with the United states of America the British stocks and Spirits would have fallen so low that shelburne and all the rest would have been compelled to have adopted Mr Fox's present Idea. But F. must make himself a Man of Consequence by piddling with Men who had no Title. But thus it is, that Men of great Reputations may do as many Weak Things as they please, and to remark their Mistakes is to envy them.6 I neither envy him however, nor his confidential Agent Mr Alexander. His base Jealousy of me and his Sordid Envy of my Commission for making Peace, and especially of my Commission for making a Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain have Stimulated him to attempt to commit an assassination upon my Character at Philidelphia,7 of which the World has not Yet heard, and of which it cannot hear untill the Time shall come when many voluminous state Papers may be laid before the Publick, which ought not to be, untill We are all dead. But this I Swear, I will affirm when and where I please that he has been actuated and is still by a low Jealousy and a meaner Envy of me, let the C. Vergennes or F. himself complain of it again to congress if they please, it would be my Joy to answer there in Person or by Letter. The anonimous scribbler charged me with clandestinely hurting Franklin.8 I have done nothing clandestinely. I have complained of Franklins Behaviour, in Company with Americans so I have in Company with the French and Spanish Ambassadors, without any Injunctions or desires of Seccresy. This is an odd Sort of Clandestinity. That I have no Friendship for Franklin I avow. That I am incapable of having any with a Man of his moral Sentiments, I avow. As Far as cruel Fate shall compell me to act with him in publick affairs, I shall treat him with decency and perfect Impartiallity, further than that I can feel for him no other sentiments than Contempt or Abhorrence. In my Soul I believe of him all that Burke says of shelburne.9 Yet to undertake to lay before the public all the Reasons I have for believing so would do more hurt at present than his Neck and mine too are both worth, and therefore I have Said and shall say as little about it, as is consistent with my Honour. Will you give my affectionate Regards to Mr Laurens and tell him, that all that is said by the anonimous scribbler is a Lye. That if he will { 190 } accept of this Mission I will resign it in a Moment. That I love and esteem him, and ever did, and have ever openly publickly and privately avowed it.
Adieu, my dear sir Adieu
[signed] J. Adams
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “His Excellency Mr Adams July 20th. 1782.” LbC (Adams Papers).
1. The two conditions governing JA's admiration for Fox were, within the American context, substantive because Fox's resignation, in fact, had reflected his personal and political animosity toward Shelburne at least as much as it did a principled stand regarding American independence. But they also reflect JA's lingering doubts about the commitment of any British politician to a peace settlement acceptable to the Americans, even those who professed to favor recognizing American independence. For JA's earlier comments criticizing ostensibly pro-American British politicians, including Fox, for, among other things, being more interested in the “Loaves and Fishes” of office as opposed to having any sincere interest in a settlement with America, see vol. 9:328–329; 10:360.
2. A popular term used to refer to Fox that was derived from his involvement in the Association Movement that began at the very end of 1779. The goal of the movement was parliamentary and economic reform, and Fox's support for its proposals led to his 1780 election to the House of Commons from Westminster (Stanley Ayling, The Life of Charles James Fox, London, 1991, p. 75–85). For the Association Movement and JA's opinion of it, see vol. 8:353–354, 372–373; 9:83–85.
3. In the Letterbook copy, the text is underlined from here to the end of the sentence.
4. Parliament was prorogued on 11 July and did not meet again until 26 November. It was largely this four-month recess from having to deal with Parliament that enabled the Shelburne ministry, which was lacking a sure majority in the House of Commons, to conclude preliminary peace treaties with the United States, France, and Spain. Shelburne's weakness in Parliament is evident from his ministry's fall in early 1783, when he could not command a majority in the debates over the preliminaries (Parliamentary Hist., 23:203; Scott, British Foreign Policy, p. 322–323, 334–335).
5. This and the following four sentences are underlined in the Letterbook copy.
6. JA's use of the word “piddling” earlier in this paragraph indicates that he saw Franklin in much the same light as John Dickinson, whom he had called a “piddling Genius” in 1775 for procrastinating on the issue of American independence (vol. 3:89).
7. In June 1781 Congress created a joint peace commission, thereby superseding JA's 1779 commission as the sole minister empowered to negotiate an Anglo-American peace treaty, and in July 1781 it revoked his authority to conclude an Anglo-American commercial treaty. JA blamed this outcome on Franklin's letter to Congress of 9 Aug. 1780 in which, at the behest of Vergennes, Franklin sharply criticized JA's diplomacy and his attitude toward France. In fact, however, Congress' revocation of the commissions was due as much to representations by the Chevalier de La Luzerne, the French minister at Philadelphia, as it was to Franklin's letter (vol. 11:368–377, 434–435; Franklin, Papers, 33:162–163).
8. See Edmund Jenings to JA, 6 June, enclosure, above. For more information on the various anonymous letters JA received, see Monitor to JA, 20 May, especially note 1, above.
9. JA presumably refers to Edmund Burke's comments regarding Shelburne in his speech of 9 July concerning Shelburne's replacement of Rockingham and Fox's resignation. There Burke reportedly ended by declaring that “if lord Shelburne was not a Cataline, or a Borgia in morals, it must not be ascribed to any thing but his understanding.” Earlier in his speech he had compared Shelburne to the wolf impersonating Little Red Riding Hood's grandmother (Parliamentary Hist., 23:183).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0118-0001

Author: Berckel, Engelbert François van
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-22

From Engelbert François van Berckel

[salute] Monsieur

Par Madame d'Hogendorp, qúi demeúre actúellement a La Haÿe, Son Epoux, le Conseiller de la Ville de Rotterdam, Se troúvant, a present, aux Indes orientales, Je me trouve continuellement pressé, poúr m'interesser en faveur d'ún Inconnu,1 qui doit avois été presenté a votre Excellence, pas le jeune Monsieúr d'Hogendorp, fils des Súsmentioner; et a qúi, Selon qu'on me dit, Votre Excellence aúroit donné qúelqúes adresses en Amerique; Sans pourtant avoir trouvé a propos, de lúi donner aúcune lettre de Recommendation. Comme Je n'ai pas l'honneur de connoitre le dit Inconnú; Et que, d'ailleúrs, comme voús Scavez, Je ne me mêle jamais de ces Sortes d'afaires; J'ai taché de m'en excúser aússi, par raport a çelle çi. Mais on revient a la charge. On me dit, qu'il ne S'agit d'aúcune recommendation: qu'aú contraire Le dit Inconnú Va qúitter Sa patrie, dans le dessein d'aller S'etablir dans les Etats unis d'Ameriqúe, pour toujoúrs; et que poúr y trouver ún moyen de Subsistance, il demande ún employ, que l'on y troúvera convenable a Ses Lúmieres, apres un Examen, qúe l'on trouvera bon de prendre de Ses connoissances, et de Son merite. Monsieúr et Madame d'Hogendorp etants de mes proches Parens; je ne Scaúrois resister plús longtems a des instances Si vives. En consequence de quoi, je prends la liberté, de voús temoigner, que votre Excellence m'obligera infiniment, Si elle voudra avoir la bonté, Sans donner des lettres immediates de recommendation, de donner aú dit Inconnú la direction, et les oúvertúres necessaires, poúr le bút qu'il Se propose, de pouvoir S'etablir Solidement dans votre heureúse Repúbliqúe; et de pouvoir obtenir pour cet effet, un Employ analogue a ces Talens. En Verité, il est encore plus inconnú a moi, qu'a Votre Excellence, púisqúe vous vous êtes entretenú avec lúi: Mais qúelqúe Inconnú qu'il noús Soit; il me Semble, qu'il peút être recommandable, S'il veút Se Soúmettre a L'Examen, qu'il vient d'offrir lúi meme. Et ce n'est que Sur ce pied la, que j'ai l'honneúr d'interceder aupres de votre Excellence, en Sa faveúr. Pour ce qu'il en est de Sa Famille, et des circonstances, qui l'engagent de qúitter Sa Patrie; Votre Excellence poura S'en reposer, Súr les avis, qúe Madame d'Hogendorp Voús en fera parvenir. Ils Seront, Sans doute, conformes a la plús exacte verité.
{ 192 }
Poúr ce qúi regarde notre traité de Commerce, Vous m'obligerez infiniment, Si votre Excellence Voudra avoir la bonté, de me donner les eclaircissements reqúis, Súr la dificulté d'admettre les Remarques, que la Commission de Leúrs Haútes Puissances voús a commúniqúer, Sur le projet, que votre Excellence Leur a delivré.2 Si Vous voudriez me mettre en etat de faire Sentir la Solidité dú refus, que l'on me dit que vous avez fait, a l'egard de quelqúes alterations proposies; ce Seroit le moyen, d'avancer une afaire, qui pourroit être trainée, Sans cela, encore bien de tems. Mais pour cet effet, il faut que Sois parfaitement Eclairé, aú Sújet de vos vúes; et de celles du Congres, Rien ne me Sera plus agreable, que de vous donner a toute occasion, des preúves de mes Sentiments de Estime et de Consideration distinguée poúr Votre Excellence; en vous temoignant Sincerement que je Suis Monsieur Votre Tres Humble et tres obeissant Serviteúr
[signed] E. F. van Berckel

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0118-0002

Author: Berckel, Engelbert François van
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-22

Engelbert François van Berckel to John Adams: A Translation

[salute] Sir

Madame d'Hogendorp, who currently lives at The Hague, and her husband, councilor of Rotterdam, who is presently in the East Indies, are strongly urging me to intercede on behalf of an unknown,1 introduced to your excellency by the young M. d'Hogendorp, son of the aforementioned. According to what I hear, it seems your excellency would have given him some addresses in America, but not a letter of recommendation. Since I do not have the honor of knowing this person, and since I do not interfere in this sort of business, as you know, this gives me reason to try to excuse myself from it. But they persist. I am told that it is not a question of a recommendation, but rather that this person is leaving his country with the intention of establishing himself permanently in the United States, and that in order to find a way of making a living there, he is asking for a job suitable to his talents after an appropriate examination. M. and Mme. d'Hogendorp are close relatives, so therefore I cannot continue to ignore their request. Consequently, I am taking the liberty to ask your excellency whether he would be so kind as to oblige me in giving this person the necessary introduction, rather than letters of recommendation, so that he may reach his goal of establishing himself solidly in your happy republic and obtaining a job equal to his talents. The truth is that he is less known to me than to your excellency, since you spoke with him. But as unknown as he is to us, it seems to me that he may possess a commendable character since he himself offered to submit to an examination. And so it is because of this that I have the honor, your excellency, to intercede on his behalf. Since he and his family are engaged in the details of leaving the country, { 193 } your excellency can rely on the information sent by Mme. d'Hogendorp, which will, without a doubt, be quite accurate.
As for our treaty of commerce, you would oblige me greatly, sir, if you could kindly clarify your difficulties with the remarks made on your submitted plan by the commission of their High Mightinesses.2 If you could explain the reasons for your refusal regarding the proposed alterations, which I have heard that you have already made, it would be a way to advance this business that could otherwise be slowed down. But to this end, your views and Congress' views must be perfectly clear. Nothing would be more agreeable to me than to give you, sir, on every occasion, my expression of esteem and distinguished consideration while remaining, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] E. F. van Berckel
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Van Berckel. 22. July 1782 ansd. 23.” The recipient's copy has a black border around it because Berckel was in mourning over the death of his wife, Gertruy Roskam van Berckel, on 25 June (vol. 12:336).
1. The “unknown” remains unidentified because, as he indicates in his reply of 23 July, below, JA had received no representations on his behalf by Mme. d'Hogendorp's son or anyone else.
2. The difficulties largely concerned Arts. 22 and 23 of JA's draft, for which see JA's reply of 23 July, and note 3, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0119

