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Browsing: Papers of John Adams, Volume 13
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0174
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-01
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels Septr 1st. 1782
[salute] Sir
I have not heard from Mr Lawrens since He sent me the Letter of a part of which I
have sent your Excellency a Copy but Mr Lee tells me that He has written to London
demanding a Passport to go from thence to America as He finds a difficulty in getting
a safe Passage there from France. My Friend in London1 writes me that the Passport is granted at the request of Lord Cornwallis.
I Know not whether Mr Lawrens will come this way, should He do it—I wish I had your
Excellencys Leave to explain to Him the grounds of your Conduct towards Him, which
I should be glad He saw in a clear Light.
I inclose a continuation of the Letters &c.2 I have seen your Excellencys name mentiond frequently of late in the news papers.3
The State Papers shall be sent for Publication—I should be glad to Know what news
papers of England Your Excellency has an Opportunity of seeing.
A Ship has brought Letters from Baltimore as late as the 14th of July—they say that
the Trade is almost Annihilated by the English Cruisers. That the people are dissatisfied
with the heavy Taxes which they are unable to pay and that by Consequence the Army
is unpaid—that the Old Mr Carrol and the Lady of the Young one are dead.4
I am with the greatest Consideratn Sir Your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Sert
[signed] Edm. Jenings
RC (Adams Papers).
3. The specific newspaper comments to which Jenings refers have not been identified,
but the Morning Herald and Daily Advertiser of 24 Aug. reported that on 15 Aug. JA had given “a splendid entertainment to several of the Foreign Ministers, &c.,” and
the London Chronicle of 24–27 Aug. and Parker's General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer of 27 Aug. indicated that on 22 Aug. JA had met with a committee of the States General.
4. Charles Carroll, father of Charles Carroll of Carrollton, died on 30 May 1782. Mary
Darnell Carroll, wife of the younger Charles Carroll, died on 10 June (Ellen Hart
Smith, Charles Carroll of Carrollton, Cambridge, 1942, p. 216).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0175
Recipient: Jay, John
Date: 1782-09-02
To John Jay
[dateline] September 2. 1782
[salute] Dr Sir
I wrote you on the 10th. 13th. and 17th. of August, but have no Answer as yet to either
Letter. All is well here, and will not only remain so but grow better and better.
Since it is from Bows and Smiles and Invitations to Dinner and Such kind of Indications
that We are to collect the deep Politicks of Courts, I Suppose I may augur well for
your Negotiations with Spain, because I have lately received a polite Invitation to
Dine at the Hotel D'Espagne ici. The Spanish Minister however, has been very complaisant,
ever Since my Reception here. But although he Sometime Since did me the Honour to
dine with me he never has asked me to dine with him till now.
I presume you have Seen A Copy at least of Fitzherberts Commission. If not I will
Send you one. I have also another Paper, of consequence to communicate to you, but
I must intreat you, to keep wholly to yourself the Source from whence you derive this
or any other Intelligence you may get from me.1
You know very well the Terms upon which you and I have ever been. We have often differed
in opinion upon Politicks and Supported our opinions with Ardour: but notwithstanding
this I have ever had a full Confidence in your Honour and firm Attachment to the Cause
of our Country. And there has never to my Knowledge been any Misunderstanding between
us. I Sincerely hope there never will, and on my Part there will never be given any
occasion for it. We may differ in opinion again, without diminishing Esteem or Affection.
But there are Persons in the World who will use all the Arts of the Devil to breed
Misunderstandings between Us. Let Us agree to be upon our Guard against them.
[salute] With great Regard, I have the Honour to be, &c
LbC (Adams Papers); notation: “not sent.”
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0176
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-09-04
To Robert R. Livingston
[dateline] The Hague Septemr: 4th: 1782
[salute] Sir
Your Triplicate of March 5. No: 5.1 Triplicate 22d. May. No. 6 Duplicate. 29th. May No: 7 and Duplicate of 30th May No:
8. together with the dispatches for Mr: Dana2 came to hand yesterday.
The judicious enquiries in that of March. 5th. are chiefly answd. in the enclosd:
pamphlett,3 wh: I have caused to be printed, in order to be sent into England, Scotland and Ireland,
as well as America. You will find most of your questions answered by great bodies
of merchants, manufacturers and others in the first instance and by the States of
the several separate Provinces in the next place, and lastly by their High Mightinesses.
I wish the Truth would warrent a more satisfactory account of the Ships prepared and
preparing for Sea. Those prepared are employed, by concert with France, in the North
Sea where they make a usefull diversion, having lately obliged Lord Howe to detach
a considerable number of Ships, and the last accounts say to go himself, with fourteen
ships of the Line, in order to protect the Trade fm the Baltic, wh: has certainly
retarded, possibly wholly prevented, the relief of Gibralter. This however is not
certain. I cannot assure Congress of more than twelve Dutch Ships of the Line ready
for Sea: Some of that number are not in a good Condition—not more than two or three
can be depended on, to be added in the course of this Season.
As to the leading members of the great Council, We must distinguish between the Assembly
of the Deputies of the States-General, and the assembly of the Deputies of the States
of Holland and West-Friesland: The grand Pensionary of Holland, who is always a member
of the Assembly of their High-Mightinesses, is constitutionally the most leading member.
Mr. Van Bleiswick is the present grand Pensionary. With him I have frequent Conferences
and they have always been agreable. But the situation of this Minister is at present
extremely critical and embarassing. In former times, when there was no Stadtholder;
or, at least, when his Authority was less extensive, the Grand Pensionaries of Holland,
have been, in effect, Stadtholders. They have been a center of Union for all the Provinces;
but being more immediately connected with and dependant on, the Province of Holland,
they have been suspected, by the other Provinces, to give too much weight to that
wh. has caused them to { 416 } attach themselves to the Stadtholders as a more impartial support to the whole States.
To speak candidly, a competition between these two great Interests and these two high
Offices seems to have been the Cause of the violent storms in this Country. But as
the Stadtholders have had the military power by Sea and Land at their disposal, and,
by the Pomp and Splendor of a Court, have had the means of imposing more upon the
nation they have, by degrees prevailed. At critical dangerous Times tragical Scenes
have been exhibited—and Barnevelt's head was struck off at one time, Grotius escaped
by a sort of miracle, and the De Witts were torn in pieces, it is scarcely too bold
to say by the open or secret commands or connivance of Stadtholders.4 The Stadtholders power since the year 1748. untill this year, has been so augmented,
and the grand Pensionaries so diminished, that Mr: Bleiswick is to be pitied—more
is expected of him than he can perform. He is between two fires—the Stadthouderian
party on one side, and the Republican on the other. The Consequence is, that he manages
both as well as he can, So extremely cautious and reserved, never explains himself
but in Cases of absolute necessity, and never attempts to assume the lead. If he were
to attempt to act the part of some former Grand Pensionaries, the consequence would
be, either, he would not be supported, and would perish like Barnevelt or De Witt;
or, being supported, the Stadtholdership must give way, and the Prince fly to his
Estates in Germany. Mr. Van Bleiswick is a great Scholar, Linguist, natural Philosopher,
Mathematician and even Physician—has great experience in public affairs, and is able
and adroit eno: in the conduct of them. But not having a temper, bold and firm eno:
or perhaps loving his ease too much, or not having Ambition or Patriotism or Zeal
or Health eno: to assume a great and decided Conduct, he is fallen in his Reputation.
They suspect him of Duplicity; and, in short, measures are prepared and bro't into
the States of Holland without his Consent or previous knowledge and there carried—a
thing unknown untill these days.
Another great Officer of State who has constitutionally Influence in the Assembly
of their High-Mightinesses, is the Secretary, Mr: Fagel. This Gentleman is of a family,
wh: has ever been zealously attached to the Statholder, and consequently to England,
and strongly prejudiced against France. His Ancestor was made grand Pensionary in
the place of the murdered and immortal De Witt, and fm. that time to this the family
have been, invariably, friends to the { 417 } Princes of Orange and to England, and Ennemies to France.5 The present Secretary does not bely his lineage. He is supposed to be the least satisfied,
with the new Conventions with us and with France of any man. I have had several Conferences
with him. He is a venerable man of seventy, is polite, and has always been complaisant
eno: to me. But Congress will easily see from this sketch of his Character, that he
is not the man for me to be intimate with. There is a new President of their High-Mightinesses
every week. I have had Conferences with several, Mr: Tjassens, Mr: Van Citters, Mr:
Boreel, Mr: Van den Sandheuvel, and the Baron Linden de Hemmen. But this continual
variation prevents any one, fm. acquiring esteem and weight fm. the Office, so that
they are be considered only as common members of the Assembly.
There is a Nobleman, the Baron de Linden, who belongs to the Province of Zealand,
and was formerly Ambassador in Sweden, and afterwards appointed to Vienna, but refused
to go. I have had the pleasure of a great deal of Conversation with him and his advice
has been usefull to me.6 He is a sensible and worthy man and his Sentiments are very just. He has been now
for some months in Zealand, but the world has seen several striking effects of his
presence in that Province. He is much in opposition to the Duke of Brunswick and consequently
to the Court, to whose cause, this Noblemans rank, former Offices and Connections
have done much damage.
There are several other Members of the Assembly of their H. M. that I have some acquaintance
with, the Baron Van Schwartenbourg, Mr: Hussaler of Friesland, Mr: Brantzen of Guelderland,
and others wm. it is not necessary to name at present.
But Holland being full half the nation, the Assembly of that Province, gives always,
sooner or later, the Tone to the whole.
The Pensionaries of the Cities, are the principal Speakers and most active members
of this Assembly, for wh: reason I have cultivated the acquaintance of these Gentlemen,
and will continue to do so, more and more. There are three among them with wm: I have
been most conversant, Mr: Gyzlaer of Dort, Mr: Vischer of Amsterdam and Mr: Van Zeeberg
of Harlem.
Mr: Gyzlaer is a young Gentleman of abt: thirty—but of a Genius, an activity, a candor
and prudence, which, if his health is not too delicate, must make him the man of the
first consideration in this Republic. I am happy in a friendly and familiar acquaintance
with him, and shall certainly continue it because his abilities and Integ• { 418 } rity, his industry, his great and growing popularity, and his influence in the Assembly
of the States of Holland, as well as in all the Provinces and Cities, will render
him an important man, in spite of all the opposition of the Court. Nevertheless, altho'
I cultivate the friendship of the Patriots, I shall not give offence to the Court.
The friendship of this Court we never had and never shall have, untill we have that
of England. This Gentleman's friendship has already been of vast service to the Cause
of Congress, as well as to me, and will continue to be so. There is no Intelligence
in a political line, wh. I ought to know, but what I can easily obtain in this way.
To detail the Conversations wd. be to relate all the measures taken or proposed, relative
to the Negotiations for a separate Peace, to the concert with France, the general
Peace &c. as well as fm. step to step the advancement to the acknowledgement of our
Independence. There are some of these Conversations wh: ought never to be put upon
paper, untill the measures and events, wh: are the fruit of them, have taken place.
Mr. Vischer is a respectable Character, an amiable man and steady in the good system:
with him also I have been invariably upon good terms. But, I cannot but lament the
absence of Mr: Van Berkel—an excellent Character—of solid judgement, sound learning,
great experience, delicate honor, untainted virtue and steady firmness, sacrificed
to the most frivolous whimsies and miserable intrigues, of private pique, thejealousy and envy of weak—I cannot here add—wicked old Age, and individual Ambition.7 Van Berkel and Vischer together, wd: be noble Ministers for Amsterdam but the elder
of the “Par nobile fratrum”8 is wanting.
Mr: Van Zeeberg is another excellent Character, of great Reputation as a Lawyer, a
man of Integrity and a Patriot, with wm: I have been and am upon the best terms. It
is odd eno: that most of these Pensionaries have been Deacons of the English Church
in this place, Dr: Mc:Lanes—En passent, young Lawyers seek an election to be Deacons in the Churches, as a first step to
advancement in their profession as well as the State. Mr: Van Burkel, Mr. Van Zeeberg
and others have been Deacons of this Church, yet neither speaks English; nor is any
of them less an enemy to England, for having passed thro' this stage in their Career
of life—and I shall be the more so, for hearing, once a week, an admirable moral lecture, in the English language, fm. one of the best Preachers in Europe.
I hope this will be sufficient, at present, as a sample of sketches of Characters,
that you demand of me, among the leading members { 419 } of the Assemblies. I might mention several Burgomasters as Mr: Hooft of Amsterdam,
Van Berkell of Rotterdam and [] of Haerlem &c. &c. &c. But I must not give too much at once.
You enquire, whether there is no intercourse between the French Ambassador and me.
I answer there is a constant, uninterrupted harmony and familiarity, between the Duke
de la Vauguyon and his family and me. I visit him and he visits me. I dine with him
and he and his family dine with me—as often as you can wish; and he is ever ready
to enter into conversation and consultation with me upon public affairs. He is an
amiable man, whom I esteem very much. He is able, attentive, and vigilant as a Minister,
but he has been under infinite obligations to the United States of America and her
Minister for the Success he has had in this Country. Nothing on this earth, but the
American Cause, could ever have prevented this Republic fm. joining England in the
war, and nothing but that well-hove Harpoon-Iron (thrown by a Cape-Cod Whaleman) the
memorial of the 19th. of April 1781—and the other innumerable measures taken in consequence
of it, by the same hand, could ever have prevented this Republick fm. making a separate
peace with England. The American Cause and Minister have done more to introduce a
familiarity between the French Ambassador and some leading men here, than any other
thing could. And if anybody denies it, it must be owing to Ignorance or Ingratitude.
It is at the same time, true, and I acknowledge it with pleasure and gratitude that
our Cause could not have succeeded here without the aid of France. Her aid in the
East-Indies, the West-Indies and upon the Barrier Frontiers, her general benevolence
and concert of operations, as well as the favorable and friendly exertions of her
Ambassador, after the decisive step taken by me, contributed essentially to the accomplishment
of the work. I have an oppo: of meeting at his house too, almost as often as I desire,
the other foreign Ministers—but of this more hereafter.
You desire, also to know the popular Leaders I have formed acquaintances with.
The two Noblemen, the Baron Vander Capellan de Poll of Overyssell and the Baron Vander
Capellan de Marsh of Guelderland, I have formed an acquaintance with: the former very
early after my first arrival. I have had frequent and intimate Conversations with
him, and he has been of the utmost service to our Cause. His unhappy situation and
unjust expulsion from his seat in Government—the opposition of the Court and of his
Colleagues in the Regency, { 420 } make it delicate to write freely concerning this Nobleman. He has an Independent fortune,
tho' not called rich, in this Country. His parts and learning are equal to any: His
Zeal and activity superior. I dare not say in wt: a multitude of ways he has served
us. Posterity will perhaps know them all.
Two years ago, upon my first arrival at Amsterdam, I fell acquainted at Mr: Van Staphorst's
with Mr: Calkoen, the first Gentleman of the bar at Amsterdam—a man of Letters, well
read in Law and History and an elegant Writer. He desired to be informed of American
Affairs. I gave him a collection of our Constitutions, and a number of Pamphlets and
Papers, and desired him to commit to writing his questions. In a few days he sent
me thirty Questions, in Dutch, wh: shew him to be a man of profound reflection and
sagacity. I got them translated and determined to seize the oppo. to turn his attention
to our affairs and gain his Confidence. I wrote him a distinct letter upon every question,
and endeavored to give him as comprehensive an insight into our affairs as I could.9 He was much pleased with the answers, and composed out of them, a comparison between
the American and Batavian Revolutions, wh. he read with applause to a Society of forty
Gentlemen of Letters, who meet in a Club at Amsterdam. I lent him Burgoyne's and Howe's
pamphlets in vindication of themselves, wh: he communicated also.10 By this means, this Society, whose Influence must be very extensive, were made hearty
Converts to the opinion, of the Impracticability of a British Conquest and the Certainty
of American Success—points very dubious in the minds of this nation in general when
I first came here, as I can easily prove. With this Gentleman, I have ever preserved
an agreable Acquaintance. It was he who drew up the Petitions of the merchants of
Amsterdam in favor of American Independence. About the time of presenting my memorial
I became acquainted with an other Lawyer, at the Hague, Mr: Van Zoon, who has been
also, fm. time to time, active in our favor and drew up the Petitions of Rotterdam.
The Gazetteers, in this Country, are not mere Printers. They are men of Letters. And
as these vehicles have a vast influence in forming the public opinion, they were not
to be neglected by me, whose only hopes lay in the public opinion, to resist the torrent
of a Court and Government. I therefore became naturally acquainted with the family
of Luzac's in Leyden, whose Gazette has been very useful to our Cause and who are
excellent People. Mr: John Luzac drew up the two Petitions of Leyden to their Regency.
{ 421 } At Amsterdam, my acquaintance with Mr: Cerisier, ennabled me to render the Politique
Hollandois and the French Gazette of Amsterdam, usefull on many occasions; and by
means of one friend and another, particularly Mr: Dumas, I have been able to communicate,
any thing that was proper, to the public, by means of the Dutch Gazette in Amsterdam,
Haarlem and Delft. By means of these secret connections with Printer and Writers,
I have had an oppo. to cause to be translated and printed many English pamphlets,
tending to elucidate our affairs, particularly those valuable documents of Howe and
Burgoyne, than wh: nothing has contributed more to fortify our Cause. They are considered
as the decisive Testimonies of unwilling Witnesses and cruel Enemies. With these persons,
and others whom I could not have Conversations with, I have had Correspondences, as
frequent as my time would allow.
At Amsterdam I was acquainted with several merchantile Houses, Mr: de Neufville &
Son, Mr: Cromelin & Sons, Messs: Vanstaphorst, De la Lande & Fynje, Madam Chabanell,
& Son & Nephew, Mr: Hodgson, Mr: Van Arp, Mr: Teagler and several others, who, in
their several ways, were usefull to our Affairs.
I come now to the most difficult task of all—the description of the foreign Ministers.
The minister of the Emperor is 90 years of age, and never appears at Court or any
where else. I have never seen him—nor his Secretary.11
The Ministers fm. Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, Sardinia and Liege, I see every
week at Court, where I sup regularly when the others do, tho it is very visible that
I am not the Guest, the most favored by the Prince. I dine with them all sometimes
at the French Ambassadors and Spanish Minister's but have not dined at any of their
Houses—nor they at mine. Not one of them would dare to give or receive an Invitation,
except France, Spain & Leige.
The Minister from Sweden, the Baron D' Ehrenswerd, is lately removed to Berlin to
my great regret, as he appeared to me a very good character, and behaved very civilly
to me, several times wn: I met him at Court and at the French Ambassadors. The Secretary
of Legation does the business now, Mr: Van Arp, who appears to be a worthy man and
is not afraid to converse with me.12
The Minister from Prussia, Mr: de Thulemeier, is very civil, attacks me (as he expresses
it) in English, and wishes to meet me on Horseback, being both great Riders—will converse
freely with me { 422 } upon Astronomy or Natural History or any more common affairs—will talk of News, Battles,
Seiges &ca.13 But these personnages are very reserved in Politics and Negotiations. They must wait
for Instructions.
Mr: de St. Saphorin, the Envoy fm. Denmark, is a personage of a very odd behavior—a
Swiss by birth, but an open and not very discreet advocate for England. It shd. be
observed that the Queen Dowager of Denmark is Sister to the Duke Louis de Brunswick
and as the King is not a distinguished Character among crowned Heads, she is supposed
to have much Influence at Court, and the Minister here may be complaisant to her.14 But, neither that Power nor its Minister, are able to do more than influence a Gazette
or two to publish some very injudicious Speculations. I am not the only foreign Minister
that converses or corresponds with Gazetteers, tho' at least it is certain that I
never give them money. I hope I am not singular in this. This Gentleman has been much
with another, since his arrival, Mr: Markow, the Adjoint Minister fm. Russia, another
advocate for the English without being able to do them any service. He was never more
than a Secrey: of Legation before. He has been here formerly, in that Character and
in the Partition of Poland. He was preceeded here by reports of his great Talents
at Negotiation and Intrigue, and it was sd. that he had never failed of success. But
his residence here has made no sensation nor Impression at all. He talks in some Companies,
indiscreetly, in favor of England, but is not much attended to. His behavior to me
is a distant Bow, an affected smile sometimes, and now and then, a “Comment vous-portez
vous”?—One evening at Court when the Northern Epidemy was here, he put me this Question,
after Supper, in great apparent good humour—“Terriblement affligé, de l' Influenca,”15 says I. “C'est en Angleterre, says he laughing, qu'on a donné cette nom—et il ne
feroit point de mal, si vous voudriez, vous laisser gagner, un peu, par l'influence
d'Angleterre.” I had at my tongues end to answer, “C'est assez d' etre tourmente d'linfluence
qui vient de Russie.” But I reflected, very suddenly, if he is indiscreet I will not
be, so I contented myself to answer very gravely “Jamais, Monsieur, jamais.”16
The Prince de Gallitzin, his Colleague, is of a different Character—a good man and
thinks justly, but his place is too important to his family to be hazarded—So he keeps
a great reserve and behaves with much prudence. Knowing his situation I have avoided
all advances to him, least I should embarrass him.
{ 423 } The Sardinian Minister is very ready to enter with Conversation at all times, but
his Court and System are wholly out of the present question.17
The Portuguese Envoy Extray. D. Joas. Theolonico de Almeida, is a young Nobleman glittering
with stars, and, as they say, very rich. He has twice, once at Court and once at the
Spanish Minister's entered familiarly into Conversation with me upon the Climates
of America and Portugal, and the Commerce that has been and will be between our Countries,
and upon Indifferent Subjects. But there is no appearance that he is profoundly versed
in political subjects: nor any probability that he could explain himself to me, untill
all the neutral Powers do, of whom Portugal is one.18
The Spanish Minister D. Llano, the Comte de Sanafee, has at last got over all his
punctilios, and I had the honor to dine with him, in Company with all the Foreign
Ministers, and four or five Officers of Rank in the Russian Service, on Tuesday last.
He and his Secretary had dined with me sometime ago. I shall, therefore, be upon a
more free, if not familiar footing with him, in future. He has indeed been always
very complaisant and friendly, tho' embarrassed with his punctilios of Etiquette.
There is one anecdote that, in justice to myself and my Country I ought not to omit.
The first time I ever saw him, was at his house, a day or two after my reception by
the States. He sent for me. I went and had an hours Conversation with him. He said
to me “Monsieur, vous avez frappé le plus grande Coup de toute l'Europe, C'est le
plus grand coup qui a été jamais frappé, dans la Cause Americaine, et le plus decisif.
C'est vous qui a rempli cette nation d'enthusiasme. C'est vous qui a tourné leurs
Têtes.” The next morning he returned my visit at my lodgings, for it was before my
removal to this house. In the course of Conversation upon the subject of my Success
here, he turned to a Gentleman, in Company, and said to him “Cet événement fait un
honneur infini a Mons. Adams. C'est le plus grand coup qui pourvoit été frappé en
toute l'Europe. C'est lui, qui a rempli cette nation d'enthusiasme. C'est lui qui
a terrasé les Anglomanes. C'est lui, qui a tourné les Têtes des Hollandais. Ce n'est
pas pour faire Compliment a Mons. Adams, que Jedis cela. C'est parce que Je crois
que c'est son du.”19
I wish for some other Historiographer, but I will not, for fear of the charge of vanity,
omit to record things, wh: were certainly said with deliberation; and wh: prove the
sense wh: the Ministers of the House of Bourbon had of the stream of Prejudice here
against { 424 } them, and of the Influence of America and her minister in turning the tide.
I hope Sir that these Sketches will satisfy you for the present; if not another time
I will give you Portraits at full length. In the mean time I have the honor to be,
With great esteem and regard Sir, Your most obedt: humle: servt.20
[signed] John Adams
1. Vol. 12:295–299.
2. Presumably Livingston's letter of 29 May and its enclosures (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:446–447), for which see Francis Dana's letter of 30 Aug., and note 1, above.
3. A Collection of State-Papers, The Hague, 1782. For its publication in England later in 1782, see Edmund Jenings
to JA, 22 Aug., note 3, above. The copy sent to Livingston has not been found, and the pamphlet was not
republished in the United States. In fact, JA already had sent most of the material contained in the pamphlet to Livingston, for
which see, in particular, JA's letters of 19 March (calendared) and 19 April (vol. 12:337–338, 420–428).
5. Casper Fagel, Hendrik Fagel's ancestor, was appointed grand pensionary in 1672. Earlier,
in 1670, he had been appointed secretary to the States General, and since that time
the Fagel family had held that office (Nieuw Ned. Biog. Woordenboek).
8. Noble band of brothers.
9. From Hendrik Calkoen, 31 Aug. 1780; Replies to Hendrik Calkoen, 4–27 Oct. 1780 (vol. 10:99–117, 196–254).
10. John Burgoyne, A State of the Expedition from Canada, London, 1780; William Howe, The Narrative of Lieut. Genl Sir William Howe, in a Committee of the House of Commons,
on the 29th of April 1779, Relative to His Conduct during His Late Command of the
King's Troops in North America: to Which Are Added Some Observations upon a Pamphlet,
Entitled, Letters to a Nobleman, London, 1780.
11. Baron Thaddäus von Reischach, who served as the Austrian minister to the Netherlands
from Nov. 1741 to Oct. 1782. The legation secretary and chargé d'affaires was Ignaz
Josef Doringer (Repertorium, 3:82).
12. Baron Gustaf Johan von Ehrensvärd, the Swedish envoy at The Hague since 1780, took
his leave on 12 July. Per Olof von Asp, the chargé d'affaires, presented his credentials
on 16 July (Repertorium, 3:412), but in referring to him as “Mr: Van Arp,” JA presumably is confusing his name with the Amsterdam merchant Jan or Matheus van Arp
mentioned four paragraphs earlier.
13. Friedrich Wilhelm von Thulemeier served as the Prussian envoy at The Hague from 1763
to 1788 (same, 3:333). In 1784, Thulemeier and JA negotiated a treaty of amity and commerce that the two men, joined by Benjamin Franklin
and Thomas Jefferson, signed in the summer of 1785 (AFC, 5:316; Miller, Treaties, 2:162–184).
14. Armand François Louis de Mestral de St. Saphorin served as the Danish envoy at The
Hague from 1779 to 1784 (Repertorium, 3:49). The dowager queen of Denmark was Maria Juliana of Brunswick, widow of Frederick
V, who had died in 1766 (Cambridge Modern History, 13:table 94).
15. Closing quotation marks supplied.
16. For Arkady Markov and his mission to the Netherlands to assist his colleague Prince
Dmitri Alexeivitch Gallitzin in furthering the Russian mediation of the Anglo-Dutch
War, see vol. 12:218. With the French passages translated, his conversation with JA reads:
“[How are you?] . . . [Suffering terribly from the influenza], says I. [It's in England], { 425 } says he laughing, [wherefrom it gets its name—and it would not be amiss if you would allow yourself to
benefit a little from England's influence]. I had at my tongues end to answer, [It is enough to be tormented by the influence coming from Russia.] But I reflected, very suddenly, if he is indiscreet I will not be, so I contented
myself to answer very gravely [Never, sir, never].”
17. This letter was published in the Boston Patriot of 1, 5, and 12 June 1811. There, following his comment on Count Carlo Ignazio Domenico
Montagnini di Mirabello, Sardinian minister to the Netherlands from 1778 to 1790,
JA made the following observation:
“[N.B. In 1810.—This gentleman was apparently the most learned ambassador I ever knew
especially, in diplomatic lore.—He seemed to have the contents of every treaty that
was ever made, and even the names and dates as fresh in his memory as his pater noster.
His aversion to play was so very great, that he never would engage in any game on
any consideration—and as I was always glad of any plausable excuse to escape from
cards, I had more conversation with him than with any other of the foreign ministers.
His prodigious magazine of the memory, however, never appeared of much use to himself
or others.]”
18. João Theotonio de Almeida Beja e Noronha, the Portuguese envoy at The Hague, had presented
his credentials on 1 May, possibly making him member of the diplomatic corps that
JA took precedence over in terms of rank and tenure (Repertorium, 3:318).
20. In the Boston Patriot of 12 June 1811, JA followed this letter with an extensive commentary on Livingston and the nature of
the letters he had received from the secretary.
“What shall I say to the charges of 'vanity, egotism and ostentation' that have been
alledged and will be alledged against me for certain passages in this letter and for
many others of a kindred nature in—others? Nothing at all.—Far from justifying them
I resign them to the severity of criticism and the unqualified censure of all who
can find it in their hearts to censure them.
“I hope nevertheless that I may be permitted to recollect and recapitulate a few facts
and circumstances to shew the situation I was in, and to request the reader to place
himself in imagination where I was, and then consider what his own feelings would
have been.
“It will be observed, in the first paragraph of this letter, of September 4th, 1782,
that it was written in answer to letters and duplicates and triplicates of letters
in which I was called to account, both for my public and private conduct; not only
for my memorial, but for all my private friendships and acquaintances, among patriots
and courtiers, no less than among private merchants and foreign ambassadors.
“I have served with Mr. Livingston. He first came into congress in 1776, a little
time before the declaration of independence. He was of a family for whom I had a great
regard; not only for their general intrinsic merits, but because, although numerous,
wealthy and powerful, they had very unanimously and very ably espoused, in the state
of New-York, where their influence was much wanted, the cause of our common country.
I knew his father, and had served in congress with two of his uncles; and the father
and the uncles appeared to be more nearly contemporaries with me in age, than the
son and nephew, whom I had estimated to be a dozen or fifteen years younger than myself.
This gentleman had displayed the good breeding which might be expected from his birth;
and the ingenuity, information and eloquence, becoming his age, education and connections.
In the absence of Mr. Jay and Mr. Duane, he had been elected to represent the state
of New-York, on the committee for preparing the draught of the declaration of independence.
During the short spaces of time that Mr. Livingston had been in congress with me,
there had been entire civility between us. I could recollect no sparring or ill humour;
and therefore concluded that the reproofs and severe interrogatories in these letters,
could not proceed from any personal feelings. From what source then could they spring?
In my own mind, I was at no loss to conjecture. The Compte de Vergennes, through the
French minister and secretary, and their family at Philadelphia; and Dr. Franklin,
through his connections and those of Mr. Deane, presented to my view sources enough.
“Recollecting too, the situation I had been in, during two years; unable to satisfy
the requisitions of my friends, especially Dumes and Gillon; without means to supply
the necessities of my suffering fellow• { 426 } citizens, who so frequently applied to me for relief in their various misfortunes
occasioned by the war, especially the poor prisoners in Mill Prison and Fortune Prison,
in England; reduced to a miserable state of health by anxiety of mind, by too violent
exercise in voyages and journeys, and by the deleterious steams of stagnant waters;
for I never recovered any tolerable health till three years after my fever at Amsterdam;
menaced with an axe and a hurdle in London; threatened with starvation from Passy;
and having frequently suggested to my recollection, the butcher's knife, with which
the De Witts had been cut up at the Hague: I thought it to much to be thus catechised,
documented and reprehended, by young Mr. Livingston. I thought too, that his interrogatories
were indiscreet and dangerous. Had they been answered in all their details, and the
answers intercepted and published by the English, they might have exposed my friends,
both among the patriots and foreign ministers, to very disagreeable consequences.
“I had however, at this time, completely succeeded. I was acknowledged as an ambassador.
My country was recognized as an independent power, and had a flattering prospect of
a treaty and a loan. All this was demonstration that my proceedings had not been wrong.
Amidst these reflections and under these feelings, I cared very little what I wrote
to Mr. Livingston, provided I wrote nothing but the truth.
“I cared too little, to be sure. Though the persecutions of a faction or a combination
of factions, had been even more severe than they were, I ought to have preserved my
philosophy to the last. I ought also to have recollected another thing. The rotation
in the old confederation, or voluntary resignation had removed many of my old staunch
friends from congress, and many new and very young members were come in, total strangers
to me. The former knowing me, my manners and principles, as well as my history and
provocations, would have made very candid if not indulgent allowances. The latter
knew nothing of me, and were liable to have any impressions unfavorable to me, made
upon their minds, by artful and designing men among the quakers, proprietary gentlemen
and tories, to whom I had been very obnoxious, for the ardor with which I had urged
the necessity of independence, for more than a year before it was declared; or by
others, not less artful and designing, among the factions of Deane, Franklin and Vergennes,
or by other young, giddy and ambitious adventurers, who might and did presume enough
upon their extraordinary talents, to aspire at foreign embassies, and other the first
offices in the state, and thus early lay their plans for blasting characters conspicuous
in the revolution and driving them all into the back ground.”
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0177
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-04
From Thomas Barclay
[dateline] Paris 4th. Sepr. 1782
[salute] Dear Sir
Since my arrival here I received the packet which I inclose to you from M Livingston
with particular instructions relative to it.1 I send it by the bearer Mr. Frazer of Boston under Cover to Mess: Ingraham & Bromfield
who will take proper Care of it. Doctor Franklin has been a good deal indisposed with
the Gout and gravel, he is somewhat better, and went abroad in a Carriage on sunday;
I have the pleasure to inform you that he accepted My bills as they appear'd, and
seems perfectly satisfied with the Holland transactions. He has Communicated to me
the Draught of the Convention made by Congress relative to the Consular powers and
privileges in France, with a desire to have My opinion of it before he lays it before
the Minister. I find Congress has adopted the Idea that the Court of France recommended,
and agree to inderdict the Consul { 427 } and Vice Consuls from all Traffic or Commerce for their own or anothers benefit. This
will oblige Congress to pay large Sallarys to those officers, and I think it will
not be Very easy to get proper persons to fill the departments, without a Considerable
additional Expence to the public—and if it is thought improper to permit Consuls engaging
in Commerce, it wou'd I apprehend be better to prohibit them by Instructions, than
for Congress to tye themselves down by a Convention, from which they will not be at
liberty to recede without the Consent of the Court of France, even if they shou'd
wish to alter this article of the Convention. This is all that has ocurrd on the subject
which is quite new to me, for tho' the Resolution pass'd in January last, I did not
hear of it untill my arrival from Holland.2 Mr. Fitzherbert and Mr. Oswald are here, and are said to be negociating, but it is
generaly thought no peace can take place untill the Campaign in America is Closed.