Author: Cooper, Samuel
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-22

From Samuel Cooper

[salute] My dear Sir

We have received here with uncommon Pleasure the Accounts of the Success of your important Negotiations in Holland notwithstanding the Opposition and Traversings of a pow'rful British Party in that Country. By the last Vessel from France, which left Nants the Beginning of June, we are told, that the Independence of these States has been acknowledged by all the States of Holland, and your Excellency recieved in Form as their Minister Plenipotentiary, and all our Accounts agree that these Events would, without doubt, take place in May; upon which I most sincerely congratulate you and my Country. It gives us also great Pleasure to learn that the new Ministry of England are like to succeed in their Design of a separate Treaty with Holland no better than their Predecessors, and that this last Power has made a common Cause with the Enemies of Britain. If this may be depended on the Court of London may soon find itself obliged to seek Peace upon a broad and fair Bottom, and with such Concessions as shall establish the Security and Repose of Europe and America. Perhaps, however, their late Success in the West Indies may inspire them with other Sentiments, and the new Ministry may follow what they blamed in the old, the Continuance { 194 } of a War ruinous to themselves, upon partial and accidental Encouragements.
I have been highly pleased with the Disposition discovered by my Country upon the Change of the British Ministry,1 the Arrival of Genl. Carleton at New york, and the prevailing Apprehension that he was come to detach us from our Allies and prepare the Way for a separate Peace with England. The Idea of such a Proposal was every where received with just Indignation and Contempt, manifested in private Conversations, in the public Newspapers, and in the Resolves of the Legislatures of these States, with which our own has concurred.2
Our Finnances, particularly in this State, labour: The Accounts of our Treasury, it is said, are deranged: We have paid our full Proportion, if not more towards the Expence of the War, but from the present Perplexity of our public Accounts cannot make this appear in a Light it ought to do at Congress. Our Legislature have been much divided respecting Measures for removing our Difficulties upon so capital a Point; an Assistant Treasurer has lately been chosen, (Mr Ivers) who is esteemed an excellent Accomptant. It is acknowledged the States have a great Financier in Mr Morris; He has made great Savings to the States by his new Arrangements, and to the Surprize of every one has amidst all our pecuniary Perplexities established a National Bank upon firm Credit.3 Personal and local Prejudices have sometimes appeared respecting these Arrangements; but they are to be expected in human Affairs; and are not likely at present to rise so high as to do any essential Injury to the public Welfare.
Some Uneasinesses have lately risen in the Counties of Hampshire and Berkshire about paying Taxes, fomented it is said by the old Tories in that Quarter: and Persons under Custody of Authority have been violently rescued. Government is now trying Ancient Methods, and Mr Saml Adams, Genl. Ward, and Mr Gorham Speaker of the House are going this day as a Committee from the Court to inquire into these Matters, and rectify the Mistakes of the People, which we hope will prevent any Necessity of a severer Exertion of Civil Authority.4
This will be deliver'd to you by Mr Rogers, who married a Daughter of Col. Henry Bromfield. Mrs Rogers accompanies her Husband in this Voyage to Europe, in Hopes of reestablishing her Health which has for a long Time been much impair'd. Your Acquaintance with the Character and Connections of this Gentleman and Lady leaves no Room for me to say any Thing respecting them.5 I am { 195 } much interested in their Welfare, and warmly wish them every Thing happy. The Departure of the Lady in such infirm Health produces a particular Tenderness towards her in the Bosom of all her Friends.
I am with every Sentiment of Respect and Affection, your Excellency's most obedient and very humble Servant
[signed] Saml. Cooper
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Dr. Cooper 22d. July 1782.”
1. That is, the fall of the North government in Britain in March; word had not yet reached Boston of Rockingham's death.
2. On 4 July the Massachusetts General Court resolved that there should be no deviation from the Franco-American alliance or any negotiations with Britain and that the war should be continued until American independence was recognized and established (Mass., Acts and Laws, 2:243–244).
3. Thomas Ivers (1730–1787) first was appointed assistant treasurer of Massachusetts in place of the treasurer, Henry Gardner, who was ill, and then elected treasurer in October after Gardner's death (Mass., Acts and Laws, 2:287). Ivers served until his death in 1787. For Robert Morris' establishment of the Bank of North America, which was formally incorporated on 31 Dec. 1781, see vol. 12:181, 183, 197, 199.
4. In April 1782, Samuel Ely was found guilty of “seditious and disorderly behaviour” in Springfield, Mass., for speaking out against the 1780 state constitution and encouraging a mob to prevent the courts from sitting. In June, a mob broke Ely out of jail; government troops were brought in to quell the mob but more rioting ensued. The Boston newspapers reported on these events in late June, taking their stories from the 20 and 27 June issues of the Worcester Massachusetts Spy. On 2–3 July, the Massachusetts General Court resolved to create a committee of Samuel Adams, president of the Senate; Nathaniel Gorham, speaker of the House of Representatives; and Gen. Artemas Ward to go to Hampshire County and “enquire into the grounds of dissatisfaction—to correct misinformations—to remove groundless jealousies,” then report back (Mass., Acts and Laws, 2:238, 241). For more on Ely and the riots, see James Sullivan to JA, 24 July, below; Robert E. Moody, “Samuel Ely: Forerunner to Shays,” New England Quarterly, 5:105–134 (Jan. 1932); and Robert J. Taylor, Western Massachusetts in the Revolution, Providence, 1954, p. 119–120.
5. This was Daniel Denison Rogers, a Boston merchant, and his wife Abigail Bromfield Rogers. Besides Cooper's letter they also carried AA's of 17 July to JA. Later, when AA and JA were both in London, the Rogerses were frequent visitors (AFC, 4:343, 348; 6 and 7:index). For a portrait of Abigail Bromfield Rogers, who returned to America in 1786, see AFC, 7:38.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0120

Author: Dana, Francis
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-22

From Francis Dana

[salute] My Dear Sir

Uncertain whether you have seen the paper from which I send you enclosed an Extract I do myself the pleasure to forward that to you by the earliest opportunity. It was put into my hands by one of my friends here; who I told you in a late letter desired his complements to you,1 too late for the last post. The whole has not yet been communicated; as I am told, to any one here, but will be in a day or two, when I hope to have the perusal of it. My Correspondent for some reason, I know not what, has not communicated so important a peice of intelligence to me. This communication on the part of { 196 } G. Britain has been made to both the Imperial Courts, and to that of Versailles; and it seems to me must revive the old mediation on the grounds and principles required by the latter in its last answer to the mediating Courts. You will therefore be probably called upon to repair to Vienna much sooner than you had expected: But I have information which I have little reason to doubt, that the preliminaries are in a state of forwardness, and will be adjusted at Paris. Independance, it is said, is our only object, and the obstacle to that seems now to be removed by the above communication. I fear much they will be there settled upon that ground, and you know my reason for this sentiment. The great object, for independance I do not consider as such that being long ago fully established, will be staved off to a future period, and wn: that shall arrive, we may be told the Estate is held in common and undivided, and that no new tenant can be admitted without the consent of all, because the profits of all may be effected by such a step. I may be too apprehensive in this case, but I cannot help my apprehensions.2 As I am upon this subject I will now also inclose to you a copy of King James's Grant of Nova Scotia to Sr: Wm: Alexander, of which mention is made in the papers in your hands. I meet with it in a pamphlet here.3 If you compare the limits with the Chart of N. Scotia by Jeffereys, No: 14 in the American Atlas, you will find that the line North from the Bay of St: Mary will strike the River St: John, and not the River St: Croix.4 To account for this, if I am not much deceived, I have somewhere found that the first River formerly bore the latter Name, tho I think there is no mention of this circumstance in the report which you have. But perhaps you will meet with something to clear up this point among the papers I received just before my last departure from Paris, and left with you. I did not peruse them. They were sent by the Secretary of our State in consequence of our application to him for further information upon that subject.5
I beg, if it is practicable, to be furnished with a Copy of your Treaty as soon as it may be finished in French or English, or both. Have you an authentick Copy of the last Marine Regulations of Congress which have been published in the Amsterdam Gazette? I have not the whole as a part was published before I took the Gazette here.6 As these must in some part enter into our Treaties, I am astonished at the negligence of some people in omitting to furnish me with them. Can you do it? Your industrious and faithful friend I find is about to leave you.7 I suppose he will carry the Treaty for { 197 } Ratification. Pray request him, for I forgot it when I wrote him by the last post, to leave in your posession The copies he took for me from the old Colo: relative to the limits of N. York &c. &c. Your Son is in good health, but I can't persuade him to write you.8

[salute] Adieu my dear Sir, I am with the highest esteem & warmest affection your friend & obedient humble Servant

Copy of the Extract mentioned above.
Sa Majesté Britannique dit
“Qu'il ne préjugé, ni ne veut préjuger aucune question quelconque, et qu'il ne prétend exclure personne de la negociation, qu'on a en vüe, qui pourrait s'y croire interessé, soit qu'il soit question des Etats Generaux, soit qu'on y veuille faire entrer les Colonies Americaines.”9
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Dana July 11. 1782.”
1. Johan Isaac de Swart. See Dana to JA, 10 May, note 5, above.
2. At this point in the letterbook version (MHi: Francis Dana Letterbook, St. Petersburg, 1782–1784), Dana indicated for insertion the following note written vertically in the left-hand margin: “The Newfoundland Fishery is here alluded to: And the Intrigues of the French Cabinet prove beyond all question that those apprehensions were but too well founded.”
3. King James I granted Nova Scotia to Sir William Alexander, a Scottish nobleman and explorer, in 1621. The pamphlet has not been identified.
4. See Thomas Jefferys, The American Atlas: or, A Geographical Description of the Whole Continent of America, London, 1778. The original grant puts the boundary line between New England and Nova Scotia “thence northward [from St. Mary's Bay] by a straight line, crossing the entrance, or mouth, of that great roadstead which runs toward the eastern part of the land between the countries of the Suriqui and Etechemini . . . to the river generally known by the name of St. Croix” (Edmund F. Slafter, Sir William Alexander and American Colonization, Boston, 1873 [repr. New York, 1966], p. 129). Using Jefferys' map of the region would move the easternmost border between Maine (Massachusetts) and Canada considerably further east.
5. With letters of 17 Oct. 1780 and 2 Jan. 1780 [1781], John Avery, the secretary of the Commonwealth, enclosed charters and other material related to the boundaries. The covering letters and the documents are in M/JA/13–14 (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 191). JA used the material, together with other documents that he had brought with him in 1779, during the peace negotiations in November.
6. Congress approved “An ordinance relative to the capture and condemnation of prizes” on 27 March 1781 (JCC, 19:314–316). The Gazette d'Amsterdam printed a French translation on 22 May 1781.
7. John Thaxter had written to Dana of his intention to return to America. See Dana to Thaxter, 8 July O.S. (MHi: Francis Dana Letterbook, St. Petersburg, 1782–1784).
8. JQA did, however, write to John Thaxter on this date (AFC, 4:352–353).
9. His British Majesty said “that he does not prejudge, nor does he want to prejudge any question whatsoever, and that he does not claim to exclude anyone from the pending negotiation who are interested in it, whether it be the question of the States General, or the admission of the American colonies.” Johan Isaac de Swart's source for this extract is unknown.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0121

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Berckel, Engelbert François van
Date: 1782-07-23

To Engelbert François van Berckel

[salute] Sir

I have recd. this morning the Letter which You did me the honor to write me yesterday. All that You say about Madam D'Hogendorp, and the “Inconnu” is a Mystery to me, never having had a Visit or Application from either, to my Knowledge. It would give me pleasure however to be of any Service to this Person upon your Recommendation, if it were in my power: but I have not only no Authority to recommend any body to Offices or Employments in America, but I am forbidden ever to give any one the least Encouragement. There are in America as in all other Countries, two Persons who wish for Employment, to one Employment, and therefore whoever goes to America with Expectations of getting into public Employment will find himself disappointed; and most certainly would not thank me for leading him into an Error and decieving him with false hopes. If after this candid Information he persists in his determination to go to America, I will with pleasure, at your desire, give him Letters of Introduction to some of my Friends at Philadelphia or Boston.1
I wish it were generally known that Congress have heretofore been obliged to thank some hundreds of Officers and other Gentlemen of undoubted good Characters, and who carried with them great Recommendations.2 It is near five Years ago, that they put themselves to the Expence of paying the Voyages back again to Europe of above an hundred Persons who had gone over in hopes of Employments, which Congress had not to give. They will not at this time a day repeat this Expence, and therefore I cannot encourage any Man to go over, in hopes of public Employment.
As to the Treaty, Sir, I have communicated to several Pensionaries that I could agree to the most of the Amendments proposed by the Admiralty: but I cannot agree to leave out entirely the 22d. and 23d. Articles: and what Objection there is to them I am not able to concieve, and no one has been so good as to point out to me any Harm or Injury they can possibly do this Republick. The Reason why the Congress should insist upon the Substance of them is obvious, vizt, because they have already plighted their Faith to the King of France to the Effect of them. The Amount of both those Articles is no more than this, “That this Treaty with the Republick shall not derogate from those already made with France.” If I were to meet the Com• { 199 } mittee of their High Mightinesses, We could in such a Conference very easily and very soon agree upon some modification of those two Articles, which would be acceptable to both Parties and upon all other Amendments which are proper to be made. If Amsterdam agrees to the Resolution proposed by the States of Holland on the 18th. of this instant July,3 the Treaty may be very easily and very soon concluded.

[salute] I have the Honor to be, with very great Respect, Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant.

LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers).
1. There is no indication that JA wrote any letters of recommendation for the d'Hogendorps.
2. JA means that the “Officers and other Gentlemen” were thanked for their trouble in coming to America, but without being offered employment. In March 1777, Congress resolved to instruct its diplomats in Europe to discourage foreign officers from coming to America “unless they are masters of our language, and have the best recommendations.” Later in the year Congress was forced to pay for the return of numerous French officers to France, and it was Silas Deane's prolific recruitment of French officers for service in the Continental Army that was partly responsible for his recall and JA's appointment to replace him (JCC, 7:174; 9:876–878; 8:721–722).
3. A printed copy of the report adopted by the Provincial States of Holland and West Friesland on 18 July is in the Adams Papers and is there accompanied by a partial French translation in Dumas' hand. The report approved the negotiation of the treaty but postponed final consideration until the views of Amsterdam and several other cities were known. It specifically referred to Arts. 22 and 23 of the draft treaty and recommended that they be either removed or replaced with a provision naming the specific articles in the Franco-American treaties, from which the Dutch-American Treaty was not to derogate. For further information on this issue, the most contentious of the negotiations, see Adriaan van Zeebergh's comments of 25 July, below; for its ultimate settlement, see The Negotiation of the Dutch-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce, 22 Aug. – 8 Oct., below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0122

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Grand, Henry
Date: 1782-07-23

To Henry Grand

[salute] Sir

I recd. in due time your favor of May 31st, I thank You for the settlement of the Account contained in it, the Ballance of which being 86f. 9s., I recieved of Messs. Fizeaux Grand & Co, and gave them two Receipts to serve for one, on the sixth of June last.
With the Wine, I wish You to drink “Success to the three combined or concerted Fleets,” and consequently, “A glorious Peace.”

[salute] With great Esteem I have the Honor to be, Sir, your most obedient Servant.

LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0123-0001

Author: Cange, M. Du
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-23

From M. Du Cange

[salute] Monsieur

Permettez moi de vous remercier d'une maniere plus particuliere de la façon obligeante avec laquelle vous m'avez reçu ce matin, quoique je n'eusse pas l'honneur de vous être connu. Comme Ecrivain d'une feuille Publique, j'entre dans une Carriere où il m'importe extrêmement de me concilier l'estime des Personnes en place, et Celle de Votre Excellence est du nombre de celles dont je suis le plus jaloux. Combien de fois, Monsieur, Votre Estimable ami Mr. Jennings, m'a fait l'Eloge de votre Caractere avec ce ton de vérité qui est l'apanage de votre nation! J'ose donc prier Votre Excellence, tant en mon nom qu'en celui de Mr. Gosse le Pere,1 qui aura l'honneur lui même de vous présenter ses respects, de vouloir bien nous gratifier lorsque l'occasion s'en presentera des nouvelles dont vous pourez etre instruit d'une maniere plus particuliere, en vous promettant de n'en faire que l'usage que vous nous dicterez. Je vous fais mes remercimens pour les Papiers que vous m'avez confiés ce matin, et dont nous tirerons tout le parti qui nous Sera possible.2 Excusez, Monsieur, la liberte que je prends de vous adresser la présente, et ne l'attribuez qu'au desir de gagner votre faveur et votre protection.

[salute] J'ai l'honneur d'etre avec Respect De Votre Excellence Le trés humble et très obeissant Serviteur

[signed] Du Cange

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0123-0002

Author: Cange, M. Du
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-23

Du Cange to John Adams: A Translation

[salute] Sir

Allow me to thank you for receiving me this morning even though I was a stranger to you. As a writer for a public journal, it is very important for my career to gain the esteem of prominent people, and your excellency's esteem is something that I would like to have. How many times, sir, has your estimable friend Mr. Jenings praised you with the honesty that is characteristic of your nation! I therefore dare to ask your excellency, as much for me as for Mr. Gosse Sr.,1 who will have the honor of paying his respects to you himself, to send us any information that you wish us to use and explicit instructions as to how we should use it. Thank you for the papers you gave me this morning from which we will utilize whatever is possible.2 Please, sir, excuse the liberty that I am taking in writing this letter to you, and view it only as a desire to gain your favor and your patronage.