The Marquis de la Fayette cannot now say when he will return, which induces me to
think there is no great probability of any very active operations taking place there.
I deliver'd your letter to Mr. Jay, who said you had not mention'd the receipt of
any from him, tho' he had written several to you. The packets which you and Mr. Dumas
gave me for Mr. Livingston, with one for Mrs. Adams I sent to L'orient to be forwarded
by the ship Alexander to Boston.3
[salute] I beg You will beleive me to be with the greatest sincerity and Esteem Dear Sir Your Most Obed. & Most Huml Serv.
[signed] Thos Barclay
My best wishes wait on all the gentlemen of your family.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Barclay. 4. Sept. 1782.”
1. Barclay had received this packet with Robert R. Livingston's letter of 30 May 1782. It contained Livingston's letter of 30 May to JA, with which was enclosed a code to use in his correspondence, for which see that
letter, and note 3, above.
2. The Chevalier de La Luzerne submitted a draft consular convention to Congress on 26
July 1781. Congress considered it at various times through October but took no final
action until 25 Jan. 1782, when it adopted a revised version of the convention, which
Livingston sent to Benjamin Franklin in a letter of 26 January. It was not, however,
until 1788 that a Franco-American consular convention was concluded (JCC, 21:792–810, 1053; 22:47–54; Franklin, Papers, 36:484–485; Miller, Treaties, 2:228–244). Barclay refers to Art. 3 of the convention as proposed by La Luzerne
and approved by Congress, but no similar article was included in the 1788 convention.
3. The letter to AA, which she received on or about 25 Nov., probably was that of [ca. 15 Aug.] (AFC, 5:36; 4:360–362). If so, then the packets from JA and Dumas probably included their letters to Livingston of 18 (above) and 16 Aug. (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:662), respectively, although the copies received by Congress went by another ship,
for they reached Philadelphia on 15 Oct. (PCC, No. 185, III, f. 45).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0178
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-05
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels. September 5th. 1782
[salute] Sir
I have receivd Your Excellencys Letter of the 30th Ult., together with three Papers
inclosed therewith. The last shall be sent as directed, and I trust they will give
full Satisfaction. I informed your Excellency in my last, that Mr L. Proposed to return
to America by the way of England, having Sollicitd a Passport for that purpose, which
has been granted at the request of Lord Cornwallis. I since hear, that It is likely
He will make Paris in his way—I wish He could be prevailed on to Stay in that City—the
Commissions Shall meet Him there.
I daily expect to hear from my Confidential Mr. R. the news stirring in the great
Capital.1 He will write freely and fully to me until then I Know not whether Oswald stil Continues
there, Vaughan surely can be only depated to dine at Passy. He ought not to be suffered
to open his Mouth but to put therein a little piece of A la Mode Beef.
It is said there has been a duel between Major Jackson and Commodore Gillon, wherein
the former was wounded.2
Should a Congress be held under the Powers given by Shelburne it will be the most
numerous, that the World ever Saw, for what Prince or State in the four Quarters of
the World is not interested in the future Peace. But all those who are not named therein,
(is the King of Spain named?) must fight their way for Admission, if England should
judge they are not interested Parties. I am astonished, that some who are deeply Concerned
in this business, do not see how they are affronted. General Washington was not to
be insulted thus by an et Cetera Address to a letter.3 He scorned to Open it and taught the then English Ministers better Manners; It is
strange, that the Noble Conduct of our Great General does not occur to the minds of
every One and that they do not Act Accordingly.
No, No Sir it is not for me to go to England in the present State of Affairs, My Duty
and my Honour forbids such a Step.
The Manner which your Countrymen have of driving on through thick and through Thin
and not minding little Obstructions to get to Market, is worth Attention, but what
if they should stop a Moment to get rid of the Old or dead beasts and even delay their
Journey a little while, to flog a vicious One who Kicks and gores, would they not
thereby facilitate their Way and get sooner to their Jour• { 429 } neys End. However your Countrymen I see will go on Stubbornly in their own, Old-Way—and
may they come to a good Market at last.
Deane is at Spa, much admired by the English as a Shrewed Man.
Is there not, Sir, something Ominous in the loss of the Royal George?, they no sooner
attempt to clean her foul bottom but she oversets. What a Number of whores sunk with
Her!4
[salute] I have the Honour of Being Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servant
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Jennings Sept. 5 1782. ansd.”
2. Little is known of the duel, probably fought in July at Philadelphia, between Alexander
Gillon and William Jackson, but AA wrote to John Thaxter on 18 July and indicated that Jackson had been wounded in the thigh. She accompanied that mention
with a short discourse on the evils of dueling and hoped that Thaxter's “virtue and
good Sense will deter you at all times, and upon all occasions, from so immoral and
absurd a custom” (AFC, 4:349–350).
3. In July 1776 Adm. Richard Howe had addressed a letter to “George Washington Esq.”
Because it did not refer to his rank, Washington refused the letter. On 17 July Congress
approved Washington's action and resolved that no communications from the British
were to be received by American officers unless they were “directed to them in the
characters they respectively sustain” (JCC, 5:567).
4. On 29 Aug. the Royal George, a 120-gun ship of the line and flagship of Rear Adm. Richard Kempenfelt, capsized
at Spithead while heeled over to expose part of her hull for repairs. Most of her
crew, including Kempenfelt, was drowned along with a large number of women, many of
them prostitutes, and children (Peter Kemp, ed., Oxford Companion to Ships and the Sea, London, 1976).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0179
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-05
From Wilhem & Jan Willink
[dateline] Amsterdam the 5 7br 1782
[salute] Sir
Honoured with your Excellency's Confidence, we think it our duty to inform you in
our privy, that a motion is made to dispose our Regency, to subscribe for account
of our City, a certain Sum at the Loan whch. is proposed to be made for the States
of Maryland;1 whch. if succeeding, Should prove a mark of confidence, proper to encourage particular
Subscriptions, whch. the Continental Loan doth not enjoy.
We bring this to your Excellency's knowledge, in order to consider, whether you Judge,
any instruction necessary on this head, as our Zealous application for the Concerns
of Congress, would not suffer the least neglect in its regard, nor on the otherhand
be come in any way disobliging to that of the States of Maryland.
{ 430 } We are told your Excellency intends to make one time or other a turn hither when we
Shall be glad to be informed of it.
[salute] We have the honour to remain with respectfull regard. Sir Your Excellency's most Obedient & Humble Servants
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
RC (Adams Papers).
1. For the Maryland loan, to be raised by Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst at the behest
of Matthew Ridley, the state's agent in Europe, and for JA's attitude toward the issue raised in this letter, see the Staphorsts' letter of
7 Sept., note 1, and JA's letters of 8 and 10 Sept. to the consortium raising the Dutch-American loan and to the Staphorsts, respectively,
all below.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0180
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-09-06
To Robert R. Livingston
[dateline] The Hague Septr. 6th. 1782
[salute] Sir
In your Letter of 5th. March,1 You ask “whether this Power has entered into any Treaty with France since the War,
and whether any such thing is in Contemplation?” They have made no Treaty; but a Convention
concerning Re-captures,2 which You must have seen in the Papers. The East India Company have concerted Operations
with France in the East Indies; and the Prince, by the Resolution of the States, has
concerted Operations in these European Seas for this Campaign, and the City of Amsterdam
has lately proposed in the States of Holland, to renew the Concert for next Year,
and to revive an old Treaty of Commerce with France. In my Letter of the 18th. August,
I have sent You a Copy of the Instructions to their Ministers for Peace, “not to make
Peace, Truce or Armistice, but with the simultaneous Concurrence of all the belligerent
Powers,” among whom the United States of America are certainly one in the Sense and
Meaning of their High Mightinesses.
You observe, Sir, “that France is interested with Us, in procuring a public Acknowledgment
of our Independence.” You desire me to write freely and my own Disposition inclines
me to do so. This is a delicate Subject, and requires to be cautiously handled. Political
Jealousy is very different from a suspicious Temper. We should contemplate the Vices
naturally allied to the greatest Virtues. We should consider the Fevers that lie near
an high state of Health. We should consider the Maxim that is laid down by all the
political Writers in the World, and the Fact that is found in all Histories, “that
in Cases of Alliance between unequal Powers, almost all the { 431 } Advantages ever did and ever will accrue to the greatest.” We should observe in the
Abby Raynal's History of this Revolution, that there is a Party in France that blame
the Ministry for putting themselves into the Chains “Fers” of Congress, and for not
keeping Us dependent enough upon them.3 Is it not natural for them to wish to keep Us dependent upon them, that We might
be obliged to accept such Terms of Peace, as they should think would do for Us? If
the House of Bourbon should be suspected by any neutral Power to grow too fast in
Wealth and Force, and be disposed to form a League against it, is it not natural for
it to wish, that We may be kept from any Connections with such Powers, and wholely
connected with it, so as to be obliged to engage with it in all its Wars. It is impossible
for me to prove, that the delay of Spain to acknowledge our Independence has been
concerted between the French and Spanish Ministry: but I candidly ask any Man, who
has attended to the Circumstances of this War, if he has not seen Cause to suspect
it? For my own part I have no doubt of it, and I don't know that We can justly censure
it. I have ten thousand Reasons which convince me, that one Minister at least has
not wished that We should form Connections with Holland, even so soon as We did, or
with any Power, altho' he had no right, and therefore would not appear openly to oppose
it. When I took Leave of that Minister4 to return to America in the Spring of 1779, he desired me expressly to advise Congress
to attend to the Affairs of the War, and leave the Politicks of Europe to them, “et
laisser la politique à nous.”5 In 17776 or 1778, when Mr. Lee and I proposed to Dr. Franklin to go to Holland, or consent
that one of Us should go, the Doctor would not, but wrote to that Minister, upon it,
and recd. an Answer, which he shew me, advising against it:7 and when I recd. my Letter of Credence here, the Minister here, who follows the Instructions
communicated by that Minister, took all possible Pains to persuade me against communicating
it;8 and Dr. Franklin, without Reserve in Word and Writing, has constantly declared, that
Congress were wrong in sending a Minister to Berlin, Vienna, Tuscany, Spain, Holland
and Petersbourg, and Dr. F. is as good an Index of that Minister's Sentiments, as
I know.9
Now I avow myself of a totally opposite System, and think our indispensible Duty,
as it is our undoubted Right, to send Ministers to other Courts, and endeavour to
extend our Acquaintance, Commerce and political Connections with all the World, and
have pursued this System, which I took to be also the Wish of Congress and the Sense
of America, with Patience and Perseverance, against all { 432 } Dangers, Reproaches, Misrepresentations and Oppositions, until, I thank God, he has
enabled me to plant the Standard of the United States at the Hague, where it will
wave forever. I am now satisfied, and dread nothing. The Connection with Holland is
a sure Stay. Connected with Holland and the House of Bourbon, We have nothing to fear.
I have entered into this detail, in Answer to your Enquiry, and the only use of it
I would wish to make is this—to insist upon seeing with our own Eyes, using our own
Judgment, and acting an independent part; and it is of the last Importance We should
do it now thus early, otherwise We should find it very difficult to do it hereafter.
I hope I have given You my Sentiments, as You desired, with Freedom, and that Freedom
I hope will give no offence either in America or France, for certainly none is intended.
In your favor of 22d of May, You direct me to draw upon Dr. Franklin for my Salary,
and to send my Accounts to You. My Accounts, Sir, are very short, and shall be sent
as soon as the perplexity of the Treaty is over.10 As to drawing on Dr. Franklin, I suppose this was upon Supposition, that We had no
money here. There is now near a Million and an half of Florins, so that I beg I may
be permitted to receive my Salary here.11
I have transmitted to Mr. Dana your Dispatches, as desired in your's of 29th. May,
reserving an Extract for publication in the Gazettes, which the French Ambassador
is of opinion, as well as others, will have a great Effect in Europe. Your Letter
is extreamly well written, and Mr. Dumas has well translated it, so that it will appear
to Advantage.12
Your's of the 30th. May affords me the pleasure of knowing, that You have recd. some
Letters from me this Year, and am glad You inclined to lay that of 21st. February
before Congress.13 By this time I hope that all Objections are removed to the Memorial, but in order
to judge of the full effect of that Memorial, three Volumes of the Politique Hollondais,
several Volumes of De Post Van Neder Rhin, all the Dutch Gazettes for a whole Year,
and the Petitions of all the Cities should be read, for there is not one of them but
what clearly shews the Propriety of presenting that Memorial, whose influence and
effect, tho' not sudden, has been amazingly extensive. Indeed the French Ambassador
has often signified to me lately, and more than once in express words, “Monsieur,
votre fermeté a fait un très bon effet ici.”14
The Cypher was not put up in this Duplicate;15 and I suppose the { 433 } original is gone on to Mr. Dana in a Letter I transmitted him from You some time ago,
so that I should be obliged to You for another of the same part.
Rodney's Victory came, as You hoped it would, too late to obstruct me. I was well
settled at the Hague, and publickly recieved by the States and Prince before We recieved
that melancholy News. If it had arrived sometime sooner, it might have deranged all
our Systems, and this Nation possibly might have been now seperately at Peace; which
shews the Importance of watching the Time and Tide, which there is in the Affairs
of Men.16
You require, Sir, to be furnished with the most minute detail of every step, that
Britain may take towards a Negotation for a general or partial Peace. All the details
towards a partial Peace are already publick in the Newspapers, and have all been ineffectual.
The States General are firm against it, as appears by their Instructions to their
Ministers. Since the Conversations between me and Diggs first, and Mr. Laurens afterwards,17 there has been never any Message, directly or indirectly, by Word or writing, from
the British Ministry to me. It was my decided Advice, and earnest Request by both
that all Messages might be sent to Paris to Dr. Franklin and the Comte de Vergennes,
and this has been done. Dr. Franklin wrote me, that he should keep me informed of
every thing that passed by Expresses, but I have had no Advice from him since the
second of June. Your Dispatches have all gone the same way, and I have never had an
Hint of any of them. I hope that Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay have had positive Instructions
to consent to no Truce or Armistice; and to enter into no Conferences with any British
Minister, who is not authorised to treat with the United States of America.
Some Weeks ago, I agreed with the Duke de la Vauguyon to draw up a Project of a Memorial
to their High Mightinesses, proposing a triple or quadruple Alliance, according to
my Instruction to that purpose.18 The Duke, in his private Capacity, has declared to me often, that he is of opinion,
that it would be adviseable to make this Proposition, as soon as the Treaty of Commerce
is signed; but could not give me any ministerial Advice, without consulting the Comte
de Vergennes. We agreed, that he should transmit the Project to the Comte. Two days
ago the Duke called upon me, and informed me, that he had the Comte's Answer, which
was, that he did not think this the time, because it would tend to throw Obscurity
upon the Instructions lately given by the States General to Mr. Brantzen, not { 434 } to make any Treaty or Armistice, but simultaneously with all the belligerent Powers.
By the 10th. Article of the Treaty of Alliance, the Invitation or Admission is to
be made by Concert. From my Instructions I supposed, and suppose still, that the Concert
was made at Philadelphia between Congress and the Chevalier de la Luzerne, by the
order of the King his Master: and my Instruction being positive and unconditional
to make the Proposition, I shall be somewhat embarrased. On the one hand, I would
preserve not only a real Harmony, but the Appearance of it, betwean all Steps of mine
and the Councils of the French Ministers. On the other, I would obey my Instructions,
especially when they are so fully agreable to me, at all Events. The Proposition would
have a good Effect in England, in Holland, in France, America, and in all the Neutral
Countries, as I think, and it could do no harm that I can foresee. Nay further, I
am persuaded, that the French Ministry themselves, if they were to give me their private
Opinions, as the Duke de la Vauguyon does, would be glad if I should make the Proposition
against their Advice. It is possible however, that they may secretly chuse (notwithstanding
the Offer made at Philadelphia) not to be bound in an Alliance with America and Holland.
They may think they shall have more Influence with their Hands unbound, even to a
System that they approve and mean to pursue. It is amidst all these doublings and
windings of European Politicks, that American Ministers have to decide and act. The
Result is clear in my Mind, that altho' it is proper to be upon good Terms, and be
communicative and confidential with the French Ministers, yet We ought to have Opinions,
Principles and Systems of our own, and that our Ministers should not be bound to follow
their Advice, but when it is consonant to our own; and that Congress should firmly
support their own Ministers against all secret Insinuations. They must see that a
Minister of their's who is determined, as he is bound in honor to be free and independent,
is not in a very delectable or enviable Situation in Europe, as yet.
There is but one Alternative. Either Congress should recall all their Ministers from
Europe, and leave all Negotiations to the French Ministry, or they must support their
ministers against all Insinuations. If Congress will see with their own Eyes, I can
assure them, without fear of being contradicted, that neither the Colour, Figure or
magnitude of Objects, will always appear to them exactly as they do to their Allies.
To send Ministers to Europe, who are supposed by the People of America to see for
themselves, while in { 435 } effect they see or pretend to see nothing but what appears thro' the Glass of a French
Minister, is to betray the just Expectations of that People.19
[salute] I have the honor to be, Sir,20 with great Consideration and Esteem your most obedient & most humble Servant.
[signed] John Adams
RC in John Thaxter's hand (PCC, No. 84, IV, f. 149–154). LbC (Adams Papers).
1. Vol. 12:295–299.
2. On 25 May 1781 JA sent Congress an English translation of the Franco-Dutch convention signed on 1 May (vol. 11:336, calendared). That agreement formed the basis for the
Dutch-American convention on recaptures, see The Negotiation of the Dutch-American
Treaty of Amity and Commerce, 22 Aug. – 8 Oct., No. IX, above.
3. The sentence cited by JA reads, “pour-quoi s'être mis par un traité inconsidéré dans le fers du congrès qu'on
auroit tenu lui-même dans la dépendance par des subsides abondans et réglés?” (Raynal,
Revolution de l'Amérique, London, 1781, p. 144–145). JA defines “fers” correctly, but in the English language version the passage is translated
less provocatively as “why did they, by an inconsiderate treaty, tie themselves down
to conditions with the Congress, which they might themselves have held in dependence,
by ample and regular supplies?” (Revolution of America, London, 1782, p. 151–152). Raynal is referring to those who would have preferred
that France continue its clandestine aid rather than sign a treaty. It is interesting
that JA states his reservations about the alliance with France in this letter to Livingston
at the very time that his “Letters from a Distinguished American” were appearing in
Parker's General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer, for in the sixth number of the “Letters,” which appeared on 27 Sept., JA wrote that the Franco-American alliance “lasts no longer than this war” (vol. 9:557, 560).
5. Closing quotation marks supplied.
7. In Sept. 1778, following the negotiation of the Lee-Neufville Treaty, JA and Arthur Lee proposed that Franklin undertake a mission to the Netherlands. In
a letter of 22 Sept. 1778, Franklin requested C. W. F. Dumas' advice as to whether
such an undertaking was advisable, to which Dumas replied on 16 Oct. that he thought
it premature. Franklin sought Vergennes' advice in a letter of 20 Oct. and received
a reply the next day in which the foreign minister advised as JA indicates here (Franklin, Papers, 27:448, 562–564, 576, 593). See also a letter of 29 Oct. that Arthur Lee proposed the American Commissioners send to Engelbert François van
Berckel concerning a mission to the Netherlands, but that, in the wake of Dumas' and
Vergennes' letters opposing it, JA and Franklin refused to approve it (vol. 7:171–172).
8. For JA's conversations on 19 and 20 April 1781, in which the Duc de La Vauguyon sought to
discourage JA from presenting his credentials and his 19 April 1781 memorial to the States General, see vol. 11:263–265.
9. JA is likely referring to Franklin's comments in a letter of 7 April 1781 to Francis
Dana regarding Dana's mission to Russia (Franklin, Papers, 34:517–519). There Franklin stated that “I have long imagined that we let ourselves
down in offering our Alliance before it is desired; and that it would have been better
if we had never issued Commissions for Ministers to the Courts of Spain, Vienna, Prussia,
Tuscany, or Holland, till we had first privately learnt whether they would be received,
since a Refusal from one is an actual Slight, that lessens our Reputation, and makes
others less willing to form a Connection with us.” For JA's immediate reaction to Franklin's position, see his letter to Dana of 18 April 1781 (vol. 11:267–270).
11. In the Letterbook this paragraph continues for an additional nine lines, all of which
have been heavily canceled and cannot be read, but they likely included additional
comments on his accounts and his dependence on Franklin for his salary similar to
the ones he made when he published the letter in the Boston Patriot, for which see note 18.
12. The extract from Livingston's letter of 29 May to Dana appeared in the Gazette d'Amsterdam of 13 September. The portion translated and printed consisted of the entire letter
except for the dateline, greeting, first sentence, closing, and signature (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:446–447).
13. Vol. 12:250–259.
14. Your firmness has had a very good effect here.
16. Presumably an allusion to the passage from Shakespeare's Julius Caesar, Act IV, scene iii, lines 217–220: “There is a tide in the affairs of men / Which
taken at the Flood, leads on to fortune; / Omitted, all the voyage of their life /
Is bound in shallows and in miseries.”
18. JA is referring to his 16 Aug. 1781 commission and instructions to conclude a tripartite alliance with France and the
Netherlands under the terms of Art. 10 of the 1778 Franco-American alliance (vol.
11:453–456). The memorial was never presented and is calendared at [ca. 18 Aug.], above. See the references there, together with JA's 1811 remembrance that by the date of this letter to Livingston, his interest in
an alliance had waned.
19. In the Boston Patriot of 26 June 1811, JA continued:
“A remark or two on the foregoing letter will not be misapplied.
“1. The order to draw on Dr. Franklin for my salary was one of the most extraordinary
strokes of all the correspondence. What could be the design of it? For any good purpose
it was superfluous; for I had long possessed a resolution of congress authorizing
me to draw upon Dr. Franklin for my salary and commanding him to honor my draughts.
If I had borrowed money and had it in my own hands, why should I trouble Dr. Franklin
or myself with bills upon him? After congress had entrusted me to borrow ten millions
of dollars—nay, after they had entrusted me with the destiny of the nation in the
commission for peace, was my integrity now suspected to such a degree that I was not
to be trusted to receive my own daily bread out of my own money?
“I was at no loss to unriddle this mystery. I did not impute this affront to Mr. Livingston;
but to a Frenchified Franklinian faction; and had no doubt then, and have no doubt
now in 1811, that the design was to get all the money I had borrowed or should borrow,
into the power of Vergennes and Franklin, and their bankers and understrappers.
“I held the instruction in ineffable contempt and paid no kind of regard to it very
well knowing that they dared not call me to account for disobedience to this tyrannical
mandate.
“2. My anxiety to secure the future independence of America and her neutrality in
all future wars, if possible, appears in this letter. The future destiny of our country,
her future rights, duties and policy were frequent topics of conversation between
Dr. Franklin and me when we lived together at Passy and Paris. My opinion was that
our true policy would always be to maintain an impartial neutrality in all future
European wars, as long as possible. Franklin's favorite doctrine was, that 'we ought
to unite with France at least in two future wars against England; the first to pay
the debt of gratitude we owed her for assisting us in our revolution; and the second
to shew ourselves as generous to her, as she had been to us.'
“It was easy for any man of the least reflection to foresee, that we should be solicited
by France and England, with every artifice of subtlety, and by every motive of hope
and fear, terror and flattery, to engage in their wars. I thought we ought to cultivate
peace, and the study and labor of my life for more than thirty years has been invariably
directed to this object and to place our relations with France and England upon a
footing of impartial neutrality. By the treaty of 1800, with France, I flattered myself
it was attained. But the British government seem to have presumptuously inferred from
it, that their influence in America is irresistable, and that they may do as they
please. France has been suficiently impertinent & unjust. Both together have brought
us in danger of a necessary war. If injuries and provocations were exactly equal from
both nations, it would be safer for us to preserve the peace with France than with
England. but the insults, injuries, claims and pretensions of great britain have been hitherto
much more dangerous than those of france.
“3. Mr. Livingston's repeated and peremptory calls upon me 'for the most minute { 437 } details' perhaps led me into the habit and error in all my subsequent correspondence
with congress, of descending to particulars too minute and circumstantial.”
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0181
Recipient: Sullivan, James
Date: 1782-09-06
To James Sullivan
[dateline] The Hague Septr. 6. 1782
[salute] Dr sir
I am honoured with your Letter of the 24. of July and feel myself under Obligations
to you for it, So much the greater as it contains freer Sentiments than most of my
Friends ever write me, and as it is almost the only Letter, I received by that Conveyance,
except from my Family. My Friends Sir have almost forgotten me, by Way of Retaliation
I Suppose for my Apparent Neglect of them. I have not neglected them in Reality, but
most of my Letters have been lost. But I must confess that my own Sickness and that
of my Family, my House having been a Kind of Hospital, for a long time, added to the
innumerable Calls, occasioned by my Duty in my publick Character have rendered it,
impossible for me to write to my Friends So often as I used.
I will Still hope that Asgil may be Saved by the Surrender of Lippincoat. If our Ennemies,
have not the <Prudence> Justice, to Surrender So attrocious a Murderer, to Save an innocent Man, what shall
We Say? All Europe Seems to take a lively Interest in this Affair. All deplore the
melancholly Fate of Asgil: all condemn the Barbarity of the Refugees: all see the
horrid Necessity to which Congress and G. Washington are reduced.
You wish for my Sentiments, upon the Importation of British Manufactures. They have
been uniformly against Such Importations whether from Britain, Ireland, Sweeden, Holland,
France ostend, New York, Penobscut or Nantucket. It is miserable Policy, it is not
Humanity nor Common Decency, to Supply our Ennemies with the Sinews of War, and enable
them to destroy the Lives of our People, to desolate the Country, or protract the
War untill they can force Us to a less Advantageous Peace. It is neither Gratitude
nor Justice to our Friends and Allies. It is not Wisdom towards the neutral Powers.
We may depend upon this, We have our Ennemies more in our Power, by refusing their
Trade than any other Way. The Effect which the ordenance of Congress against this
Trade had in England as well as all the rest of Europe one would think Sufficient
Proof of its Wisdom. But to what Purpose is Reasoning against human Vanity and Lust
of Gain? To what Purpose do you tell a young { 438 } Lady, that Ribbin, Miss will cost the Life of one of your Countryman. That Cap will
loose your Country, Penobscot? That pair of Jewells will oblige your Country to accept
of an Ignominious Truce, which will be ended by another bloody War, instead of a glorious
Peace that might last forever? This Lace will loose your Country its Fishery? or at
least, Some Convenience for carrying it on? and consequently the best source of Defence
and security, which providence affords you. There is not a Lady young or old who can
bear these Questions. The answer is very ready, oh! my little Nicknacks cant have
Such an Influence in the World, and others will wear em if I dont and why should I
be Singular? In such Case there is no Remedy, if the Government has not sufficient
force to unite all or near all. There is nothing more apparent than that a total abstinence
from British Manufactures for two or three Years, would Secure Us, a glorious and
a lasting Peace. One would think there is enough Said upon this subject in the inclosed
Pamphlet,1 to convince all America.
The Disturbances in the County of Hampshire, mortify me, very much, but I rely upon
the Prudence and Firmness of Government as well as the Honesty of the People, that
this <affair> little Tournado will soon be callmed. There is Sense and Integrity enough in our
Countrymen, to be able to govern themselves. I can trust them, having wintered and
Summered there, and therefore I will not distress myself long about this matter.2 I long to be with you, more than any Man can wish to see me, but I Should be able
to do very little, for your Assistance towards bringing Matters to rights for my Voyages
and Travels, and Negotations which have been upon the whole, but another Word for
Humiliations and Mortifications, have broken my Heart as well as my Constitution.
I can Scarce credit your Insinuation that the Money is gone to New York. When Bills
are Sold at a discount, send Cash abroad! It is a Solecism in Commerce. Unless our
Countrymen, love their Ennemies so well as to charitably contribute greater Taxes
for their Aid, than they pay for their own Defence.
Mr Brantzen, Minister Plen. from their H. M. for treating of Peace, in Conjunction
with Mr Berkenrode, their Ambassader at Versailles is set off this Week for Paris,
there to meet the Ministers of all the Belligerent Powers, among the rest Mr Fitzherbert whose Com is to treat with the Ministers quorumcunque Principum vel Statuum,
quorum interesse poterit. Whether they will make any Thing more than a Bubble of it,
I know not. I think it wrong to treat { 439 } at all untill, Fitzherberts Commission is expressly, to treat with the Ministers of
the United States of America: but I hope, Dr Franklin, and Mr Jay, in Conjunction with the French and Dutch and
Spanish Ministers, will, make Us a good Peace. I Shall go if My Colleages want me, and there is any Probability of Sincerity in the
English Negotiations, after I have finished the Treaty here.
[salute] I have the Honour to be, with great Respect and Esteem, sir &c
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. The pamphlet has not been identified.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0182
Recipient: Warren, James
Date: 1782-09-06
To James Warren
[dateline] The Hague Septr. 6th.1782
[salute] Dear Sir
I thank You for the Papers and your Card of 22d July. The Letters inclosed I shall
send along. My Friends have all become as tender of me as You are; and to save me
trouble send me no Letters: so I know nothing about You. I hope You have not been
all sick as I have. I hope You have not all quite so much Business as I have to do;
at least I hope it is to better effect, and to more profit, both public and private.
To negotiate a Loan of Money, to sign the obligations for it, to make a thousand Visits,
some idle, some not idle, all necessary—to write Treaties in English, and be obliged
to have them translated into French and Dutch, and to reason and discuss every Article
to— to— to— to— to— &ca &ca. &ca. is too much for my Patience and Strength.
My Correspondence with Congress and their Ministers in Europe is a great deal of work.
In short I am weary, and nobody pities me. Nobody seems to know any thing about me.
Nobody knows that I do any thing or have any thing to do.
One thing, thank God, is certain. I have planted the American Standard at the Hague.
There let it wave and fly! in Triumph over Sir Joseph York and British Pride. I shall
look down upon the Flagg Staff with pleasure from the other World.
Not the Declaration of American Independence—not the Massachusetts Constitution—not
the Alliance with France, ever gave me more Satisfaction or more pleasing Prospects
for our Country than this Event. It is a Pledge against Friends and Enemies. It is
an eternal Barrier against all Dangers from the House of Bourbon, as well { 440 } as a present Security against England. Perhaps every Imagination dont rove into futurity,
as much as mine, nor care so much about it.
[salute] My best Respects to Mrs. Warren and the Family, and believe me your Friend
[signed] John Adams
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0183
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-06
From Francis Dana
[dateline] St: Petersbourg Augt: 26th. 1782 OS [6 September N.S.]
[salute] My dear Sir
I do not ask you to consider this as a letter to you. I have writen so much for several
days that I am absolutely beat out; and my health besides begins to fail me. A most
constant head ach hangs upon me, and almost stupifies me: Consider this therefore
only as a cover of the enclosed letters. I shall probably trouble you more frequently
in this way than I have ever done; but it must be upon the express condition that you will assure me in your next without fail, that you will minute the postage to my account: otherwise I must send my letters
into other hands which I wou'd not wish to do. The one mark'd Triplicate is a Copy of that of which you have already by the post of last Friday received the
original and duplicate.1 You will pay an attention to this and let all three be sent by different vessels.
Another parcel you will receive thro' other hands by this post are originals. Adieu
my dear Sir, I hope you are happier at the Hotel des Etats Unis than I am here, about
to be left by your Son2 the only Countryman I have here, and to add to this, by a faithful domestic who will
not weather out with me another of these frightful midnight Winters. Do say I had
better quit the stage and return to America, since I am no longer at liberty to pursue
the plan you and I think the best, as well as most consonant to the honour and dignity
of the United States even tho' it shou'd not succede. Depend upon it nothing can or
will be done here till our Independance is acknowledge by England, under such a line
as is chalked out to me. My Friend, may piddling politicks never disgrace our Councils. But this system is the offspring of you know
what. Adieu once more I am sick at heart.
[signed] FRA DANA
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “A Son Excellence Monsieur Adams Ministre Plenipotentiaire des Etats
Unis &a à son Hotel A la Haye”; endorsed: “ansd Sept. { 441 } 29.”; by John Thaxter: “Mr. Dana 26th. August 1782. O.S.”; stamped: “AMSTERDAM.” Filmed
at 26 Aug., Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 357.
1. The letters included the triplicate of Dana's letter to Robert R. Livingston of 30
Aug. (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:679–680), the original and duplicate of which went by the post of Friday, 30 Aug., with Dana's letter to JA of that date, above. They also included Dana's letter to Livingston of 5 Sept. (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:700–702; from Dana, 16 Sept., below).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0184
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-09-07
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Septr. 7. 1782
[salute] Sir
I have recd, your Letter with other Slips for which I thank you and another Since.1
I take constantly the Morning Post, Morning Chronicle London Courant and have taken
the Evening Post, but Shall change it Soon for the General Advertiser. The Couriers
de L'Europe and du Bas Rhin, the French Gazettes of Hague Leyden and Amsterdam and
all the Dutch Gazettes. Is this to be a News Monger? I take em to send to a far Country.
If the Loss of the Royal George is ominous, the Thing typyfied will Sink with it a
great many more Prostitutes. It twinges however upon ones Nerves to joke upon so dismal
a Catastrophe.