[salute] I have the honor to be with respect, your excellency's most humble and very obedient servant

[signed] Du Cange
{ 201 }
1. Pierre Gosse, with his son, published the Gravenhaagse Na-Courant and its French version, the Gazette de la Haye, and presumably employed Du Cange as a writer (PCC, No. 145, f. 57).
2. The papers supplied by JA have not been identified.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0124

Author: Jenings, Edmund
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-24

From Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

I am honoured by the receipt of your Excellencys Letters of the 17th and 20th Instant.
Considering the former Conduct of Mr Fox in the Early part of Life one cannot but be astonished at what He is now doing. His Ideas are vast and his Fortitude wonderful in these Times; but to tell your Excellency truly I can never trust a Man entirely, whose principles and course of Life were once so loose and irregular.1 However He must be supported by the people of England for No one is more capable of confounding the insidious Arts of Shelbune whom I am convinced cannot Stand before Him especially if the Bedford party should give Him Cuntenese and they have hitherto done it. The Ideas, which Mr Fox has, were not, I imagine, originally his own, they come from the Duke of Richmond, who saw before I left England the only sure ground of proceeding. I fancy the Dukes Staying in place is a concerted Measure.
Give me leave to inform your Excellency of an Anecdote, which came to my Knowledge by a preceding post from England. The Gentleman who sends it me says He thinks He can vouch its for a fact.
“Immediately after the Death of Lord R. the King said to Shelburne I will be plain with you, the point next my Heart, and which I am determind be the Consequence what it may, never to relinquish but with my Crown and Life, is to prevent a total Uniquivocal recognition of the Independence of A. Promise to support me on this ground and I will leave you Unmolested on every other ground, and with full power as the prime Minister of this Kingdom.”2 The bargain was struck between these two bad Men.
When the Manuscript Bill, which I sent your Excellency was passed into an Act, the second Clause of the Preamble was struck out.3
There cannot be a doubt but the Powers of Europe might have put an End to the War long since by most peaceable Means, but { 202 } how can one expect that those, who are calld the armed Nutrallity or any other should take the step, which your Excellency Advises, when Spain has not yet Acknowledged the Independancy, there is something in Her Conduct surprizing, perhaps she may now be inclind to this step, but indeed she appears to have but little Merit.
I Hope the English Agents will be all sent away from France it is astonishing to me that any of them has been suffered to Stay, but perhaps they flattered the conceit of one man, who I Agree with your Excellency is the very fellow of Shelburne and with more rancour than any Man. Indeed your Excellency Must Watch his Conduct for the good of your Country, He is capable of doing much Mischief.4
Mr L is by this Time at Nantes, where He wrote me He proposed going in Search of a passage to America. His Address is at Madame Babut & La bouchiere. He mentiond to me the Anonymous Letter, and assurd me that He did not credit a Word of it, and that He had the Utmost respect and regard for your Excellency. I shall write and obey most punctually your Excellencys orders.
I wish I may find soon an opportunity to send your Excellency a Pamphlet which B has lately sent me entitled Reflections upon the present State of England and the Independance of America—it is an Excellent one.5
Your Excellency sees there has been a Meeting of Mr Foxs Constituents in Westminster the Speech He made on that occasion will be printed.6 I Hope the Yorkshire Gentlemen will soon come to some noble resolutions, what an occasion have they when they meet to do the last Honor to the Noble Marquiss. They will have a better opportunity to do it and for a better purpose, than the burial of Caeser offered.
Upon the whole Appearance of Affairs altho I have my Uneasiness, yet I think from Necessity England must Submit and tho Shelburne may flatter the King that He is in his Sytem yet neither one or the other are capable of Standing out long. I am sure that all the Money necessary for the Service of the Current Year is not raised, and that it is impossible to do any thing Effectual, if Europe Continues as it is, the next, and therefore I expect to see your Excellency pass through This Town to Paris.

[salute] I am with greatest Respect Sir your Excellencys most Obedient Humble Servt.

[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “July 24. 1782.”
{ 203 }
1. Fox was noted in his youth for his dissipated lifestyle and heavy gambling that resulted in the loss of most of his personal fortune and the incurring of substantial debt. But even in 1782 his lifestyle had not fundamentally changed, contrary to what might be implied from Jenings' comment, which was likely owing to a desire to see something good in a British politician whose policies toward the United States were viewed as more favorable than those of the Shelburne ministry (DNB).
2. The source of this anecdote is unknown, but it is not surprising that such an account would be current among those opposed to Shelburne's ministry, since such a bargain between George III and Shelburne was at least implied by most of the opposition speakers in the House of Commons on 9 July.
3. Jenings had sent the bill as an enclosure with his letter of 8 July (Adams Papers), for which see JA's reply of the 9th, and note 1, above.
4. Probably a reference to Benjamin Franklin, in response to JA's comments about Franklin in his letters of 17 and 20 July to Jenings, both above.
5. A copy of Thomas Day's Reflexions upon the Present State of England, and the Independence of America, London, 1782, is in JA's library at MB (Catalogue of JA's Library). Day was a British poet, essayist, and novelist (DNB). For a quotation from the pamphlet, see Jenings' letter of [ca. 1 Aug.], below.
6. Accounts of Fox's 17 July speech before his Westminster constituents appeared the next day in the London newspapers, for which see Parker's General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer. It was almost immediately published as a pamphlet entitled The Speech of the Right Honourable Charles James Fox, at a General Meeting of the Electors of Westminster, Assembled in Westminster-Hall, July 17, 1782, London, 1782. In his speech, Fox covered much the same ground as in the Commons debates on 9 July, particularly his distrust of Shelburne and his pledge to recognize American independence.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0125

Author: Sullivan, James
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-24

From James Sullivan

[salute] Dear Sir

Your Numerous friends will undoubtedly give you by this Conveyance all the news we have in this part of the world, but that you may not think me wanting in that respect which we all owe to your public Character, and that Esteem I ever had for you in private life, I intrude this letter upon you: I have not however the ambition to wish you would acknowledge the receipt of it, because I am sensible that your time is wholly taken up in business of importance, and besides, there is nothing in it that can need an answer.
We have had nothing from the Camp or from york for several Days G Washington hath been in Controversy with the present and late British generals upon the Murder of one Capt Huddy of N Jersy who was Tried by the late board of refugees in york and hanged—he ordered one Asgill a Capt in the surrender of york Town to be executed, soon afterwards we heard that Sir Guy Carlton had ordered one Lippencut and the perpetrator out to be hanged on the Jersey Shore but lately nothing has been said about it.1
All our Supplies of money from france is carried into york for Goods. So that we have by no means money to pay our Taxes. Congress recommend it warmly to the States to pass effiecacious Acts { 204 } against Such proceedings. I am ordered now to draw a bill against it in this State—but am very sensible that while the merchants and traders look upon a person who shall now Seize or inform in as odious a light as we used to formerly, very Little will be done in execution of the Act. I got a number of the merchants together and said whatever I had in my mind about it. An association is Set on foot and Deacon Smith and a few others have signed it but it appears to me nearly impossible to make it general.2 The importers of goods [fro]m Europe are ready to associate against taking Goods from york but the bringing English Goods by way of Ostend is not so readily given up. I wish for your sentiments on this Subject writen to some one of your friends who will Communicate them to me.3
The finances of each State in the union are intirely deranged, there is a shameful inattention to this important matter throughout the Continent. This State owes at a large Computation about 1700,000 pounds the Interest of which is near about 100,000 annually our present excise if extended to Lemons Limes Oranges Suggar Coffee and Cocoa will amount to a sum fully equal to the Interest, our Civil Government the last year amounted to an expence of 80,000 pounds this may well be reduced to twenty. Congress calls upon us for 400,000 pounds to support our Army the people can bear a Tax of 500,000 without being unreasonably burthened and yet we have not money enough in our Treasury to send an express to head quarters. I inclose you the purport of an Order lately passed by the general Court to have their finances arranged but I have no hope of the general Courts adopting any plan that may be laid before them.4
Our new Constitution has lost all the energy which the propriety and Justness of its principles gave it at the first introduction of it. A number of people in the County of Hampshire stimulated by the Tories arose to oppose Government. The Superour Court there in april Last Acted with great firmness and Success agt. them. Their Leader5 was committed to prison but was afterwards rescued by an Armed force of 130 men. The people there collected in Arms to assist Government. Each side acquired new force untill the Number on the Side of Government amounted to 800 men, on the Side of the insurgents there assembled nearly 400. Both Sides seemed determined. An express arrived to the Governor from the Sherriff. It was laid before the General Court where the question whether the insurgents were wrong or right was agitated. This damped the Spirits of the people on the Side of Government and gave boldness to { 205 } the other side. Nothing since hath been done save the appointment of a Committee to go to treat with the Insurgents Mr Adams was I am told against the measure but he is now gone on the Commission. Had the governor Ordered the whole militia of the State in motion to aid the civil authority the matter would have Ended well without Shedding blood, but as the matter is now managed by the General Court the weakness of Government is too strongly painted to be capable of Coerce.
I have given you the bad side of our affairs and least you should think that I am in a fit of meloncholly I will give you something better—our Ships have arived lately from Europe beyond our most sanguine expectations. The Country abounds with merchandise as well as produce, and prizes of great Value Tumble in every day and so far are our people from wishing to relinquish their Independence that no man dares to make it a question whether we shall hold it or not. The people at large would not deign to here a Conversation upon the Subject and they will most chearfully Sacrifice every thing to Independence if their Rulers will Conduct their affairs with any tolerable prudence.
I wish your return here exceedingly if you could be Spared from your Countrys service in Europe you could do much for your Country here.

[salute] I am Sir the greatest Esteem and Friendship your most obedt & very Hble Servt

[signed] James Sullivan
I should not have Trusted the aforgoing Sentiments to paper but am assured that Captain Coffin6 will Sink the Letter if he is in danger of being taken.
RC (Adams Papers). Some loss of text due to damage at edge of letter.
1. For more on the so-called Asgill affair, see Robert R. Livingston to JA, 29 May, note 5, above.
2. On 21 June, Congress adopted a resolution recommending that state legislatures “adopt the most efficacious measures for suppressing all traffic and illicit intercourse between their respective citizens and the enemy” (JCC, 22:341). The Mass. General Court initially addressed this issue in March 1781 with “An Act for Preventing All Commerce and Illegal Correspondence with the Enemies of the United States of America,” and strengthened it in May 1781 with “An Act in Addition . . .” (Mass., Acts and Laws, 1:55–59, 67–69). As Sullivan predicted, the General Court took no immediate action on Congress' recommendation, but on 7 Sept., Isaac Smith Sr., possibly the “Deacon Smith” referred to by Sullivan, wrote to JA regarding the illicit trade from New York. In his letter he indicated that on 6 Sept. the Boston Town Meeting had adopted spirited resolutions condemning such trade and calling on the General Court to take more effective measures to stop it (AFC, 4:378–379; Boston, Reports, 26:272–275). Likely as a result of Boston's action, the General Court again revised its 1781 law by adopting another “Act in Addition” (Mass., Acts and Laws, 2:84–91).
3. For JA's “sentiments,” see his letter to Sullivan of 6 Sept., below.
{ 206 }
4. The order to which Sullivan refers has not been identified, but in early July the General Court adopted a number of acts and resolves concerning finances and the treasury (Mass., Acts and Laws, 2:34–38, 42–44, 250–257).
5. Samuel Ely. For more on the uprising and the committee appointed by the General Court to investigate the situation, see Samuel Cooper to JA, 22 July, note 4, above.
6. Capt. Alexander Coffin reached Amsterdam in early Oct., and on his return to America he carried merchandise for AA (to Wilhem & Jan Willink, 12 Oct.; from Wilhem & Jan Willink, 14 Oct., both below; AFC, 5:19–20).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0126-0001-0001

Author: Zeebergh, Adriaan van
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-25

From Adriaan van Zeebergh

[salute] Monsieúr

J'ai l'honneúr de faire parvenir ci joint a votre Excellence les considerations, que j'eus le plaisir de lúi communiqúer hier de boúche.
En eclaircissant ainsi mes idées et celles de ma ville quant aux Articles differentiaúx dú projet Traité entre les deúx Republiqúes, j'espere, qúe cela pourra contribúer en quelqúe Sorte a ún accommodement Salútaire, Súr ún point, d'ont noús convenous entierement; Si je ne me trompe, eu principe.
Je Súis tres flatté d'avoir cette occasion poúr temoigner a votre Excellence le respect, avec lequel j'ai l'honneúr d'etre, Monsieúr, Votre tres humble et tres obeissant Serviteúr,
[signed] A: Van Zeebergh1

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0126-0001-0002

Author: Zeebergh, Adriaan van
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-25

Encosure: Van Zeebergh's Notes on the Dutch-American Treaty

Consideratien op Art. 22. & 23. van het project Tractaat tusschen Haar Hoog Mog. en de Vereenigde Staaten van America.
Wanneer men den generaalen inhoud van die twee Artt. admitteerde, en dús van wegens Hún Hoog Mog. toegaf, dat dit geheele Tractaat in alle zyne Clausulen en Artt. nú en voor 't vervolg verstaan zal moeten worden niet te contrarieren aan de Stipúlatien, voorkomende in de twee Tractaaten, door de vereenigde Staaten van America met zyne Majesteit den Koning van Frankryk reeds gemaakt &c.; zoo zouden daar úit dan resulteren dezer twee inconvenienten:
Voor eerst, dat wij telkens bij 't gebrúik maaken van elk Art. met angstvalligheid zouden moeten consuleren alle de Artt. úit den Tractaaten met Frankrijk, om dús na te gaan, of in dezelven iets gevonden wierd, 't welk eenige limitatie aan het Art. úit ons Tractaat zoude toebrengen.
{ 207 }
Iets zeker, dat veel moeyelykheid, en teffens dubieteit, altoos veroorzaaken zoú; te meer noch, wanneer onbekende Secrete Artt. daar onder begrepen zyn.
Ten tweede, dat wij ten aanzien van den zin en 't verstand van ons Tractaat, bij vervolg van tijd, en wanneer onverhooptelijk eenige verwijderingen tusschen deze Republiek en Frankrijk of Spanje ontstaan mogten, zouden worden geexponeerd aan discússien met de gen. Mogenheden: discússien, die voor deze Republiek altoos te nadeeliger zouden moeten uitvallein, om dat zij zich door het admitteren der voorz. twee Artt. in effecte zouden hebben verbonden, om haar geheel Tractaat úit de gemaakte Tractaaten met de gen. Mogenheden ten allen tijde explicaties te doen ontfangen.
Deze zwarigheden liggen in de letter van de twee Artt. in quaestien volstrekt opgesloten, en zijn voor deze Republiek al te gewigtig, dan dat aan de mogelykheid zelfs om in vervolg van tijd daar aan blootgesteld te worden eenige plaats kan of behoort te worden overgelaaten.
Het kan ook nooit de intentie van den Heer Adams geweest zijn om deze Repúbliek aan diergelijke mogelijke gevolgen van de voors. gemaakte bedenkingen te exponeren, maar zijne Excellentie moet daar mede alleen bedoeld hebben zekere bepaalde Stipúlatien uit de Tractaaten met Frankrijk, die direct eenige exclúsive concessien in zich bevatten.
Zeker is het, dat zoodanigen Stipulatien, als door het formeel Slúiten der Tractaaten, waar in ze voorkomen, haar volledig beslag gekregen hebbende, niet kunnen of behooren te worden geinfringeerd of verminderd door posterieuren Tractaaten met andere Mogenheden; maar dat het compleet effect van zúlke Stipúlatien Speciaal by het maaken van anderen Tractaaten moet worden in 't oog gehoúden en geconserveerd.
Hierom zoú het zeker vrúgteloos weezen, indien deze Republiek de werking van dergelyke particuliere Stipulatien, of expresselijk, of Stilzwijgend, wilden úitslúiten of verminderen.
En gelijk derhalve het primitief oogmerk van den Heer Adams, op zich zelve beschouwd, moet worden gebillijkt, maar den voorgeslagen wijze, waar op het zelve bereikt zoúde worden, merkelijke zwarigheden voor deze Repúbliek bevat; zoo is de vraag, of dit niet door het inslaan van zekeren middelweg, die aan de wederzydsche bedoelingen genoegsaam voldoen kan, te vereffenen zouden zijn.
Het eenvouwigste middel hier toe zoúde weezen:
{ 208 }
Indien den Heer Adams konde goedvinden van de Speciaale Artt. en Stipúlatien, die eenige privative concessie voor Frankrijk (en casúqus ook voor Spanje) behelzen, en door zijn Excellentie bij het projecteren van de twee Artt. in quaestie bedoeld zijn, optegeeven; als kúnnende dan, met betrekking tot die alzoo nominatien opgegeeven Artt. en poincten, in het Tractaat met deze Republiek, of, zoo zúlks gepraefereerd wierd, by een Separaat en Secreet Art., worden geconvenieerd, dat ons Tractaat niet gerekend zoúde worden eenigzins contrarie te zijn aan de zelve poincten, of daar aan in 't minst te derogeren: met verdere byvoeging, dat even dit zelfde plaats zal hebben ten aanzien van zyne Catholiqúe Majesteit den Koning van Spanje, voor zoo verre hoogst de zelve tot de voors. twee Tractaaten, en byzonder tot de gen. opgegeeven particulieren Stipúlatien, zoúde willen accederen.
Of men zoú bij het Tractaat in generaalen woorden kunnen zeggen: Dat de inhoud van het zelve niet zal worden gerekend contrarie te zijn aan de particúliere Stipulatien, uit kragte der twee gemaakte Tractaaten met Zijne AllerChristelykste Majesteit, en waar toe het aan Zijne Catholicque Majesteit, moet vrij blyven te accederen, voort vloeijende, noch daar aan in 't minste te derogeren:
Terwijl dan vervolgens bij een Secreet Art. het gen. te maaken Art. indien voege zouden moeten worden geëlúcideerd, dat men met betrekking tot de waare intenties daar van zoú dienen op te geeven de Speciaale gevallen en Artt. uit de Tractaaten met Frankrijk, bij dat beding eigenlijk en alleen bedoeld, en het zelve daar toe nominaten te stringeren.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0126-0002-0001

Author: Zeebergh, Adriaan van
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-25

Adriaan van Zeebergh to John Adams: A Translation

[salute] Sir

I have the honor of enclosing to your excellency the considerations we discussed yesterday.
By clarifying my ideas and those of my city regarding the differentiating articles in the treaty plan between the two republics, I hope this can contribute in some way toward a good compromise on a point that, if I am not mistaken, we agree on entirely in principle.
I am delighted to have this opportunity to express to your excellency the respect with which I have the honor to be, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] A: Van Zeebergh1
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); the recipient's copy is filmed at 25 Sept. (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 358); enclosure endorsed: “Mr Van Zeeberg's Observations on the 22 & 23 Articles” and, accompanied by C. W. F. Dumas' French translation, is filmed at [22–29 Aug.] (same, Reel No. 357).
1. For JA's good opinion of Adriaan van Zeebergh, a lawyer and the pensionary of Haarlem, see his letter of 4 Sept. to Robert R. Livingston, below. Van Zeebergh's observations on Arts. 22 and 23 constitute the most detailed explanation available of the reasons why the Dutch wanted them removed from the treaty. Equally important is the fact that Van Zeebergh suggested a means to overcome the Dutch objections. For the ultimate resolution of the problem posed by the two articles, see The Negotiation of the Dutch-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce, 22 Aug. – 8 Oct., Nos. II, III, and IV, below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0126-0002-0002

Author: Zeebergh, Adriaan van
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-25

Enclosure: Van Zeebergh's Notes on the Dutch-American Treaty: A Translation

Considerations on Articles 22 & 23 of the draft treaty between their High Mightinesses and the United States of America.
If one admitted the general content of those two articles, and thus because their High Mightinesses conceded that this complete treaty, in all its clauses and articles, now and henceforth should be understood not to go against the stipulations of the two treaties already concluded between the United States of America and His Majesty the King of France, etc., then these two inconveniences would be the result:
First, that every time we made use of any article, we would have to painstakingly consult all the articles from the treaties with France to check accordingly whether something were to be found in the treaties which would involve some limitations regarding the article in our treaty.
This would surely always cause much difficulty and uncertainty, especially if unknown, secret articles would be included there.
Secondly, that regarding the sense and logic of our treaty, with the passage of time and if unforeseen disagreements might arise between this Republic and France or Spain, we would be exposed to discussions with those powers: discussions that would always turn out to be more disadvantageous for this republic because, in effect, by admitting the said two articles she would have committed herself to receive interpretations of her own treaty based on those already concluded with the aforementioned powers.
These objections lie expressly and literally in the two articles in question, and are of such importance to this republic that in case it would be exposed to this in the future, room should be made in the treaty.
Also, it can never have been Mr. Adams' intention to expose this republic to such possible consequences of the aforementioned objections, but his excellency must have therewith intended certain stipulations in the treaties with France containing some exclusive concessions.
It is certain that such stipulations, which have acquired their force by the formal conclusion of the treaties in which they are found, cannot be or ought not to be infringed upon or reduced by later treaties with other powers, but that the complete effect of such stipulations should be kept in mind and preserved especially when making other treaties.
Because of this, it would certainly be fruitless for this republic, explicitly or implicitly, to exclude or reduce the effect of such particular stipulations.
And likewise, Mr. Adams' primary goal, taken on its own, must be approved, but the proposed manner by which it would be attained contains considerable objections for this republic; thus, the question is whether this could not be settled by taking a certain middle road that would satisfy the mutual intentions.
{ 210 }
The simplest way to go about this would be:
That Mr. Adams could indicate the special articles and stipulations that contain some private concessions to France (and as the case may be also for Spain), and if his excellency in drafting the two articles in question could, relative to the articles and points so indicated, agree in the treaty with this republic or, if preferred, in a separate and secret article, that our treaty would not be deemed in anyway to be contrary to these points, or to deviate therefrom in the least: with further addition that the same would take place with regard to his Catholic Majesty, the King of Spain, in so far as the said Majesty would have acceded to the two above mentioned treaties and particularly to the particular stipulations so indicated.
Or one could say in general terms in the treaty: that its contents will not be deemed in any way to be contrary to or derogate from the particular stipulations which have precedence by virtue of the two treaties concluded with his Most Christian Majesty to which his Most Catholic Majesty retains the freedom to accede.
While then, by a secret article, the article placed in the treaty could be explained, indicating in order to make known the true intention of said article, the special cases and articles from the treaties with France that it has properly and uniquely in view and that is only intended to regulate the references thereto.
The content of all or some notes that appeared on this page in the printed volume has been moved to the end of the preceding document.
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); the recipient's copy is filmed at 25 Sept. (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 358); enclosure endorsed: “Mr Van Zeeberg's Observations on the 22 & 23 Articles” and, accompanied by C. W. F. Dumas' French translation, is filmed at [22–29 Aug.] (same, Reel No. 357).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0127-0001

Author: Cerisier, Antoine Marie
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-27

From Antoine Marie Cerisier

[salute] Monsieur

Peut-être aurai-je l'honneur de répondre demain à l'invitation que vous m'avez faite avec tant d'affabilité, d'aller vous vois à la Haye. Je Sens que j'ai besoin d'aller puiser dans votre conversation; c'est dans cette source féconde que j'irai chercher à réparer la sécheresse de mes faibles lumieres. Si je n'arrivai pas demain a la Haye, ce serait certainement samedi de la semaine prochaine. Comme personne ne me connait dans cette résidence, je serai flatté d'entendre causer l'un et l'autre; mais hélas mon absence ne peut être longue à { 211 } cause de l'esclavage de la Gazette;1 j'espere que mon corps en profitera autant que mon esprit; car suivant les médecins, ma santé asses délabrée depuis quelque tems à quelque besoin de changer un peu d'air.

[salute] J'ai l'honneur d'etre le même dévoûment & la même vènération que vous m'avez connus de votre Excellence le Très humble & très obéissant serviteur

[signed] A M. Cerisier

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0127-0002

Author: Cerisier, Antoine Marie
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-27

Antoine Marie Cerisier to John Adams: A Translation

[salute] Sir

May I please have the honor of responding tomorrow to your affable invitation to visit you at The Hague? I sense that I need to converse with you; it is from this deep well that I will seek to refresh my parched ideas. If I do not arrive at The Hague tomorrow, it certainly will be Saturday of next week. Since no one knows me at this residence, I would be delighted to hear their conversations, but alas, I cannot be absent from the enslavement of the Gazette for very long.1 I hope that my body will profit from it as much as my spirit because according to the doctors, my fairly poor health would benefit from a little change in the air.

[salute] I have the honor to be, with the same devotion and veneration that your excellency has shown to me, your very humble and very obedient servant

[signed] A M. Cerisier
1. Probably a reference to his editorship of Le politique hollandais, but he had also supplied the Gazette d'Amsterdam with French translations of English documents, for which see vol. 12:126, 130.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0128

Author: Mazzei, Philip
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-07-30

From Philip Mazzei

[salute] Sir

The honour of your Excellency's letter of the 3d. instt. has afforded me a great satisfaction on many accounts, but particularly for the information of the flourishing state of our dear Country.
I hope you will have received before this my preceding of 28. ulto., to which I refer you in regard to the intentions of the European Courts. What your Excellency says on that subject confirms me in my opinion, which has been for some time, and is, that those Powers who should think of joining England, would receive much greater injury by it, than they could do to us. My reply to this Sovereign, as mentioned in my preceding, relative to our Independence, is a clear prove of my way of thinking on that head.
{ 212 }
The most dangerous intrigues alluded to in my letter of 21st. May, have been carried on within the circumference of the United Provinces; and I think I was justifiable in calling them not only refined, but even most refined, when I consider that the honest party have not been able to prove them clearly enough, as to bring the guilty to a legal punishement, and that, notwithstanding the precautions already taken, they still exist, to the prejudice of the good Cause, though in much lesser degree. The intrigues of the foreign Courts could not be kept secret, as your Excellency justly observes; but a domestick Enemy, provided of a number of Satellites in almost every department to shelter him, is the Devil. I hope to be sufficiently understood.
I have been much pleased with your Excellency's prognostick in regard to Irland, because you would not speak without some good foundations; I cannot however be so sanguine in my expectations on that point. I cannot flatter myself with the hope of an alliance with that Kingdom. It seems to me, that if the Irish are united in their claim about external Legislation England will acquiesce in it; that they will lose the point if they are not united.
Your reflections on the barbarous conduct of England cannot be in my opinion better adequate. I make no doubt but we shall pay due regard to it, and behave with gratitude and affection to our Friends, as a Nation; I have however my doubts about a good number of our People, who I am afraid will individually pass over it, and suffer to be lead by old prejudices in favour of a Country, which in point of justice, honour, and delicacy ought for ever to be detested by us. I wish with all my heart that I may be mistaken.
The intense uncommon heat of the Season has reduced me so low, that it will be impossible for me to undertake a journey before the middle of September; therefore I must beg your Excelly's favour to let me Know before I set out from this place, whether my preceding came safely to your hands, and if you have thought proper to send a copy of it in your cipher to America.1 I don't mean to abuse your Excellency's compleasance but for the certainty of it, while I express my hearty thanks for your very obliging, satisfactory, and friendly letter. And I have the honour to be most respectfully, Sir, your Excellency's most Humble & most Obedient Servant
[signed] Philip Mazzei
1. For JA's refusal to send Mazzei's 28 June letter to America and his reasons for it, see his reply to Mazzei of 12 Aug., below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0129

Author: Jenings, Edmund
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-08-01

From Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

Supposing your Excellency ignorant of what is true, I take the Liberty of sending you what may be false, but it comes from England, that Land of Insidiousness.
Preliminaries of a Peace, said to be formed by the Rockingham Party, but if formed by any one I think Ld Shelburne is the Man.2
1st That the british Troops shall be withdrawn from the 13 Provinces of N America and a Truce made between G B and the said Provinces for — years (suppose 10 or 20).
2dly That a Negociation for Peace shall bona fide be opened between G B and the allies of America.
3dly. if the proposed Negociations between G B and the allies of America should not succeed so as to produce a Peace, but that War should Continue between the said Parties that America should Act and be treated as a neutral Nation.
4thy. That whenever Peace shall take place between G B and the allies of America the Truce between G B and America shall be converted into a perpetual Peace the Independance of America shall be admitted and Guarranteed by G B and a Commercial Treaty settled between Them.
5thly. That these propositions shall be made to the Court of France for Communication to the American Commissrs and for an Answer to the Court of G B.
I will take the first opportunity of sending your Excellency Mr Days Admirable Pamphlet in the mean while give me leave to send you the Character of Ld. Shelburne, as drawn therein:
“A Minister selfish and interested like his Predecessors may feel more Attachment to Pomp and Power than to the Essential Interests of his Country: with boundless Ambition, but a contracted Heart He may take Advantage of popular Delusions to violate his own Professions, or yielding to that mighty Influence against which He has so long declaimed, may Steer the public Vessel towards the very shoals, He has so repeatedly pointed out and instead of making the port, seek for refuge amidst the Storm.”3
Yesterday Mr Fitzherbert the English minister at this Court set out from Hence (As He said himself) for Paris.