You are welcome to explain to our Friend any Thing you please. I hope to see him here
again, at least I shall hear from him on his Way to Calais. I have lately two Letters
from him in answer to two of mine.2
It is Said in one of the Papers that Mr Franklin is sick have you heard any Thing
of it?3
It is not wonderful that the English find the Gentn at Spa Shrewd4—dont they find him patriotic and honest too? dont they find him Sagacious in foreseeing
so clearly, that Holland would never acknowledge American Independance—dont they find
him exact in affirming that the Dutch had told Mr Adams, that they were interested
against it? They find him profound no doubt in discovering that the northern Powers,
would be rivalled in their Trade by America independant more than by America subject
to G. Britain. They find him refined no doubt in representing our Country is ruined—and
Sublime as well as pathetic, in his dolourous Lamentations over fallen England. They
find an unusual Dignity in the Conduct of a Man, who signs a Treaty with France whose
direct End is American Independence, and then advices to give it up. To be sure { 442 } all these Things are shrewd—and many more. A flippant Tongue and a fluent Pen, are
enough to obtain the Character of Shrewd, without any Judgment in the Head or Solidity
in the Heart. To be Sure a greater Chaos of Cruelities Absurdities and Inconsistences,
were never put together in tollerably smooth Language than appears in his Letters.
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0185-0001
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-09-07
To Robert R. Livingston
[dateline] The Hague. Sepr. 7th 1782
[salute] Sir
In answer to your letters demanding my Accots.1 I have the honor to enclose the three Numbers: 1. 2. 3.
No. 1 is an Account of my Salary for two years and an half, and the payment of it by Dr:
Franklin, in obedience to the orders of Congress, the whole amounting to £6250. sterling.
No. 2 is the account for the purchase of the Hotel des Etats-Unis de l'Amerique, wh. amounts
to 15207. florins, seven stivers, and eight Duits: Over against it, I have given Credit for
the Cash I recd. fm. Messrs: de Neufvilles' loan: six thousand, six hundred and fifty
florins. I have also given Credit for 12,428. french livres and five Sols, wh. I recd. of Mr. Lagoanere in Spain.2 I have been informed it was the intention of Congress that the Expences of their
Ministers, to the places of their Destination, shd. be borne in addition to their
Salaries. The Expences, made by the Continental Navy-Board, for the accommodations
of the voyage,3 were no doubt intended to be so, for wh: reason I have taken no notice of them in
my Accots: either of the first or second voyage. But whether the expences of our horrid
journey thro' Spain, comes within the intention of Congress or not I cant tell. It
was our misfortune to be cast in a leaky Ship, upon the Spanish Coast and to make
a very distressing and very expensive journey by land to Paris,4 but whether it is the design of Congress to allow us this expence or not, I know
not, and very chearfully submit to their decision. If they shd. allow it, they will
erase it fm. this account No: 2. But in that Case they shd. erase another Article fm. No. 3.
{ 443 } No: 3. That article is the first—400 Dollars stolen out of my Chest at Dr: Franklin's.
After I recd. my Commission fm. Congress to borrow money in Holland, Mr: Thaxter was
obliged to come to assist me; but, as it was not certain that I shd. stay in Holland,
it was not proper to remove my baggage fm. Paris: Accordingly I wrote to Dr: Franklin,
requesting him to give house-room to my Chests, wh: he was kind eno: to agree to.5 They were all accordingly carried there: but while there, some thief broke out the
bottom of one of my Chests and carried off four hundred Dollars, wh: I cod. never
hear of. Mr: Dana and Mr: Thaxter knew the Dollars were there and Dr. Franklin knows
they were stolen; and as this misfortune happened fm. my having two Commissions that
called my attention different ways, and fm. no fault of mine, I think it is but reasonable
I shd. be allowed it, provided Congress should charge me with the whole sum of money
recd. of Mr: Lagoanere. If they shd. allow me that Sum, I dont desire to be allowed
this 400. Dollars.
The 2d. Article in No. 3 is my journey to Paris. As this was an additional and double expence, arising necessarily
fm. my having two Departments—one for Peace and the other for Holland, and, as it
was an heavy expence, I submit to Congress the propriety of allowing it.
The other Articles in No. 3 are deductions fm. my salary: wh: Dr. Franklin wrote me, ought to be allowed me,
by Congress;6 but he did not think himself authorised to pay me any more than my net Salary—so
that all charges must fall upon me: Whereas I apprehend the intention of Congress
was, that the net Salary shd. be paid me, and all necessary charges attending the
payment of it, to be borne by the Public—I submit it however to their decision.
The other Articles of House-Rent, Stationary, Salaries of Clerks, Postage of letters,
and Extra: Entertainments are articles, wh. Dr: Franklin wrote me he had charged to
Congress, and since told me, that Mr. Jay was of the same opinion with him and me,
that they ought to be. I have not sent any particular acco't: of these things, and
shall not untill I know the determination of Congress, because it is extremely difficult
for me, to make up an acco't: of them. My life has been such a wandering Pilgrimage,
that I have not been able to keep any distinct acco't: of them. They are scattered
abt: in a thousand of receipts with other things, wh: will require more time to bring
together, than I will spend upon it, untill I know the plea• { 444 } | view sure of Congress. My House-rent has, upon an average, cost me more than £150. a year sterlg—altho' mostly I have lived in furnished lodgings. I have had but one
Clerk, Mr: Thaxter, to whom I hope Congress will make some Compensation for his faithfull and industrious
services in addition to what I have paid him, wh. has been only £100 sterling a year. If Congress allows this to me, it may be easily added to the Acco't:
by them.
The purchase of the House is a very good Bargain. If Congress choose to pay the House-Rent
of their Ministers, it will be cheaper here than any where, by reason of this purchase:
If not their Minister here may pay the Interest of the Purchase-money, for rent, to
Congress, as well as to another. And, in that Case, he will live at a cheaper rate
than any other Minister. I have been at a small additional expence for Repairs wh:
have put the house in order, but as the Acco'ts: are not yet bro't in, I cannot exactly
say the sum. When they come in I shall draw upon the Messrs: Willinks; Van Staphorst,
and De la Lande & Fynje, for the money, unless I shd. have contrary orders fm. Congress.
I have ever made a large Expence for Newspapers, for the Sake of Public Intelligence,
and have sent them as often as I could and in great numbers, to America. As I ever
have, I ever shall send them all there, and, if Congress thinks this a proper charge
to the Public, it may be added hereafter.
[salute] I have the honor to be, Sir,7 with very great Respect and Esteem Your humb: Servt.
[signed] John Adams
Extraordinary Entertainments I suppose mean Such as are ordered. I have none to charge.
2. Michel Lagoanere was the American agent at La Coruña, Spain. For the funds that he
supplied for JA's journey through Spain to Paris in the winter of 1779–1780, see vol. 8:330–331.
5. See JA's letter to Franklin of 29 Sept. 1780 and Franklin's reply of 8 Oct. (vol. 10:185–186, 258–260).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0185-0002
Recipient: Continental Congress
Date: 1782-09-07
Enclosure: Account of John Adams' Salary, 1779–1782
No: 1.
Account stated to be transmitted to Congress, in answer to Secretary Livingston's
Letter of 22d. May 1782.
The United States to John Adams.
| Dr: | |||||||||||||||||||
| To two Years & an half's Salary, commencing, the 13th. November. 1779. & ending the 13th. May. 1782—p 2500 £. pr: Ann: | £6250— | ||||||||||||||||||
| { 445 } | view | |||||||||||||||||||
| Cr: | |||||||||||||||||||
| By Cash &c: recd. of the United-States, from the House of Mr: Ferdinando Grand, at Paris, and the House of Fizeau, Grand & Co: at Amsterdam | £6250— | ||||||||||||||||||
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0185-0003
Recipient: Continental Congress
Date: 1782-09-07
Enclosure: Account for Purchase of House in Amsterdam
No: 2.
Further Acco't: stated to be transmitted to Congress, in answer to Secretary Livingston's
Letter of 22d May. 1782.
The United States to John Adams
| Dr: | |||
| To an House on the Flewelle Burgwal, at the Hague: The Deed taken in the name of the United-States of America, according to Mr: Dumas's Acco't: settled . . . fifteen thousand, two hundred & seven Florins, and seven stivers & eight Duits . . . . | f. 15207. | 7. | 8. |
| Cr. | |||
| By Cash recd. of Mr: Michael Lagoanere, at Ferrol; twelve thousand, four hundred, & twenty eight french Livres & five Sols . . . | |||
| By ditto, recd. of the Loan, open'd with Messrs: John de Neufville & Son; three thousand florins that I recd: myself, for three obligations; & four thousand that Messrs: de Neufvilles recd. wh: they paid me, after having deducted the Interest they had paid upon seven Obligations for one year: fm. f7000. dedt: Interest f 350 | is f6650 | — |
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0185-0004
Recipient: Continental Congress
Date: 1782-09-07
Enclosure: Account for John Adams' Sundry Expenses, 1781
No: 3.
The United States to John Adams
| Dr: | |||||||||||||||||||
| To four hundred Dollars, stolen out of my Chest at Dr: Franklin's at Passy. The bottom of the Box was broke out & the money taken away. . . . | |||||||||||||||||||
| 1781. July |
To Expences of a Journey fm. Amsterdam to Paris began the 2d. July & returned to Amsterdam the 27th. Went thro' Utrecht, Gorcum, Breda, Antwerp, Brussells, Valenciennes &c. The whole expense of Coach & Horse-hire, Expenses on the Road, and at Paris—amo: | livrs. 3345. | — | ||||||||||||||||
| { 446 } | view | |||||||||||||||||||
| As I was obliged to take this journey, by my Commissn: for Peace, & the Expences of my family at Amsterdam could not be prevented fm. running on at the same time, the matter is submitted for an allowance. | |||||||||||||||||||
| Augst: 15th. |
To Articles in Mr: Grand's a/c—30th. April. 1781.1 Commissr: at Amsterdam on Livrs: 37348 p ½. pr.Ct. | 186. | 14. | 9 | |||||||||||||||
| Courtage | 46. | 13. | 9 | ||||||||||||||||
| Postage of Letters | 127. | 10 | — | ||||||||||||||||
| To Articles in Acct: of Augst: 6th: 1781.,2 Augst: 6th. Commissr: at Amsterdam | 46. | 10 | — | ||||||||||||||||
| Brokerage: 11.12.4. Postage 3 | 14. | 12. | 4 | ||||||||||||||||
| House-Rent, Stationary, Salaries of Clerks, Postages of Letters & Extraordinary Entertainments—&ca. | |||||||||||||||||||
1. Presumably the account enclosed with Henry Grand's letter of 14 May 1781, which has not been found (vol. 11:316).
2. The account enclosed with Henry Grand's letter of 6 Aug. 1781 has not been found (vol. 11:443–444).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0185-0005
Recipient: Continental Congress
Date: 1782-09-07
Enclosure: Account for C. W. F. Dumas' Expenses, 1782
Cr:
Les Etats-Unis de l'Amerique à C. W. F. Dumas1
| Doivent | |||||||||||||||||||
| 1782. | |||||||||||||||||||
| Fevr. | Payè ou Procureur Huygens, selon les conventions, de l'Achat de l'Hôtel, son compte de | f | 185. | 11. | — | ||||||||||||||
| Au Domestique de Mad. de Wickrad, come temoin | " | 1. | — | ||||||||||||||||
| Mars. 1. | Payè à Mad. de Wickrad, selon le Contrat de Vente | " | 8000. | — | |||||||||||||||
| " 2. | à un Chrocheteur, pour porter de l'argent, m'attendu & messages divers | " | 1. | 16. | — | ||||||||||||||
| " | Pour un Fourneau de fer. & appartanances | " | 30. | — | |||||||||||||||
| May. 1. | Payè à Mad. de Wickrad, le restant des derniers de l'Achat | " | 6052. | 10. | — | ||||||||||||||
| " | Pour Lots & Ventes, payè à la Secretairie de la Ville, selon le compte quittancè du Notaire Favor | " | 782. | 15. | 8. | ||||||||||||||
| " | Pour le droit de Vouinage, payè par le dit | " | 17. | — | — | ||||||||||||||
| " | Pour Salaire et autres debours des dit | " | 31. | 10. | — | ||||||||||||||
| " | Au Valet de Ville, qui doit apporter le transport en forme | " | 5. | 5. | — | ||||||||||||||
| " | A Titre de Comission, on Douceur, pour dédodomagement allouè par S. E. Mons. Adams, au Sr: Dumas, du loyer de Chambres, qu'il doit payer pour un an sans plus | " | 100. | — | |||||||||||||||
| { 447 } | view | |||||||||||||||||||
| flor: | 15207. | 7. | 8. | ||||||||||||||||
| Juin | Remis pour solde à Son Excele: Mons. Adams, par le Sr: Dumas | " | 845. | 2. | 8 | ||||||||||||||
| flor: | 16052. | 10 | — | ||||||||||||||||
| Avoir | |||||||||||||||||||
| 1782. | |||||||||||||||||||
| Fevr. | Ma Traite sur Son Ex. Mons. Adams, Min: Plenipo: des Etats-Unis, payèe, de | flo: | 10000. | — | |||||||||||||||
| Avril | De même de | " | 6052. | 10 | — | ||||||||||||||
| flor: | 16052. | 10 | — | ||||||||||||||||
Ainsi reglè & soldè signè à double, le. 17t. Juin. 1782.
The content of all or some notes that appeared on this page in the printed volume
has been moved to the end of the preceding document or the enclosing document, John
Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 7 September 1782..
1. This account is filed with the accounts numbered 1, 2, and 3 in the PCC, but JA's failure to mention it specifically to Livingston may mean that it was not enclosed
with this letter. For Dumas' efforts and expenditures in the purchase of the United
States legation at The Hague, see his letters to JA of 5, 14, 18, 23, and 25 Feb.; 5 March (vol. 12:226–229, 236–237, 239–240, 261–264, 270–274, 291–295); and [post 2 May], above.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0186
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-07
From William Gordon
[dateline] Jamaica Plain Septr 7. 1782
Last evening I heard that a vessel was arrived from Amsterdam. Was up early and went
to Boston in the morning after letters, could meet with none, and returned home to
dinner. Between four and { 448 } five Deacon Mason called and brought me one from [].1 My good old Friend, who I began to fear from his long silence, had nearly forgotten
me, through the multitude of more capital European figures occasioning a diversion.
I was in a tolerable flow of spirits, being mercifully favored by Heaven with a comfortable
share of health, but the receipt of it made a considerable addition; and being informed
that Jerry Allen was going to France and so to Holland, as soon as the wind admitted,
I concluded upon seizing the opportunity for making a quick return, and upon being
as communicative to You as You have been to me.2
I was rejoiced to have it confirmed that you was recovered; but after hearing how
ill you was and wanting that confirmation for a long time, I quieted my own misgivings
and endeavoured doing the like as to others by arguing, from the silence of the New
York papers that you was not dead, and that it would have been known and published
had it been so.
I can easily conceive that You was loaded as an Atlas with a mountain of cares, and
I am glad they have not reduced you to atoms.
“Don't you think that the Dutchmen have behaved bravely at last?” Yes I do, and it
was what I foretold to Genl Gates, when he asked me in a letter for an opinion concerning
the future conduct of them after the taking of 'Statia. In a letter from him of the
13 ulto he credits me for it in the following words—“You3 are a true prophet in regard to our friends the Dutch, it is their weight in the
scale has brought G Britain to reason.” The Genl adds “pray do you think Old England
in this period of luxury corruption and extravagance, capable of the reformation the
new ministers dream of establishing, for my part I think it is as vain, as any battered
Rake's endeavouring to renew his constitution by marrying a blooming young Virgin
of half his age.” It is not far from seven, the sun has been below the horizon a good
while, I must get a candle therefore and then proceed to relate what he saith further.
Writing by candle light does not suit me. However I will do my best. To go on. “This
is the moment for France to treat, if she delays until this ministry have fixed their
interest in England, and gain'd Ireland to their support all may be lost. It is our
revolt, that Ireland is indebted to for her emancipation, but there is no gratitude
in nations and You, and I, well know, how little there is even between man and man.”
The Genl was at Philada, and had addressed their High Mightinesses upon his situation,
who appointed a committee { 449 } consisting of A Lee, Govr Rutledge and Genl Cornell to examine and report. Genl Lincoln
by the last post informed me that Congress had recalled their resolve for a court
of enquiry &c and that he expected Genl Gates would be soon in command again.4 We'll leave Gates and return. The naval battle might well raise the courage of the
Dutch, for it was fought as in days of yore. I waited with eager expectation for their
acknowledgement, as I concluded that they would not make it, till they knew they should
not offend by it either Austria Prussia or Russia. No wonder it was with the utmost
good will, as it served both to gratify revenge and promote their interest. They will
now recover the trade, amazingly improved, from which they were cut off by the navigation
act.
I know neither the writer nor the character of the History,5 not having read a single number, but happening to look into one, it appeared to me
to be a lame alias a defective performance. Take it to be intended mainly for the
good of the bookseller.
Sharpers and Dupes we have had more than a quantum sufficit. That physical phrase
reminds me, that I had the pleasure of Dr Waterhouse's company a few weeks back, when
your Excellency was in part the subject of conversation. The Dr is at Newport. Believes
he designs to get a birth in Boston: Was to see your Lady, who was so enamoured with
him, I suppose because he could tell a great deal about you which was pleasing, that
he could not get away so soon as he intended.6
I have always thought and said, that You knew the cast of the British better than
almost any American besides; and when I have read extracts concerning them I have
pronounced them to be out of your letters, before the opportunity offered for having
it ascertained. It was ever a great relief to my mind that You was in Holland and
with powers; but could not have conceived without the hints, that such folly weakness
or wickedness had existed as to think of any thing short of an explicit treaty with
us as sovereign States. I congratulate my country, America is meant, upon a persons
being employed who would not be tramalled but was determined to follow his own judgment
in the most independent manner. I abhor the idea of being in leading strings, or pin-ing
our faith upon other sleaves. I have long suspected that the French wished to exclude
us from the fishery. I mentioned my suspicion to Mr Dana before he left America. I
was confirmed in it upon observing in their Memorial the mention of an equal division of the fishery between G B and France, without a tittle in behalf of poor
America.7 I have repeatedly ob• { 450 } served to friends in G B, that it would be the interest of Britain to let the Americans
have as much of the fishery as they can grasp, for without it the New Englanders will
not have wherewith to purchase from them, and that twenty thousand American sailors
will not endanger them, but twenty thousand added to the French will be a formidable
force. Our common friend who has been in England and at Paris and is now at Philadelphia
has thought with me that it was meant to exclude us from the fishery, and then adds
without it Independence will be only a name.
I apprehend that bloody scenes in America are at an end; and can't but promise myself
that we shall have a good and honorable peace by spring. But take care of the fishery,
that the limits of Canada are reduced to what they were by the claims of G B before
it was conquered and that Nova Scotia reaches no further than the river St Croix.
Can't France be brought to insist upon the last, that they may have an opportunity
of getting masts the same as the British; and can't the British be easily persuaded
by having it made plain to them that they will buy the masts cheaper than if they
had to pay surveyors &c, and that the masts being private property would not be destroyed
as under former ir-regulations.
I would have America enter into no particular distinguishing monopolizing treaties,
but be an open market for all the powers of the world, that so she may have the best
of every thing upon the easiest terms.
I would have her remain a collection of Republics, and not become an Empire, for then
freedom will languish and die. When an individual or a Congress can command at pleasure
her whole force, and make her an offensive power, she may be more formidable but she will be less free. When necessity prescribes,
a union will take place between the distinct republics in order to security, and she
will be sufficiently defensive. Peace being once settled upon equitable principles,
America has nothing to do with wars. Let Europeans who have not an extensive country
fight and destroy. America should be separated from their quarrels; and by multiplying
people fill the back country for ages to come.
If America becomes an Empire, the seat of government will be to the southward, and
the Northern States be insignificant provinces. Empire will suit the southern gentry!
They are habituated to despotism by being the sovereigns of slaves: and it is only
accident and interest that has made the body of them the temporary sons of liberty.
{ 451 } The New Englanders should be resolute in retaining the Sovereignty of the several
States, and should look out in time against all distant encroachments.
The Bank is at Philadelphia, the Congress is at Philadelphia, the latter may be removed
after a while to New York as more healthy and convenient, in the summer season especially.
Dock Yards, Arsenals &c should be at Boston. I design to hint it to our leading men;
and wish you to mention it. Instead of spending money in building a fleet with green
timber to perish in a few years after having been a burdensome charge to the Continent;
let wet and dry docks be made, timber be cut down hewed to proper sizes, but not finished,
be laid in wet docks of salt water to be qualified for long service, masts and every
other material be provided. Boston and its neighboring islands will furnish proper
situations. It would I apprehend be wisdom in the State to procure docks of their
own accord and without applying to Congress. When the docks are got, there will be
a powerful plea for using them instead of providing others.
Now for home affairs. This part of the country is greatly afflicted with a drought.
At Providence the appearance like January, not a spire of green grass to be seen. The drought is not universal. The western parts have fine crops.
The like in Connecticut. The people healthy, but growing older every day.
[dateline] Monday Sepr 9
I am suspicious that Mr Allen sailed yesterday, the wind being at north west: if not,
he can't be gone today as it hath been east. I have a chance of being in time.
Silver-tongue Sam is the pink of complaisance to the French Admirals, Generals and
Officers.8 You would never have believed him to have been the author of a Sermon upon the Conquest
of Canada, and the preacher of such contents: but tempora mutantur.9 The French are the most disinterested people in the world. They are every thing,
but Protestants: and their being otherwise is a matter of no great importance.
The Govr has purchased upon the Plain two doors beyond me.10 For my life I can't help recollecting frequently, High life below stairs—and Low
life above stairs. Do make haste and procure us a good peace. Return with the olive
branch and take the chair, that we may appear to some advantage in the eyes of men
of sense and of sensible foreigners.
Judge Sullivan has quitted the bench, and is one of the Govrs { 452 } supporters: but some believe that he means when he can to be himself at the head of
the executive. He is baiting poor Temple, as tho' he was a British Spy. Congress began
the cry in a letter to the Govr which does them no credit.11 If you believe Temple to be no enemy but the friend of America, I wish you would
by a line or two upon the subject to some trusty friend who would not be afraid to
shew it, put an end to this un-civil persecution. The people of this country who have
not travelled, and are unacquainted with European characters and manners, think that
they can carry any points there the same as here, and therefore censure their Agents
unless all is obtained that they want. Upon this principle You must look well to your
doings, or you will come in for a share of abuse.
Your namesake12 and his Excy speak oftener to one another than formerly, and are outwardly more friendly, but—.
I have not seen Braintree a long while; but went the last October across the country
to Travellers rest in Virginia, the seat of our common friend Genl Gates, with whom
I spent a fortnight in searching after historical knowledge and truth. Returned by
the way of Philadelphia: was a few days at Col Bayards. Saw Rush Mifflin and others,
and got home on the second of Jany.
May a speedy peace give me the opportunity of searching into more originals!
[salute] You may compliment and say, but I must sincerely declare I have the honour to be Yours
P.S. I think after that is rather a supernumerary, and yet in vogue.
[dateline] Septr 19
Guard what you write to Dr ——13 for he is Franklified and Frenchified—too many in the Congress are the latter, and
if my information is true the French Chevalier has more of a casting vote in the determination of affairs than the representatives of a sovereign independent
State should compliment a king with.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “His Excellency John Adams Esqr Holland”; endorsed by Charles Storer:
“Dr. Gordon 7. Septr. 1783.”
1. JA's letter to Gordon has not been found, but according to Gordon's letter of 30 Nov.
(Adams Papers) it was dated 2 July. From Gordon's comments on its content, it is likely that it
was similar to JA's letters of 2 July to Elbridge Gerry and James Warren, both above, and of 1 July to AA (AFC, 4:337-339). But see also JA's earlier letters of 15 and 17 June to Samuel Adams and James Warren respectively, both above, and of 14 May and 16 June to AA (AFC, 4:323-325).JA's letter to Gordon has not been found, but it was probably written in mid-June. From
Gordon's comments on the letter's content, it is likely that it was similar to JA's of 15 and 17 June to Samuel Adams and James Warren, respectively, both above, and
of 14 and 16 June to AA (AFC, 4:323-325).
2. Jeremiah Allen, JA's fellow passenger on La Sensible in 1779, had returned to America in mid-1781. Gordon missed the opportunity to send
this letter with Allen, but Allen did carry AA's letters of 3 and 5 Sept., AA2's letter of 3 Sept., and Isaac Smith Sr.'s letter of 7 Sept, all of which reached JA on 16 Oct. { 453 } (vol. 8:300; AFC, 3:181; 4:371–373, 376–377, 378–379; 5:16–19).
3. Opening quotation marks supplied.
4. On 5 Oct. 1780, following Horatio Gates' defeat at the Battle of Camden on 16 Aug.,
Congress ordered that a court of inquiry be convened regarding Horatio Gates' conduct,
but for a variety of reasons the court never met. On 5 Aug. 1782, Gates wrote Congress
to demand that he be either court-martialed or exonerated, and on 14 Aug., following
the recommendation of the committee noted by Gordon, Congress resolved to repeal the
resolution of 5 Oct. 1780 and return Gates to duty (JCC, 18:906; 23:465–466; DAB; Mackesy, War for America, p. 343).
7. It is not known to what memorial Gordon refers, but the exclusion of the United States
from the fisheries was a longstanding French policy, one that particularly infuriated
people in Massachusetts, and was being actively pursued by the French minister, the
Chevalier de La Luzerne (William C. Stinchcomb, The American Revolution and the French Alliance, Syracuse, 1969, p. 190–193). In fact, it was not the first time that Gordon had
raised the issue with JA, for that, see Gordon's letter of 8 May 1779 (vol. 8:56–58).
8. Although Gordon was unaware of it, the Rev. Samuel Cooper was more than merely complaisant
or, as Gordon states in the final paragraph of this letter dated 19 Sept., “Frenchified.”
Since 1779 he had been receiving a subsidy from the French, paid first by Conrad Alexandre
Gérard and then continued by the Chevalier de La Luzerne (William C. Stinchcomb, The American Revolution and the French Alliance, Syracuse, 1969, p. 119–120).
9. Times change.
10. John Hancock.
11. For the controversy over John Temple's return to Massachusetts, see JA's letter of 16 Aug. 1781 to the president of Congress and references there (vol. 11:449–452). In fact, it
was that letter, written by JA after he had met with Temple, that led Congress to resolve on 27 Feb. 1782 that the
governor and council of Massachusetts should be informed that JA's comments regarding Temple did not constitute an endorsement and should not effect
any action taken by the state regarding him.
12. Samuel Adams.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0187
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-07
From Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst
[dateline] Amsterdam 7 Septr. 1782
[salute] Sir
We take the liberty to inform your Excellency that about a Month ago, when Mr. Ridly,
agent of the State of Maryland was here, we agreed with Said Gentleman, in virtue
of his Powers and Commissions, which were certified by your Excellency, to open a
Loan of Six hundred thousand Guilders, in behalf of the Said State for ten Years and
at 5 pco. Interest, which shall be paid out of the Amount of 1000 hogsheads Tobacco,
which we contracted with him in his aforesaid Quality.1 We looked upon this business as being very beneficial to the trade of this City,
and the Inhabitants, and made there fore an application to the Magistrates, that they
might take a share in the Loan for account of the City. We have also the Satisfaction,
that our demand in all probability will be consented to. But some of the Magistrates
tho' inclined to favour us, wish to know, before they { 454 } give their Consent to it, whether this Act would be agreeable to your Excellency in
your Quality as Minister Plenipotentiary. Since this favour is not granted to the
general Loan, as it could not be requested nor granted, Since the Magistrate have
no liberty to lay out Money of the public merely upon Credit, and without a strong
motive of Interest for the benefit of the Citizens. And it would have been imprudent
to make such an application, without hopes of succeeding.
We don't doubt Sir, but you'll see with pleasure the promotion of the connexions with
America, and of this Loan, since it is the Intention to lay out that Money in such
commodities as are wanting for the Troops of said state, and by those means to the
benefit of the public and general Cause. It is also our opinion that this Loan, being
of no great importance, will rather do good to the general Loan, which goes on tolerably
well, and for which we hope to engage in a month time the third million.
We there fore beg your Excellency, that you'll be so kind, as to give us an Answer
upon this as soon as possible, in order to show it to the Commissioners of the Magistrate,
who are appointed for this business, by which you'll greatly oblige us.
We duly received both your favours of 28 past,2 and paid the different Accounts amounting together to f61.11— for which your particular
Acct. is debted. We have also ordered to pay £15.13— Sterl. being the Amount of the
two bills of Mr. Silas Talbot, to Lieutenant Josiah Haynes in Mill Prison Plymouth.
And we'll send in time the receipt to your Exce. We inclose another account of J.
Kortman amounting to f96.3.4 which he delivered to us yesterday. We beg to order us
whether we shall pay the same.
[salute] We have the honour to be most respectfully, Sir Of your Excellency, the most humble & obedt. Servants
[signed] Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “M. Vanstaphorsts 7. Sept. ans. 10. 1782.”
1. The Van Staphorsts agreed to the loan on 25 July, conditioned only on JA's certifying that Ridley's commission to raise the loan was authentic. On 28 July
JA provided a certificate to that effect, which Ridley presented to the Van Staphorsts
on the 29th. The loan agreement was signed on the 31st (MHi: Matthew Ridley's Journal).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0188
Recipient: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Recipient: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Date: 1782-09-08
To Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje
[dateline] The Hague september 8. 1782
[salute] Gentlemen
I have been informed, that a Motion has been made in the Regency of Amsterdam, that
a Sum should be subscribed in Behalf of the City to a Loan which is to be opened for
the State of Mary land.1
I wish well to the state of Maryland and wish for the Persperity of her Loan: but
I am apprehensive that you and I shall be all censured by Congress, if this Motion
takes Place and We neglect to apply for the Same Countenance from the City.
I therefore request you to apply privately first and more publickly afterwards, if
you judge it proper, to the Regency or some of its Members at least, that if the City
thinks proper to encourage this affair, it may begin with the United states.
I really think it would be excellent Policy for the City, to Subscribe a large Sum
to the Loan of the United States. They can hire Money, in any Quantity for half the
Interest, and there is no Way in which the City of Amsterdam could render So essential
a service to their new Allies.
Five Millions of Florins subscribed by Amsterdam to the Loan, would make every American
Heart leap for Joy. It would remove all the Difficulties, which now embarrass our
Finances. It can scarcely be imagined how much it would aid Us. And it would lay a
sure Foundation Of Commerce, between America and your City.
I therefore think, but Submit it at present to your Prudence, that it would be adviseable
for you, to petition the Regency to this Effect.
I dont mean to oppose the Views of Mary land nor any other of the Separate States,
but I think it will be taken amiss, if any one of the States Should receive a publick
Encouragement when all do not.
[salute] I have the Honour to be &c with much Esteem and regard &c
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0189
Recipient: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Date: 1782-09-10
To Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst
[dateline] The Hague Septr. 10. 1782
[salute] Gentn
I have recd. your Letter of the Seventh of this Month, and after reflecting upon it,
I cannot See that the Subject of it will injure, or interfere with the Loan of the
United States, and as it will be So beneficial, both to Mary land and Amsterdam, I
will make no opposition or Objection to your Request to the Magistrates of that City
to take a Share in the Loan of Mary land on Account of the City.
[salute] I have the Honour to be, with much Respect and Esteem, Gentn, your most obedient and humble servant.
LbC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0190
Recipient: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Recipient: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Recipient: La Lande & Fynje, de (business)
Date: 1782-09-10
To Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje
[dateline] The Hague Septr. 10. 1782
[salute] Gentlemen
Since my Letter of the Eighth I have, recd a Letter from Mrs Vanstaphorsts1 and have conversed with one of those Gentlemen,2 and am after further Reflection, of opinion that the Loan of Mary land even if the
Regency of Amsterdam Should Subscribe to it, will not injure the Loan of the United
States and therefore, I shall make no opposition or objection to it.
As to your applying publickly or privately to the Regency for their Encourgement of
our Loan, in the Same Way.
I leave it wholly to your Prudence to do it, or not as you shall judge best. Our Loan
will do well I doubt not, without the Interposition of the Regency, but Such another
Opportunity will never occur to your City to Serve America and Suddenly promote its
own Trade, as a Subscription of five Millions of Guilders at this Time would give
it.
[salute] I have the honour to be
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0191
Recipient: Loosjes, Adriaan Pieterszoon
Date: 1782-09-11
To Adriaan Pieterszoon Loosjes
[dateline] The Hage Sept 11. 1782
[salute] Sir
The Evening of the Second, I had the Pleasure of receiving from you, a most elegant
Present in a Volume intitled “Gedenkzuil ter Gelegenheid der Vry—Verklaaring Van Noord
America.”1 It is indeed “Monumentum aere perennius.”2 The Connection formed between your Country, Sir and mine is an Event of So much Importance
to both Nations, and will have Consequences So extensive in the political System of
the World, that it was with peculiar Pleasure, I Saw this Collection of Documents,
which relate to it. Such a Collection had before been attempted in English but it
was incompleat, as you See by the inclosed.3
I lament exceedingly that I am not posessed of enough of the Dutch Language, to judge
for myself of your History of this Event, much less of the Merits of the Ode in Celebration
of it, but from the imperfect Interpretation of them, which I have been able to obtain,
I was much pleased with both.
As you love Poetry and I presume read English, I beg your Acceptance of the Works
of Thompson which will gratify your Love of Liberty as well as of Poetry.4
I Shall desire the Bookseller to prepare me a few Setts of your Volume to be sent
to America and placed in the Libraries of Philadelphia and Boston, as well as those
of the Universities of Cambridge New Haven, Prince Town Philadelphia and Williamsburg.5
[salute] I Should be happy in an opportunity to form a further Acquaintance with you, and to assure you in Person of the Respect and Esteem, of, sir, your most obedient &c
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. This volume, published at Amsterdam in 1782, is in JA's library at MB (Catalogue of JA's Library). Loosjes dedicated it to JA in a poem praising JA for his steadfast pursuit of Dutch recognition. The book consists of two separately
numbered sections. The first consists of a poem chronicling the struggle leading to
Dutch recognition of the United States in which its proponents, including Berckel,
Capellen, and Gyselaar, are lavishly praised and its opponents denounced (p. 1–49).
JA is characterized in two verses (p. 27) as a man steadfast in the cause of freedom,
whom the Dutch could not refuse in light of their own eighty-year war for independence
from Spain. The second part (p. 1–170) is a collection of documents pertaining to
Dutch recognition of the United States and includes JA's 19 April 1781 memorial to the States General (p. 5–22) and his credentials as minister
to the Netherlands (p. 169–170).
2. A monument more enduring than bronze.
4. Loosjes replied on 17 Sept. (Adams Papers) thanking JA for his gift of the oth• { 458 } erwise unidentified edition of James Thomson's poems and expressing his “Hope that
the God, who redeemed the States of the Netherlands and North America from slavery
will accompany with His favour, the still living Effectors of the Freedom of the last
mentioned, and among these Yoúr Excellency with Yoúr Family.”
5. The Amsterdam bookseller, who also published the volume, was Willem Holtrop. JA wrote to Holtrop on 30 Sept. (not found), perhaps to request copies of Loosjes' work.
With a letter of 12 Oct. (Adams Papers), Holtrop sent “the Books your Excellency hath pleased to Commission.” If these were
copies of Gedenkzuil, no indication of when or if they were sent to their intended destinations in the
United States has been found. It should also be noted that at some point in 1782,
Holtrop published Geschiedenis van het geschil tusschen Groot-Britannie en Amerika, zedert deszelfs
oorsprong, in den jaare 1754, tot op den oegenwoordigen tijd, Door . . . John Adams, which was a Dutch translation of the abridged version of JA's Novanglus Letters published by John Almon in his Remembrancer for 1775, p. 24–32, 45–54. For the content of the Dutch translation and speculation
about JA's role in its publication, see vol. 2:224.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0192
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-11
From Wilhem & Jan Willink
[dateline] Amstd 11 7br 1782
[salute] Sir
Not being favoured with an answer on our letter of 5 inst, we comprehend the receipt
by your Excellency's writing of 8th. inst: to us, Messrs. van Staphorst and de La
Lande & Fynje; but Mr. N. van Staphorst being gone to the hague, has taken without
preventing any of the Houses said letter with him, so we take the liberty to pray
Your Excellency for the Copy thereof, because we are frustrated to satisfy, by mans
of the original or Copy to its contents.
We rely that your Excellency 'll never Communicate our particular writing to any body;
in whch. confidence we inform you, that the Committeé is inclined to Subscribe a certain
Sum as the maryland's loan, for whch. purpose our Deputies in the Hague are charged
to get a conversation with your Excellency to know your Sentiment about it, as Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States.
We suppose to comprehend, that a Similar address to our Regency to subscribe at the
Continental Loan shall be declined; unless your Excellency engages to have the Amount
of the annual interest, and redeeming of the Capital send yearly in produce of the
Country, to be Sold in this Citÿ, in the same footing as maryland engages, in whch.
Case we have no doubt, but to obtain said favour likewise; whch. encouragement the
Loan greatly wants, as since some time hardly any Subscription has been done, and
shall certainly be prejudic'd by a concurrency of a Loan, honoured with the City's
confidence and applause.
We Leave in the meanwhile however to your Excellency's consideration; if you don't
Judge proper to engage, sending produces to { 459 } find out of them, the amount of the annual intrest &c: not to apply to our Regencÿ
for a subscription, as we consider always, disappointments for every body disagreable.
[salute] We have the honour to be with great esteem. Sir Your most Humble & obedient servants
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Messs. Willinks 11. Septr. 1782.”
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0193
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-09-12
To Robert R. Livingston
[dateline] The Hague September 12. 17821
[salute] Sir
Your Letters express a Desire that I Should endeavour to form an Acquaintance with
the Representatives of Crowned Heads, and you Seem to be of opinion that much may
be learned from their Conversation. It is very true that Hints may be dropped, Sometimes
which deserve to be attended to, and I Shall not fail to avail myself of every oppertunity
of learning any Thing from them, that may occur.
But one might recollect, upon this occasion with great Propriety, a Saying of the
Chanceller D'oxensteirn.2 He told his Son, that he intended to Send him as Ambassador, to a Congress for a
Pacification. Sir, Says his Son I have never made the Studies necessary to qualify
me—never fear Says the Father I will give you all the Instructions which will be necessary.
LbC (Adams Papers).
2. Count Axel Oxenstiern (1583–1654), Swedish diplomat and chancellor under Gustavus Adolphus (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0194
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-12
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels Septr 12th. 1782
[salute] Sir
I have the Honour of receiving your Excellencys Letter of the 7th Instant, the Shrewed
Man mentioned therein is now in this Town. He talks I am told of residing here.1
I have a Letter from my Freind at Paris.2 He seems to be much satisfied with Mr J Firmness, who has declared He will treat
with no Powers where Our Independance becomes a Question and is disputed. “He has
no great Confidence in political Connections, He Strives to Act Independantly, as
He did in the Above Instance, when { 460 } V was informed thereof, He was alarmed. However J continues to make F draw with Him.”
The Shelburne Plan of settling little Matters before the important one is determined
is I think well marked by one who as an Author and as a Man is esteemed by Your Excellency.
Il y a un certain Ordre, qui rend les Négociations aisées, Si on ne le suit pas, On
avance lentement, et enfin quelque Difficulté improuve rend inutiles les Articles,
qu'on avoit deja dressés.
On demande, par example.
S'il faut Commencer par la discussion des Points les plus importans d'une Affaire
pour descendre ensuite dans le détail des Objets moins interessans; ou s'il faut Commencer
par ces détails pour monter insensiblement aux Articles les plus Essentiels; les personnes,
qui auront beaucoup de Temps à perdre, ou qui aiment à n'etre jamais saves de rien
peuvent prendre la derniere maniere.
des Principes des Negociations par l Abbé Mabbly p 290.3
If Ld Shelburne thinks the Acknowledgement of the American Independance a thing of
Course His Conduct may not be so Absurd but when at the same time, He Keeps it in
reserve, because of its Importance to his Adversaries, they and not Him are to blame
for Suffering it.
Oswald is at Paris, and is thought not to be a great Politician, having Already descovered
the Utmost Extent of his Powers.
I have sent the Commissions to Paris; I have no Slips, since those, which your Excellency
has received.
I have been told that Mr F has had a retention of Urine.
[salute] I have the Honour of being with the greatest Respect Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servan
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Silas Deane.
3. There is a certain order that renders negotiations easy. If it is not followed, one
advances slowly until some unexpected difficulty renders useless the articles already
settled.
One asks, for example.
Should he begin by discussing the most important points of an affair in order then
to descend into the details of objects less interesting; or begin with details in
order to rise imperceptibly to the most essential articles; those with much time to
waste, or who prefer to accomplish nothing, choose the latter method.
A copy of Abbé Gabriel Bonnot de Mably's Des principes des négociations, pour servir d'introduction au droit public de l'Europe,
fondé sur les traites, The Hague, 1767, is in JA's library at MB (Catalogue of JA's Library).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0195
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-12
From Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst
[dateline] Amsterdam 12 7b: 1782
[salute] Sir
We duly received your most esteem'd favour of the 10th. of this month to us in particular,
and to our Society with Messrs. Willinks and de La Lande & fynje. About the latter
we'll have a conversation this evening, and give your Exce. a proper answer probably
to morrow. In the mean time we most humbly thank your Excellency in our particular
for the kind assurances, which you are pleased to give that your Exce. will make no
objection or opposition to our Request to the Magistrates, in favour of the Loan of
Maryland. We don't doubt Sir but the consequences will prove that this affair will
be very beneficial to the American Loans in general, and even in case it should be
resolved to make a similar application in favour of the general Loan, that it would
more easily be granted, than in case this was refused. Therefore Sir we take the Liberty
to request your Exce. in case the deputates of this City now at the Hague might inquire
about your Sentiments, which we believe will be done, not to speak of your Loan, which
might perhaps suspend their advise. Your Exce. will easily comprehend that the promotion
of the general Loan is as well our Interest, as of the other. And by consequence,
that if our opinions are different in relation of this step, we must have our reasons
for it. And really we fear that it would in the present circumstances, that the Loan
is already going so many weeks, rather be prejudicial, as it would be a publicq proof,
that it doth not answer the Expectation. And for this reason we cannot do any thing
either privately or more public without the consent of the undertakers, who are as
much as we interested in the matter.
We are persuaded that in case your Excellency supports our claim, it will directly
be accorded, as there is not the least objection against it, and by this you'll greatly
oblige us, as we desire to open the Loan for Maryland as soon as possible.
[salute] We have the honour to subscribe our selves with much respect, and esteem Sir of your Excellency the most humble & obedt. Servants
[signed] Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0196
Recipient: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Date: 1782-09-13
To Wilhem & Jan Willink
[dateline] The Hague sept 13. 1782
[salute] Gentn.
I have recd your two Letters1 for which I am obliged to you. This is an affair of Some Delicacy and Difficulty,
but all Things considered I have concluded not to make any opposition to the Application
of Messrs Van Staphorsts. Upon the whole, I hope the United States will be benefited
rather than injured as you have found in my Letter to the society of the 10th. I would
not advise an Application in behalf of the general Loan, without a Prospect of success.
I Shall observe your Caution, and not mention what you desire me to conceal.
I hope our Loan will not languish much. After a little time perhaps it may do better
than ever.
[salute] With great Esteem &c.
LbC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0197
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-13
From Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst
[dateline] Amsterdam 13 Sepr. 1782
[salute] Sir
Mess. W. & J. Willink and De La Lande & fynje have sent your Exce. by the Post waggon
of this day an answer to the letters, which we received from your Excellency this
week.1 We could not sign said answer, since it contains two inferences, in which we don't
agree with said Gentlemen. 1o. That the Loan for Maryland will injure the Loan of
the united state. We are just of the opposite opinion, as I had the honour to tell
your Exce. since we think, that every Loan for America, of the Nature as the Maryland
Loan, are very proper to promote the general and particular Credit of that Republic,
and will stil more convince the Inhabitants of this country of its Solidity, and of
the necessity to encourage its connexions.
The second point in which we are of a different opinion is a matter of fact. Vize.
that according to the opinion of said Gentlemen the Loan for the united states goes
on very bad. We could wish it was better in that respect. But we beg to observe, that
there are two Channels by which the bonds are sold. The one by our selves goes not
brisk. But the other by the undertakers, of which we cannot judge with the same exactness,
is according to our informations, { 463 } better. And this is not surprizing, since it is their proper commerce, and since they
have means to sell it cheaper than we.
We take the liberty to mention these things to support our opinion, and to explain
our sentiments. But we left it to your own judgment to decide, whether the other Gentlemen,
or we are in the right.
In the meantime we gladly underwrite the sentiments of them with relation to a subscription
of the Regency for the great Loan, in case it can be requested upon the same footing
as the other, and we expect in this respect your esteemed answer.
This may be how it will. It cannot but do good, that our motion be granted, and thus
one sheep passes the bridge, than the others will easily follow, and on the contrary
in case by Accidents this might be refused, it will make it more difficult for others
in the future. Therefore we take the liberty to insist again that your Excellency
will assist us in our claim. And give us permission to make further upon this matter
the following observations.
In relation to Loans people in our Country are very difficult, when a new Credit is made, and how solid such a Loan may be, one prefers to trust his money to an old Debtor. This is the very reason wherefore the Dutch money lenders, even at present in the
war time, have more Credit for the English Stocks, however great the burthen may be,
as for the American Loans. We confess this is foolish and absurd, but it is fact.
And we don't presume that your Excellency will doubt of it. But let this work go on,
and the American Loans become more common, than we dare assure your Excellency, that
their Credit will advance with double steps, and that one negotiation of two or three
Millions will open the way for promoting an other of double that sum.
It was this consideration, joined to a sincere attachment to the concerns of America,
that furnished us a motive more, to undertake the Maryland Loan, and we made the motion
to the Regency, with intention that in case of success the public might be convinced,
that our Magistrate after a serious reflection was determined to favour the American
Loans, and people also might safely trust their money to it.
We hope now your Excellency will excuse us to prove more at large the good influence,
which the Subscription of the City for the Maryland Loan will have upon the general
Credit of America, and we flatter our selves that after having considered our reasons
your Excellency will continue in supporting our demand, not doubting but you'll have
opportunity for it. Only we must take the Liberty to { 464 } expose very seriously to your Excellency, (and we think too favourably of the Confidence
which you was pleased to accord us, than that we should fear that your Excellency
would take it amiss,) that it would not be prudent to speak now of other future subscriptions.
This we dare say will in the proper time be done very safely and with the desired
succes. Now it might occasion a negative answer upon our Request, and not only be
in prejudice of the Maryland Loan, but also to the Credit of America in general. Since
people would Argument, If the Regency dare not Interest in such a Loan it is a proof,
that the[y] has no Credit at all for America, and therefore we must not lend our money. And on
the contrary they will give it readily if the Magistrate begins. The Magistrate having
done the first step, will more easily come to a second, and therefore as soon as we
will have a favourable Answer we will consult our friends upon the proper means for
a motion in favour of the great one, and in case we find that it may be done with
good hopes of succes, and of doing a good effect upon Individuals we'll make it our
duty to communicate our sentiments to your Excellency.
We have communicated this letter to Mr. Calckoen, the Lawyer, for whom we know you
have some credit, and asked his opinion upon it, and his answer was, that he judged
our motion very proper to raise the American Credit to a high degree, and that he
therefore wished it might succeed, for which he was willing to do all he could. But
that a refusal would be mortal, and of such bad consequence that perhaps it might
never be restored. He gave us permission to mention this upon his name to your Excellency,
desiring that we should in the meantime make his respectful compliments. Which we
do by the present, and also we take the liberty to assure your Excellency again of
the highest esteem of Your Excellencys Most humble Servts.
[signed] Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0198
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-13
From Wilhem & Jan Willink and De la Lande & Fynje
[dateline] Amsterdam. September the 13th: 1782
[salute] Sir
Mr van Staphorst having taken along with him Your Excellency's favour of the 8th:
Inst: prevented it's reply. Since being favoured with your Excellency's of the 10th:,
We have conversed with Said { 465 } Gentlemen, who told us to have informed Your Excellency, about their Sentiments in
respect of the motion in behalf of the Continental Loan,1 and desired us, as we are of some different Opinion to give ours, to leave Your Excellency
at leisure to consider the matter.
We comprehend that a concurrency in a time the Loan could enjoy a better Success than
We experience actually is, instead of being favourable rather prejudiciable, and therefore
a Subscription of the City, as shall apparently be granted to the Maryland Loan, would
be equally encouraging to the Continental, and will prevent the not considering Publicq
to form an Idea of greater Solidity of the first founded on the City's example. But
we consider necessary, if claiming it with an appearing hope of Success, to be authorised
to offer equal advantages as Maryland has engaged in furnishing Produce to be Sold
here, to pay the annual Interest of the Loan out of the Same. Without Such or Simular
advantages for the Citizens or promotion of Trade, We'd not advice to make any apply
for fear of not Succeeding. We Submit further our Sentiments to your Excellency's
better consideration, to receive your Directions about Said matter.
[salute] We have the honour to Subscribe us with the utmost Consideration and all possible respect. Sir! Your most humble and Obedt Servts:
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
[signed] de la Lande & fynje
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0199
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-15
From Robert R. Livingston
I have been favoured with your Letters from the 19th: April to the 5th: July, by the
Heer Adams.2 How impatiently they have been expected you will be able to judge by mine of the
29th: Ulto: which you will receive with this. The events they announce are considered
as of the utmost importance here, and have been directed to be officially communicated
to the different States.
Your loan is approved, and the ratification herewith transmitted.3 The resolution which will accompany this will be a sufficient Spur { 466 } to induce you to exert every nerve to get it filled—for if the War continues, it will
be essential to our Exertions, if it should terminate, it will not be less necessary
to enable us to discharge our Army—in every view it is necessary.4 In the present situation of the states, money can be raised but slowly by taxation,
new systems must be introduced, which cannot without difficulty be adopted in the
hurry, confusion and distress of a war. They will however be adopted. Congress are
constantly employed in discussing the means for a regular payment of the interest
and The gradual discharge of the principal of their debt.
The other resolution arises from the difficulty of ascertaining what are really the
funds of the United states in Europe, when more than one person can dispose of them.5 I am satisfied this resolution will meet your approbation, from the rule which you
say you have prescribed to yourself. It will, I dare say, be equally agreeable to
all our Ministers to be relieved from the troublesome task of bankers to the United
states.
You mention the negociations on the tapis at Paris, but so slightly as to leave us
in the dark relative to what they may be (presuming, as indeed you might have done
on probable grounds) that we Should receive information on that head from Doctor Franklin,
but unfortunately we have learnt nothing upon that subject from him. I must beg therefore,
in order to open as many channels of information as possible that you would give me
not only the state of your own affairs, but every other interesting information which
you may receive from our other ministers, or thro' any other authentic Channel.6
I observe your last Memorial or Note is in French.7 Would it not be expedient and more for our honor, if all our Ministers at every Court
were to speak the Language of our own Country, which would at least preserve them
from errors which an equivocal term might lead them into. I mention this merely as
a hint which is submitted to your judgment.
We are now informed that the Aigle and the Gloire, two frigates from France have just
entered the Capes, closely pursued by a British Ship of the line and three frigates.
It is strongly apprehended from the situation in which8 that they must either be destroyed, or fall into the Enemies hands.
Pigot is arrived at New York, with 26 sail of the line. The late changes in Administration
seem to have made such a change here that I much doubt whether they will quit us this
fall, at least till { 467 } they hear again from England, tho' they certainly were making every disposition for
it before. I will keep this Letter open till I hear the fate of the frigates, and
know whether our dispatches by them can be preserved.
Mr Dumas's application is before Congress. They may possibly appoint him Secretary
to the Legation, which I heartily wish they may, as he certainly has been an assiduous
and faithful servant. But there is no probability of their going further, as they
would not chuse to appoint any but an American to so important an office as that of
Chargé des affaires—Nor will their present system of oeconomy permit them to make
so great an addition to his Salary as you mention, which is much greater than is usually
allowed to secretaries, as their Circumstances require it to be less.9
[dateline] 18th: of September:
The Aigle, Capt la Touche has been driven on shore and is lost within the Capes. Her
dispatches, money and passengers have however happily been saved. The Gloire, the
other frigate has arrived at Chester. I find no dispatches from you among the Letters
that have come to hand, nor any thing from Holland, but duplicates of Letters from
Mr Dumas. Congress yesterday passed the annexed resolution, which needs no comments.10
[salute] I am, sir, with great respect & esteem Your most obed humble Servt:
[signed] Robt R Livingston
1. In his reply to this letter of 6 Nov. (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:854), JA indicated that he had received the triplicate two days earlier, on the 4th, but see
note 3.
2. These letters, which Livingston sent to Congress on 11 Sept. (PCC, No. 185, III, f. 41), included those of 19, 22, 23 (||1 and ||2), and 24 April (vol. 12:420–428, 441–443, 450–452, 458–459); 16 May; 9 and 14 June; and 5 July (1st), all above. Not mentioned in Congress' register of letters received, but which Livingston's
letter clearly indicated had arrived, was JA's second letter of 5 July, above, with which were enclosed copies of the loan contract to be ratified by Congress.
3. Congress ratified the five loan contracts enclosed with JA's 2d letter of 5 July, above, on 14 Sept. (JCC, 23:579–580). JA sent the ratified contracts off to Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst,
and De la Lande & Fynje enclosed in a letter of 5 Nov. in which he indicated that
he had received them that day (LbC, Adams Papers).
4. This actually refers to three resolutions adopted on 14 Sept. that authorized the
borrowing of an additional four million dollars in Europe, directed that the authorization
be sent to Benjamin Franklin and JA, and instructed Franklin to apply to the French government for the loan's implementation
(JCC, 23:578–579).
5. This resolution, also adopted on 14 Sept., informed the ministers in Europe that the
superintendent of finance was responsible for the disposition of all funds obtained
in Europe as was determined by congressional appropriations (same, p. 576).
6. Possibly in response to Livingston's con• { 468 } cern expressed here, Congress resolved on 17 Sept. that JA, Franklin, Jay, and Laurens were all expected to participate in the peace negotiations
(same, p. 585). An extract from the minutes containing the 17 Sept. resolution is
in the Adams Papers and is filmed under that date (Microfilms, Reel No. 353).
8. A copying error occurs at this point because two copies of this letter in the Adams Papers read, “in which they were left, that they must either be destroyed. . . .”
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0200
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-09-16
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Sept 16. 82
I have the Honour of yours of 12. Your accounts from Paris coincide with mine, and
make me happy. Vaughan has no public Character at all, and oswalds is the same with
Carletons. The K. of Spain is not mentioned in Fitzherberts.
The Slips are great Curiosities. They were written with the Design of being printed
as written by a Briton. The Publisher has told that th[ey] are of an American! Which makes the We's, Us's &c very Odd. They will think them
from a Penitent Refugee. No matter. Why did they alter the Dates? They ought to have
more Weight for having been written two Years and an half ago.1 No matter again. They will serve to keep up the Ball.
The Utmost extent of Fitzherberts and oswalds Powers, is such, that they ought to
have been Sent home again, instead of inviting Holland and Spain to Send Ministers
to treat with them. Mr. J is very right and if he is not over born, all will do well.
I incourage his heart to Stand fast, and he writes me, he's of my Mind. But it is
a dangerous Business that th[ey] are about at Paris. I dont like it, at all. Mr Franklin, had on the 12 of this Month
been Sick three Weeks with2 the Stranguery, and severe Pains in his Thigh, as I have seen in a Letter from his
Grandson.3
We shall soon learn, whether the Enterprise to relieve Gibraltar is really undertaken
or not and what is its success. Will the Spaniards be afraid of the Equinox.
The Corps Diplomatique here, all Speak of the Independance of America as decided.
Even the Minister from Russia Says it, and the Minister from Portugal Said it to me,
not 3 days ago. In such a Case, where the Ministers of every Power in Europe, even
those the most attached and obliged to England are so clear, why will Shelburne be
obscure? He is a Blockhead. He has no sense. He is fur• { 469 } nishing to France and Spain, Weapons against himself. When the Conferences are broken
off, it will be Said all over Europe that it is because England would not treat with
America. I have at Length dined with D. Llano, the Spanish Minister. I meet now the
whole Corps Diplomatique, at Court, at the House of France and that of Spain. The
Ministers of Prussia and Sardinia and Liège are very sociable, and indeed the one
from Portugal has been so several Times.
Do you love Latin? a few Days after my first Audience, I dined with a large Company
of Patriots of the first Magnitude. The Custom here is to drink Toasts in a Boccale,
as they call it. The Masters of the Feast, produced a most beautifull Glass, which
had imprinted round the Brim of it, Aurea Libertas. He poured into it a full Bumper,
and Addressing himself first to the Glass and then to me, pronounced these Words,
with a profound Bow.
Aurea Libertas gaude: pars altera mundi
vindice te renuit, Subdere colla jugo.
Hoec tibi, Legatum, quem consors Belga recepit
Pectore Sincero pocula plena fero.
Utraque Gens nectet mox Suspicienda Tyrannis
Quae Libertati vincula Sacra precor.4
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “His Excellency Mr Adams Septr. 16. 1782.”
1. JA began the first of the letters that were ultimately published as “Letters from a Distinguished American” on or about 14 July 1780 and completed the final unpublished letter on or about 22
July 1780. As published in Parker's General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer, the ten published letters were given dates between 17 Jan and 6 Feb. 1782 (vol.
9:541–588). The editors have no evidence as to why they were redated, probably by
either Jenings or the printer, but the new dates were presumably intended to make
the letters appear more recent and thus more relevant.
3. Not found.
4. Golden liberty rejoice! The other part of the world, with you as avenger, has refused
to place their necks beneath the yoke. I bear these full cups with a sincere heart
for you whom our Belgian colleague received. Each nation will form bonds, suspected
by tyrants, which I pray will be bonds sacred to Liberty.
In the Letterbook at the top of the page following this toast, JA wrote, “Never was a Bumper quoffed with more good Will.”
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0201
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-16
From Francis Dana
[dateline] St: Petersbourg Septr: 5/16 1782
[salute] My dear Sir
Your letter for recalling your son was unfortunately so long on its way that the season
for sending him as you proposed is passed.1 It is almost now an equal chance that he might remain the winter in Norway. I am
discouraged about the other course to Lubec also, and { 470 } am on the whole advised to send him on by Land altogether. It is possible he might
have a road voyage even to Holland, but I presume you wou'd not judge it prudent for
that reason to risk it. He has advertised in the papers according to the Custom here,
his intended departure, so that if any occasion shou'd present of a fellow traveller,
he might be ready to improve it. Possibly he may yet be detained till the sleighing
season comes on about the middle of Novr: ordinarily. Whenever he departs you may
depend upon receiving the earliest notice by the Post. I have suffered much on account
of the loss of his time for studying regularly here. He wishes to go to his old instructor,
and I beleive it wou'd be most adviseable to place him there, as soon as possible.
In my letter of the 19/30 Augt: I told you I was no longer at liberty to pursue a
course like that you pointed out in your's of the 7th: of the same month—that my late
instructions were clear and decided—and that I was glad of it. For had the matter
been left at my discretion I shou'd have taken a course not wholly unlike that you
mention. I had proposed every thing for the decisive step, and shou'd have taken it
against the opinion of you know whom. Because my sentiments perfectly coincide with
yours so far as they respect the dignity of the United States, which I have all along
thought wou'd suffer less from a more open and firm policy; and that their views and
interests wou'd be promoted and established much earlier by means of it. I venture
to say that had you hearken'd to the advice that was given you when I was in Holland,
not one of the United Provinces wou'd at this time have acknowledged our Independance:
nay more, the present minor party wou'd have been the prevailing one, and in all probability
affairs wou'd have worn a different countenance thro Europe, and we shou'd have seen,
by the aid of Mediation &c, a seperate peace concluded between Britain and Holland.
I am sensible as I told you before, of the difference between our situations, yet
this difference does not in my opinion necessarily require a system absolutely the
reverse. The same engines indeed cannot be set at work here. You say you shall wait
for the advice of — in a certain case, altho you ventured to go against it in the former.2 Pray tell me by the former, do you mean your categorical demand? I want much to know this. As to that certain case, upon further reflection I hope nothing will be done upon it. I can see no good that
will result to us from it. It appears to me to have been an artifice to annihilate
what stood in its stead, the more to distance an object of much importance. Shall
you set off for Paris, or have you such an aversion to { 471 } piddling that you choose to remain where you are? Is Mr: Jay still there, for the papers make
no mention of him? Where is Mr: Lawrence? I shou'd be glad to hear you were at Paris. There is not
one such soul to be found, I fear, in Europe as you speak of.
[salute] Adieu Your's &c
P.S. The letter for Mr. L. mark'd Duplicate No: 5: is the Duplicate of that you received
last.3 Take care that they are sent by different opportunities.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Son Excellence Mr: Adams Ministre. Plenipotentiaire des Etats Unis
&c à son Hotel à la Haye”; endorsed: “Mr Dana 1/16 Sept 1782 [an]sd 10. Oct.”; stamped: “Amsterdam.” Some loss of text due to a tear in the paper.
2. At this point Dana inserted a superscript “a,” referring JA to a note at the bottom of the page: “See your letter of the 13th: of May, not received
till the 24th: of Augt: O.S.” Dana referred to France and specifically to the Duc
de La Vauguyon and the Comte de Vergennes. For JA's response, see his letter of 10 Oct., below.
3. Dana's letter “No. 5” was that to Robert R. Livingston of 5 Sept. (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:700–702).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0202
Recipient: Dana, Francis
Date: 1782-09-17
To Francis Dana
[dateline] The Hague, Septr: 17th. 1782
[salute] My dear friend
It grieves me when I think how long it is since I wrote you.1 But my head and hands and heart have been all full.
I sent, to the Care of the Dutch Ambassador, General Washington's miniature, for you.
Should be glad to know whether you have recd. it. I have also sent along several Dispatches
from our Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Have you received them?
Fitzherbert's Commission is to treat with the King of France and the Ministers “quorum
cunque Principum vel Statuum, quorum interesse poterit”—and Oswald's is “to treat,
consult of, agree, and conclude, with any Commissioner or Commissioners, named or
to be named, by the said Colonies or Plantations, or with any Body or Bodies, corporate
or politic, or any Assembly or Assemblies, or description of Men, or any Person or
Persons whatsoever, a Peace or a Truce, with the said Colonies or Plantations, or
any of them, or any Part or Parts thereof.” I said, his Commission—but he has none.
He has only an order to the Attorney-General to make out such a Commission.
Thus you see there is yet no proof of Shelburne's sincerity. In { 472 } short nothing will be done, untill Parliament meets; nor then unless they take upon
them to acknowledge the Independence of the United-States.
If Gibralter is succoured and holds out, Britain will not cede it. In short we shall
have another Campaign. No peace untill 1784, if then.
What is the Story of the insurrection in the Crimea?2 What Powers of Europe are any way connected with that affair, or interested in it?
Is it likely to have any Consequences? And what?
You have concluded, I hope, to stay another Winter. You must absolutely send my Son
to me, by the earliest Neutral Vessell, to the Texell, in the Spring. My love to him.
I have not time to write him now. He don't tell me how his Studies go on.
I shall sign the Treaty of Commerce next Week. All Articles, Words, Syllables, Letters
and Points are adjusted, and nothing remains, but to write five fair Copies in Dutch
and English, and to sign, seal and deliver them.3 My Loan is in Cash, better than fifteen hundred thousand Gueldres. So that we go
on, you see, pretty well.
The Standard of the United-States waves and flies, at the Hague, in triumph over Sir
Joseph York's Insolence and British Pride. When I go to Heaven, I shall look down,
over the Battlements, with pleasure, upon the Stripes and Stars, wantoning in the
Wind, at the Hague. There is another Triumph in the Case sweeter than that over Enemies.
You know my meaning. It is the triumph of stubborn Independence—Independence of Friends
and Foes. You know what I mean. “Monsieur, votre Fermetè a fait un tres bon effet
ici”—has been repeated to me, more than once. “Monsieur, vous avez frappè le plus
grand Coup de tout l'Europe. Cette Evenement fait un honneur infini a Mr: Adams. C'est
lui qui a effrayè les Anglomans et rempli cette Nation d'enthousiasm &c:” These are
Confessions “arracheés”—and therefore more delicious.4
I am now upon extreme good terms with the Ministers of France and Spain. I dine with
both and they dine with me &c: And I meet the whole Corps Diplomatique at their Houses,
as well as at Court: and might meet them, every morning, at certain Rendezvous's of
Intelligence, and, every evening, at an Assembly at Cards, if I had not something
else to do.
[salute] Adieu, my dear friend. Write me as often as you can.
2. JA is responding to newspaper accounts of Russian troop movements and military operations
in the Crimea (Gazette d'Amsterdam, 10, 17 Sept.). The first report, probably the one JA refers to here, attributed the revolt not to any sudden discontent, but to foreign
machinations. See, however, JA's letter of 29 Sept. to Dana, and note 2, and Dana's response of 18 Oct., both below, to the questions raised in this letter and that of the 29th.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0203
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-09-17
To Robert R. Livingston
[dateline] The Hague. Septemr: 17th. 1782
[salute] Sir
This morning I was in Conference with Mr: Fagel in order to make the last Corrections
in the Language of the Treaty which is to be executed in English and Dutch as that
with the Crown of France was in English and French. We have now, I hope, agreed upon
every word if not every point, and nothing remains but to make five fair Copies of
it for signature, which, however, is no little labour. The Secretery thinks he shall
accomplish them in the Course of this Week and part of the next, so that they may
be signed by the latter end of next week, or perhaps the middle. The Secretary, who
has always been complaisant, was more so than ever today. He congratulated me upon
the prospect of a speedy conclusion of this matter; hoped it would be highly beneficial
to both Nations; and that our Posterity might have Cause to rejoice in it, even more
than We. He says the Usage is, for two Deputies to sign it, on the part of Holland,
and one on the part of each other Province, so that there will be eight Signers in
behalf of the Republick.
It is now nearly five Months since I was publicly recd: and proposed a project of
a Treaty. All this time it has taken the several Provinces and Cities, to examine,
make their Remarks and fresh Propositions and bring the matter to a Conclusion. It
would not have been so long however, if the Court had been delighted with the business.
But, in a Case where Unanimity was requisite and the Court not pleased, it was necessary
to proceed with all the Softness, Caution and Prudence, possible, that no ill humours
might be stirred. Yet in a Case, where the Nations heart is so engaged, in which,
its Commerce and Love of Money, is so interested, what wretched Policy is it, in this
Court, to shew even a lukewarmness, much more an aversion. Yet such is the Policy,
and such it will be. The Prince of Orange is, to all appearance, as incurable as George
the third, his Cousin.