[salute] I am with the greatest Respect Sir your Excellency's Most Obedient Humble Servt.

[signed] Edm: Jenings
{ 214 }
RC (Adams Papers). Filmed (at [25–28 Sept.], Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 358).
1. This date is derived from Jenings' reference in the final sentence of this letter to Alleyne Fitzherbert's departure for Paris on the previous day. Parker's General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer of 10 Aug. reported that Fitzherbert left Brussels on 31 July. Also, JA refers to this letter and to Jenings' letter of 24 July, above, in his of 3 Aug., below.
2. Jenings wrote to Henry Laurens on 1 Aug., not found, and apparently enclosed the following proposals. For Laurens' comments on them and their origin in his reply of 5 Aug., not found, see Jenings' letter of 11 Aug., below.
3. Jenings quotes from Thomas Day's Reflexions upon the Present State of England, and the Independence of America, London, 1782, p. 110.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0130

Author: Loveney, John
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-08-01

From John Loveney

[salute] Sr

I am to Acquaint you that Captn Allcock is Likely to go to Prison the Bill that was present'd to you1 it is the Astonishment to every Body it was not Discharg'd by you as he made not the Least Doubt but it wd. be paid on which Account he has plung'd himself into the Greatest Difficulties as I am a Principle Concern'd you'll Please to Communicate what Can be Done so as to prevent his Going Prison as he is in a Strange Place end without friends he has been at my house Ever since he Came to Amsterdam and I have Supportd him in Eating and Drinking and Money Lent permit therefore to Request Your Speedy Answer will be of the Utmost Consequence: there are many more Creditors for Considerable Sums. Yr. Humble. Servant
[signed] John Loveney
Please to Direct at the Crown in the Warmoes Streed2
RC (Adams Papers). Filmed (at [1782?], Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 358).
1. See Allcock to JA, 9 July, above.
2. JA replied the following day, “I can pay no Debts of Mr Allcock, nor advance him any more money. It is astonishing that any Body could ever have entertained so ground less an Apprehension as that I could pay the Bill you mention or any other like it” (LbC, Adams Papers).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0131

Author: Jay, John
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-08-02

From John Jay

[salute] Sir

Your friendly Letter of the 8th. Ult. should not have remained so long unanswered, had I not been obliged by Sickness which lasted several Weeks to postpone writing to any of my Correspondents. Mrs. Jay has also been much indisposed—Indeed neither of us have been blessed with much Health since we left America.
{ 215 }
Your Negociations in Holland have been honorable to yourself as well as useful to your Country—I rejoice in both, and regret that your Health has been so severely taxed by the Business of your Employment. I have also had my Share of Perplexities, and some that I ought not to have met with. I congratulate You on the Prospect of your Loan's succeeding, and hope your Expectations on that Subject may be realized. I commend your Prudence however in not relying on appearances—they deceive us sometimes in all Countries.
My Negociations have not been discontinued by my leaving madrid. The Count d'Aranda is authorized to treat with me, and the Disposition of that Court to an Alliance with us seems daily to grow warmer.1 I wish we could have a few Hours Conversation on this Subject, and others connected with it—as we have no Cypher, I must be reserved. I had flattered myself with the Expectation of seeing you here, and still hope that when your Business at the Hague will admit of a few Weeks absence, you may prevail upon yourself to pay us a Visit. I really think that a free Conference between us might be useful as well as agreable—especially as we should thereby have an opportunity of making many Communications to each other that must not be committed to paper.2
Mr Oswald is here, and I hear that Mr Fitzherbert is to succeed Mr Grenville.3 Ld. Shelburne continues to profess a Desire of Peace—but his Professions unless supported by Facts can have little Credit with us. He says that our Independence shall be acknowledged—but it is not done, and therefore his Sincerity remains questionable. War must make peace for us—and we shall always find well appointed armies to be our ablest Negociators.
The Entrigues you allude to, I think may be also traced at Madrid, but I believe have very little Influence anywhere except perhaps at London. Petersburgh and Copenhagen in my opinion wish well to England, but are less desirous to share in the War, than in the Proffits of it—perhaps indeed further accessions of power to the House of Bourbon may excite Jealousy, especially as America as well as Holland is supposed to be very much under the Direction of France.
Did you receive my Letters of 18 March and 15 Ap.?4 Think a little of coming this Way.

[salute] I am Dear Sir with great Esteem & Regard Your most obt. & very h'ble Servt

[signed] John Jay
P.S. Mr Carmichael is at Madrid.
{ 216 }
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Jay Aug. 2. recd & ansd 10 1782.” Dft (NNC); notation: “Mr. J. Adams 2d Aug 1782 in ansr to 8 July.”
1. Jay's negotiations with the Conde de Aranda, the Spanish ambassador to France, began in early August, centered on the western boundary of the United States, and came to nothing. This was partly due to Jay's lack of fluency in either French or Spanish. But the lack of agreement was also the product of Spain's continued refusal, despite Jay's hopes, to recognize the United States and of its desire, supported by France, to keep the western border as far to the east of the Mississippi River as possible (Morris, Peacemakers, p. 306–307).
2. At this point in Jay's draft is the following paragraph that he did not copy into the letter sent to JA: “As to Negotiations for peace—they have been retarded by the late Changes in the british ministry. I have very little confidence in that Court and shall always expect more from this.>” The canceled passage is supplied from Richard B. Morris, ed., John Jay, Unpublished Papers, 17451784, 2 vols., N.Y., 1975, 1980, 2:267–268.
3. Appointed by Lord Shelburne in July to replace Thomas Grenville as British peace commissioner, Alleyne Fitzherbert, the British minister resident at Brussels, arrived at Paris on 2 Aug. (Morris, Peacemakers, p. 291, 305; Repertorium, 3:167). Although bearing a commission authorizing him to enter into peace negotiations with all the belligerent states, Fitzherbert was primarily responsible for negotiations with France, Spain, and the Netherlands, while Richard Oswald acted as the principal negotiator with the American peace commissioners.
4. Vol. 12:334–335, 410.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0132

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-08-03

To Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

Your Favour with the Anecdote and that with the Preliminaries, I have recd.1 Be So good as to Send me every Thing of this Sort, which I will not fail to make a good Use of.
The Imprudence of Ld shelburne in keeping open the question of American Independence, appears, every day more glaring to me and I find it is Seen in the Same light generally in Europe. The Kings Mulish Stubbornness, may cost him very dear. What a dreadfull Curse to have a Mule for a King or a Statholder! What a fine Excuse they furnish to Spain and France? who need no other Justification than british Indiscretion is sure to afford them.
The Court Gazettes in this Country are growing more patriotick, one of them told me lately, “Monsieur, Vous Serez plus content de notre Gazette a l'avenir”2 and he has kept his Word. Indeed Frisland and Zealand and even Holland are taking Steps, which are alarming to these Gentry. Calling for Orders and Letters, means more than an attack upon the Duke, and has had an Effect accordingly.3
I long to See Mr Days Pamphlet. Pray what and who is this Mr Day?
Can you tell me the Names of the monthly and critical Reviewers in London? Franklin and Bancroft have Connections ancient and { 217 } modern with those Writers, and indeed with most of the Printers and Booksellers in London, which enable them to get a million of Wickednesses and Follies, published, to answer their Views, and to prevent Somethings which would serve a better Purpose, from being published.4
Will you be so good as to get Something like this inserted in some of the Papers, absolutely without its being known to any body but yr friend to whom you may send it, that it comes from you.5
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “His Excellency Mr Adams augst 3d 1782.”
1. 24 July and [ca. 1 Aug.], both above.
2. Sir, you will be very satisfied with our journal in the future. The newspaper referred to has not been identified but may have been the Gazette de la Haye. JA had met with a M. Du Cange who wrote for the paper and reportedly was to meet with its editor (from Du Cange, 23 July, above).
3. JA is presumably referring to the calls for the Dutch Navy to take a more aggressive role against the British, including combined operations with the French Navy. JA likely had seen the proposals from the provinces as printed in the newspapers. See, for example, the Gazette d'Amsterdam of 26, 30 July and 2 August. JA saw such efforts as more productive than efforts to dismiss the Duke of Brunswick as William V's chief advisor. For the controversy over Brunswick, see the indexes to vols. 11 and 12; for earlier comments on the effort as a diversion from more important national issues, see Joan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol's letter of 6 Jan. and JA's reply of 14 Jan. 1782 (vol. 12:172–175, 184–186).
4. Jenings never responded directly to JA's request, but see his comments on the “puffs” that he had seen in the London newspapers in his letter of 22 Aug., below.
5. JA probably refers here to his longstanding desire to have his response to Joseph Galloway's Cool Thoughts, later known as the “Letters from a Distinguished American,” published in London. At least that is apparently what Jenings took him to mean in his reply of 11 Aug., below.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0133

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Dana, Francis
Date: 1782-08-07

To Francis Dana

[salute] Dear Sir

I have recd. the two halves of your letter to Congress, and they have been sent on.1 I sent you a few days since a packett fm. our Minister of foreign Affairs.2 Sometime ago, I sent unto you the miniature of Genl. Washington, wh. Mr. Searle gave me, and I am anxious to learn that you have recd. it.3
I can give you no news fm. America, France, Spain or Holland, but what you will have previously seen in the Newspapers. Patience is still necessary with this People. They must have their way and they always march with the slow step, excepting in the month of April last. The Treaty, I am told, will now be soon finished. Tomorrow, as they say, the States of Holland will take their resolutions upon it.
{ 218 }
Mr. Thaxter has been sick ever since I removed to the Hague, but is now getting better.
My Son has not written me a line a long time. He should not wait to receive letters from me, because he knows I am busy and he is at leisure.4
Now, Sir, for something of consequence. You are weary of a pitifull existence. So am I. Yet we must both bear it, lest our impatience should do mischief. I cannot advise you to come away this year. These moments are too critical and your powers are of too much importance. I think them of the greatest moment of any, except those for Peace. The simple signature of your name would pacify the world. I mean it would settle the great point, which, once settled, any Nation will afterwards continue the war unreasonably at its peril. My most friendly and candid advice is, therefore, to put on Patience as armour, wait another Winter. I don't mean by this, however, to advise you to be silent, unless you have reason to believe you shall be refused. You may communicate your character and mission in confidence to the confidential Minister—no, I mean the Minister of Foreign Affairs—represent to him that you came to that Court, as the first and Principal in the Armed Confederation, but that your Commission is to all. Represent delicately the propriety of that Courts communicating your application to the other Parties to that Treaty, that, if he refuse, you shall be obliged to go to the other Courts, those of Berlin, Stockholm, Vienna &ce. That it is doubly for the public good of Europe, that this Confederation should as one acknowledge American Independence, that it is even friendship to England and the only means of saving it from irretrieveable destruction. If you receive an answer and a refusal, come off, but go to Stockholm, Berlin or Vienna and sound those Ministers. If you receive no answer, communicate your Character and Powers to the Ministers of Stockholm, Berlin and Vienna, at Petersburg, and pray them to transmit them to their Court, and remain patiently where you are, 'till next year.
The Neutral Nations ought to seize on Fox's system and settle the matter.5 If they will do nothing by next Summer, I cannot advise you to wait longer.
I write you this, as crude hints, and beg you would consider them in no other light, and believe me to be your sincere Friend, and humle. Servt.
[signed] J. A.
{ 219 }
RC (MHi: Dana Family Papers); addressed: “The honble. Francis Dana Esqr. St. Petersbourg”; endorsed: “Mr: J: Adams's Letter Dated Augt: 7th. 1782 Recd: Aug: 18/29.”
1. For this letter, see Dana to JA, [1 July], note 2, above.
2. The packet contained copies of Livingston's letters of 2 March and 22 May to Dana, which were received on 29 Aug. and to which Dana replied on the 30th (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:209–213, 436, 679–680). See also Dana's letter to JA of 30 Aug., below.
3. For the otherwise unidentified miniature portrait of George Washington, see vol. 12:217, 324, 397.
4. JQA's last letter was of 31 March; he wrote next on 6 Sept. (AFC, 4:302–303, 378).
5. That is, they should immediately recognize the United States as independent and sovereign; however, compare this statement and the advice given by JA earlier in the letter with his A Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe, [ca. 5–8 July], above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0134

Author: Lee, Arthur
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-08-07

From Arthur Lee

[salute] Dear Sir

I wrote you a long letter of the 30th. Decr. 1780 to which I have not yet receivd any answer.1 But I cannot help writing a line to you by this opportunity, as well to congratulate you on the success of your negociations in Holland as to mention to you what I think may be of material concern to you; that the present minister for foreign affairs is as devoted a partizan of Count de Vergennes and Dr. Franklin as any that exists. Here he is entirely under the direction of the Minister and Marbois.2 It may be obvious that considerable caution will be necessary in your correspondence with such a minister. You may also judge that some ballance is necessary against the french influence here, to keep us from swerving from the interest of our Country wherever that happens to run counter to the real or imaginary interests of the Court of Versailles. Therefore a minister from the States general may be of essential utility here. For when there are two foreign parties, the friends to their country, tho few, may make the scale preponderate as they please, which certainly is not now the case. For these reasons I think you will render us an essential service by hastning the departure of a minister who may answer this valuable purpose.
Our affairs here at present are prosperous. The Enemy have evcuated Savannah after having been beaten in an engagement by Genl. Wayne; and it is pretty certain that the evacuation of Charles-town will soon follow.3 Hard-money begins to come in by taxes, and when Commerce has a little recoverd us from the baneful effects of Paper-money, I think, our Finances will soon acquire stability, and the States credit.
{ 220 }
The Instruction which subjects you to the french ministers gives great offence and uneasiness to many in Congress; and to no one more than to myself. I think it most dishonorable and dangerous. It is a surrender of our Independence and Soveriegnty and an acknowlegment that we are unequal to either. Mr. Jay has expressed the same sentiments very freely to Congress and I hope the Commissioners will not think that Instruction can bind them to assent to any thing injurious to their Country, tho it should be the advice and opinion of those who cannot have the interests of this Country so much at heart, and who are not responsible to us for their conduct.4

[salute] God bless you & prosper your Negociations, in spight of us, to a safe, honorable & lasting Peace.