{ 474 } I was afterwards an hour with the French Ambassador, at his house. He tells me, his
last Letter fm: the Comte de Vergennes says, he has yet seen no appearance of Sincerity,
on the part of the British Ministry, in the Negotiations for Peace. Of this, Congress
will be easily convinced by the Copies I have transmitted of the Commissions of Mr:
Fitzherbert and Oswald.1 The Subject of our Conversation was the means of getting out the Dutch-Fleet, which
is now in the Texel, although the British fleet, under Milbank, is returned to Portsmouth,
and probably sailed, with Lord Howe for Gibralter. I asked the Duke where is the combined
Fleet? His last Accounts were, that they were off Cape Ortugal, endeavoring to get
round Cape Finisterre to Cadiz. He speaks of it, as doubtful, whether they will give
battle to Lord Howe, because, the Spanish Ships, with an equal number of Guns, are
of a smaller Calebre than the English. But hopes that the blow will be struck before
Howe arrives. The means of getting the Fleet out of the Texel, to intercept a fleet
of English Ships from the Baltic, came next under Consideration. But the Wind is not
fair. It might have gone out, but they had not Intelligence. I asked who it was that
governed Naval Matters? He answered, the Prince. But surely the Prince must have some
assistance—some confidential Minister, Officer, Clerk, Secretary or Servant. If he
were a Solomon he could not manage the Fleet and the whole system of Intelligence,
and orders concerning it, without aid. He said, it is the College of the Admiralty,
and sometimes Mr: Bisdom, who is a good man, and sometimes Mr: Vander Hope, who may
be a good man—he has sense and art, but is suspected. Very well, says I, Mr: Bisdom
and Mr: Vander Hope, ought to be held responsible, and the Eyes of the Public ought
to be turned towards them and they ought to satisfy the Public. The Duke said, the
Prince is afraid of the Consequences. He knows, that the sensations of the People
are very lively, at present, and nobody knows what may be the Consequence of their
getting an opinion, that there has been Negligence or any thing worse, which may have
prevented them fm. striking a blow. I asked, if they had any plan for obtaining Intelligence,
the Soul of War, from England? He said the Grand Pensionary told him he paid very
dear for Intelligence.
However, I cannot learn, and do not believe that they have any rational plan for obtaining
Intelligence, necessary from every Quarter, as they ought. They should have Intelligence
from every Seaport in France, England, Scotland, Germany, and all round the Baltic—and
they should have light Frigates and small Vessells out. But { 475 } when War is unwillingly made, every thing is not done. The next Subject was the Proposition
from Amsterdam for renewing the Concert of Operations for next Campaign.
Congress may hear of some further plans for a seperate Peace, between Holland and
England, but they will not succeed. The Republick will stand firm, tho' it will not
be so active as we could wish, and the Concert of operations will be renewed.
[salute] I have the honor, to be, Sir, Your humle: servt.
[signed] J. Adams
1. JA included the text of Fitzherbert's 24 July commission in his letter of 18 Aug. to Livingston, above, and Oswald's 25 July commission in his letter of 16 Sept. (PCC, No. 84, IV, f. 169–172). For the text of Oswald's commission see Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:613–614. JA included the 16 Sept. letter among those that he sent to the Boston Patriot, where it appeared on 29 June 1811. But see Oswald's second commission, dated [21 Sept.], below.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0204
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-09-17
To Robert R. Livingston
[dateline] Hague Septr. 17th: 1782
[salute] Sir
You will naturally enquire, whether the Neutral Powers will continue their Neutrality,
or whether the Neutral Confederacy will be broken?
No certain Answer can be given to these Questions. We must content ourselves with
probabilities, which are strong for the Continuance of the Neutrality. Who indeed
should break it? The Emperor was thought to be the most unlikely Potentate to accede
to it; but he has acceaded and has taken several Steps, which prove that he will not
break it, at least by leaning towards England. Sweeden is the steady Friend of France.
Prussia, whose Inclinations and Affections are certainly towards France and Holland,
and alienated from England, would certainly at this age of Life, be too cautious a
Politician to wage War for England against the Houses of Bourbon and Austria, Holland
and America.
There remains only Russia and Denmark. What can Russia do? This is a maritime War.
She can't assist the English with Land-Forces, and an hundred thousand Men would do
no good to England on Land. Her boasted Fleet added to that of England would only
weaken it, for several Reasons—among The rest, because England must maintain it with
Money, if not with Officers and Men—for Cash is wanted in Russia. Denmark remains
but what can She do? Her Islands in the West Indies and her Trade are at Mercy, and
She { 476 } would not have force enough to defend her own, much less to assist England, if She
should declare War.
A Doctrine prevails, that an Acknowledgment of the Independence of America is an Hostility
against England, and consequently a Breach of the Neutrality. Our Friends have sometimes
favored this Idea. The Duke de la Vauguyon has often expressed this Sentiment to me,
and, if I am not mistaken, the Marquis de Verac has said the same to Mr. Dana. If
this Opinion is not clear, it is very impolitic to favor it. The Court of France in
their public memorials have denied it, and it would be difficult to prove it, either
by the Law or Practice of Nations. Sending or recieving Ambassadors; entering into
peaceful Commercial Treaties, or at least negotiating at Philadelphia the Rights of
Neutral Nations, is not taking Arms against Great Britain.
But if the Acknowledgment of our Independence is an Hostility, a Denial of it is so
too; and if the maritime Confederation forbids the one, it forbids both. None of the
Neutral Nations can take the Part of Great Britain therefore, without breaking to
Pieces that great System, which has cost so much Negotiation and embraces so great
a part of Mankind. The Neutral Powers set so high a Value upon it, and indeed make
so great a profit by it, that I Think none of them will take the Part of Great Britain.
The Connections of the Duke Louis de Brunswick in Denmark and Russia, have set some
little Machines in Motion partly to favor him, and partly to hold out an Appearance
of something fermenting for the benefit of Great Britain: but these will never succeed
so far as to draw any Nation into the War, or to incline this Republick to make a
seperate Peace.
It is to this Source that I attribute certain Observations that are circulated in
Pamphlets and in Conversation, that there is at present an Incoherence in the general
System of Europe; that the Emperor has deranged the whole System of the Equilibrium
of Europe, so that if ever the Northern Powers should think of stopping by a Confederation
the Preponderance of the Southern Powers, Holland would be unable, on account of the
Demolition of the Barriers, to acceed to that Confederation.
Mr. Magis, who has been eight and twenty Years Envoy at the Hague from the Bishop
of Liege,1 and who converses more with all the foreign Ministers here than any other, has said
to me not long since, “Sir, the Wheel rolls on too long and too rapidly one Way; it
must roll back again somewhat to come to its proper Centre. The Power of the House
of Bourbon rises, and that of Great Britain sinks too fast, and I believe the Emperor,
altho' he seems perfectly { 477 } still at present, will come out at length, and take the greatest Part of any Power
in the final Adjustment of Affairs.”
The Comte de Mirabel, the Sardinian Minister, said to me upon another Occasion, “Your
Country, Sir, will be obliged, in the Vicissitudes of things, to wheel round and take
the Part of England and such Allies as She may obtain, in order to form a proper Ballance
in the World.” My Answer to both was, “these Sentiments betray a Jealousy of a too
sudden Growth of the Power of the House of Bourbon: but whose fault is it if it is
a Fact? (which it does not appear to be as yet) and whose fault will it be, if it
should hereafter become a Fact? Why do the Neutral Powers stand still and see it,
or imagine they see it, when it is so easy to put a stop to it? They have only to
acknowledge American Independence, and then neither the House of Bourbon nor England
will have a colourable Pretence for continuing the War, from which alone the Jealousy
can arise.”
The Prince de Gallitzin said not long since, that the Conduct of this Republick, in
refusing a seperate Peace &c he feared would throw all Europe into a War, there were
so many Pretentions against England.
I quote these Sayings of foreign Ministers, because You express a Desire to hear them,
and because they show all the Color of Argument in favor of England, that any body
has advanced. All these Ministers allow, that American Independence is decided—even
the Minister from Portugal within a few days said it to me expressly. It is therefore
very unreasonable in them to grumble, at what happens merely in Consequence of thier
Neutrality.2
It is the miserable Policy of the Prince of Orange's Councillors, as I suppose, which
has set a few Springs in motion here. Mr. Markov, one of the Ministers of Russia,
and Mr. St. Saphorin, Minister from Denmark, are the most openly and busily in favor
of England. But if instead of endeavouring to excite Jealousies and foment Prejudices
against the House of Bourbon, or Compassion towards England, they would endeavour
to convince her of the Necessity of acknowledging American Independence, or to persuade
the Neutral Powers to decide the Point, by setting the Example, they would really
serve England, and the general Cause of Mankind. As it goes at present, their Negotiations
serve no Cause whatever, that I can concieve of, unless it be that of the Duke of
Brunswick, and in the End it will appear, that even he is not served by it.
[salute] I have the Honor to be Sir, your humble Servant.
[signed] J. Adams
1. Liège's minister at The Hague was Paul Franz von Magis. He presented his credentials
in Nov. 1754 and served until Sept. 1788 (Repertorium, 3:235).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0205
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-19
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussells, Septr. 19. 1782
[salute] Sir
I inclose herewith some Slips which came to Hand by the last Mail.1
A Letter from Mr L of the 7th Instant has the following Paragraph.
I have had the Honour of corresponding with Mr Adams, All is well, it could not be otherwise it cannot be otherwise, when Men are not determined to be Knaves or Fools.2
I am Happy to find Mr L satisfied with your Excellencys Conduct towards Him. I have
sent the Copies of the Commissions to Paris to be delivered to Him should He pass
through that City, but this does not seem probable, He having desired me to write
to Him at Calais post restante. He means to avoid Paris if possible.
[salute] I have the Honour of being Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servt.
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers).
2. For Laurens' 7 Sept. letter and the use that he and Edmund Jenings made of it in the
course of their dispute over the anonymous letters, see Laurens, Papers, 16:289.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0206
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-20
From Matthew Ridley
[dateline] Paris Sept: 20h: 1782
[salute] Sir
I doubt not you have e'er this thought me slow in keeping the promise I made of writing
to you. I have had many Reasons for defering it; but amongst others the desire of
writing you with some certainty of the Tempers of People here. I have had one very
serious Conversation with, J.1 He appears to me very desirous of seeing you—were it only for a few Hours—he says
he has some Things to consult you upon that he cannot put to Paper. He dare not trust
{ 479 } them even with Cypher—They relate to opinions of I suppose both Men and Things and
which he says must only be talkd of, not written. I proposed his taking a Trip to
Bruxelles to meet you there, that I had a chaise at his service and would if he thought
proper go with him. This he said he could not do without advising F. and V. The latter
would certainly know where he was gone—he would be asking F. F. would not be able
to tell him. And suspicions would immediately arise that seperate treaties or some
Clandestine Work was going forward. He said he saw one inconvenience that might arise
from your coming here—that of giving rise to speculations with respect to Peace. Still
he wishd he could see you. I know you are much engaged; but if you cannot meet could
not this difficulty about meeting be in some measure obviated thro' a mediate Person?
Our Friend at Bruxelles would I am sure think nothing of a Trip to you both to be
useful. My dear Sir, the present Moments are ticklish. It is with great Pleasure I
find Mr. J—— firm. I wish however he was supported. Reneval is gone to England—not
for any Good I believe.2 As a Negotiator he is not equal to it. To speak the words of another a mere repeating
Machine very fit. I cannot for my part see what occasion France has to send any person
to England. The English have come here for Peace to send there is rather relinquishing their superiority. I have an opinion
V. is suspicious of too great an Intimacy with the English Commissioners here: and
Indeed I have some Reason for thinking so. The departure of R was very private and
sudden and entirely unknown to our Folks. There was a moment I beleive that the prospects
of Peace were flattering. I do not think they remain so—on the contrary I beleive
very little if any progress is made. If Gibraltar is taken it may make some difference:
but between you and me I neither expect or wish it. I am firmly perswaded that every
advantage gained to the S——ds will only tend to new demands from them and consequently
more embarrass the business of Peace. I wish sincerely you knew all that is passing
here.
I have enquired about the blank Commission you mentioned and am informed though not
filled up it is promised.3 Application was made I beleive by Letter to Mr. J—— before he came here and personal
application has been made since. Under such circumstances I am not surprized a promise
was extorted W. T. F is the person.
Our Account with the French Court is adjusted. The King has given up all Interest
due to this time and has taken all the Expences of the negotiation of the Dutch Loan
on himself. All Gifts are de• { 480 } ducted from the amount and one Obligation given for the whole remainder to be paid
by Installments in twelve Years—the first payment to commence in three Years after
the making a Peace. The Debt is much less considerable than I expected; about twenty
Eight millions of Livres including the Loan from Holland.4
The Marquis de La Fayette is still here. I do not beleive he intends out. Genl. du
Portail and Colo. Guvyon have been waiting untill this time to go with him but the
former told me the other day he should go out next Month whether the Marquis went
or not and that indeed he had no expectation he would go. The Marquis also told me
he was surprized he had not heard from you lately—He loves news and I have no doubt would be very glad to know what you are about. However a Line there now and then is not amiss.5 He has been very kind to Mr B.6 respecting the stores at Brest in endeavouring to procure for him the Assistance
of Government in getting them away. Mr. B. set off for that place last night.
Os and Fitz are both here. Mr. Vaughan is returned to England. Mr L. is also going
there on his way to America—Indeed I imagine he may be there before this. It is I
find a Step not much approved of here. I wish it does not give rise to injurious Comments.
We have nothing new from America. The present Conversation is entirely engrossd about
Gibraltar. The French and Spanish Fleets are sailed from Cadiz for Algeziras. I am
told by those who know the situation this position will not prevent the English throwing
in supplies it being more than cannon shot distance and as the combined fleet must
lay at Anchor the English may run in and do their business without much danger.
We seem convinced here Vaudreuel is on our Coast—if he is we may expect some Arrivals
soon. Should there be any news you shall have it. With kind Wishes I have the honor
to be: respectfully sir Yr. &c.
You know my address. Can you send a Cyhr for Mr. J——?
It is necessary to observe to you that as Reneval went off Secretly no Body here seems to know of it—you will therefore take no notice about it.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Ridley 20 Septr 1782 ansd 29.”
1. This conversation occurred on 18 Sept., and the account given here follows very closely
Ridley's journal entry for that date insofar as it concerned the proposed meeting
between JA and Jay at Brussels. In the course of the conversation, Ridley also recommended Edmund
Jenings to Jay as a “well informed Man and in whom he might confide every Thing and
whose only wish was to serve his Country.” Ridley then asked Jay “if { 481 } he knew the cause of the difference between Mr A and Dr F. He said not.” Ridley proceeded
to inform Jay “of it in the manner Mr A. had told it me—he seemed surprized” (MHi: Ridley Journal). Ridley's account of the “difference” between JA and Franklin was probably derived from his conversation with JA on 7 July, for which see Ridley's letter of 13 July, note 1, above.
2. JA may have learned of Gérard de Rayneval's mission to London unofficially from a newspaper
account such as that in the Gazette d'Amsterdam of 20 Sept., but a more official notification came from the Duc de La Vauguyon, and,
owing to the ambassador's explanation of its purpose, he did not share the apprehensions
of the Americans in Paris (to Robert R. Livingston, 23 Sept.; to Ridley, 29 Sept. [2d letter], both below). Rayneval was sent principally to discuss with Shelburne the principles
on which a peace settlement between Britain, France, and Spain would be based. However,
the mission's secrecy led the American negotiators at Paris, particularly John Jay,
to fear that Rayneval's intention was to encourage the British to refuse recognition
of American fishing rights off Newfoundland or to agree to a western border on and
free navigation of the Mississippi River. Such fears were heightened by the disclosure
to John Jay by the British negotiators at Paris of an intercepted letter from François
de Barbé-Marbois, secretary of the French legation in Philadelphia, to the Comte de
Vergennes. There Barbé-Marbois dismissed the more expansive objectives contained in
Congress' instructions to its negotiators and indicated French support for little
more than recognition of American independence in any Anglo-American peace treaty
(Morris, Peacemakers, p. 320–330; Murphy, Vergennes, p. 359). Had JA known of Barbé-Marbois' letter in September he too would have been concerned because
it confirmed his suspicions of French policy toward the United States, but in the
end Rayneval's mission had no tangible effect on the peace treaty.
3. This was the commission to be secretary of the peace commission. JA favored the appointment of Edmund Jenings, but in a conversation with Ridley at dinner
on 5 Aug., JA indicated that he did not know if Franklin would agree or if Jenings would accept
the position and asked Ridley “to sound Mr Jay on the subject” (MHi: Ridley Journal).
4. Ridley's journal entry for 18 Sept. indicates that Benjamin Franklin informed him
that day of the contract signed on 16 July by himself and the Comte de Vergennes,
setting down the conditions under which the United States would repay the loans that
it had received from France, including the one guaranteed by France and raised in
the Netherlands (vol. 12:94). The agreement was ratified by Congress on 22 Jan. and France on 21 Dec. 1783 (Miller, Treaties, 2:48–56). The account Ridley gives here is virtually the same as in his journal.
6. Thomas Barclay.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0207
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-20
From Matthew Ridley
[dateline] Paris September the 20th: 1782
[salute] Sir
The present Letter is on a Subject, which, tho' in itself little interesting to others,
is, to me, as desiring to retain your good opinion, much so. The Subject I allude
to, is that of the Loan negotiated by me in Holland for the state of Maryland. I should
be sorry, after the repeated proofs I received of confidence and politeness from you,
that you should conceive me reserved and close—yet such are the present appearances
of that business; and therefore I wish to explain to you why, I said so little on
the Subject. It was one of the { 482 } Conditions on the part of Messrs. Van Staphorst, who negotiated this Affair, that
I should communicate to no Person whatever, that it was seriously in Agitation, as they had in contemplation making an application
to the City to Interest themselves in it. When I applied to you to authenticate the
papers, your extreme delicacy in asking me no Questions prevented mine being hurt,
and saved me much embarrassment.1 Had you acted otherways it must have distressed me; for I assure you my good Sir,
I have yet to learn the Art of lying. This is the actual State of the matter; and
I flatter myself will exculpate me in your Mind for any seeming reserve.
With respect to the manner in which this business was undertaken. I must inform you,
I took every precaution to prevent it in any manner impedeing the Continental Loan
and wrote the Gentlemen on that Subject before putting it into their Hands. I had
always declared I would do nothing for a particular state that might injure the whole:
and in the present instance was cautious to allow no more Interest or Commission for
negotiation than had been agreed upon for the Continent. Indeed when the nature of
the business I did is maturely considered, it is more of the Commercial than public
kind. I contracted for a quantity of Tobacco at a certain price and in certain modes
of delivery, in consequence of which, the Gentlemen agreed to advance me a certain Sum of Money and to endeavour to procure for me what farther sum I wanted, so far as the Funds
I made by contracting for the Tobacco, would answer to.
I have given you the trouble of this Letter, not that I have any Reason to suppose
you think amiss of any thing I did; but desirous as I am of retaining your good opinion
and esteem, I could not reconcile to my self the leaving unexplained any part of my
Conduct, which might, in Minds less Candid than I know yours to be, have a misterious
appearance.
[salute] With best wishes for your health, and begging you to accept my sincere Thanks for the repeated Marks of Civility I received under your Roof, I have the Honor to be with great respect Sir Your most Obedient and most humble servant
[signed] Matt: Ridley
Chez Messrs. Le Couteulx & Co. Banquiers a Paris
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Ridley. 20. Septr. recd 28. Ansd 29. 1782.”
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0208
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-21
From Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst
[dateline] Amsterdam the 21th: Septr. 1782
[salute] Sir
The 13th. Instt. we had the honour of waiting on your Excellency last, which we do
confirm, and have now to acquaint your Excellency that our Petition to the Regency
of this Town, relative to the Maryland Loan, notwithstanding the favourable Report
of the Committee, has been declined by the majority of a few Voices in the Council,
who unhappily has not been very numerous.
Your Excellency will easily perceive that of consequence there will be now no occasion
for making the Same motion in behalf of the General Loan for the United States of
America; for which we are exceeding Sorry, as no doubt it would have given a great
weight to the American Credit, at least have raisen it the Sooner.
We have now resolved to open the Loan for the State of Maryland yesterday, agreable
to the inclosed Advertisements,1 and flatter ourselves, that as it is but a Small Sum of money, it will be Soon compleated.
[salute] With the greatest respect we have the honour to be Sir! Your Excellency's most obedt. & humble Servants
[signed] Nichs. & Jacob van Staphorst & Co
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The enclosures have not been found.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0209
Recipient: Oswald, Richard
Date: 1782-09-21
Richard Oswald's Commission to Negotiate a Peace Treaty
[dateline] [21 September 1782]1
George the third, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain France and Ireland King, Defender
of the Faith and soforth, To our trusty and well beloved Richard Oswald of our City
of London Esquire, Greeting; Whereas by Virtue of an Act pass'd in the last Session
of Parliament intitled an Act to enable his Majesty to conclude a Peace or Truce with
certain Colonies in north America therein mention'd, It is recited that it is essential
to the Interest Wellfare and prosperity of Great Britain and the Colonies or Plantations
of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey,
Pensylvania, the three lower Counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina, and Georgia, { 484 } in north America, that Peace, Intercourse, Trade and Commerce shou'd be restored between
them, Therefore, and for a full manifestation of our earnest wish and Desire, and
of that of our Parliament, to put an End to the Calamities of War, it is enacted,
that it should and might be lawfull for us to treat, consult of, agree and conclude
with any Commissioner, or Commissioners named or to be named by the said Colonies
or Plantations, or any of them respectively, or with any Body or Bodies corporate
or politic, or any Assembly or Assemblies, or Description of men, or any Person, or
Persons whatsoever a Peace or a Truce with the said Colonies or Plantations, or any
of them, or any part or parts thereof, Any Law, Act or Acts of Parliament, matter
or thing to the contrary, any wise notwithstanding: Now know ye, that we reposing
especial Trust in your Wisdom, Loyalty, Diligence and Circumspection, in the management
of the Affairs to be hereby committed to your Charge, Have nominated and appointed,
constituted and assign'd, and by these presents Do nominate and appoint, constitute
and assign you the said Richard Oswald to be our Commissioner in that Behalf, to use
and exercise all and every the Powers and Authorities, hereby entrusted and committed
to you the said Richard Oswald; and to do, perform and execute all other matters and
things hereby enjoin'd and committed to your care during our Royal Will and Pleasure,
and no longer, according to the Tenor of these our Letters Patent And it is our Royal
Will and Pleasure, and We do hereby authorize empower and require you the said Richard
Oswald, to treat consult of and conclude with any Commissioners or Persons vested
with equal Powers, by and on the part of the Thirteen United States of America,2 Viz: New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey,
Pensylvania, the three lower Counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina, and, Georgia in North America, a Peace, or a Truce with the said thirteen
United States, any Law, Act or Acts of Parliament matter or thing to the contrary
in any wise notwithstanding; And it is our further Will and Pleasure that every Regulation,
Provision, matter or thing which shall have been agreed upon between you the said
Richard Oswald, and such Commissioners or Persons as aforesaid, with whom you shall
have judged meet and sufficient to enter into such Agreement, shall be fully and distinctly
set forth in writing, and authenticated by your hand and Seal on one side; and by
the hands and Seals of such Commissioners or Persons on the other; and such Instrument
so authenticated shall be by you transmitted { 485 } to us through one of our principal Secretaries of State, And it is our further Will
and Pleasure that you the said Richard Oswald shall promise and engage for us, and
in our Royal Name and Word that every Regulation, Provision, matter or thing, which
may be agreed to, and concluded by you our said Commissioner, shall be ratified and
confirmed by us, in the fullest manner and extent, and that We will not suffer them
to be violated or counteracted either in whole or inpart, by any Person whatsoever,
And We do hereby require and command all our Officers, Civil and military, and all
other our loving Subjects whatsoever, to be aiding and assisting unto you the said
Richard Oswald in the Execution of this our Commission, and of the Powers and Authorities
herein contain'd. Provided allways, and We do hereby declare and ordain, that the
several Offices Powers and Authorities hereby granted shall cease determine and become
utterly null and void, on the first day of July which shall be in the year of our
Lord, One thousand, seven hundred and eighty three, although We shall not otherwise
in the mean time have revoked and determined the Same: And whereas, In and by our
Commission and Letters Patent under our Great Seal of Great Britain, bearing Date
the seventh day of August last We nominated and appointed, constituted and assigned
you the said Richard Oswald to be our Commissioner to treat, consult of, agree and
conclude, with any Commissioner or Commissioners, named or to be named by certain
Colonies or Plantations in America therein specified, a Peace or a Truce with the
said Colonies or Plantations, Now know ye, that We have revoked and determin'd, and
by these presents do revoke and determine our said Commission and Letters patent,
and all and every Power, Article and thing therein contained. In Witness whereof,
We have caused these our Letters to be made patent. Witness Ourself at Westminster
the Twenty first day of September, in the Twenty second year of our Reign.
By the King himself.
[signed] Yorke
Paris 9th Novemr 1782. The foregoing is a true Copy, delivered to John Adams Esqr—Richard
Oswald.
MS (Adams Papers). Filmed at 9 Nov., Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 359.
1. Oswald received this, his second commission, on 27 Sept. (from John Jay, 28 Sept., Adams Papers). A copy of Oswald's first commission, dated 25 July, was sent to JA by John Jay on 1 Sept., above. Then, on 16 Sept., JA sent Robert R. Livingston the text of Oswald's commission (PCC, No. 84, IV, f. 169–172||; LbC, Adams Papers||).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0210
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-09-23
To Robert R. Livingston
[dateline] The Hague. Sepr. 23d: 1782
[salute] Sir
As this is a moment of great Expectation, News, of the greatest Importance from the
East-Indies, from the West-Indies and North-America fm. Gibralter, from Lord Howe's
Fleet and the combined Fleet, being hourly looked for, I took this opportunity, to
return to the Spanish minister a visit which I owed him.
He told me that he trembled for the news, we should have from Gibralter. I asked him
if he thought there would be a battle at Sea. He answered Yes. He believed the combined
fleet would meet Lord Howe and give him battle: I said, that in this Case it would
probably be but a running fight. His Lordship's object was to protect his Convoy and
get into the Port, and he would not stop to fight more than should be unavoidable.
D. Llano however said, that he believed the fate of Gibralter would be decided before
Howe could arrive, either the place taken or the Assault given over: By his advices,
the Attack was to begin the 4th. or 5th. of September. Howe sailed the twelfth and
would be probably twenty days, at least, on his way, which would leave a Space of
27. or 28 days for the Attack, which wd. decide it, one way or the other.
I did not think it proper to tell him my own apprehensions, and I wish I may be mistaken
but I have no Expectation at all, in my own mind that the combined fleet will meet
Howe; that there will be any naval Engagement, or that Gibralter will surrender.1 They will make a horrid noise, with their Artillery, against the place; but this
noise will not terrify Elliot,2 and Gibralter will remain to the English another year, and Lord Howe return to England,
and all Europe will laugh. England, however, if she were wise would say, what is sport
to you, is death to us, who are ruined by these Expences. The earnest Zeal of Spain
to obtain that impenetrable Rock, what has it not cost the House of Bourbon this war?
And what is the importance of it? A mere point of honor!—a trophy of Insolence to
England and of humiliation to Spain! It is of no Utility, unless as an Assylum for
Privateers, in time of war: for it is not to be supposed that the Powers of Europe,
now that the freedom of Commerce is so much esteemed, will permit, either England
or Spain, to make use of this fortress and Assylum, as an Instrument, to exclude any
Nation from the Navigation of the Mediterranean.
From the Hotel d'Espagne, I went to that of France, and the { 487 } Duke de la Vauguyon informed me, that he had a letter fm. the Comte de Vergennes informing
him, that he had received, in an indirect manner, a set of Preliminary Propositions,
as from the British Ministry, which they were said to be ready to sign. That he had
sent M. de Rayneval to London, to know with certainty, whether those Preliminaries
came from proper Authority or not.
Thus we see, that two Ministers from England and another from Holland are at Paris
to make Peace. The Comte D'Aranda is said too to have powers to treat on the part
of Spain—Mr: Franklin and Mr: Jay are present on the part of the United States, and
Mr: Gerard de Rayneval is at London. Yet, with all this, the British Ministry have
never yet given any proof of their Sincerity, nor any Authority to any one to treat
with the United States. I believe the British Ministry even my Lord Shelburne would
give such powers, if he dared. But they dare not. They are afraid of the King, of
the old Ministry and a great party in the Nation, irritated every moment by the Refugees,
who spare no pains and hesitate at no impostures to revive offensive hostilities in
America. If Gibralter should be relieved and their fleets should arrive from the West-Indies
and the Baltick, and they should not have any very bad news from the East-Indies,
the nation will recover from its fright, occasioned by the loss of Cornwallis, Minorca,
and St: Kitts, and the Ministry will not yet dare to acknowledge American Independence.
In this Case, Mr: Fox and Mr: Burk will lay their foundation of Opposition, and the
State of the Finances, will give them great weight. But the Ministry will find means
to provide for another Campaign.
But to return to the Duke de la Vauguyon, who informed me further, that he had received
Instructions, to propose to the Prince of Orange a new plan of Concert of Operations,
viz, That the Dutch Fleet, or, at least, a detachment of it, should now, in the absence
of Lord Howe, sail from the Texel to Brest and join the French Ships there, in a Cruize,
to intercept the British West-India Fleet. The Prince does not appear pleased with
the Plan. He has not yet accepted it. The Grand Pensionary appears to approve it and
support it with warmth. There is now a fine opportunity for the Dutch fleet to strike
a blow, either alone, upon the Baltick fleet, or in conjunction with the French, or
even alone upon the West-India Fleet. But the main Spring of the Machine is broken
or unbent. There is neither Capacity, nor good-will, among those who direct the Navy.3
At dinner, in the course of the day, with Mr: Gyzelaear, Mr: Vischer, and a number
of the Co-Patriots, at the Hotel de Dort, they { 488 } lamented this incurable misfortune. Some of them told me, that the Sums of money,
granted and expended upon their marine, ought to have produced them 120. Vessells
of War, of all sizes, whereas they have not one quarter of the number. They have no
more than 12 of Line in the Texell, reckoning in the number, two Fiftys: and they
have not more than six or seven in all the Docks of Amsterdam, Zealand the Maes and
Friesland, which can be ready next Year.4
[salute] I have the honor to be, Sir, Your humbl: Servt.
[signed] J. Adams
1. JA's pessimism over the prospects for a Franco-Spanish victory at Gibraltar proved justified.
Indeed, the issue already had been decided, for on 13 Sept. the British garrison repelled
the attack of the combined forces and destroyed all the floating batteries constructed
to support the assault. The 16 Oct. arrival of Admiral Howe's fleet and supply ships
to relieve the fortress, therefore, was almost anticlimactic; as JA predicted, the combined Franco-Spanish fleet was unable or unwilling to bring Howe
to battle. Although Spain continued the siege, it did so without French assistance
and, unless Britain was willing to cede Gibraltar for equivalent cessions from Spain,
without any real prospect of obtaining it in any peace settlement. In December Spain
abandoned its claim (Mackesy, War for America, p. 482–484, 506–508; Murphy, Vergennes, p. 352–367; Morris, Peacemakers, p. 404).
3. JA's account of the French proposals is correct, but so too are his doubts about Dutch
willingness to agree to combined operations (Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 309). The Gazette d'Amsterdam of 1 Oct., in a report dated 29 Sept. at The Hague, indicated that La Vauguyon had
met with deputies of the States General to discuss the current campaign and to renew
the “Plan de Concert” for the next year's operations.
4. For the Dutch order of battle as of 1 April 1782, which is essentially in accord with
the figures given here, see Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 376.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0211
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-24
From the Trustees of Dartmouth College
[dateline] University of Dartmouth September 24th. 1782
[salute] Sir
Though we have not the honor to be personally acquainted with you, yet, from your
extensive character, we have the happiness to know your Excellency to be a friend
to knowledge, as well as freedom.
Your abelities being so adequate to the gratefication of your benevolence, is a consideration
attended with a very sensable pleasure, while we address you on a subject, that comprehends
much of the happiness of the human species.
We beg leave, Sir, to recommend to your friendly notice, attention, and patronage,
the honorable John Wheelock Esquire, the { 489 } worthy President of this Institution; (accompanied by Mr. James Wheelock) and the
very liberal design, which is, by our particular request, the object of his attention.1 You will perceive, Sir, the measure is favored by all the influence of the first
characters now in America. And permit us to refer you for the further particulars
of it to our agent, and to the articles, contained in the recommendation.
[salute] We have the honor to be with highest sentements of respect, Sir, Your Excellencys most obliged, obedient, and humble Servants, Signed by order of the board of Trustees,
[signed] Beza Woodward Secretary
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Trustees of Dartmouth Colledge Septr. 24. 1783. ansd. Feb. 25.”; in
another hand: “1783.”
1. John Wheelock (1754–1817) succeeded his father, Eleazar, Dartmouth's founder, as president in 1779. He and
his brother James were embarking on a trip to raise funds, a venture that achieved
only limited success (DAB). In his reply of 25 Feb. 1783, JA informed the trustees he had met Wheelock at Paris and had provided him with letters
of introduction to individuals at The Hague and Amsterdam (LbC, Adams Papers; JA, Works, 8:44). The trustees sent a similar letter to Benjamin Franklin (Franklin, Papers, vol. 38).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0212
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-25
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussels Septr. 25th 1782
[salute] Sir
I did not receive any Slips by the two last Posts.
I am particularly obliged to your Excellency for your Favor of the 16th. Instant.
The Dutchman Compliment was really polite the Sentiments of certain public Characters
relative to the American Independance lead to something Substantial.
I find it is the wish of some to see the letters now publishing in the news papers
collected in a Pamphlet. If you, Sir, approve it, is there any corrections and alterations
that you may be inclined to make, if you chuse to transmit them to me, they shall
be conveyed to the Amateurs.1
Give me leave to beg of your Excellency to send the inclosed by the first Opportunity.2
[salute] I have the Honour of being Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servt.
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0213
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-25
From Benjamin Lincoln
[dateline] War Office September 25. 1782
[salute] Sir
Congress, a few days since, received your letter of the 19 of April last1 which announced to them that you had been received by the States General of the United
provinces in the quality of Minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America—an
event interesting and important—besides a participation in the general joy occasioned
hereby my private feelings are perfectly gratified that through your agency this interesting
connexion has been so happily effected.