PS. please to make my Compts to Mr. Jay, and let him know that his Letters have gaind him some friends, and perhaps lost some. But his account of a certain Court differs so much from what I had learnt of it, that I cannot but think there has been some secret agency in the business.5 Remember me affectionately to Mr. Laurens.
Sir Guy Carelton and Admiral Digby have announcd to Genl Washington and he to Congress, that Mr. Grenville is instructed to propose the Independence of the 13 provinces, so they phrase it, previous to a negociation.6
This Letter was committed to Mr Lee Mr. Witherspoon and Mr Rutlege, who will report I believe—That Congress consider the above Letter as mere matter of Information, inexplicit as to the nature and extent of the Independency directed to be proposd by the british Plenipotentiary; and as Congress have receivd no information on this subject from their ministers for negociating with G. B. therefore no public measure can or ought to be taken upon it, in its present form.
That it be hereby is recommended to the several States in the Union, not to remit of their exertions for carrying on the war with vigor and effect.
That the Commander in chief be authorizd to empower the Commissioners he shall appoint to settle a general Cartel; to release Earl Cornwallis from his parole in return for a similar indulgence granted by his britannic M. to the Honble. Mr. Laurens.
To our very great surprise, we have not receivd one line from you relative to our acknowlegement &c by the States general. Some of us suspect foul play with your Letters as Dr. Franklin has chosen to { 221 } be silent on the subject, which no doubt is very mortifying to him and his Employers.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “A. Lee Esq. Aug 7. ansd Oct. 10. 1782 Livingston a devoted Partizan of Vergennes and Franklin. The Instruction wh. Subjects us to the French Minister.”
1. Neither Arthur Lee's letter nor a reply from JA is extant in the Adams Papers. JA likely never received the letter.
2. That is, the French minister at Philadelphia, the Chevalier de La Luzerne, and his secretary, Barbé-Marbois. For the effect of Livingston's close relationship with La Luzerne, see vol. 12:44.
3. The garrison at Savannah was evacuated to Charleston on 11 July, after the town was besieged by Gen. Anthony Wayne. The British did not leave Charleston until 14 Dec. (John Richard Alden, The South in the American Revolution, Baton Rouge, 1957, p. 266–267).
4. Lee is referring to Congress' instructions to the joint peace commissioners of [15 June 1781], and specifically to the third paragraph that directed them to “make the most candid & confidential communications to the ministers of our generous Ally the King of France to undertake nothing in the Negotiations for Peace or truce without their knowledge & concurrence & ultimately to govern yourselves by their advice & opinion” (vol. 11:374–377). John Jay had written to Congress on 20 Sept. 1781 to protest the provision and, in effect, to offer his resignation (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 4:716–718). But JA had never commented on the provision referred to by Lee because he had deciphered only a portion of the first sentence of the third paragraph and was unaware that Congress intended the commissioners to negotiate under the direct supervision of the French government. Indeed, in his diary entry for 27 Oct., the day after he reached Paris, JA states, “this Instruction, which is alluded to in a Letter I received at the Hague a few days before I left it, has never yet been communicated to me” (D&A, 3:38; but see also JA's reply to Lee of 10 Oct., below).
Lee's objections to the instructions had a tangible result, for on 8 Aug. he moved that the peace instructions “be reconsidered.” That motion almost immediately was replaced with another requiring a committee to “be appointed to revise and consider the instructions . . . and to report what alterations ought to be made.” A lengthy debate then ensued, during which James Madison admitted that “the instructions given are a sacrifice of national dignity” but defended them as “a sacrifice of dignity to policy” because “the situation of affairs and circumstances at the time rendered this sacrifice necessary. Nothing essential is given up.” In the end a motion by Madison to appoint a committee “to take into consideration and report to Congress the most advisable means of securing to the United States the several objects claimed by them and not included in their ultimatum for peace” was adopted, but nothing further was done about the instructions (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:645–651; JCC, 22:458–460).
In a letter to James Warren, likely written shortly after 8 Aug., Arthur Lee was even more explicit about his distaste for the instructions and their source. Lee noted that he had “movd in vain for reconsideration of the Instructions.” But, apparently assuming that John Jay would not act under the instructions, he declared that “the yoke is riveted upon us, and the Man [Franklin] who I am sure sold us in the negociation with France is the sole adjunct with Mr. Adams, in a negociation on which every thing that is dear and honorable to us depend. He, good man, felt no qualms at such a commission, no sense of dishonor or injury to his Country. On the contrary he expressd the utmost alacrity in accepting it, and I believe most cordially; since it puts him in the way of receiving money, which is the God of his Idolatry” (Warren-Adams Letters, 2:173; there dated [July]).
5. Lee is likely referring to John Jay's very long 28 April letter to Robert R. Livingston, which reached Congress on 2 Aug. (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:336–377; PCC, No. 185, III, f. 36). There Jay described his continuing, but unsuccessful, efforts to open negotiations with Spain for recognition of the United States and for a commercial treaty. But most of the letter concerned the lack of support that he had received from both { 222 } the French ambassador and the Spanish government when a large number of bills drawn on him were presented for payment and, because he lacked sufficient funds, ultimately were protested. Lee indicated to JA that “some secret agency” was involved, but in his letter to James Warren cited in note 4, he stated that “Spain has behavd towards us with very little wisdom or decency; but it much to be suspected that the French were at the bottom of it” (Warren-Adams Letters, 2:174).
6. The letter from Gen. Sir Guy Carleton and Adm. Robert Digby was of 2 Aug. and was enclosed with George Washington's letter of 5 Aug. to Congress (PCC, No. 152, X, f. 669–671, 665–668). The Carleton-Digby letter informed Washington that Thomas Grenville was at Paris with powers to negotiate with all powers and that he was empowered to propose independence immediately rather than it being a condition for a general treaty, but in return the loyalists were to be restored their property or compensated. They then mentioned the release of Henry Laurens as amounting to his exchange for Cornwallis and the need to negotiate a general prisoner exchange. In response to Washington's request for advice on how to proceed, Congress adopted three resolutions on 12 August. The first resolved that the letter from Carleton and Digby, in so far as it concerned peace negotiations, be considered “as mere matter of information” in the absence of any information on the subject from the peace commissioners and that no action be taken regarding it. The second is as Lee indicates, but with “and effect” being replaced by “as the only effectual means of securing the settlement of a safe and honorable peace.” The third resolution as given by Lee was replaced by another that did not mention the exchange of Cornwallis for Laurens, but rather called only for negotiations to “settle forthwith a general cartel for the exchange of prisoners” (JCC, 23:462–464).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0135-0001

Author: Berckel, Engelbert François van
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-08-08

From Engelbert François van Berckel

[salute] Monsieúr

J'ai le plaisir et l'honneúr, de Voús commúniqúer, qúe les Depútez de la Ville d'Amsterdam a l'assemblée des Etats d'hollande Vont recevoir, demain, la Resolútion dú Conseil de la ditte Ville, prise aújourd'huÿ,1 aú sújet dú Traité d'amitié et de Commerce, entre Leúrs Haútes Púissances, et les Etats Unis en Ameriqúe. Cette Resolution dú conseil contient les ordres les plús precises, poúr se conformer avec Le Raport Hollandais dú 18 Júillet dernier,2 avec le qúel toúts les aútres membres de L'Assemblée s'etoient deja conformez, avant noús; et des ordres, poúr ne retarder, soús aúcún pretexte la conclusion de ce grand oúvrage. Aússi doivent ils rejetter l'addition des mots, En Europe, dans le second, troise. et aútres articles du Traité, relativement aux Nations les plús favorisées; ayant êté consideré, que cette addition ou Limitation n'etoit pas seúlement úne noúveaúté, dont il n'y avoit point d'exemple; mais en oútre, sujette a de tres grands inconvenients. Dú reste, la Boúrsse de notre ville nous a súggeré encore qúelqúes remarqúes, qúi sont comprises dans la ditte Resolútion de notre Conseil; non pas, poúr proposer a Votre Excellence quelque alteration essentielle, qúi púisse trainer la deliberation; mais seúlement des remarqúes, qui { 223 } doivent être commúniqúées a Leúrs Haútes Puissances, pour être jointes aúx remarqúes, que leúrs committer ont mises a la marge dú Projet, qúe Votre Excellence a delivré aúx Etats generaúx. Et poúr qúe les únes et les aútres soient le sujet d'úne conference avec votre Excellence, Afin de faire des arrangements en consequence, et d'ún commún accord; sans que l'on pretende, que l'afaire soit encore prise ad referendúm; mais qúe la Commission de Leurs Hautes puissances soit múnie d'un pleinpouvoir pour la Conclusion dú dit Projet, avec les alterations, d'ont on poúra être d'acord, entre les deúx Parties Contractantes. Poúr les Remarques de notre Boúrsse, elles sont d'úne extrême simplicité; et servent plutot a donner, on a demander des eclaircissements que poúr ajoúter oú retrancher quelquechose d'essentiel. J'ai l'honneúr de Voús commúniqúer cette particúlarité, dans le dessein de prevenir des Surprizes; et pourque Votre Excellence, en cas que l'on hazerderoit de Voús proposer quelquechose, qui ne portat pas le dit Caractere, et qui poúroit Vous caúser quelqúe etonnement; Voús púissiez prendre de moi les eclaircissements necessaires, si votre Excellence le júgeat a propos. Je Vous suis tres obligé, Monsieúr, de ce qúe voús avez eú la bonté de me temoigner dans votre derniere, aú Sujet de L'Inconnú.3 Depúis ce tems la, je n'en ai recú aúcune Noúvelle. Et j'ai êté extiemement etonné, que tout ce que j'avois eú l'honneúr de voús communiqúer, au Sujet de Madame de Hogendorp, etoit mystere pour voús. Je puis montrer sa Lettre, dans la quelle elle M'ecrit qúe son fils avoit presenté l'inconnú a votre Excellence, avant qúe j'ai eú l'honneúr de vous ecrire a son sujet.

[salute] J'ai l'honneúr d'être avec l'estime et la Consideration les plús distingúées Monsieúr Votre tres húmble et tres obeissant Serviteúr

[signed] E. F. Van Berckel

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0135-0002

Author: Berckel, Engelbert François van
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-08-08

Engelbert François van Berckel to John Adams: A Translation

[salute] Sir

I have the pleasure and honor to communicate to you that tomorrow Amsterdam's deputies to the States of Holland will receive the Amsterdam council's resolution made today,1 regarding the treaty of amity and commerce between their High Mightinesses and the United States of America. This council's resolution contains very precise orders to conform with Holland's report of 18 July,2 with which all the other assembly members have already conformed, and orders not to delay the conclusion of this great work for any reason. Also, they must reject the addition of the words, In { 224 } Europe, in the second, third, and other articles of the treaty concerning most favored nations. After being considered, this addition or limitation was deemed only a novelty for which there has been no example and which would cause great inconveniences. Moreover, our stock exchange has suggested some remarks be added to our council's resolution, not to propose any essential change to your excellency that could slow down deliberations, but rather remarks that must be communicated to their High Mightinesses in order to add them to notes already made by their committees in the margins of your excellency's plan delivered to the states general. And for that, they must be the subject of a meeting with your excellency to come to an agreement, on the condition that the business be placed ad referendum; and that the commission of their High Mightinesses have ultimate authority for the final version, with the alterations agreed upon between the two contracting parties. As for the comments made by the stock exchange, they are very simple suggestions that serve to clarify the text by adding or omitting essential points. I have the honor of writing to you about these details in order to prevent any surprises, and so that your excellency, in case some proposal is made that is not in line with what was stated here, can ask me for any necessary clarifications. I am very obliged, sir, for the information in your last letter regarding the stranger.3 I have not received any news of him since that time. I was very surprised that everything I wrote to you regarding Mme. d'Hogendorp was a mystery to you. I can show you her letter stating that her son introduced the stranger to your excellency. This was before I wrote to you about him.

[salute] I have the honor to be with the highest esteem and consideration, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant

[signed] E. F. Van Berckel
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Van Berckel 8 Aug. ans 11. 1782.” This letter has a black border around it, for which see Van Berckel's letter of 22 July, descriptive note, above.
1. In the Adams Papers, dated 9 Aug., is a printed copy of Amsterdam's observations on the treaty. As JA indicates in his reply of 10 Aug., below, he was very happy to learn of Amsterdam's action regarding the treaty because, as the largest and most important city in the Netherlands, its comments regarding the draft treaty were of great significance, and its failure to act presumably was the principal reason for the four-month delay from the time that JA submitted his draft in April until negotiations began in late August. The importance of these proposals for additions or changes can be seen from the fact that they form the substance of the handwritten additions to the printed Dutch text of the draft treaty with its accompanying proposals for revisions in the text. It is not known when JA received this printed copy of Amsterdam's comments, but it likely was before negotiations formally began. For their inclusion as part of the Dutch proposals for a final treaty and JA's comments regarding them, see The Negotiation of the Dutch-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce, 22 Aug. – 8 Oct., Nos. II and III, below.
2. See JA's letter to Van Berckel of 23 July, note 3, above.
3. Of 23 July, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0136

Author: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Author: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-08-08

From Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Sir

We beg Leave to refer to our last letter of 11 July, by whch. we prayed, your Excellency to inform us, of abt. the Sums the drafts of Mr Laurens might amount to.
We have Since payed f 491:12— to Messrs: Gerb: Rarekes & J: G: Thin van Kulen, whch. is charged in acct: to the United States of America, and we inclose the lease of the House.
Said Gentlemen were pay'd of the half year's rent in arrear, now due to miss Van Tarelink who being in the Country, we want to wait her return to settle it.
In consequence of your Excellency's writing,1 to advice rather to Congress a few hundred thousand Guilders under the Sum in cash, than to exceed it anything, we take the liberty to pray your Excellency to inform us, what Sum we are to advice in Cash for congress to his Exc: Mr. Livingston.
We have received hitherto f 1.484000:— of whch. the intrest runs for acct. of Congress
of f1.314000:— from 1 June
of " 170000:— from 1 July
of whch. your Excellency'll be pleased to take notice.
We have forwarded the letters, with the copies of the obligations to congress.
The original with Capn. Samuel Smedley bound to Philadelphia.
The duplicate With Capn. Moses Grinell bound to Boston.
The triplicate Sent to nantes, to be forwarded by the first Ship.
The quadruplicate with Capn. Shubael Spooner, bound to Philadelphia, (we saÿ) Baltimore.
And the quintuplicate'll be Send by the very first Ship, whch. shall be ready.

[salute] We have the honour to remain most respectfully. Sir Your Excellencys Most Humble and Obedient Servants

[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
[signed] Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst
[signed] de la Lande & fynje
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Messrs Wellinks & Co 8 Aug. Ansd 11. 1782.”
1. JA to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje, 10 July, above.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0137

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Berckel, Engelbert François van
Date: 1782-08-10

To Engelbert François van Berckel

[salute] Sir

I have this day received the Letter which you, did me the honour to write me, on the 8. and am much obliged to you for your <candid> kind Communications, which will be of much Use to me, as I hope in bringing the Treaty to a just Conclusion. I rejoice that the City of Amsterdam has decided upon the matter so amically and candidly, and whenever any Propositions or Remarks shall be made to me My Sentiments upon them, Shall be communicated with equal Frankness and Candor. Where the Parties are in earnest in Searching for the Truth, and that only, it is not difficult to find, and I know of nothing that either can wish for in this Case but to make the Treaty as perfect and as usefull as possible.
The Resolution of Amsterdam to instruct their Deputies to have the Treaty concluded without delay, and without being again taken Ad Referendum is peculiarly agreable to me, because I am very anxious to have it finished. It has been already, long under deliberation, and it ought to be upon its Passage to Congress for Ratification, together with a Minister from their High Mightinesses to the United States. Gentlemen here, Seem much at a Loss to find a Man, both qualified for this Service and willing to Undertake it. I should think however that many might be found. There is probably no office, in which a Man of Abilities might render more important Service to his Country.
The Reports of Peace are renewed, and Mr Oswald and Mr Fitzherbert are at Paris. Lord Shelburne promises to acknowledge American Independence in the Treaty of Peace, but he will not perform it, and he means nothing but Amusement, which he will keep up for a few Months or Weeks, and by degrees the old Ministry and their old System will be revived in England! When will her Enemies be arroused to a Sight of their Situation and true Interests, and be induced to treat that perfidious Nation as she deserves! I have the Honor to be &c

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0138

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jay, John
Date: 1782-08-10

To John Jay

[salute] Sir

It was with very great pleasure that I recd. this morning your kind favor of the 2d. inst. I am surprized to learn that your and Mrs: Jay's health have been disordered in France where the air is so fine.
That your anxieties have been very great I doubt not—that most of them were such as you ought not to have met with, I can easily conceive. I can sincerely say, that all mine, but my Fever, were such as I ought not to have had. Thank God, they are past, and never shall return, for nothing that can happen shall ever make me so anxious again. I have assumed the felicis animi immota Tranquillitas.1
Nothing would give me more satisfaction than a free conversation between you and me, upon the subjects you mention, and all others, directly or indirectly connected with it, or with any of our affairs, but I don't see a possibility of taking such a journey. The march of this People is so slow, that it will be sometime before the Treaty of Commerce can be finished and after that I have other orders to execute, and must be here in person to attend every step. But besides this,2 I think I ought not go to Paris while there is any messenger there from England, unless, he has full powers to treat with the Ministers of the United States of America. If the three American Ministers should appear at Paris, at the same time with a real or pretended Minister from London, all the world would instantly conclude a Peace certain, and would fill at once another years Loan for the English. In Lord Shelburne's sincerity, I have not the least confidence and I think that3 we ought to take up Fox's idea, and insist upon full powers to treat with us in character, before we have a word more to say upon the subject. They are only amusing us. I would rather invite you to come here. This Country is worth seeing and you would lay me under great obligations by taking your residence, during your stay, in the Hotell des Etats-Unis—many People would be glad to see you.
I should be very glad however to be informed, fm. step to step, how things proceed, which may be done with safety by Expresses to me; or by those from the Court of Versailles to the Duke de la Vauguion, in whom I have great confidence, or it may be done even by Post, under cover to Messrs. Wilhem & Jean Willink, at Amsterdam; or Mr. Dumas, at the Hague; or to Mr. Charles Storer, chez Madame la Veuve Loder at the Hague.
{ 228 }
As you justly observe, further accessions of power to the House of Bourbon may excite jealousies in some Powers of Europe, but who is to blame but themselves? Why are they so short sighted, or so indolent, as to neglect to acknowledge the United States and make Treaties with them! Why do they leave the House of Bourbon to contend so long, and spend so much? Why do they leave America and Holland under so many obligations. France has, and deserves and ought to have a great weight with America and Holland, but other powers might have proportionable weight, if they would have proportional merit.
If the Powers of the Neutral Maritime Confederation, would admit the United States to acceed to that Treaty, and declare America Independent, they would contribute to prevent America at least, fm. being too much under the direction of France. But if any Powers should take the part of England, they will compell America and Holland too, to unite themselves ten times more firmly than ever to the House of Bourbon.
I don't know, however, that America, or Holland are too much under the direction of France, and I don't believe they will be—but they must be dead to every generous feeling as Men, and to every wise view as Statesmen, if they were not much attached to France in the circumstances of the Times.
I have received two letters from you in the Spring—one I answered, but have not the dates at present, the other kindly informed me of the arrival of my Son in America, for which I thank you.4

[salute] With great regard and esteem, I am, dear Sir, Your Most obedt: humle. Servt.

[signed] John Adams5
RC in Charles Storer's hand (NNC: John Jay Papers); endorsed: “Mr adams 10 aug 1782.” LbC (Adams Papers).
1. That is, the undisturbed tranquility of the happy mind.
2. In the Letterbook copy, the remainder of this sentence is underlined.
3. In the Letterbook copy, the remainder of this sentence is underlined.
4. Jay's letters were of 18 March and 15 April (vol. 12:334–335, 410).
5. Signature in JA's hand.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0139

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Recipient: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Date: 1782-08-11

To Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje

[salute] Gentn

This Morning I recd your favour of the Eighth but I am not able to inform you, what is the Amount of the Bills drawn upon Mr Lau• { 229 } rens which are not yet arrived. I have never been exactly informed myself. They cannot I think amount to more than <100000><one> two hundred Thousand Guilders. I hope not half that sum, but cannot say positively.
I am obliged to you for the Trouble you have taken to pay f491:12s to Messrs Gerb. Rarekes &c and for Sending me the Lease of the House &c.
I am very glad to find that you have recd So much as 1.484,000 f. on the Loan and congratulate you upon it. When I thought it Safest to be a little under, rather than exceed, I had in my Mind reserving enough to pay the Bills on Mr Laurens and a few unavoidable expences here. But I believe you may write to Congress to draw for Thirteen hundred Thousand Florins, and so afterwards from time to time as Money shall be received by you.
I am obliged to you for your Care in sending on the Dispatches to Congress and desire that you would from time to time inform that Body of every Thing with the Utmost Exactness which relates to the Loan.

[salute] With great Esteem I have the Honour to be

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0140

Author: Jenings, Edmund
Author: Laurens, Henry
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-08-11

From Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

I obeyed your Excellencys Commands most Litterally when I wrote to Mr L. to which I have this day receivd the following Answer.1
“When you write next to my good Friend Mr Adams I beg you would assure Him from the moment I receivd Intelligence of that Anonymous Scrip, I treated it with the Utmost Contempt and Abhorrence, I replied to the Gentleman, who transmitted it to me2 in the following words 'I know not what to make of the Anonymous Paper; I will not beleive that either Dr Franklin or Mr Adams would wantonly, or merely thro Envy, do me an Injury.' And Again 'I am as glad that you are convincd of the tratorious design of the Anonymous Letter writer As I am, that I gave no Credit to his wicked Instructions; if once we encourage such people by taking notice of their writings, we put ourselves in the power of the most base assassins, who will first Stab our best Friends and then Us.' Say also to my good Friend 'had He been as explicit with respect to the mission { 230 } while I was with Him, as He is now, my Duty would have obliged me to have Accepted it. I waited upon Him at a great expence—and made a tender of my Services, but He fairly and fully acquitt'd and discharged me; than which no circumstance in my Life, I honestly Confess ever gave me more Satisfaction. I had enterd into an Engagement, and it was my Duty to have persevered to the End, if there had been an opening, but it was a Duty, which I had not courted, and therefore what happened, was by no means a disappointment to myself.'
“Be pleased to add, that I stil hold Him in the same Esteem and Affection, which He will find expressed in my Letter of Octr 17793 altho I have not since upon any occasion, and many I think have offered, this business before us afforded a special one, receivd the Honor of a Single Line from Him. Finally be pleased to assure my good Friend, that no insidious or invidious practices of our Ennemies shall injure Him in my opinion. He Knows me to be a plain and a plain dealing man, very much addicted to believing things, when I Know them to be true, and never losing sight of Audiam 'Altuam partem.'”4
The foregoing is addressed to your Excellency what follows is to me.
“Tis a troublesome tho a cheritable office, my Dear Sir, you have engaged in upon this occasion, but it may be finished by transmitting an exact Copy of the foregoing Lines. The Subject has rather wound me up and made me feel more lively than I really am. I shall sink for it presently, (He seems to have been dangerously ill) for There is another in View, which I must hasten to or I shall lose the opportunity of the present mail. Those pretty Preliminaries, which you have been told are the Rockingham Ideas, which is a mistake they are neither Rockingham nor originally Shelburne—in younder little black Trunk lies an exact Copy, which I treated at the time of receiving them from the projector with becoming Contempt, near four months Ago, in Suffolk Street.5 Assuming on myself the Court of France, I replied to the latter part of this 1st Article, “and who would be fools then?” Speaking as Congress: “Look at the Treaty of Alliance we will not deviate in an Iota from it, shuffling in one point will be a breach of the whole Law. In all treaties I love right Lines, whenever I perceive Zig-zag and Curves I suspect the Track of the Serpent.”
I find Mr Laurens proposes to leave Europe in Septr.
{ 231 }
The person to whom I sent some time Ago the Answer to Galloway is very Idle or very busy—I have written to Him several times to publish it, He proposes to do it with notes of what has since happened.6 I have sent that Lines on the politique Hollandais.
Your Excellency has found, I beleive, that the Information I gave you about Mr Fitzherbert is true. I have reason to think that the Abbé Raynal is not dead.7

[salute] I have the Honour to be with greatest Respect Sir Your Excellency's Most Obedient Humble Servant

[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Jennings Augt 11. 1782.”
1. See JA to Jenings, 20 July, above. On 1 Aug., Jenings wrote to Laurens, quoting JA's 20 July letter then adding the following: “I can only add, that having talked frequently of you, and written about you to me, he has always expressed himself with the utmost respect and cordiality towards you. He now seems much hurt at the insidious arts made use of to injure him in your opinion. I trust that your enemies, and his too, will be deceived in their projects. The interest of our country requires that the honest and candid Americans should be firmly united to check and confound the artifice of the designing.” Neither Jenings' letter of 1 Aug. nor Laurens' reply of 5 Aug. have been found, but Laurens extracted portions of both and included them in his pamphlet, Mr. Laurens's True State of the Case. By Which His Candour to Mr. Edmund Jenings Is Manifested, and the Tricks of Mr. Jenings Are Detected, n.p., 1783, which is reprinted in Laurens, Papers, 16:277–333 (for the letters see p. 284–286). And for Laurens' comments on the exchange, see his letter of 25 Aug. to JA, below.
2. Edward Bridgen. For the whole issue of the anonymous letters, see Monitor to JA, 20 May, note 1, above.
3. Vol. 8:188–191.
4. There are two sides to every question.
5. Jenings' letter of 1 Aug. to Henry Laurens apparently contained the same preliminaries that he included in his letter to JA of [1 Aug.], above. Regarding their source, Laurens presumably refers to his conversations in early April with Lord Shelburne about an Anglo-American peace that led him to visit the Netherlands later in the month to discuss the issue with JA. Laurens indicates in his journal that he took the same position with Shelburne that he had taken earlier with the Marquis of Rockingham and the Duke of Richmond and Lennox. Laurens also refers here to his London residence at “Parry's Hotel, Suffolk Street” (vol. 12:410–413, 418–420; Laurens, Papers, 15:400–401, 494).
6. That is, “Letters from a Distinguished American,” written in reply to Joseph Galloway's Cool Thoughts, the first number of which appeared in Parker's General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer of 23 August.
7. Jenings probably had seen a newspaper account of Abbé Raynal's death. The Gazette d'Amsterdam reported his death in its issue of 9 Aug. and issued a retraction on 23 August. In fact, Raynal lived until 1796 (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0141

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-08-12

To Edmund Jenings

[salute] Sir

Your two Letters containing the Anecdote and the Preliminaries have been recd., and You have seen the use of them.1
I have at length a friendly Letter from Mr. Jay, who tells me some good News, which I must not communicate.2 I have Letters too { 232 } from Petersbourg with other News.3 Upon the whole they are consulting upon Preliminaries at Paris, and concerting Plans elsewhere for a Congress.4 If the King of England and Lord Shelburne knew all I know, they would declare the United States of America free, independent and sovereign, if not from Wisdom, Benevolence or Policy, yet at least from sheer spight and Revenge. There is nothing in my Opinion would mortify their Enemies so much. Yet this Opinion must rest with You and not be quoted. Nothing would disappoint some of their Enemies so much. How would Spain look? How would France look? How would Neutral Nations feel? All Mankind would cry at once, Britain will obtain good Terms of Peace.
There is in the Courier du Bas Rhin of the 10th. and in Luzac's Gazette of the 13th. a Project for the Neutral Powers to help G. B. out of her Lethargy and Anarchy.5 If nobody will hearken to Voice of Benevolence, You and I can't help it. I think it would be very well to speculate in the English Papers upon the same subject. Speculations in the English Papers have the most extensive Influence, because they spread every where. Franklin I verily believe has a Number of Scribblers in his pay in London to trumpet his Fame, and to make more Reputation for him as well as support what he has. It would be well me thinks to have that Money applied to support the Honor, Dignity, Reputation and other Interests of our Country. I say I believe, but this belief is founded upon Evidence a posteriori not a priori.6 I cant account for the Zeal with which his Cause is espoused, and for the Malice with which those whom he dislikes are pursued upon any other Supposition.
I have no Inclination to a Journey to Paris nor Vienna. I don't like the manner in which the Negotiations are carried on by Vergennes and Franklin, but I cant help it.