From the Secretary of foreign affairs you will receive the State of our public matters
in this quarter. I cannot however refrain mentioning to you that we have now a better
army in the field than ever before. The Troops are exceedingly well clothed and their
discipline nearly perfect.
A few days since they turned out to receive Count Rochambeau, whose Army from Virginia
is just joining ours at the Hudson.2 When the parade was over, he was pleased to say to His Excellency General Washington
that he had “passed thro' a Prussian Army.”
Perfect harmony subsists between the Armies of the two Nations the Blood they spill
together cements the Union, and there is no other contest between them, than who shall
excell in the field and in acts of real friendship and generosity. Congress has ordered
me to prepare and lay before them a State of the pay rations and subsistance of the
Officers and Men in the Armies of the different powers in Europe. As these often vary,
I have no means of procuring the necessary information with accuracy from any books
I have seen, I am under the necessity therefore of requesting that your Excellency
would be so good as to procure and forward to me the State of the pay rations and
Subsistance of the Officers and Men in the Service of the States General, of Prussia,
Russia and of the other Northern powers.3
I was in the Massachusetts last Spring. I had then the pleasure of seeing Mrs. Adams
and your family well. My compliments to Mr. Thaxter, his father unfortunately a few
months since broke one of his legs but is doing well. He has lost his young friend
Thomas Barker and Couzin Joshua, the Doctor, his little Son.4
[salute] I have the Honour to be with great respect Yr. Excellencys mt. obed. Servant
[signed] B Lincoln
RC (Adams Papers).
2. Rochambeau reached Washington's headquarters at Verplanck's Point, N.Y., on 14 September.
For an account of his reception, see The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745–1799, ed. John C. Fitzpatrick, 39 vols., Washington, D.C., 1931–1944, 25:157–158.
3. On 6 Nov. JA wrote to Lincoln that the information would be difficult to obtain quickly, but that
he would attend to it as soon as possible; on the 8th he requested C. W. F. Dumas
to undertake the task (both LbC, Adams Papers).
4. Thomas Barker, brother of Dr. Joshua Barker of Hingham, Mass., died on 14 August.
Dr. Barker's two-year-old son, Joshua Thomas Barker, died the previous day (History of the Town of Hingham, Massachusetts, 3 vols., Cambridge, 1893, 2:22, 23; Sibley's Harvard Graduates, 18:8–10).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0214
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-25
From Robert Morris
(Duplicate.)
[dateline] Office of Finance 25th September 1782
[salute] Sir
I do myself the Honor to enclose for your Perusal Acts of Congress of the twenty seventh
of November and third of December 1781, and the fourteenth and twenty third Instant.1 In Consequence I have to request that all Bills hitherto drawn by Authority of Congress
be paid, and the Accounts of those Transactions closed. After this is done, and I
hope and beleive that while I am writing this Letter it may have been already accomplished,
you will be freed from the Torment and Perplexity of attending to Money Matters. I
am persuaded that this Consideration will be highly pleasing to you, as such Things
must necessarily interfere with your more important Attentions.
I have long since requested the Secretary of foreign Affairs to desire you would appoint
an Agent or Attorney here to receive and remit your Salary, which will be paid quarterly:
in the mean Time it is paid to him for your Use.2 As to any contingent Expenses which may arise, I shall readily make the necessary
Advances upon Mr Livingston's Application. These Arrangements will I hope be both
useful and agreable to you.
[salute] I am, Sir, With perfect Respect Your Excellency's Most obedient & humble Servant
[signed] Robt Morris
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Morris 25 Septr. 1782.”; enclosure endorsed: “Resolutions of Congress
27 Nov. 1781. Financeir to take all Loans.”
1. The enclosure was an extract from the minutes by Congress, attested to by its secretary
Charles Thomson. The resolves of 27 Nov. and 3 Dec. 1781 gave the superintendent of
finance the authority to manage and dispose of loans or other monies obtained in Europe
for the use by the United States, subject to Congress' appropriation. The re• { 492 } solve of 14 Sept. informed Congress' diplomats in Europe that the superintendent of
finance was responsible for the management and disbursement of money obtained in Europe,
according to Congress' appropriations. The resolve of 23 Sept. consisted of additional
instructions to Thomas Barclay, the U.S. consul general in France, specifically directing
him to desist from spending public money for clothing or other effects without the
specific direction of Congress or the superintendent of finance (JCC, 21:1142, 1149–1150; 23:576, 595).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0215
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-25
From Robert Morris
[dateline] Philadelphia September 25th: 1782
[salute] Sir
Your letter of the 22nd April has been delivered to me by Mr. Peter Paulus1 to whom I shall most chearfully Afford such advice or countenance as he may stand
in need of. But it seems this Gentlemans wants are not confined to those Points, he
applies to me for a Supply of Money to set up his Trade, I have explained that your
desires in his favor do not extend to the advance of Money, and I am exposed by my
Station to too many such Applications, they have indeed proved extreamly inconvenient
and I am compelled to resist them all in my Power, it is probable that I shall be
obliged to Number this Gentleman in the list of those whose Necessities encrease my
advances.
I congratulate your Excellency most Sincerely on the event of the 19th April from
which I hope and expect that our Country will derive essential benefits.
[salute] With great Respect and Esteem I have the Honor to be Your Excellencys most obedient & hble Servt:
[signed] Robt Morris
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0216
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-25
From Rodolph Valltravers
[dateline] From Vienna, in Austria, Septr. 25th. 1782
[salute] Sir
Just returned from a Tour through Hungaria, I have the Satisfaction of recieving your
very Kind Favor of Augt. the 18th. inclosed in Mr. Bosset's Letter, the Resident of
two german Courts at the Hague,1 whose ill-grounded Scruples have been the Cause of the long Detention of mÿ preceding
application to Your Excellency, of april 11th. from Münich.2 I am happy to hear from your own honored Self, the final Reception of mÿ Letter,
along with the Speedy Conveÿance of its Contents to Mr. H. Laurens, at Nantes, for
which { 493 } please to accept mÿ warmest Thanks. Not having, as yet, had the Pleasure of hearing
from that worthy Patriote, I this Day write to him again, under Cover of the Widow
Babut & Des bouchéres, at Nantes, to inform him of the present Place of my abode,
and of mÿ Direction, under Cover A Monsr. le Baron de Fichtel, Agent du St. Empire Romain, á Vienne.
Alltho' my Law-Suite against a great Knave of a Debtor, now in this Capital be likely
decided next Week, I shall not stirr from hence, before I am honored with Yr. Exc's.
or Mr. Laurens's Commands, that I maÿ direct my steps accordingly, towards the latter
End of next Month.
Previous to my Return to Switzerland, mÿ native Country, it might perhaps not be improper
to visit Venice, to Sound the Dispositions of its Leaders, concerning the american
independent and united States, and to laÿ a proper Foundation for a political, as
well as a mercantile Connection with that respectable Free-State. The whole with the
utmost Prudence and Secrecy, when Authorised, and Supported thereunto by Congress.
An immediate, direct, and free Intercourse with that maritime Commonwealth would pave
the Waÿ to other Connections with Genoa, with Lucca, with Florence and Leghorne, with
Naples and Sicily, with Turky and the Levant, with Trieste and Fiume, and give great
Weight to any Subsequent Négociation with the Cantons of Switzerland; if it was but
for their pecuniarÿ present Assistence. These, Yr. Exccy. Knows, are objects of no
small Moment, which I have given due Attention to; and in which, I may flatter my
self, from my local Knowledge of those several states, their Language, Policies, Laws,
and Circumstances, to render our great Cause of publick Liberty, no small Services,
when approved of, and encouraged thereto by Superior Comand.
Happy, if by the Exertion of my poor abilities, with indefatigable Zeal, Fidelitÿ
and Attachment, I can further entitle my self to Yr. Excy's. Kind Esteem and Protection.
[signed] Rodh. Valltravers
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Valtravers.”; in another hand: “Septr 25th 1782.”
1. Baron Georges François Bosset de la Rochette over his career represented a number
of German states at The Hague. Currently he was serving Baden (-Durlach) and Brandenburg-Ansbach
(-Bayreuth) (Repertorium, 3:13, 30–31).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0217
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-09-27
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Septr: 27. 1782
[salute] Sir
Yours of 25: is just come to hand. The Letters inclosed shall be sent, with mine.
As to publishing the Letters in a Pamphlet, I have no Objection provided no Name is
mentioned. But there is one Alteration necessary which runs throughout. They are now
printed as if written by and Englishman. So that, England, Englishmen Britain Britons
&c ought to be substituted instead of “We,” “Us,” &c. As they are announced to be
by an American they ought to be consistent, in the style.
As to Corrections and Alterations, there are certain grammatical Incorrectnesses,
owing to haste which a School Boy, would not commit deliberately. They were neither
9 Years in Writing nor correcting. If any one thinks them worth it, I have no objection
to reprinting them. But I should think the true dates better than the supposed ones.
I have not the Time to meddle with them, any more.
There are, Somewhere in Existence 30 Letters written to Mr Calkoen of Amsterdam near
two Years ago, in answer to as many Questions which he put to me, about American affairs
which I Should be glad to have preserved, as they will be sometime or other, not from
any intrinsick Merit in them, but merely on Account of the Effect they had. They were
communicated to a Society of forty Gentlemen of Letters in Amsterdam—and out of them
was composed a Comparison between the Dutch Revolution and ours which was read in
the Same society and contributed Somewhat to open the Eyes of People in this Country,
and to our final success. But there is no need of Haste in this matter.1
If an Historian Should ever arrise, who shall think it worthwhile to compare my Negotiations
here, with those of Mr Franklin and of Mr Dana, <and of Mr Jay> and perhaps of others and he Should be furnished with all the Documents which are
in my Possession—he will reflect, that it is some times necessary and usefull to be
“Assuming.” If After receiving Such Advice and Exhortations as I did, I had suspended
opperations to request Instructions, I Should have been forbidden to do, what has
been done, I should have been pegged like Ariel in a rifted oak, and this Country
would now have been Seperately at Peace with England.
Thanks be to God, that he gave me Stubborness, when I know I { 495 } am right. Monsieur “Votre Fermete a fait un tres bon Effet ici” pronounced by the
Same Personage who Spent five hours, to perswade me to be infirm a Year before, was
a Confessien “Arrachee” that gave me Pleasure enough.2
I have Several Anecdotes to tell you, of Plans projected when our affairs were upon
the critical turning Point here, which would even then have ruined Us forever, Plans
projected, not I believe from ill design, at that time but merely from Indecision,
Timidity Irresolution, wanting a clear Head, and a distinct View of the little nice
Points upon which great affairs sometimes turn. Stubbornness, Obstinacy, L'Abondance
dans Son Sens, et “L'Ignorance de se donner aux Convenances” came in Aid again and
defeated all this little Plans, and Saved the American Cause here.
But now all is well Complaisance, Familiarity, Friendships and every Thing that is
lovely.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “His Excellency Mr Adams. Septr. 27h. 1782.”
1. JA's 1780 letters to the Amsterdam lawyer Hendrik Calkoen regarding the American Revolution
(vol. 10:196–252) were not published in London until 1786, but for their complete publication history,
see the editorial note accompanying them in vol. 10.
2. For JA's description of his meetings with the Duc de La Vauguyon on the 19th and 20th of
April 1781, during which the French ambassador attempted to dissuade JA from presenting his 19 April memorial to the States General, see vol. 11:263–265.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0218
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-27
From Thomas Barclay
[dateline] Brest 27th. Sepr. 1782
[salute] Dear Sir
I wrote you from Paris inclosing you a packet of great Consequence which I received
from Mr Livingston, but for want of a Conveyance to please me, I put it into the hands
of Mr. Jay who will take proper Care of it.1 I wish you had it, and if Mr. Jay had, when I was at Paris, any thing of much Consequence
that he wou'd put on paper, I wou'd have sent the whole by Express. I am anxious about
it, and I think at this time if it were possible that you and Mr. Jay Cou'd freely
Communicate together it wou'd be much for the Advantage of our Country. I had some
Conversation with him on this subject, and I am sure nothing wou'd give him more pleasure
than a personal interview with you. I hinted the possibility of his meeting you at
Brussells, but his situation will by no means admit of it. He says if he was not prevented
by business he wou'd go to the Hague to see you. More particulars wou'd occur in two
or three Conversations than a long Correspondence by letters Cou'd produce. When I
left Paris Doctor Franklin Continued much indisposed with the { 496 } Gout and Gravel, and slept none at night, I think at his age such distempers are alarming,
and he seems to be somewhat of the same opinion himself. I Came here to assist in
forwarding to America about seven or eight Hundred Ton of supplies for our Army that
have lain here several months, and I shall be obliged to go away without Effecting
it. Exclusive of a scarcity of vessells there is a scarcity of money, we want the
Court of France to do it, but I fear we shall have some difficulty in succeeding,
However I shall do every thing that belongs to my part of the business. If it proves
utterly Impossible to procure funds in France for the purpose, will you lend us some
of yours to Effect it. Perhaps the Ratification of the Loan by Congress will have
reach'd you, and that you will have the power of appropriating about one Hundred thousand
florins to such a valuable end, as that of getting out so large a Quantity of Cloathing
and other Articles as lye here, and as are wanted in America. I shall write to Doctor
Franklin next post2 that I see no Certain way of forwarding them unless the Court of France step forward
decidedly and do it, or enable me to do it. There is no news stirring that I know
of, the St. James, Washington and Queen of France arrived at L'Orient in 34 days from
Philadelphia, but I have not receivd my letters. If any thing worth Troubling you
occurs on my arrival at L'Orient or at any time hence, you shall have it, mean time
I remain with best wishes for your Health and happiness, and with Complims. to Mr.
Dumass and Mr. Thaxter Sincerely Dear Sir your most obed Hume Serv.
[signed] Thos Barclay
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Barclay 27th April 1782.”
2. On 30 Sept. (Franklin, Papers, vol. 38).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0219
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-27
From Robert Morris
3d.
[dateline] Office of Finance 27th Septem 1782
[salute] Sir
I do myself the Pleasure to congratulate you on the Success of your patriotic Labors
in Holland. The general Tribute paid to your Abilities on this Occasion will so well
dispense with the Addition of my feeble Voice that I shall spare your Delicacy the
Pain of expressing my Sentiments.
The enclosed Resolutions and Copies of Letters will convey to { 497 } you so fully the Views of Congress, and explain so clearly my Conceptions on the Subject,
that very little need to be added.1 If the Application to France should fail of Success, which I cannot permit myself
to believe, you will then have a new Opportunity of shewing the Influence you have
acquired over the Minds of Men in the Country where you reside, and of exerting it
in the Manner most beneficial to our Country.
Before I conclude this Letter I must congratulate your Excellency on the Success of
the Loan you have already opened, and which I consider as being by this Time compleated.
[salute] With perfect Respect I have the Honor to be Sir Your Excellency's most obedient & humble Servant
[signed] Robt Morris
RC and enclosures (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Morris Letter to me 27. Sept. 1782.”
1. The enclosure included three items. The first was Robert Morris' letter of 30 July
to the president of Congress in which he presented his estimate that nine million
dollars would be needed for expenditures in 1783 and that four million of that total
should be borrowed (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:636–638). The second, attested to by Congress' secretary Charles Thomson, contained
the text of three resolutions adopted on 14 Sept. and of another adopted on the 23d.
The resolutions of the 14th authorized and directed Benjamin Franklin to obtain a
loan of four million dollars from France, while that of the 23d directed him to do
so despite the reservations expressed in his letters of 25 June to Livingston and
Morris (JCC, 23:578–579, 595–596; Franklin, Papers, 37:535–544). The last enclosure was a copy of Morris' letter of 27 Sept. to Franklin
informing him of Congress' actions and directing him to proceed with the loan (Franklin, Papers, vol. 38).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0220
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-28
From Benjamin Rush
[dateline] Philada: Septemr 28. 1782
[salute] My dear friend
Accept of my congratulations upon the Success of your negociations at the Hague. Your
countrymen are not insensible of your Zeal and industry in effecting the important
event of a connection with the States of Holland. Our hearts vibrate with the hearts
of those honest republicans whose petitions and memorials opened the eyes of their
rulers to acknowledge our independance. The tories themselves express a Satisfaction
in a Union with a nation of a religion, and of manners similar to those of the Americans.
Blessed Union! founded in wisdom—policy—and interest! May it continue (to use an Indian
phrase) while the Sun shines and the rivers flow.
Liberty and independance thrive in our country, and we every day become more and more
unbritished in our laws—manners and ideas of every thing. Our habits are already those
of old republicans, and { 498 } we talk of our constitutions as if they had been the legacies of our ancestors. The
Order and tranquility which prevail every where among us would make a stranger beleive
that he was in one of the best established governments in Europe. O! liberty—liberty
who would follow thee blindfold!
The depradations upon our trade during the last year have prevented our paying the
Sum demanded by congress last year in taxes. Philada has however paid its quota with
a degree of punctuality and chearfulness that does honor the republican Spirit.
You will see in some of our papers published last Summer some essays upon a navy under
the Signature of Leonidas that have been ascribed to me.1
The wealth—the Sense and the Virtue of Pensylvania have all come forth at last in
favor of the revolution. The faction that usurped the power of the state in 1776 have
become as contemptible as they were weak and wicked.2
[salute] With great respect I am my dear friend yours most sincerely
[signed] Benjn Rush
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Dr Rush. Sept. 28. 1782 ansd. 7 Nov.”
1. Rush refers to his seven essays signed “Leonidas” that were published in the Pennsylvania Journal on 29 May; 19 June; 4, 10, 17, 31 July; and 14 August. The essay appearing on 4 July
dealt specifically with the navy (Rush, Letters, 1:273–377).
2. Rush refers to the radical faction led by James Cannon, Timothy Matlack, and Dr. Thomas
Young that produced the 1776 Pennsylvania constitution with its unicameral legislature.
Both Rush and JA were highly critical of that document and those who produced it. On 19 May 1777 Rush
wrote to Anthony Wayne that “Cannon, Matlack, and Dr. Young still hold back the strength
of the state by urging the execution of their rascally government in preference to
supporting measures for repelling the common enemy”; he took much the same line in
a letter to JA on 24 Feb. 1790 (Rush, Letters, 1:107, 148–149, 532–536).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0221
Recipient: Dana, Francis
Date: 1782-09-29
To Francis Dana
[dateline] The Hague. Septemr: 29th. 1782
[salute] Dear sir
I received yesterday your favor of 26th. Augst: OS. with Duplicates and Triplicates
of a former letter and one original.1 These shall be sent by different vessells, as you desire. I agree to your Condition
to make a minute of the postage, but you may inclose your letters to any one of the
six following Gentlemen at Amsterdam and direct them to charge the postage to the
U. S. viz Wilhem or Jan Willink, Nicholas or Jacob Van Staphorst, or de la Lande &
Fynje.
I am so anxious abt. John's Education, that it gives me great { 499 } pleasure to learn that he is coming here: tho' at the same time, it grieves me to
take him from you, whose situation must be lonely and disagreable. I dare not take
upon me to advise you to quit that Stage, tho' I lament the policy, which has tied
your hands. It is a bit of that web, in wh: you and I, and every honest American,
in Europe, has been long entangled. I broke thro' it, as the Whale goes thro' a net.
You would have done the same in my situation, and I could not do it in yours. If I
had transmitted to Congress the advice, exhortations and remonstrances I received,
and asked their Instructions, I should have been forbidden to stir, and should have
been here sprawling with hands and feet in the air, pegged, like Ariel, in a rifted
Oak; this Republic would at this moment have been seperately at peace, and American
Independence would never have been acknowledged by any Power in Europe, except France,
untill England should have done it.
I am at present, as you wish me, i: e: as happy as I ever can be in Europe. I am well
accommodated and have an oppo. of living in an habit of Civilities with the French
and Spanish Ambassadors, as well as with some principal People of this Country. The
Ministers of Prussia, Sardinia and Leige are sociable. The Envoy from Portugal and
the Chargè des affaires of Sweden are sometimes so. Russia and Denmark are stiff and
distant; but they do neither honor, nor service to themselves, or their Courts by
it.
My loan in in Cash, at least a million and an half of Gueldres. The Treaty is all
agreed: is now copying and will be signed next week. It is very little different from
that with France. Mr: Charles Storer is now with me, as well as Mr: Thaxter. It is
not certain that he will go home with the Treaty. He seems to have an inclination
to stay a little longer.
Can you give me a brief sketch of the Dispute in the Crimea, and a probable guess,
whether it will terminate in a War, between the Empress and the Porte? Was it stipulated
in the last Treaty of Peace, that the Crimea should be independent, and that the late
Kan should be the Sovereign? Is his Expulsion suspected to have been effected by any
intrigues of the Turks, or any other Power? Or is it only the effect of the Levity
of the Tartars?2
Pray what foreign Ministers are at the Court of St. Petersbourg? And what are their
sentiments of our States? The French or Dutch Ambassador can sound them and tell you.
Here the whole Corps Diplomatique is unanimously of opinion that our Independence
is decided.
{ 500 } I presume that my Son is already on his journey, or voyage, for which reason I don't
write him.
[signed] Adieu.
2. The deposed khan of the Crimea was Shahin Girai, whose rule over the Crimea had been
guaranteed by the 1774 Treaty of Kutschuk-Kainardji. A Russian puppet, he was deposed
in favor of his brother and forced to flee in June 1782 when a revolt against his
despotic rule broke out. Catherine II was unwilling to accept an outcome that diminished
her prestige and influence in the Crimea and offered the Ottoman Empire an opportunity
to increase its own at her expense. She soon dispatched an army to restore the khan
and incidentally to make final the annexation of the Crimea to the Russian empire
(Murphy, Vergennes, p. 333–334).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0222
Recipient: Lafayette, Marie-Joseph-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, marquis de
Date: 1782-09-29
To the Marquis de Lafayette
[dateline] The Hague Sep. 29. 1782
[salute] My dear General
I Should have written you, Since the 29 of May, when I wrote you a Letter that I hope
you recd, if it had not been reported Sometimes that you was gone and at other times
that you was upon the Point of going to America.1
This People must be indulged, in their ordinary March which you know is with the Slow
Step. We have however at length the Consent of all the Cities and Provinces, and have
adjusted and agreed upon every Article, Word, Syllable, Letter and Point, and Clerks
are employed in making out five fair Copies for the Signature which will be done this
Week.
Amidst the innumerable Crowd of Loans which are open in this Country, many of which
have little Success, I was much afraid that ours would have failed. I have however
the Pleasure to inform you, that I am at least one Million and an half, in Cash, about
Three Millions of Livres which will be a considerable Aid to the operations of our
Financier at Philadelphia, and I hope your Court, with their usual Goodness will make
up the rest that may be wanting.
I am now as well Situated as I ever can be in Europe. I have the Honour to live, upon
agreable Terms of Civility with the Ambassaders of France and Spain; and the Ministers
of all the other Powers of Europe, whom I meet at the Houses of the French and Spanish
Ministers as well as at Court, are complaisant and Sociable. Those from Russia and
Denmark are the most reserved. Those from Sardinia and Portugal are very civil.
{ 501 } The Ministers of all the neutral Powers consider our Independance as decided. One
of those even from Russia Said so not long ago and that from Portugal Said it to me
within a few Days. You and I have known this Point to have been decided a long time:
But it is but lately, that the Ministers of neutral Powers, however they might think,
have frankly expressed their opinions, and it is now an Indications that it begins
to be the Sentiment of their Courts, for they dont often advance faster than their
Masters in expressing their sentiments upon political Points of this Magnitude.
Pray what are the Sentiments of the Corps Diplomatick at Versailles? What Progress
is made in the Negotiation for Peace? Can any Thing be done before, the British Parliament, or at least the Court of St.
James's, acknowledge the Sovereignty of the United States absolute and unlimited?
It would give me great Pleasure to receive, a Line from you, as often as your Leisure
will admit.
[salute] With great Esteam I have the Honour to be, Sir your most obt.
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. This letter was in response to Matthew Ridley's suggestion in his first letter of
20 Sept., above. According to JA's first letter to Ridley of 29 Sept., below, he received both of Ridley's 20 Sept. letters on the evening of the 28th.
Note, however, that JA's last letter to Lafayette was dated 21 May, above, rather than the 29th.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0223
Recipient: Ridley, Matthew
Date: 1782-09-29
To Matthew Ridley
[dateline] The Hague September 29. 1782
[salute] Sir
Last Night I received your Letter of the 20th.1 Your Reserve upon the Subject of the Maryland Loan needed no Apology. I was Soon
informed of your Engagements with Messrs. Van Staphorsts, and Some Persons may possibly
think I ought to have opposed them. But I am not myself of that opinion. I think that
on one hand a Minister of the United States is not obliged to do any Thing to promote
a Loan to any particular State, and on the other that he is not obliged and indeed
has no Right to oppose it unless it very clearly interferes with the general Loan.
Accordingly I shall take no step in opposition to yours. I wish it well, and would
much Sooner favour it—indeed I dont believe it will interfere at all with the general
Loan. I am much inclined to be of the opinion of Messrs Van Staphorsts, that by multiplying
Connections with America it will rather assist it.
[salute] With great Respect, I have the Honour to be,
LbC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0224
Recipient: Ridley, Matthew
Date: 1782-09-29
To Matthew Ridley
[dateline] The Hague Sep. 29. 17821
[salute] Sir
It would give me great Pleasure to See, and converse freely with the Gentn you mention
upon Men and Things.2 I have long known him a Man of Honour and Abilities. He and I have often differed
in opinion, and each of us has Supported his opinion with Ardour: this We may do again
without abating a mutual Esteem or Affection, as long as a Perswasion remains of Candour,
Integrity and Sincerity, as it does <entirely> on my Side. <But I can have no Confidence whatever in a Man who has learned to lie, to borrow an
Expression of your own>.3
I cannot come to Paris, untill the British Cabinet have acknowledged the Independance
of the United States.4 I will meet him, at Bruxelles at any time he Shall appoint. I See no objection to
his informing V. and F. both of his Intentions to take a Jaunt to Bruxelles. He need
not Say that he expects to see me. But if he did there would be no harm. I hope that
Mr J. and Mr Adams have a Right to see one another without asking Leave of Dr Franklin
or the Comte de Vergennes, and to converse together as freely as they please without
communicating their Conversations to any others—at least such Liberties will be taken
by me. Mr J. is too cautious of Writing. We must write to one other. And if our Letters
Should be opened and read, there will be found in them nothing amiss, I presume.
If Mr J. has no objection to conversing in the manner you mention with our Friend
at Brussells,5 I have none, but the best Way would be for J. to come here and Spend a Week with
me in my House at the Hague. He may tell his Design at Versailles and Passy, and set
their Speculations and Insinuations at Defyance—next to this is the Project to meet
at Bruxelles.
The blank Comn. you say is promised.6 I Should have thought that I had Some right to be consulted in it—but have never
been asked a question. Let me however ask you 2 or 3. Is not the Art of choosing the
best Men for Plans, the greatest Art in Government in Politicks Negotiations, War
and Peace? Is the Gentleman promised, { 503 } in Age, Experience, Education, Genius, Learning, Knowledge of Men Books and Things,
Prudence, Discretion, the best Man? Is not our Friend, infinitely superiour? Is not
Mr Charmichael or Mr Dumas, or Mr Thaxter, Superiour? Has not even Dr Bancroft better
Pretensions? For my own Part I think Mr Jennings the fittest Man: the man who would
Support the Interests the Reputation and Dignity of the United States in that Place
more than any other Man in Europe, and therefore he Should have my Vote. Is it not
one of the most important Commissions? are not public Men accountable, somewhere or
other? to God? their Country? their Posterity? their own Consciences Judgements and
Honour for the Votes they give, upon Such occasions? By what Arts could my Friend
J be So taken in?
Your Account of the Settlement of Accounts with France, gives me great Pleasure. I
hope you are not misinformed. What is one Million and one Sixth of a Million Sterling?
to our States. In time of Peace it would be about the Quarter Part of one Years Exportations
whereas the annual Interest of the British National Debt, amounts to more than the
whole of their Exportations for a Year.
I will write Soon to my worthy Friend the Marquis.7 But he owes me a Letter now. I should not have stood upon Punctilios with him, however
but it has been often Said he was gone and always that he was gone or going.
It is not worth while for Mr Laurens to regard the “injurious Comments” His Character
and Conduct is far above such Insinuations. He has explained his Motives to me, and
he is perfectly in the right. He is too honest a Man not to be exposed to the malicious
Insinuations of a dirty Gang.
I have had explained to me, from high Authority, that of V. through the Duke de la
Vauguion, the nature of Raynevals Mission, and am Satisfied there is nothing amiss
in it. The Comte de Vergennes has had some Propositions made to him from London in
an indirect Manner, and he sent R. to know if they came from proper Authority.
My Loan is in Cash at least a Million and an half of Guilders, and the Treaty of Commerce
will be Signed this Week.
[salute] I need not Say that this Letter is highly confidential, nor desire you to believe me, with much sincerity your humble sert
LbC (Adams Papers).
2. John Jay.
3. Probably Benjamin Franklin.
4. Insofar as negotiations were concerned, this difficulty had been removed on 27 Sept.,
when Richard Oswald received his new instructions of [21 Sept.], above. John Jay informed JA of their arrival in a letter of the 28th (Adams Papers), but see also Ridley's letter of 29 Sept. to JA, below.
5. Edmund Jenings.
6. This is the commission as secretary to the peace commission that was given to William
Temple Franklin.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0225
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-09-29
From Matthew Ridley
[dateline] Paris Septemb: the 29h. 1782
[salute] Sir
I did myself the Honor of writing you a few Posts since.1 I now inclose you a Letter which will communicate something agreeable.2 The Grand difficulty being removed I have now some hopes of seeing you in this part
of the World. Personal motives engage me strongly to wish it but public ones which
are of more weight seem to require it.
By the Vessels, arrived at L'Orient are Letters as late as the 12: Augt: Genl. Washington
was upon the North River. The French Army were marching to join and which would make
up about 150003—Whether there would be any active operations on our side seemd doubtful. The French
fleet had been off the Delaware and after staying there a few days was gone or was
going to Boston to refit &ca. The fleet consisted of 13 sail. One Letter I have says—“Savannah
certainly evacuated Charles Town probably.” I however doubt this last part. People
were thinking a little of Peace; but I do not learn there was any foundation for Mr
Waters's famous list of extraordinary tumults and changes.
Everything is very private here. Reneval is returned some time but what he went about
I do not believe is yet rightly known. Whatever it was I do not think he was so successful
as he expected: or rather as others expected.
[salute] I shall be glad to hear you enjoy good health. And have the Honor to be with respect Sir Your mt Obedt servt
[signed] Matt: Ridley
RC (Adams Papers).
2. The enclosure was John Jay's letter of 28 Sept. (Adams Papers), informing JA that Richard Oswald had received a new commission dated [21 Sept.], above, on the 27th. Jay gave it to Ridley to forward to JA on the evening of the 29th (MHi: Ridley Journal).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0226
Recipient: Jay, John
Date: 1782-10-01
To John Jay
[dateline] The Hague Oct. 1. 1782
[salute] Sir
Your Favour inclosing a certain Copy, I have recd, and in exchange Send you, two others,
Fitzherberts Commission and the Dutch Instructions.1 The first you may have Seen or may not. The other may have been communicated to you
in Part. I need not Say to you that it ought not to be known, from whence, either
of them comes to you, or to me.
[salute] With great Esteem, I have the honour to be Sir, your most obedient and humble Servant
[signed] J. Adams
RC (private owner, 1978).
1. See John Jay's letter of 1 Sept., and note 1, above, with which was enclosed a copy of Richard Oswald's first commission of 25
July. For Alleyne Fitzherbert's commission of 24 July and the instructions given to
the Dutch negotiator, Gerard Brantsen, see JA's letter of 18 Aug. to Robert R. Livingston, and notes, above.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0227-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-01
From Antoine Marie Cerisier
[dateline] Amsterdam ce 1 octobre 1782
[salute] Monsieur
Il y a longtems que j'aurai entamé le sujet important de l'admission des Etats-Unis
de l'Amérique dans la Neutralité; mais je ne Sentais pas avoir des argumens assez
forts pour traiter cette matiere;1 et vous savez que dans ces sortes de cas il vaut mieux ne rien dire que de ne pas
dire assez. Je Suis effectivement embarassé pour montrer comment cette démarche ne
Serait pas une dérogation aux principes qu'ont énoncés les puissances neutres de ne
rien hazarder qui puisse passer pour partialité de la part d'aucune des puissances
Belligérantes: il est vrai que l'on peut considerer les Américains, d'après le bonheur
qu'ils ont eu de chasser les Anglais de leur territoire, comme des peuples que la
Grande-Bretagne veut conquérir; or toutes les puissances belligérantes étant dans
un état à être conquises l'une par l'autre, elles ne laissent pas de conserver, chacune,
jusqu'à l'Epoque d'une conquête, le droit d'etre reconnue indépendante. Donc les Américains
qui ne sont vis à vis des Anglais que comme un peuple qu'ils veulent conquérir, ont
aussi le droit d'etre régardés indépendans, même par des puissances neutres: mais
l'Angleterre pourra toujours opposer à ces raisons que les Américains ne Sont encore
à Son égard que comme les rebelles qu'elle veut punir: ainsi l'affaire étant indécise
quant au droit, il sera { 506 } difficile de donner des raisons Satisfaisantes aux puissances neutres pour agir autrement;
on pourrait répondre que l'Angleterre s'est Suffisamment déclarée, en avouant Son
impuissance à continuer une guerre offensive,2 Sans laquelle on ne peut esperer de conquête; et Surtout par la lettre de Carleton
que vous connaissez Surement:3 voilà les meilleurs argumens à cet égard; mais ils prouveraient encore qu'il ne Serait
pas nécessaire d'admettre les Etats-Unis dans la neutralite; pour accelerer la paix;
puis que, les choses étant ainsi, là reconnaissance de l'Amérique par l'Angleterre,
le plus grand obstacle à la paix, Sera bientôt levé. J'attends avec impatience vos
observations sur cet objet: quelques lumieres communiquées par vous, me mettrons en
état de traiter cette matiere avec connaissance de cause: j'aurai Soin de remplir
votre intention de la maniere la plus exacte, quant aux pieces à traduire du General advertiser.4
[salute] J'ai l'honneur d'etre avec tous les sentimens de respect et de dévonment que voùs m'avez connus Monsieur Votre très humble & très obeissant serviteur
[signed] A M Cerisier
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0227-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-01
Antoine Marie Cerisier to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Amsterdam, 1 October 1782
[salute] Sir
It has been a long time since I broached the important subject of the admission of
the United States of America to the neutrality, but I feel that I do not have arguments
strong enough to discuss this issue.1 And as you know, it is better to say nothing at all in such cases than not to say
enough. Indeed, I am perplexed as to how to demonstrate that this démarche would not
derogate from the principles enunciated by the neutral powers not to hazard anything
that could pass as partiality toward any of the belligerent powers. It is true that
one could consider the Americans, after the good fortune they have had of chasing
the English from their territory, as a nation that Great Britain wants to conquer.
But all the belligerent powers, being in a state of being conquered one by the other,
can only preserve, each of them, until the date of conquest, the right to be recognized
as independent. Therefore, the Americans, who the English see only as a nation they
wish to conquer, also have the right to be viewed as independent, even by the neutral
powers. But England can always oppose these reasons because it continues to regard
the Americans as rebels they wish to punish. So the affair being indecisive as to
right, it will be difficult to give satisfactory reasons to the neutral powers to
act otherwise. One could respond that England had sufficiently decided by avowing
its inability to continue an offensive war,2 without which it has no hope of conquest, and above all by Carleton's letter, of
which you surely are aware.3 These are the best arguments in this regard, but it could still prove to be unnecessary
to admit the United States into the neutrality; since all things being equal, { 507 } the greatest obstruction to peace, the recognition of America by England, would be
lifted. I impatiently await your observations on this subject, for whatever light
you can shed on it will enable me to deal with this matter in full knowledge of the
facts. I will faithfully adhere to your intentions in any of your letters to be translated
from the General Advertiser.4
[salute] I have the honor to be, with all the sentiments of respect and devotion that you have come to know from me, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] A M Cerisier
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Cerisier here addresses the irreconcilable conflict between the desire of the United
States to be recognized by and admitted to the League of Armed Neutrality and the
incongruity of a league of neutrals admitting a belligerent as one of its members.
On 5 Oct. 1780 Congress authorized its diplomats in Europe to accede to the Armed
Neutrality (JCC, 18:905–906), and JA pursued that objective from the moment he received the instruction in March 1781
(vol. 11:182–185). He raised the issue again in his A Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe, [ca. 5–8] July, above, which Cerisier printed in Le politique hollandais of 26 August. For Catherine II's original declaration of armed neutrality and the
reasons why Americans were drawn to it, see vol. 9:121–126.
2. For the House of Commons' 27 Feb. address to George III, which declared that “he would
be highly criminal and an Enemy to his Country who should attempt to carry on an offense
War in America against the Sense of the House,” and the king's response of 1 March,
see vol. 12:304–305.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0228
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-01
From Francis Dana
[dateline] St: Petersbourg
Septr 20th/<31> 1782 OS. [1 October N.S.]
[salute] My dear Sir
I have no time to write you by this post.1 Your Son is in good health, but I fear he will not find an opportunity to leave this
terrestial paradise before the first snows. Mr: Thaxter's letter of the 21.7 and 31st.
of Augt: has come to hand, but no tidings yet of the picture.2 Pray by whom did you send it? Nothing of importance stirring here. How goes on your
negotiation for Peace? Do our Enemies seek it with seriousness? Let me know something about it. If I thought there was not a prospect of a Peace this Winter, I wou'd certainly
leave this Country with your Son, and return with all good speed to our own. Remember
your Treaty.
[salute] I am my dear Sir, your much obliged & affectionate Friend, and humble Servant
[signed] FRA DANA
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “à Son Excellence Mr: Adams Ministre Plenipotentiaire des Etats-Unis
à son hotel à la Haïe”; endorsed: “Mr Dana 20 sept. 1782.” Filmed at 20 Sept., Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 358.
1. Although he does not mention it, enclosed with this letter was the original of Dana's
letter of 18/29 Sept. to Robert R. Livingston (MHi: Francis Dana Letterbook, Official Letters, 1781–1782). This letter is not in the
PCC, and Dana wrote in the margin of the LbC that “This letter is not to be found on the Files of the Office of Foreign Affairs,
among my letters.” The letter primarily concerned trade and Dana's efforts to allay
fears that an independent America would become a serious commercial rival of Russia.
Dana indicated this was an important issue because the possibility of a Russian-American
commercial rivalry “was maintained by both Friends and Foes tho' with very different
views.” Dana was referring to the French and British and promised to explain himself
later, for which see his letters of [4 Oct.] and [26 Oct.] to JA, both below.
2. Dana refers to two letters that he received on 29 September. The first was begun on
21 Aug. and completed on the 27th; the second, dated 31 Aug., was finished and sent
on 6 Sept. (MHi: Dana Family Papers). The portion done on 27 Aug. is an account of JA's negotiation of the Dutch-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce, and specifically
of JA's opposition to the inclusion in the treaty of the Dutch placard of 1756 regulating
the entry of prizes into Dutch ports. In the letter he began on 31 Aug., Thaxter indicated
that JA wished to know if the miniature of George Washington had arrived yet. For the placard
of 1756 and JA's objections to its inclusion, see The Negotiation of the Dutch-American Treaty of
Amity and Commerce, 22 Aug. – 8 Oct., Nos. III and IV, above.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0229
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-01
From Arthur Lee
[dateline] Philadelphia Ocr. 1st. 1782
[salute] Dear Sir
I enclose you some late proceedings by which you will perceive that Mr. Laurens is
to be made a victim if possible to the system of throwing every thing into one man's
hands. By these votes you will judge pretty accurately who are Devotees to this unjust,
unwise, and irrepublican system. Except that of N. Y. where one of the ays was from
policy given against the motion of which he was probably the prompter.1 However they have at last fed the one man's pride, vanity and all arrogating disposition
by putting him sole in the Commission for negociating with Sweden, which woud not
have been done had he not written that it was the particular desire of the King of
Sweden communicated to him by the Ambassador of that Court at Vesailles, that he might
be the person. It was an omission, for which I am blamable, not to have inserted this
in the Commission, that if a fiction or a mere compliment, and I suspect it was one
or the other, the falsity or the vanity of it might have appeard. The words of his
Letter are these—“The2 Ambassador from Sweden to this Court applied to me lately to know if I had Powers
that woud authorise my making a treaty with his master in behalf of the U.S. Recollecting
a general one that was formerly given to me with the other Commissioners I answered
in the affirmative. He seemd much { 509 } pleasd and said the King had directed him to ask the question, and had chargd him
to tell me, that he had so great an esteem for me that it woud be a particular satisfaction
to him to have such a transaction with me. I have perhaps some vanity in repeating
this; but I think too, that it is right the Congress shoud know it, and judge if any
use can be made of the reputation of a Citizen for the public Service.”3
It is with sorrow, I inform you of the death of young Col: Laurens, who was killd
lately in a skirmish with the British near Charles-town. He is as much a public as
a private loss; and I am much afraid it will be an accumulation of misfortune on his
most worthy Father too great for him to bear.4
The Enemy have revoked the order for the evacuation of Augustine;5 but all their motions tend to that of N. York and Charles-town. They are to strengthen
the garrison of Quebec, recal their indian parties from our frontiers, and bend all
their force against the french and spanish Islands. How far we can in prudence pursue
them thither with our land forces, is not yet the subject of discussion. Remember
me to Mr Laurens if in Europe, and to Mr. Dana when you write to him.
[salute] Farewell
[dateline] Ocr. 5th
Congress have resolvd not to conclude any Peace but in confidence and concurrence
with our Allies and to prosecute the war, till a peace satisfactory to all can be
obtaind. All propositions for Negociation are to be referrd to the Commissioners in
Europe.6 Genl. Lee died here a few days since and was buried with great honor.7
RC and enclosures (Adams Papers). The enclosures are not with this letter in the Adams Papers, but see note 1.
1. On 17 Sept., Congress considered Henry Laurens' resignation as peace commissioner
and resolved that reasons for appointing him remained valid and that “his services
in the execution of that trust cannot be dispensed with.” Congress then resolved to
inform its peace commissioners that they should convene together wherever peace negotiations
might take place. On 20 Sept., Congress considered and then defeated James Madison's
motion that the 17 Sept. resolution “informing Mr. Laurens that his services as a
minister plenipotentiary for negotiating peace cannot be dispensed with by Congress,
and so much of the other resolution of the same date as relates to Mr. Laurens, be
not transmitted till the further order of Congress.” Lee likely enclosed the extracts
from the minutes containing the resolutions of 17 and 20 Sept. and the roll calls
that are in the Adams Papers and filmed under those dates (Microfilms, Reel No. 358). For Madison's motives in offering the resolution, principally in
reaction to the petition that Edmund Burke offered in Parliament in Dec. 1781 on Laurens'
behalf, see Smith, Letters of Dele• { 510 } gates, 19:201; for a draft of the petition itself, see Laurens, Papers, 15:456–458. The New York delegate referred to by Lee was probably James Duane, who
had been on the committee, with James Madison, that had originally offered the resolution
rejecting Laurens' resignation (JCC, 23:584–585, 593). For the 17 Sept. resolution concerning the commissioners, see
also Robert R. Livingston's letter of 15 Sept., and note 6, above.
2. Opening quotation marks supplied.
3. The Swedish ambassador to France, Gustaf Philip, Graf von Creutz, approached Benjamin
Franklin on 23 April regarding a Swedish-American treaty of amity and commerce, probably
because of the imminent recognition of the United States by the Netherlands and the
likelihood of a Dutch-American commercial treaty in the near future. Franklin informed
Robert R. Livingston of the Swedish request in a letter of 25 June, with the result
that on 28 Sept. Congress resolved on a plan for a Swedish-American treaty and issued
Franklin a commission and instructions for its negotiation (Franklin, Papers, 37:204–205, 538; JCC, 23:610–624). Lee's quotation from Franklin's letter of 25 June is accurate.
4. John Laurens was killed on 27 Aug., during a skirmish on Chehaw Neck, S.C. For an
account of the action, see Laurens, Papers, 15:605.
5. When Sir Guy Carleton, the new commander in chief in America, reached New York in
May, his orders were to evacuate New York, Charleston, Savannah, and possibly St.
Augustine. A shortage of shipping, however, forced the cancellation of the immediate
evacuation of St. Augustine, and it was not carried out until the early fall of 1783
(Mackesy, War for America, p. 474, 492; David Syrett, Shipping and the American War, 1775–1783, London, 1970, p. 236–237, 239).
6. On 24 Sept. the Chevalier de La Luzerne had made representations to a congressional
committee concerning letters he had received from the Comte de Vergennes concerning
British peace overtures. In the course of his presentation the French minister reportedly
stated that the shortest way to defeat British artifice and intrigue regarding a peace
treaty would be to make it absolutely clear “that the United States neither can nor
will make any peace without the concurrence of their ally, and that, if England has
any overtures for peace to make to them, the American plenipotentiaries are sufficiently
empowered to receive them and to negociate a peace if those overtures are admissible”
(Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:757–762). This led Congress, on 3 and 4 Oct., to adopt a number of resolutions.
On the 3d, it thanked France for its support in the preliminary peace negotiations
then ongoing and assured it that Congress would “inviolably adhere” to the Franco-American
alliance and make no separate peace. But Congress reiterated its peace ultimata regarding
boundaries, fishing rights, and free navigation of the Mississippi, while noting that
any claims for restitution of or compensation for property confiscated by the states
would meet “insuperable obstacles.” On the 4th, Congress took the action mentioned
by Lee by declaring that “the ministers plenipotentiary of these United States in
Europe are vested with full power and authority in their behalf, and in concert with
their allies, to negotiate and conclude a general peace.” Congress again declared
that the United States would adhere to the Franco-American alliance and make no separate
peace (JCC, 23:632–634, 637–639). Copies of the 3 Oct. resolutions are in the Adams Papers and filmed at that date (Microfilms, Reel No. 358), but there is no indication by what means JA received them.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0230
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-04
From Francis Dana
[dateline] Septr: 23d. 1782 [4 October N.S.]
[salute] Dear Sir
Please to forward the enclosed letters three in number, by the earliest different
opportunities.1 Do not send either in the same enclosures with any others you have already received from me or shall receive hereafter. If
you have the same Cypher sent to you, and you { 511 } have patience to do it, decypher one of them. They contain a matter I have hinted
to you long since as presenting a clue to a certain piece of advice given to me wh.
I did not follow—You will recollect it at once as you also disapproved of it.2 Your picture not yet come to hand. From your Friend & Humble Servant.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. These are the original, duplicate, and triplicate of Dana's letter of 20 Sept. [1 Oct. N.S.] to Robert R. Livingston that, according to Dana's letterbook, were enciphered and
sent with the post of 23 Sept. [4 Oct. N.S.]. The letter of [1 Oct.] is not in the PCC, and Dana wrote in the margin of the Letterbook copy that “This letter is not to
be found on the Files of the Office of Foreign Affairs, among my other letters.” Not
mentioned, but also enclosed, were the duplicate and triplicate of Dana's 18/29 Sept.
letter to Livingston (MHi: Francis Dana Letterbook, Official Letters, 1781–1782).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0231
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-04
From Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst
[dateline] Amsterdam the 4th. Oct. 1782
[salute] Sir
The opportunity, by which we take the Liberty to write your Excellency these few lines,
is, that we've seen a Letter from London by the last mail, where in the writer assures
that it was decided the 23 Septr. in the Kings Councel, by a unamity of all the Ministers,
to declare the Independency of the United States in America, and that the Act, passed
under the great Seal, should immediately be forwarded. Since as much as we know this
is not confirmed by other letters, we must doubt of its authenticy. If it is true
we suppose it will be known to your Excellency, and as it would be of much value to
us, as well for the Intrest of the American Loans, we would wish to be informed by
your Excellency, wether you received about it Any intelligence or not, and there fore
we beg the favour to receive a few words in answer upon this Question.1
Our hopes that the Undertakers will soon ask the third Million of the Loan are still
increasing. Two or three of them have already spoken about it. Since our demand in
favour of the Maryland Loan is declined in Council,2 it remains an undecided Problem, wether the Credit, which it would have give to said
Loan, would have been of a good influence upon the General.
[salute] We have the honour to be with much esteem Sir of your Excellency, the most humble & Obedt. Servts.
[signed] Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst
RC (Adams Papers).
2. In addition to the Staphorsts, Wilhem & Jan Willink wrote on 5 Oct. (Adams Papers) to report that the Regency of Amsterdam had refused to subscribe to the Maryland
loan.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0232
Recipient: Jenings, Edmund
Date: 1782-10-05
To Edmund Jenings
[dateline] 5 Oct. 82
A Sermon on,
2. Samuel Chapt. 16. Verses 17. and 18. And Absalom Said to Hushai Is this thy Kindness
to thy Friend? Why wentest thou not out with thy Friend? And Hushai Said unto Absolom,
Nay but whom the Lord, and this People, and all the Men of Israel choose, his will I be, and with him will I abide,1 and to him will I Say2 God Save the King, God Save the King.
Hushai, has here asserted the first Principle of the Rights of Man kind, the first
Principle of Liberty. He here gives to the Nation, or Body of the People, the unlimited
and unconditional Authority of pulling down a Government that is inconvenient to them
and erecting another in its Stead, as fully as a Freeholder in his own right may demolish
a decayed or unconvenient Building and erecting another, better calculated to his
Use or fitted for his Taste.
The 1. Proposition is, that as Government is instituted by the Nation it is their
right to frame it to their Taste, Use and Convenience.
2. As it is instituted for the Nation, for their Pleasure, and Accommodation, it ought
to be Such and they have a right, and it is their Duty to make it Such as they foresee,
or find by Experience will answer their Ends.
3. The Will, and Judgment and Choice of a Nation, their Taste Pleasure, and Convenience,
being in the Nature of Things only to be judged of, by the Nation, and indeed by the
Majority of the Nation, every Individual has a right to the submission of the whole
to the decision of the Majority, and it is the Duty of every Individual to submit
to the Decision of the Majority although it be against his own opinion or quit the
Club.
4. It is therefore the Duty of every Individual to cry God save the King as Hushai
did in such Cases, and every Subject is legally adjudged justified in Obedience to
the Authority of the Sovereign in such Cases, even although, the national Will upon
which it is founded should be but temporary or even momentary. Subjects are { 513 } necessitated to acknowledge Such Authority, by submitting to it to try and punish
Crimes under, it, to alter Property under, it to take Arms under it, and all other
Things. The Nations ennemies are obliged to consider Commissions given by Such an
Authority, as given by the Lawfull Authority of the nation. Their Armies and Navies
must consider them so—and cant avoid it.
If Foreign Nations have any Thing to Speak of, or treat about with such a Nation,
they must treat with the Powers that be and Surely a foreign Nation, would be justified
in considering the Powers that be, and treating with them, if the Members and Subjects
of the Nation itself are so justified.
I wish I had nothing else to do I would make a drol sermen upon this Text, or a devout
one—for it will admit of either.
Philo <Nestor> Mentor3 has written excellently upon the Powers that be—But neither the Doctrine of Philo
<Nester> Mentor nor that of Hushai amount to passive obedience, and Non Resistance.
Il faut bien distinguer.4
Passive obedience and Non Resistance, are contended for, to Tyrants who rule against
the Good and the sense and Voice of the Nation. Upon this Principle Hushai, ought
not to have cryed God save the King to Absalem tho the Lord and the People set him
up.
Surely Subjects and foreigners are justified, in acknowledging the Powers that be.
Keep this Ball up. It is at least as amusing as Shuttlecock—and as innocent.
If Subjects Citizens and foreign Nations are thus justified and necessitated to acknowledge
the Powers that be for the time, Surely it can be no Hostility against England or
breach of the armed Neutrality, to acknowledge the Congress, or the United states
to be sovereign de facto, and admitting them into the armed Neutrality.
You see I am very dull. Dulness is the Power that is now over me and I must acknowledge
her sovreignty.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “His Excellency Mr Adams Octr. 5th 1782.”
1. The quotation of verses 17 and 18 ends at this point.
2. The remainder of the sentence is from verse 16, “And it came to pass, when Hushai
the Archite, David's friend, was come unto Absalom, that Hushai said unto Absalom,
God save the king, God save the king.”
3. Possibly a newspaper pseudonym, but if so, the author has not been identified.
4. He should be more discriminating.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0233
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-10-05
To Robert R. Livingston
[dateline] The Hage 5. October 17821
[salute] Sir
On the third day of this Month, about ten O Clock a Solemn Deputation, in three Coaches
preceeded by twelve Messengers of State, went in Procession to the House in the Wood2 to enter into Conference, with the Statholder concerning the past Administration
of the Marine, in Consequence of a Resolution of the States of Holland and West Friesland
upon the Proposition of the City of Leyden.3 Military Honours were paid by the Guards were paid to the Deputation from the Sovereign
as it passed. It consisted of Mr Cornelis De Gyzelaer, Gysbert Van Staveren and Carel
Wouter Vischer, Pensionaries of Dort, Leyden and Amsterdam; Jacob Van Zuylen Van Nyevelt
and Meynard Merens Secretaries of Rotterdam and Hoorn, and Pieter Van Bleiswyk, Grand
Pensionary of Holland.
They communicated their Message in Writing and received a written Answer, which is
Satisfactory.
This is an important Political Maneuvre, and will do much towards restoring the States
to their Constitutional Dignity and Authority. But whether it will Stimulate the Admiral
General to greater Exertions, time will alone discover. The States Seem to be rolling
the Stone of Sisyphus.
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. This letter is not in the PCC and was probably not sent. However, Livingston received a report on the meeting and
its purpose in C. W. F. Dumas' letter of 27 Sept. (Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:776–777).
3. On 31 July the deputies from Leyden offered a resolution in the States of Holland
and West Friesland calling for a full investigation of the ineffectiveness of the
Dutch Navy in the war against England and, in particular, for the stadholder to communicate
all of the orders he had issued to the navy in his capacity as admiral general since
the beginning of the war. For a French translation of the resolution, see the Gazette d'Amsterdam of 9 August. The provincial states approved Leyden's resolution on 27 Sept., but
that and the meeting with William V on 3 Oct. did no more to make the Dutch Navy an
effective force against England than the agreement, concluded at about the same time,
to coordinate French and Dutch naval operations (to Livingston, 23 Sept., and note 3, above).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0234
Recipient: Staphorst, Nicolaas & Jacob van (business)
Date: 1782-10-05
To Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst
[dateline] The Hague October 5. 1782
[salute] Gentlemen
Last Evening I had the Honour of yours of Yesterdays Date. It would give me Pleasure,
if it were in my Power to confirm to you, { 515 } the News contained in the Letter from London, which you have Seen vizt. That on the
23 Ult. it was decided in the Kings Council by an Unanimity of all the Ministers,
to declare the Independancy of the United States of America, provided this Declaration
were to be Sent to Paris in order to a general Peace. If even Such a Declaration were
to be Sent to America, with the insidious View of deceiving and dividing, it would
be no Satisfaction at all. Such a Measure would deceive Nobody but those who invented
it. All Such Artifices will be lost upon America.
But to give you a direct Answer to your Question, I have not received any Such Intelligence,
either from England or France. If I had, as I know of no Reason there would be, for
keeping it Secret, I would with Pleasure communicate it to you.
I am told that the Persons this Way, who have been intrusted with Obligations, have
disposed of them all, and wait for further Supplies.
[salute] I have &c
LbC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0235
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-06
From the Marquis de Lafayette
[dateline] Paris October the 6h 1782
[salute] My dear Sir
Your favor of the 29h last Has Safely Come to Hand, for Which I am the More Obliged
to you, as I See the Greater Value By the Honor of your Correspondance. I Have Been
long waïting for a Safe Opportunity to write, and will Endeavour this May Stir Clear
of the Post Offices, As the itching fingers of Clarks do not Permit Any Secret to
Pass Unnoticed.
I Am Happy to Hear you Have walked on with our dutch friends to the wished for Conclusion
of the treaty of Commerce. Amist the wonders you Have Performed in that Country, I
Greatly Rejoice at your Having Succeeded in Monney Matters. The More So, as I Aprehend
Our financier Needs Much An European Assistance, and the Great Expenses they Have
Made in this Country Give me But little Hope to Obtain a further Supply than the Six
Millions, and the Ballance of Accounts Which Have Been determined upon Since the time
I Arived from America.
M. jay Advances But Slowly with the Spaniards—in fact, He does not Advance at All,
and tho' Count d'Aranda Has Got Powers, tho' He Has with a Pencil drawn an Extravagant
line this Side of the { 516 } Mississipp, Yet Untill Powers Are Exchanged Upon an Equal footing, and Untill the
Spanish Pencil is transported three Hundred Miles west ward, there is No doing Any
thing towards Settling a treaty with that Nation.1
As to the Grand Affair of Peace, there are Reasons to Believe it will take Place.
Many Attempts Have Been Made to treat upon an Unequal footing, Which By the Bye was
a Very impertinent Proposal. But we Stood firm, deaf, and dumb, and As france Refused
to Enter into Business Untill we were Made to Hear and to Speack, at last, with Much
Reluctance, And Great Pains, His Britannic Majesty and Council were Safely delivered
of A Commission to treat with Plenipotentiaries from the United States of America.
In Case we are to judge from Appearances, One would think Great Britain is in Earnest.
But When we Consider the temper of the King and His Minister, the foolish, Ridiculous
issue of the Attempt Against Gibraltar, the Collection of forces at Newyork the Greater
Part of Which are destined to the west indies, and the Continuance of the American,
french, Spanish, dutch interests on the one Hand, and those of a Haughtly Nation on
the other, it Appears Probable that five or Six Months will Pass Before the work of
Peace is Happily Concluded. But that it will Be Concluded Before Next Summer Appears
to me the Most Probable idea that Can Be formed Upon this Matter.
We Have Letters from America as late as the 6h September. M. de Vaudruïl and His Squadron
Had Arrived at Boston. It was Said Charlestown Would Be Evacuated and the troops Sent
to Newyork. There is a Rumour of Madras Having Been taken—at least we May look for Good News from the East indias.2
As I Have No Public Capacity to Be led into Political Secrets, I Beg you will Consider
these Communications as Confidential, and Have the Honor to Be with the Highest Regard
My dear Sir Your Obedient hble Servant
[signed] Lafayette
RC (Adams Papers).
2. The Gazette d'Amsterdam of 15 Oct. carried this report as part of an 8 Oct. dispatch from Paris, which noted
the arrival of a reliable report that Haidar Ali had captured Madras. While the French
did enjoy considerable naval success in Indian waters, establish beachheads on the
Indian coast south of Madras, support the anti-British efforts of Haidar Ali, and
threaten Madras several times, the port itself was never taken (Mackesy, War for America, p. 494–500).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0236
Recipient: Jay, John
Date: 1782-10-07
To John Jay
[dateline] The Hague Oct 7. 1782
[salute] Dear Sir
Your favour of 28 Ult. was brought me last night.1
On Fryday last I was notified, by the Messenger of their H.M. that the Treaties would
be ready for Signature on Monday (this day). I am accordingly at Noon, to go to the
Assembly and finish the Business. But when this is done, Sometime will be indispensable,
to prepare my Dispatches for Congress and look out for the most favourable Conveyances,
for them. I must also Sign another Thousand of Obligations at least, that the Loan
may not Stand Still. All this Shall be dispatched with all the Diligence, in my Power,
but it will necessarily take up sometime, and my health is so far from being robust,
that it will be impossible for me to ride, with as much rapidity, as I could formerly,
although never remarkable for a quick Traveller. If any Thing in the mean time Should
be in agitation, concerning Peace, in which there Should be any difference of opinion
between you, and your Colleague, you have a right to insist upon informing me, by
Express, or waiting till I can come.
[dateline] 8.
The Signature was put off yesterday, till to day, by the Princes being in Conference
with their H. M. and laying his orders to the Navy before them.2
[salute] With entire Esteem, your most obt.
[signed] J. Adams
1. This letter (Adams Papers) notified JA of the arrival of Richard Oswald's commission of [21 Sept.], above, and requested that he come to Paris as soon as possible.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0237
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-07
From Alexander Hope
[dateline] Ship Blyenburg Octr. 7th 1782
[salute] May it please your Exellency
That I dare presume to address You and at the same Time to acquaint You that I am
a Native of the Province Newyork have for the last three Years sail'd amongst the
West India Islands in the Capac• { 518 } ity as Master of a Vessel (for which I have sufficient Papers to produce) untill my
Health was impair'd with the Fever was then advis'd by the Doctors to seek a Northern
Climate and having an advantageus offer to come Mate of a Ship from St Croix to Copenhagen.
I embrac'd it where the Ship was sold. I there had Offers to go immediately Mate of
another Ship to the West Indies but I must so engage as to return with the same Ship
which did not suit Me. I then thought it best to come to Holland and took a Passage
to Rotterdam where I have in the most uncommon Manner been [. . . .] into the Dutch
Service when I had no other Intention than to return to my Native Country it has happend
for me so well that I have met with a Captain of a Dutch Man of War Who has recommendd
on the Admiral for the Capacity of a Masters Mate which Duty I now do but your Exellency
can well think that unacquainted with the Language I can cut but a sorry Figure. The
Intention of this Letter is to intreat of your Exellency if it may please you to endeavour
for my Discharge. I have no other Wish than the Wellfare of my Native Country and
here your Exeleny can well think let my Talents be ever so great from the Deficiency
in the Language I am not likely to arrive at any Thing therefore intreat of your Exellency
to interest Yourself in my behalf. I am ready and willing to engage in any Ship in
my Countrys Service that your Exellency pleases and to undergo any Examination that
your Exellency pleases to appoint so far as my Capacity is good and beg leave.
[salute] In the most humble Manner to subscribe myself your Exellencys most devoted humble Servant
[signed] Alexander Hope1
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0238
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-07
From James Warren
[dateline] Milton Octr. 7th. 1782
[salute] My dear Sir
Your Letters of the 17th. June and 2d. of July have given me great pleasure, perhaps
more because they were Unexpected. A Spirit of Jealousy founded on a long Intermission
had made me suppose you had totally forgot me? and never Intended again to write a
Single Line. I hope the reasons you give for so long silence are by the fine Air of
the Hague, and by Exercise removed and that I shall again { 519 } frequently hear from you in this way. One thing you may be Assured of that you cant
write to a More sincere and determined Friend. I Like my New Allies the Dutch very
well, and when my Imagination roves into futurity, and Speculates and Combines, I
can suppose they may do us as much real service as some Others, and from Motives quite
as disinterested, and I like the Alliance perhaps the better because it has been formed
by an Independent Statesman, in spite of the false politics of his own Country, and
the designing politics of others, and I trust he will be regarded even by the present
Generation in spite of the rascally Venality or Envy of those who from their Exalted
Stations have A greater oppy. of doing him Justice. But my Friend the divine Science
of Politics is Composed of the same Materials here as in Europe. There is indeed something
Exceedingly singular in your Country. None ever rose with more rapid Strides, or was
more distinguished by its virtue and public spirit, and no Country ever Catched the
Vices of Others and degenerated so fast. I will not prevent your Singing or laughing
by Attempting A description or saying more on this Subject. I wish for Peace but what
kind of one must we have had, if it had been made this Year. I wish to see you return
to our Hills. I shall certainly take pleasure in roveing with you among the Partridges,
Squirrels &c, and will even venture upon an Emulation with you which shall make his
Hill shine the brightest, tho I believe I should fail in the Attempt. I Expect Notwithstanding
all your great Engagement, and the great Game you have to Play, the Splendor of Courts
and the Entertainments of Princes and Princesses that you will bring with you great
Improvents in the delightful Science of Husbandry, do Ascertain [wha]t Marle is that we may know w[het]her we have it here or not.1 I can tell you no News but what you will have more directly from other hands. They
may tell you how our Constitution operates in practice how our Executive support their
dignity, and how our Legislature preserve their Independence. I am quite a private
Man a distant Spectator that sees but Little enough however to feel some disgust,
detestation, and Contempt. The Papers will shew you in what manner Mr Temple is persecuted
here, and his defence, this matter has formed Considerable Parties and I think Temple
gains Ground fast.2 I need not Tell you, that your Family are well. You will undoubtedly hear from them
by this Oppy.3
[salute] I am Yr Friend &c &c
The Muse Mrs. W. wishes you Health, and Happiness.
{ 520 } I Beg your Care of the Inclosed it Contains one for my Son—I wish to go safely, and
am told there is no dependence on the Common Post from Amsterdam to France.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “His Excellency John Adams Esqr The Hague”; endorsed: “Warren Oct. 7.
1782.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.
2. This was, in the words of Cotton Tufts, the “Paper War” between John Temple and James
Sullivan over Temple's motives in returning to America in 1781. For JA's role in Temple's return and the controversy that erupted on his arrival, see JA's 16 Aug. 1781 letter to the president of Congress, and note 1 and references there (vol. 11:449–452).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0239
Recipient: Ridley, Matthew
Date: 1782-10-08
To Matthew Ridley
[dateline] The Hague Oct. 8. 1782
[salute] Sir
I recd your favor of 29 Ult, with its Inclosure, last night. Great News indeed. Inclosed
is an answer.1 This Day at Noon, I Am to meet the Lords the Deputies of their High Mightinesses,
to Sign the Treaty.2 It has been delayed Sometime, in order to have the Silver Boxes for the Seals made
with Suitable Elegance and Dignity for the Taste of these magnificent Republicans,
too much of the Dignity of this Country consists you know in Silver and Gold and Diamonds.3 As there will be five or Six of these Boxes, I hope Congress will coin them Up to
carry on the War.
LbC (Adams Papers).
1. The enclosure to Ridley's letter of 29 Sept., above, was John Jay's letter of 28 Sept. (Adams Papers), for which see note 2 to Ridley's letter. In his reply to Jay of 7 Oct., above, the enclosed “answer” referred to here, JA indicated that Jay's letter, and thus Ridley's letter of the 29th, had arrived on
the 6th, rather than on the 7th as he indicates in this letter to Ridley.
3. No indication as to the fate of the silver boxes has been found.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0240
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-09
From Isaac Smith Sr.
[dateline] Boston October the 9t. 1782
[salute] Sr
I wrote you by Via france, lately, but beleive the Ship is not saild (cald the Marquis
Fayetta)1 on Account of Our Coast being very much infested with Cruzers, the brige. Capt Hales
who came from Holland with the bearer Capt Grinnel was taken in Our bay and { 521 } Carrd. to Bermudas, att which place great many Vessells are carried.2
The french fleet are here fiting, and will leave considerable of money which is the
Only service they do us as they never have been Out, when three or four, might, as
they were not damagd but are now going to take a turn in the bay. Capt Manley command
the Hague formerly the Dean, (Nicholson being suspended) who is going Out with them
on a Cruize.3
The British got of Capt Letouch Ship in the Delaware, they got chief of the money
a shore, all to about Forty thousd Crowns, but the Capt and people were taken.4 By a person from Phila. there is a report and suppose itt to be true, that a party
salled Out from Charlestown to supprize a party of Our but were driven back with loss
on their side and some on Our's Amongst which was Colo Laurence.
Itt is supposd. Charlestown is Avacuated by this.