[salute] Adieu

RC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers); endorsed: “H[is] Eexceellency Mr Adams augst 12 1782.” LbC (Adams Papers).
1. See Jenings' letters of 24 July and [1 Aug.] to JA, both above. JA's reference to his use of them remains obscure unless he is referring to A Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe, [ca. 5–8] July, above, which had begun appearing in Dutch newspapers, including the Gazette de Leyde of 11 August.
2. Jay to JA, 2 Aug., above.
3. Probably Francis Dana to JA, [1 July] and 22 July, both above.
4. In the Letterbook copy, the following two sentences are underlined.
5. This is JA's A Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe, [ca. 5–8] July, above.
6. That is, arguing from effect to cause, rather than from cause to effect.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0142

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jones, John Paul
Date: 1782-08-12

To John Paul Jones

[salute] Dear sir

I had Yesterday the Pleasure of receiving your Favour of the 10th of December last,1 and am much obliged to you for your Care of the Articles which Mr Moylan, at my desire Sent to my Family.
The Command of the America could not have been more judiciously bestowed, and it is with Impatience that I wish her at Sea, where She will do honour to her Name.2 Nothing gives me So much Surprize, or so much regret, as the Innattention of our Country men to their Navy. It is to Us, a Bulwark as essential, as it is to great Britain. It is less costly than Armies, and more easily removed from one End of the United States to the other. Our Minister of Finance used to be a great Advocate, for this Kind of Defence. I hope he has not altered his sentiments concerning it.
Every Day Shews that the Batavians have not wholly lost their ancient Character. They were always timid and Slow in adopting their political Systems but always firm and able in Support of them and always brave and active in War. They have hitherto been restrained by their Chiefs, but if the War continues, they will Shew that they are possessed of the Spirit of Liberty and that they have lost none of their great Qualities.
Rodneys Victory has intoxicated Britain again, to Such a degree that I think there will be no Peace for sometime, indeed if I could See a Prospect of having half a Dozen Line of Battle Ships under the American Flag, commanded by Commodore Jones, engaged with an equal British force, I apprehend the Event would be so glorious for the United States and lay so sure a Foundation for their Prosperity, that it would be a rich Compensation for a Continuance of the War.
However it does not depend upon Us to finish it. There is but one Way and that is burgoinizing Carleton in New York.

[salute] I should be happy to hear from you and remain Sir your most obedient & humble sert

1. Vol. 12:124–125.
2. Congress voted Jones the command of the 74-gun ship of the line America on 26 June 1781; by the summer of 1782 it was finally nearing completion after nearly six years of work. Unfortunately for Jones, however, in Sept. 1782, before the ship was ever launched, Congress decided to present the ship to the Chevalier de La Luzerne as a gift to make up for the accidental loss of the French ship Magnifique in Boston harbor (JCC, 20:698; 23:543; Samuel Eliot Morison, John Paul Jones: A Sailor's Biography, Boston, 1959, p. 318–330).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0143

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Mazzei, Philip
Date: 1782-08-12

To Philip Mazzei

[salute] Sir

Your favours of 28 of June and 30 July, I have recd. I have not transmitted to Congress, the first, because I would not give an allarm unnecessarily. The Intelligence contained in it is wholly groundless, according to the best Information I can obtain and the best Judgment I can form. I am well assured that neither of the Imperial Courts have ever made any declaration, or expressed any Opinion or Inclination against the Independence of America. On the contrary I am in Possession of authentic Documents, which express clearly, in my apprehension other Sentiments.
There may be a War in Europe, but this would accellerate rather than retard a General Acknowledgment of American Independence. England it is certain cannot carry on the present War and at the Same time, engage in another, more extensive on the Continent. With the Stocks at 56, and a War against four nations it is impossible she should pay subsidies to foreign nations. If any Nation declares against Holland, the House of Bourbon and America, Some other Nation will declare for them, so that our Cause will rather be Strengthened, and We shall certainly be renderd dearer to our allies.
Holland instead of loosing its Existence or its name, will if the War continues assume all its old Character and Glory.
What if a War Should happen between Russia and the Port?1 What can England do? What if a Quarrell should arise between the Emperor and Prussia? What would England get by that? What if Russia and Denmark Should declare in favour of England, which is however altogether improbable. I Say this would be an advantage to America, for We should make more profit of their Trade than they could do Us harm.

[salute] I have &c

LbC (Adams Papers); notation: “Aux Soins de Monsieur de Billerey Chargé des Affairs du Roi a Florence.”
1. That is, the “Sublime Porte,” or Ottoman Empire.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0144

Author: Adams, John
Date: 1782-08-12

Memorandum Concerning an Invitation from the Neutral Maritime Confederacy to the United States of America

The Project in Some of the foreign Gazettes,1 of an Invitation from the neutral maritime Confederacy, to the United States of America, to acceed to the Principles of their Treaty, is founded in evident Justice, Humanity and Utility.
The Case of America is a new one. It has no Example in History, and therefore no Reasonings can be drawn from Example to decide it. All the World agrees that the United States is respectable and powerfull Enough, for an independent State. It is capable of Governing itself. It is able to defend itself. It has all the Attributes necessary to good Government. It has Wisdom, Virtue Benevolence and Power. It has Magistrates capable of their offices. It has Ministers, Generals, Ambassadors and Warriours equal to other Nations. It has a Sufficient Territory—Sufficient Numbers of People, and these rich and industrious enough. It has Conveniences natural and artificial for Commerce, Fisheries and naval Power.
It is Seated alone, by itself, at a vast Distance from all the Nations of Europe—seperated by immense Seas. No Nation in Europe can possibly govern it.
It is capable, under its own Government, of benefiting every Country and Nation of Europe.
The Continent of America is capable of Feeding cloathing and Subsisting, if the forests were cleared up an hundred Million of People, without diminishing one Inhabitant of Europe. Is the Multiplication of Men upon the Earth an Evil? Suppose it were in the Power of Europe to prevent the Growth of People in America. Would it be Wisdom or Virtue to do it? Would it not on the Contrary be Folly and Wickedness? is not the Thought Shocking?
Are the northern Powers or any of them, or any Individuals in any of them, jealous that the Southern Powers,2 by their Connections with America will become too powerful? Why then do not they form the Same Connections, and derive the Same Advantages? Why do they Suffer those to have all the Merit of assisting and even countinancing America? Why do they suffer American Gratitude to be
{ 236 }
1. JA's A Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe, [ca. 5–8 July], above, which was published in the Courier du Bas Rhin, the Gazette de Leyde, and the Gazette de la Haye. This unfinished essay is a companion piece to that memorial and the reference to “foreign Gazettes” here makes it likely that JA intended it to be published in London, probably through the agency of Edmund Jenings. There is no indication in the Adams Papers as to why JA left the piece unfinished.
2. That is, France and Spain.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0145

Author: Bracht, Herman van
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-08-12

From Herman van Bracht

[salute] Sir

I have now the honour to hand you the Second volum of the translated constitutions of America, Inscribed to Your Excell: by the publisher Mr. F: wanner. According to your desire, every expression is avoided that could tend to give offense to any person in times to critical as these. A due tribute of applause, however, has been given, tho the persons who So well deserved it in the true Interests of both republics has been touched upon, where fore I hope the dedication will obtain your approbation.1
Permit me to ad the assurance of Mr wanners unlimited esteem the offer of a continuance of my humble Services here an to ashure you that I most respectfully am Sir Your most Obedt. Servant
[signed] Herman van Bracht
1. This is the second volume of Van Bracht's Verzameling van de Constitutien ... van Amerika (2 vols., Dordrecht, 1781–1782), which Fredrik Wanner, the printer, dedicated to JA. For the dedication, see the Descriptive List of Illustrations, Dedication of Verzameling van de Constitutien to John Adams, 1782 237No. 6, above. The first volume was dedicated to Engelbert François van Berckel. Two sets of the work are in JA's library at MB (Catalogue of JA's Library).

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0146

Author: Adams, John
Recipient: Jay, John
Date: 1782-08-13

To John Jay

[salute] Dear Sir

The public Papers announce Fitzherbert's Comission to be, to treat “With the four Powers at War with Great-Britain” But whether they mean Hyder Aly, or the Marattas,1 is uncertain.
I have obtained Intelligence of a Paper addressed lately from the Court of St. James's to the Courts of Vienna and Petersbourg, as well as that of Paris, in which are the following words, vizt.
Sa Majesté Britannique dit, “Qu'Elle ne préjuge, ni ne veut préjuger aucune question quelconque, et qu'Elle ne prétend exclure personne de la Négociation qu'on a en vue, qui pourroit s'y croire intéressé, soit qu'il soit question des Etats-Généraux, soit qu'on y veuille faire entrer les Colonies Américaines”2—You perhaps may have seen the whole. If you have, I beg a Copy.
{ 237 } { 238 }
For my own part, I am not the Minister of any “fourth State”3 at war with Great-Britain, nor of any “American Colonies.”4 And therefore I should think it out of Character for us to have any thing to say to Fitzherbert, or in the Congress at Vienna, untill more decently and consistently called to it. It is my duty to be explicit with you, and to tell you sincerely my sentiments. I think we ought not to treat at all, untill we see a Minister authorised to treat with “The United States of America” or with their Ministers. Our Country will feel the miserable consequence of a different conduct. If we are betrayed into Negociations, in or out of a Congress, before this Point is settled, if Gold and Diamonds, and every insidious Intrigue and wicked Falshood, can induce any Body to embarrass us, and betray us into Truces and bad Conditions, we may depend upon having them played off against us. We are and can be no Match for them at this Game. We shall have nothing to negociate with but Integrity, Perspicuity and Firmness.
There is but one way to Negotiate with Englishmen. That is clearly and decidedly. Their Fears only govern them. If we entertain an Idea of their Generosity, or Benevolence towards us, we are undone. They hate us, universally from the Throne to the Footstool, and would annihilate us, if in their Power, before they would treat with us in any way. We must let them Know, that we are not to be moved from our Purpose; or all is undone. The Pride and Vanity of that Nation is a Disease; it is a Delirium. It has been flattered and enflamed so long by themselves, and by others, that it perverts every Thing. The moment you depart one Iota from your Character, and the distinct Line of Sovereignty, they interpret it to spring from fear or Love of them, and to a Desire to go back.
Fox saw we were aware of this, and calculated his system accordingly. We must finally come to that Idea; and so must Great-Britain. The latter will soon come to it, if we don't flinch. If we discover the least weakness or Wavering, the Blood and Treasures of our Countrymen will suffer for it in a great Degree.
Firmness, Firmness and Patience for a few Months, will carry us triumphantly to that Point, where it is the Interest of our Allies, of Neutral Nations, nay even of our Enemies, that we should arrive: I mean a Sovereignty, universally acknowledged by all the World. Whereas the least Oscillation will in my opinion leave us to dispute with the world, and with one another, these fifty Years.

[salute] With great Respect and Regard I have the Honour to be,5 Sir your most obedient and most humble Servant

[signed] J. Adams
{ 239 }
RC in Charles Storer's hand (Windsor Castle, Royal Archives: Autographs from Correspondence of Chief Justice Jay, 1776–1794); endorsed: “13 augt Recd 18 augt. 1782.”
1. The Marattas or Mahrattas were a people of central India who were also at war with the British (vol. 11:149).
2. An indication that JA had received Francis Dana's letter of 22 July, above, in which Dana had included the passage. For the translation, see that letter, note 9.
3. On 13 Aug. the Gazette d'Amsterdam reported Fitzherbert's arrival at Paris to renew the peace proposals first put forth by Thomas Grenville and stated that he was empowered to treat with “les quatre Puissances Ennemies de L'Angleterre.”
4. Since his arrival in Europe in Dec. 1779, JA had made clear his view that it was inappropriate to refer to the American colonies as one of the parties at war with Great Britain, but see in particular a memorandum of his 7 July 1781 conversation with Joseph Mathias Gérard de Rayneval and his letter of 19 July 1781 to the Comte de Vergennes (vol. 11:405–406, 425–430).
5. Remainder of closing and signature in JA's hand.

Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0147

Author: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-08-13

From Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst

[salute] Sir

Inclosed we have the honour of sending to your Excellency an Account, which your Bookseller has given us Some days ago, please to tell us if we are to pay the Same.1
We also take the liberty of troubling your Excellency with a more interesting matter, the Rafaction on the Tobaccos, having observed with much pleasure, that your Excellency hinted this point in the Conferences about the Treaty, Since we are fully convinced, that it's absolutely necessary to bring it upon a better and reasonable footing.2
We have the honour to inform your Excellency, that already Some months ago, jointly with Messrs. Crommelin, Mess. De Neufville &ca. we've presented a Petition to our Magistrates for that purpose. But as Some Tobacconists were consulted upon the matter, who being well satisfied with the present Customs opposed against any alterations, this has occasioned; that hitherto no Resolution has been taken.
But being informed now, that the States General will answer your Excellency, that this point being only relatif to the Domestick Institutions of the Different Towns, your Excellency may be pleased to converse about it with the Magistrates; we therefore beg the favour of your Excelly. to apply yourself particularly for that purpose, either to the Pensionary or the Deputates of this Town, who may be now present at the Hague, desiring them to represent to their Principals your Complaints about it, in order they may look out for a proper expedient to give Such Instructions to their officers as may answer { 240 } to the purpose and the general benefit of the Trade, and that they will converse about it with the merchants who are already concerned in the matter; by which joint endeavours we are in hopes of bringing it to a happy Conclusion.

[salute] With the utmost Respect we have the honour to be Sir! Your Excellency's most obedt. & humble Servants.

[signed] Nichs. & Jacob van Staphorst Co.
1. Not found, but see JA's reply of 28 Aug., below.
2. For JA's attempt to deal with the issue of refraction in Art. 30 of his draft treaty of amity and commerce and the result, see The Negotiation of the Dutch-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce, 22 Aug. – 8 Oct., Nos. II, III, and VIII, below. JA was responding to complaints by merchants that officials at the weigh house arbitrarily reduced the tare or net weight of an imported commodity. For an explanation of the practice and reasons why it should be prohibited, see Francis Dana's letter of 22 Oct. 1781 (vol. 12:35–38). <