A Vessell Arrd last week att Providence that came Out with the Firebrand Capt. Trowbridge
which we here nothing of as yet and itts to be feard, will fall into the Enemies hands.5 The Pilgrim which has run clear for some Years was run ashore att C. Codd the day
after she saild (a few days since).6
Yesterday was a Storm of rain, and more fell than has att any One time for 3 or 4
mo. having had the longest drout ever known, some people in the Country have been
Oblidgd to go 20 Miles to Mill.
I did not know of this Vessells going so soon and yesterday could not get an Opportunity
to send Mrs Adams word and as the bag is to be taken down this forenoon and the Vessell
going down, itts Not possible to get her word, so that I suppose she does not write
you unless she has intrusted her letters with any Other person.
Mrs. Adams and family were well, they have lately been to Haverhill Mr. Gardner the
Treasurer dyd, two days Ago with a Violent fever.
There has been an Assistant Treasurer Mr Thos Jones7 who is very capable and who has been consollidating all securites equal to Specie,
so that the goverment are Endeavoring to know what they really Owe and itt will not
be so much as was expected, itts said. One Million and half Dls and the goverment
are laying excise's so as to pay the Interest which iff they can do they wont want
money and the Court is doing every thing they can for that Valuable End.
[salute] I Am will wishing you a confirmd. state of health Yr M H sert
[signed] Isaac Smith
RC (Adams Papers).
2. Neither the ship nor the captain has been otherwise identified, but the Salem Gazette of 10 Oct. reported that a Captain Hale was among the 62 prisoners from Salem, Boston,
and Gloucester that arrived in a cartel from Bermuda on 3 October.
3. Owing to Silas Deane's apparent treachery, the Deane had been renamed the Hague in Sept. (Dict. Amer. Fighting Ships). The reason for Samuel Nicholson's suspension from command and replacement by John
Manley is unknown, but he was acquitted by a court martial in 1783 (DAB). News of Manley's appointment to command the Hague appeared in various Boston newspapers, including the Independent Chronicle of 26 September.
6. The Independent Chronicle of 10 Oct. reported that the privateer Pilgrim, out of Beverly, had been run aground on Cape Cod by the British fifty-gun ship Chatham and destroyed, but that the crew had escaped.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0241
Recipient: Dana, Francis
Date: 1782-10-10
To Francis Dana
[dateline] Oct 10. 1782
[salute] Dear Sir
I have recd your Favour of Sept. 5/16. if my Son can find a good oppertunity to come,
I should be glad to see him. But should not be willing to trust him with every Companion.
He is too young for such a Journey, unless in Company with a prudent Man.
Mr ||John Adams|| has a Letter from Mr ||John Jay|| of 28. Ult. informing him, that Yesterday, Mr Oswald recd a Commission to treat of
Peace with the Commissioners of the United States of America.1 This is communicated as a Secret, therefore no Notice is to be taken of ||John Adams|| or ||John Jay|| in mentioning it. ||John Jay|| presses ||John Adams|| to come to him, and he thinks of going in 10 days.
On the 8th the Treaty of Commerce and Convention, concerning Recaptures was Signed.
You want to know whether a Categoric answer was demanded against advice. No. It was
advised by Several Members of the States and by the Ambassader.2 It was not done, untill We had written to the C. de V. and obtained his opinion that
he did not see any Inconvenience in going Simply to the States, and asking them what
answer I Should transmit to Congress. However when he came to read { 523 } the Words Demand, Requisition, and Categoric Answer, he was Shocked, as the Ambassador
himself told me. These Words were my own, but I did not venture them without the Advice
of some good Friends in the States, and to all Appearance these Words contained the
electric fluid, which produced the Shock. I was, however, at that Time so well known,
that it was presumed, I Should make the Demand, although the Advice had been against
it, as I certainly should have done, Supported as I was by the opinion of Members
of the states. Take the Merit and the glory, of a Measure you cannot prevent, or at
least a Share in it, although you dislike it, is a Maxim with most Politicians; and
under certain Limitations is a lawfull Maxim. We must be very ignorant of our Friends
not to know, that it is one of their Rules. And there are many Occasions upon which
We, if at Liberty might take Advantage of it, by taking Measures upon ourselves which
they cannot oppenly oppose, but must appear to favour.
[salute] My dear friend Adieu
RC (private owner, 1994;) endorsed: “Mr: Adams's Letter Dated Octr: 10th. 1782. Recd:—21st.—O.S.”
In this letter JA used the code that Dana sent to him in Sept. 1781 to encode several names, and they
have been decoded from that source (vol. 11:480–481).
2. This is JA's demand that the States General respond to his 19 April 1781 memorial, which he presented on 9 Jan. 1782. For JA's address and his account of its presentation, see vol. 12:175, 186–191.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0242
Recipient: Lee, Arthur
Date: 1782-10-10
To Arthur Lee
Duplicate
[dateline] The Hague October 10th. 1782
[salute] Dear Sir
I had the honor of yours of August 7th. yesterday. The letters inclosed are sent to
their Destinations.
I have long since taken such measures, as depended upon me, and continue to do all
that Decency will permit, to induce the States to send a Minister to Congress. I am
convinced it will not be done before next Spring. To give You a compleat detail of
the Reasons of this would cost a tedious Narration without use. It is sufficient to
say, that every thing here is done against the Grain, and they cannot agree upon the
Man to send. All the Patriots think, Van der Capellan de Poll or Van Berckel the fittest:
but both are obnoxious to the Court, and the Court are disposed to exhaust all their
{ 524 } Subtilty to postpone and delay every thing, which tends to cement the two Republicks.
It is not an easy thing to ascertain with precision in all Cases the Boundary between
Independence and Uncomplaisance; but in this point I feel in myself, and I see in
every body else, quite as much disposition to be complaisant, as is reconcileable
with Independence: it is of more Importance however to be one than the other. It gives
me infinite pleasure to learn that Mr. Jay is in this Sentiment. Mr. Dana's Sentiments
may be learned from the following Extract of a letter from him of 5/16 Septr.
“In my Letter of 19/30 of August, I told You I was no longer at Liberty to pursue
a Course like that You pointed out in your's of the seventh of the same month: that
my late Instructions were clear and decided, and that I was glad of it; for had the
Matter been left to my Discretion, I should have taken a Course not wholly unlike
that You mention. I had prepared every thing for the decisive Step, and should have
taken it against the Opinion of You know whom: because my sentiments perfectly coincide
with yours, so far as they respect the dignity of the United States, which I have
all along thought would suffer less from a more open and firm Policy, and that their
Views and Interests would be promoted and established much earlier by means of it.
I venture to say, that, had You hearkend to the Advice that was given You, when I
was in Holland, not one of the United Provinces would at this time have acknowledged
our Independence: nay more, the present minor Party would have been the prevailing
one, in all probability, Affairs would have worn a different Countenance thro' Europe
and We should have seen, by the Aid of Mediation &ca, a seperate Peace concluded between
Britain and Holland. I am sensible, as I told You before, of the Difference between
our Situations; yet this Difference does not, in my Opinion, necessarily require a
System absolutely the reverse. The same Engines indeed cannot be set at work here.”1
The Instruction, which You say subjects Us to the French Ministers, has never been
communicated to me.2 I cannot believe that any such one has passed. I suspect that You have put too strong
a Construction upon it. Congress must have a very modest Inconsciousness of their
own Abilities to subject themselves or their Ministers to any body. There is not,
in my Opinion, a Sovereign in Europe more enlightend than Congress, nor a Minister
in Europe superior to three of theirs, I mean Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens and Mr. Dana, at
least, if there is such a Minister, I have not yet had the { 525 } honor to find him. The Qualities of Ministers, which produce Events, do not consist
in dress, Horses, Balls nor Cards.
I was never in my life clearer in any opinion, than I am in this, that it would serve
our Cause, for Mr Dana to communicate his Mission to the Minister of the Empress of
Russia, and to the Ministers of every one of the Neutral Courts at Petersbourg. I
think he would not be refused. The Matter would be taken into Consideration, [and] might be long delayed: but if he were refused, it would be upon the Principle of
Neutrality, and even this Refusal would be infinitely less hurtful to our Reputation,
than to have a Minister in Europe, with such a Commission in his Pocket, prohibited
to make any Use of it. It is now known, that he has such a Commission, as much as
it would be, if he communicated it, as he might, in Confidence.
Dr. Franklin, whose System has ever been [to] sweep Europe clear of every Minister but himself, that he might have a clear unrivalled
Stage, was consistent when he wrote to Mr: Dana, that Congress were wrong in sending
a Minister to Spain, Holland, Vienna, Berlin, Tuscany, and every where else:3 but
it is not consistent in Congress, as I humbly apprehend, to send Ministers to Europe
and then tie their Hands. Subjecting them to the French Ministry is, I say it freely,
chaining them Hand and Foot. Those Chains I will never wear. They would be so galling
to me that I could not bear them. I will never however be wanting in Respect or Complaisance
to these Ministers knowingly.
I should ever esteem it an honor and a happiness to hear the News and the Politicks
of the Times from You, and give me leave to assure You, that I have the honor of being
your Friend and humble Servant
[signed] J. Adams
Dupl and RC in John Thaxter's hand (MH-H:Lee Papers, bMS Am 811.3 [90–91]). The duplicate is printed here because heavy damage
to the edges of the recipient's copy has resulted in the loss of a considerable amount
of text. Damage to the duplicate has resulted in the loss of two words, both supplied
from the recipient's copy.
2. This is the partially enciphered portion of Congress' 15 June 1781 instructions to the joint commission to negotiate an Anglo-American peace treaty,
for which see vol. 11:374–377, and note 6. There the commissioners were required “to make the most candid and confidential
communications to the ministers of our generous Ally the King of France to undertake
nothing in the Negotiations for Peace or truce without their knowledge and concurrence
and ultimately to govern yourselves by their advice and opinion endevouring in your
whole Conduct to make them sensible how much we rely upon his majestys influence for
effectual support in every Thing that may be necessary to the present security or
future Prosperity of the United States of America.” JA was { 526 } unable to decipher that portion of the instructions.
3. JA refers to Benjamin Franklin's letter to Dana of 7 April 1781, written in response
to Dana's letter of 6 April that requested Franklin's advice concerning his mission
to Russia (Franklin, Papers, 34:517–519, 514–515).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0243-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-10
From M. Addenet
[dateline] Paris Ce 10 8bre 1782
[salute] Monsieur
Il y a quelques mois qu'un de nos Ambassadeurs me demande Si j'avois vu un ecrit dont
il ne Connoissoit que Le titre et dont il desiroit faire lecture. C'étoit celui qui
Contient Les Pensées sur la révolution de L'Amérique.1 Sans lui dire de qui je le tenois je le lui prêtai, et, en lui rendant Ce service,
je Crus entrer dans vos vues. Il est parti sans m'avoir rendu cet ouvrage que je serois
fort aise de Conserver et qui d'ailleurs me seroit utile en Ce moment. J'espere que
vous voudrés bien m'en donner un exemplaire que je vous serai obligé de me faire parvenir
Sous l'enveloppe de Monsieur genet Premier Commis des affaires Etrangeres.
Je saisis cette occasion de me rappeller à votre souvenir et de vous renouveller les
assurances de mon dévouement. Je serois fort flatté que vous me Crussiés digne de
votre Confiance et que vous Pussiés agréer l'offre que je vous fais de mes faibles
services. Je puis vous certifier que mon zéle sera encor au dessus du peu de Connoissances
que j'ai tant Sur la politique que Sur le Commerce et qui ont été l'objet Continuel
de mes occupations depuis ma plus tendre jeunesse.
Permettés moi de vous remercier de l'accueil gracieur que vous avés fait à un ami
que j'ai eû l'honneur de vous adresser l'année derniere.2 Il vient d'arriver et il se loue infiniment de la bonté avec la quelle vous l'avés
reçu. Sa reconnoissance est égale à la mienne.
[salute] Je Suis avec un Profond respect, Monsieur Votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur
[signed] Addenet De Maison Rouge
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0243-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-10
M. Addenet to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Paris, 10 October 1782
[salute] Sir
A few months ago, one of our ambassadors asked me if I had seen a document that he
knew only by title and that he wanted to read. It was the one containing Pensées sur la révolution de l'Amérique-Unie.1 Without telling him from whom I obtained it, I lent it to him, and in doing him this
favor, I believe I did as you would have wished. He left without returning it to me.
I would have liked to have kept it since it could be very useful right { 527 } now. I am hoping that you could give me another copy, and would be obliged if you
could send it to me under cover to Monsieur Genet, first commissioner for foreign
affairs.
I take this opportunity to be remembered to you and assure you of my devotion. I would
be flattered if you believed me to be worthy of your confidence, and if you would
take advantage of my feeble services. I can assure you that my zeal will be even greater
than my limited knowledge of politics and trade, the study of both being an ongoing
occupation of mine since childhood.
Permit me to thank you for the gracious welcome you gave one of my friends about whom
I wrote to you last year.2 He just arrived and was infinitely pleased with the kindness you showed him. His
gratitude is equal to mine.
[salute] I am with deep respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Addenet De Maison Rouge
RC (Adams Papers).
1. This was Pensées sur la révolution de l'Amérique-Unie, extraites de l'ouvrage anglois, intitulé
Mémoire, addressé aux souverains de l'Europe, sur l'état présent des affaires de l'Ancien
et du Nouveau-monde, Amsterdam, 1780. It was the French translation, done by Addenet and to which was
added a preface by Jean Luzac, of JA's A Translation of the Memorial to the Sovereigns of Europe upon the Present State of
Affairs Between the Old and New World into Common Sense and Intelligible English, London, 1781. For JA's revision of the memorial, originally by Thomas Pownall, and the circumstances of
the French edition, see the editorial note to A Translation of Thomas Pownall's Memorial, 19 April – [ca. 14 July] 1780, and references there (vol. 9:157–164). The ambassador remains unidentified, and
it is not known whether JA complied with Addenet's request.
2. This is Addenet's letter of 4 May 1781 (Adams Papers), which served to introduce Benoit de la Fosse.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0244
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-10
From Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje
[dateline] Amsterdam 10 8br 1782
[salute] Sir
In consequence of your Excellency's commands of the 8th. inst:, we have sent to day
one thausand obligations; and we Shall as soon as possible send the other thousand,
which we get printed.1
These thousand being Signed by your Excellency, we pray to have them handed together
to Mr. Van der Beets on the Stamp Chamber; whch. being the disposal of Mr. Zweerts
of this City, we pray your Excellency to inform him of it at the same time.
Your Excellency may depend on our Secrecy abt. your journey, we beg leave in the meanwhile
to wish it an agreable one for your Excellency and a happy one for America.
{ 528 } [salute] We have the honour to be with respectfull Consideration Sir Your most Humble and most Obedient servants
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
[signed] Nics. & Jacob van Staphorst
[signed] de la Lande & fynje
RC (Adams Papers).
1. In his letter of 8 Oct. (LbC, Adams Papers), JA had requested additional obligations to sign because he would be leaving The Hague
on a journey, the purpose of which should remain secret. In his reply of 14 Oct. to this letter, JA indicated that he had delivered the thousand obligations to Mr. Van der Beets to
be forwarded to Mr. Zweerts (LbC, Adams Papers). On the 15th the consortium wrote to inform JA that Zweerts had received the obligations and that they were enclosing another thousand
obligations to be signed and returned to him (Adams Papers). Later on the 15th, Zweerts wrote JA to indicate that he had received the obligations (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0245
Recipient: Livingston, Robert R.
Date: 1782-10-12
To Robert R. Livingston
[dateline] The Hague October 12. 1782
[salute] Sir
Yesterday, afternoon Mr Van der Burg, Van Spieringshaek the Agent of their High Mightinesses
brought me the inclosed Resolution, relative to a Vessell of Mr Dubbledemuts.1 I promised to inclose it to Congress. I would have it translated here but I have
not time. I presume Congress has or will have an Interpreter for the Low Dutch.
It is much to be desired that Congress would take Some Measures to inquire into this
matter.
The Cause of my being so pressed, for Time is, that I am preparing to set off for
Paris, and have not only all my Dispatches to make up, to send the Treaty, but have
Obligations to sign respecting the Loan, that So essential a Business may not Stand
still in my absence.
Mr Jay writes me that Mr oswald has recd a Commission to treat of Peace with the Commissioners
of the United States of America.2 I Shall set off for Paris next Week.3
[salute] I have the Honour to be, &c
[signed] J. Adams
1. The enclosed “Minutes” of the States General regarding the capture of the sloop Chester in 1777 and the efforts of the Dubbeldemuts firm to obtain restitution is with this
letter in the PCC. For an English translation, see PCC, No. 104, IV, f. 228–242. For JA's earlier involvement in the case, see his letter of 4 July to Edward Rutledge, note 1, and references there, above.
“The foregoing letter is the last that I wrote to my government from Holland, till
my { 529 } return to the Hague on the 23d day of July, 1783.
“The customs of the world made it necessary that I should make formal visits to take
leave before my departure for Paris, of the president at least of their high mightinesses,
of the prince and princess of Orange, of the grand pensionary of Holland, of the Secretary
Fagel, and of so many other characters, as consumed much time.
“It was necessary that a great number of obligations should be signed for the loan
of money.
“The dispatches necessary for congress were voluminous. It was necessary to make arrangements
to set my household in order. Every moment of my time, assisted by two secretaries,
Mr. Thaxter and Mr. Charles Storer, was employed, and the rainy season had made the
roads almost impracticable. With our utmost exertions, we could not arrive at Paris
till the 26th of October.”
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0246
Recipient: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Date: 1782-10-12
To Wilhem & Jan Willink
[dateline] The Hague Octr. 12th. 1782
[salute] Gentlemen
The Bearer of this is Mr. Charles Storer, a young Gentleman of Boston, whom I beg
leave to recommend to your Acquaintance.
I have sent to your Address to day a Trunk, which I beg the favor of You to fill up
with such Things as Mr Storer shall mention to You, and send it well covered with
a tarred Canvass to Mrs. Adams of Braintree to the Care of Isaac Smith Esqr. of Boston.
Send it, if You please, by Captain Coffin.1
I have one more favor to beg of You. It is to engage me a Coach with four Places to
go to Paris, for two months. It should be strong and decent, and it should be at the
Door of the Arms of Amsterdam at nine oClock on Friday morning next.
You will please to charge all these Things to my private Account.
I have asked these favors of your House alone, because I would not give unnecessary
Trouble to all the Gentlemen and I hope You will excuse the freedom I take with You.
You will be so good as to inclose in the Trunk an Invoice of the Articles You send
with their prices, for the Information of Mrs. Adams.
[salute] With great Esteem, I have the Honor to be, Gentlemen, &c
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0247
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-14
From Wilhem & Jan Willink
[dateline] Amsterdam Oct: 14. 1782
[salute] Sir
In answer to your most esteemed favoúr of 12 Curr. we shall have tomorrow morning
a conversation with M. Charles Storer to be ac• { 530 } quainted with the articles, he chuses to fill up the trunck which we have received
bÿ your Excellency's order, and we shall take the utmost Care to procure the best
goods at the lowest rate and sent it, if possible by Cap: Coffin to the Address of
Isaac Smith Esqr. of Boston to be forwarded to Mrs. Adams of Braintree.
We beg leave to ask, if your Excellencÿ wants a coach with four places together with
foúr horses and to keep these horses with the Coachman the whole journeÿ along with
him at Paris in that case we have to observe, that it is impossible to proceed the
voyage as quck as if your Excellencÿ takes fresh horses in different places for the
horses must rest by and bÿ, therefore we wait for further information to act according
the desire of your Excellencÿ and than we Shall take care of a Strong and decent Coach
and that he shall be at the door of the Arms of Amsterdam at nine o clock on friday
morning next.
We Shall charge the amount of the articles bought by your order on your private acct.
and mind to put the invoice into the trunck. Shall we paÿ the coach now or by your
Excellency return.
We are much obliged to your Excellency for the preference you give us in executing
the commissions you have occasion for, and we take the liberty to recommand us in
every respect and we assure you, we shall have the greatest care for the concerns
you be so kind to trust to our application.
[salute] We have the honour to be with the greatest Consideration & esteem Sir Your most obedients & very Humble Servant.
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
RC (Adams Papers). Filmed at [20?] Oct., Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 358.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0248
Recipient: Willink, Wilhem & Jan (business)
Date: 1782-10-15
To Wilhem & Jan Willink
[dateline] Hague 15th. Octr. 1782
[salute] Gentlemen
In Answer to the Question contained in your Favor of yesterday, I would observe, that
I must depend upon Post-Horses and Postilions on the Road, and shall have Occasion
for the Amsterdam Coachman and Horses only as far as Utrecht. But You will have the
Goodness to desire the Coachmaster at Amsterdam to write to some Person in Utrecht
to procure me a fresh supply of Horses when I shall arrive there. For the Remainder
of the Journey I must take Post Horses.
{ 531 } It is at your Choice, Gentlemen, to pay the Hire of the Coach now, or upon my Return.
There is one favor more, Gentlemen, that I have to ask, and that is, that You will
be kind enough to furnish me with a Letter of Credit to some Banker at Paris for Cash
to bear my Expences while there.1
[salute] With great Esteem, I have the honor to be, &c
LbC in John Thaxter's hand (Adams Papers).
1. In the Adams Papers, dated 18 Oct., is a letter from Wilhem & Jan Willink to the Paris banking firm of
Van den Yver Fréres & Co., introducing JA and requesting that it render whatever services JA required and furnish him with funds to be debited against the Willinks' account.
JA picked up the letter at Amsterdam on the 18th, having left The Hague on the previous
day to begin his journey to Paris, where he arrived on the night of the 26th. JA's departure did not go unnoticed. On 22 Oct. the Gazette d'Amsterdam reported that, after taking leave of the States General and the stadholder, JA had left for Paris on the previous Thursday, the 17th, leaving C. W. F. Dumas as
chargé d'affaires. A translation of that report appeared in Parker's General Advertiser and Morning Intelligencer on 31 October. For JA's account of his journey, see JA, D&A, 3:29–37.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0249
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-15
From Benjamin Franklin
[dateline] Passy, 15 Oct. 17821
[salute] Sir
A long and painful Illness has prevented my corresponding with your Excellency regularly,
but I paid the Bill you drew upon me and advised me of in your last Letter.2
Mr Jay has I believe acquainted you with the Obstructions our Peace Negociations have
met with, and that they are at length removed.3 By the next Courier expected from London, we may be able perhaps to form some Judgment
of the Probability of Success, so far as relates to our Part of the Peace. How likely
the other Powers are to settle their Pretensions, I can not yet learn. In the mean
time America is gradually growing more easy, by the Enemy's Evacuation of their Posts;
as you will see by some Intelligence I enclose.4
I have had the Happiness formerly to help your Excellency in the Discharge of the
Public Demands upon you. I am now obliged to recur to you for the same kind of Assistance.
Notice has been given me that the Interest of the Ten Millions borrow'd in Holland
under the Guarantee of this Court becomes due the 5th: of next Month. My Frinds here
are all engaged by Bills accepted and expected. I must therefore request that you
will undertake the Payment of that Interest, which at 4 ![[per]](http://rock.ei.virginia.edu/GWP/per.png)
r Cent amounts to about 400,000 Livres Tournois.5
{ 532 } r Cent amounts to about 400,000 Livres Tournois.5
[salute] With great Respect, I have the honour to be, Sir Your Excellency's Most obedient and most humble Servant
[signed] B Franklin
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Dr Franklin 15 Oct. 1782.”
1. The original of this letter did not reach The Hague until after JA's departure. Therefore, the copy printed here is likely the one that Franklin gave
to JA on 31 Oct. and to which JA replied on 1 Nov. (LbC, Adams Papers; Franklin, Papers, vol. 38), noting in his Letterbook that “the original not being received.”
3. See Jay's letters of 1 Sept., above, and 28 Sept. (Adams Papers). That of the 28th informed JA that on the previous day Richard Oswald had received a new commission (21 Sept., above) authorizing him to negotiate with “the Commissioners of the United States of America.” The expected courier would presumably bring Oswald instructions regarding the negotiations
that had already taken place.
4. Not found.
5. JA responded to Franklin's request on 1 Nov. (LbC, Adams Papers), following his arrival at Paris. There he indicated that while there were ample
proceeds from the loan available to pay the interest, Congress had not authorized
him to dispose of such a large sum and, in any case, no funds could be expended until
Congress returned the ratified contracts. The difficulties were resolved when JA received the ratified contracts from Congress on 5 Nov. and sent them to Wilhem &
Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and De la Lande & Fynje as enclosures
in a letter of that date (LbC, Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0250
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-16
From Edmund Jenings
[dateline] Brussells Octr. 16. 1782
[salute] Sir
I congratulate your Excellency on having Compleated the work of which you have been
the Sole Author. This being finished will not your Excellency Show yourself openly
in an Affair, which must Stand in need of your inate Stubborness, in order to Check
anothers Pliancy. In short Shall I not have the Pleasure of seeing your Excellency
Soon in your way to Paris? Are not things ripe for you?
By what I can find from England Shelburne is by no means as yet fixed in his Place.
That is, He has not got a decided Majority in the House—those, who left Him at the
End of this Session, declare his Ministry is worse than the late Northern One.
I am greatly surprized to find That four Mails are arrived without bringing any more
Slips.
[salute] I am with the greatest Consideration Sir your Excellencys Most Obedient Humble Servant
[signed] Edm: Jenings
RC (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0251
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-18
From Francis Dana
[dateline] St: Petersbourg Octr. 7/18 1782
[salute] My dear Friend
I have this moment received your Letters of the 17th. and 29th. of Septr: and after
assuring you that they have given me much pleasure because they acquaint me your health
and spirits are in a tolerable good state. I shall endeavour to make the best returns
for them I am able to do, in my feeble state. My heart is obliged to ask leave of
my head whenever it wishes to pay a proper attention to those who have a place in
it. I have been confined for some time by an indisposition which has unfitted me for
writing. I am now better, tho' I still labour under a dull heavy head ach, which will
never entirely forsake me while I remain in this climate. I have however resolved
to spend another benighted winter here. Your Son, I believe will go from hence in
about a fortnight, by the way of Sweden and Denmark, when I shall be in a very lonely
state, but still I shall be relieved from much anxiety about his education. The measure
is necessary for his good. He wishes to be at his studies as soon as possible. I will
give you some further particulars abt his route, company &c. if he goes. This course
will be considerably more expensive than a passage by water in the Spring, which you
propose in your last letter, yet the time that will be saved by it will make the difference of expence an object of little
or no consideration in your mind. The kind manner in which you have expressed your
sorrow that you have been so long prevented writing me, has done my almost disconsolate
heart great good. Your friendship I place among the most valuable blessings of my
life. The picture you sent to the care of the Dutch Ambassador I have heard nothing
about. I will wait upon him soon and enquire after it. The dispatches have come to
hand, except the copy of one letter and of a Cypher which were said to be enclosed.
Can you give me any account of these?1 Please in future to write on the inside of the cover “This packet contains 5 (or
as the Case may be) Papers” when I shall know if the a whole comes to hand from you.
I thank you for the communications relative to Messrs: Fitzberbert and Oswald. There
can certainly be no sincerity in such vague schemes and perhaps as little wisdom as
sincerity. My opinion is, Gibralter will be taken. This is the opinion of the Spanish
Ministers here. If so, I flatter myself we may have a general peace in the course
of the next Winter. Pray send me a copy of your Treaty if possible. It may be sent
directly on, as there are no secrets { 534 } in it, I presume. I shall attend in future to the Houses you mention. Are either of
them Bankers to the United States? I have exactly the same idea as you have, of a
certain policy. The web is too strong to be broken. You will find in my letter of
the 5/16 Septr: precisely the same sentiments touching the probable effects of a similar
policy with you, had you pursued it, as you have expressed upon it in your last, a
little more particularly pointed out however. I shall begin to think by this conformity
in our opinions that my ideas are not always erroneous upon the political plans which
we ought to adopt. But I can think only and not act. Please to attend to my enquiry in the above letter about the categorical affair.
Your Loan is in a much better state than I expected. You will be pleased to inform
me from time to time of any alterations of consequence which may take place in it.
We shall I beleive stand in need of it, as our Taxes seem to be very deficient. Not
so much perhaps owing to the want of specie in the Country, as to its unequal distribution
among the people. Those of the interiour parts must be nearly destitute of it, and
of course really unable to pay their taxes in it. But this is an evil that will gradually
be done away. The matter you speak of towards the close of your last, if I am not
deceived, has been effected by the intrigues of ||the Ministry||||the Empress|| and will terminate as your question supposes. Nay further, 'tis probable ||the Emperor|| is necessary to it, and will take a part in it. There is much curious History in
this matter which I cannot go into for want of a Cypher between us. I believe the
Corps Diplomatiq here do not differ in opinion from the Corps Diplomatique with you.
As to the Information you wish for respecting the affairs of the Crimea I am unable
at present to satisfy my own mind about them. The Independency of that Country was
stipulated in the Treaty of Kainard,2 and the People were at liberty to elect their own Khans, and of course the Grand
Sultan had no longer the right to depose them. From that time the Empress has considered
herself as their Protectress. Russia besides obtained as it was then thought the great
object of Peter the First, which her Majesty had pursued with all the magnanimity
which adorns her character, that of a free commerce upon the Turkish Seas; and several
ports there, viz. Kinburn, Kerseh, and Yanikale:3 but it was soon perceived that Her Majesty had lost almost all advantages thro' the
want of proper information in her Negociators, which her arms had put into her hands.
In short that this great project was left unprotected, and at the mercy of the Turks
because her Majesty cou'd neither send or { 535 } build any Ships of War there for its protection. Another war therefore is perhaps
necessary to remove the Turks at a more convenient distance, and to obtain the right
of establishing a Navy in those Seas. When these objects will be pursued time will
show us. I will endeavour to give you some further particulars relative to this Subject
at another time; at present my head is in such a state that it is with great difficulty
I have proceeded thus far. Pray give my regards to Mr. Thaxter and tell him as he
has concluded to remain with you awhile longer, I hope he will write me by every convenient
opportunity.
[salute] I am Sir, your much obliged Friend & obedt: hble: Servant
[signed] FD
[dateline] Septr:[October] 9/20th
[salute] Dear Sir
The above was written too late for the post of the day. Since then, I am inform'd
the Commercial Treaty with Denmark is concluded;4 and that nearly the same advantages are granted to the Danes, as to the English by
their Treaty; probably the very same which the English will enjoy after the expiration
of that, in virtue of a new Treaty. I think they will not again obtain any particular
advantages over other Nations, which have heretofore given them a sort of a Monopoly
here. The error of such a policy is now clearly discerned. I do not yet learn that
the Treaty with Portugal is concluded. Sweden wishes to have one also: And Her Majesty's
Ministers for certain substantial reasons, are inclined to make Treaties with all the World, America at present alone
excepted. I venture to say that a liberal Commercial Treaty with the United States,
wou'd be productive of more solid benefits to this Empire than all the Treaties Her Majesty can form with any of the European States; and that the sooner
such a one takes place the better for the Interests of her Empire. These two Truths
are demonstrable. But it is said Il faut menager les Anglais—This moment we have received
an account of the destruction of the floating batteries before Gibralter. My hopes
are at an end. There now remains but one great stroke that of attacking Ld. Howe's
Fleet which does not consist of more than 30 ships of the Line, when the combined
Fleet amounts to 57. What an occasion to give a mortal blow to the British Navy! But
may we expect this will be done? Adieu.5
RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); endorsed by John Thaxter: “Mr. Dana 7./18 Octr. 1782.” The enclosure is a copy
of a letter from Elbridge Gerry to Dana of 13 June and is endorsed by Thaxter: “Copy
of a Letter from Mr. Gerry to Mr. Dana { 536 } 13th. June 1782.” Dana's letter to JA was apparently folded inside the enclosure, for the fourth and otherwise blank page
of the Gerry letter bears the address in Dana's hand: “A Son Excellence Mr. Adams
Ministre Plenipotentiaire des Etats Unis à son hotel. A la Haïe.” In his letter, Gerry
commented on his retirement from Congress, the prospects for peace, the financial
situation in the United States, and the importance of the fisheries to the United
States in general and Massachusetts in particular. It may have been Gerry's observations
on the fisheries that led Dana to send JA a copy, but no mention of either the Dana or the Gerry letter has been found in any
of JA's later correspondence. In this letter Dana used the code that he sent to JA in Sept. 1781 to encode several names, and they have been decoded from that source (vol. 11:480–481).
1. The following sentence was written at the bottom of the second page and marked for
insertion at this point.
2. This is the Russo-Turkish 1774 peace treaty of Kutschuk-Kainardji by which Russia
established itself as a power on the Black Sea.
3. Kinburn is located on the Dnieper estuary in the Black Sea, 39 miles east of Odessa.
Kerch, also known as Kertch or Kersch, is a Crimean seaport on the Strait of Yenikale,
now the Strait of Kerch, between the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov.
4. Russia and Denmark signed a treaty of amity and commerce on 19 Oct. at St. Petersburg
(Table générale du recueil des traités de G. F. de Martens et de ses continuateurs,
1494–1874, Gottingue, 1875). Neither Portugal nor Sweden, mentioned later in the paragraph,
concluded a commercial treaty with Russia at this time.
5. The final twelve words were written on the front page, below the text of the previous
letter.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0252-0001
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-20
From Jean George Holtzhey
[dateline] Amsterdam le 20 octb. 1782
[salute] Monsieúr
L'Independance de Votre Nation, m'a fait inspirer l'idée de immortaliser ce grand
et digne Evenement par úne Medaille que j'ai fait súr Leúr Liberté et dont J'ai l'honneúr
de Vous envoÿer la premiere épreuve; dans L'Esperance qu'il fera tant de plaisir a
Votre Excellence:1 que d'Honneur pour ma personne de me dire que je reste avec un profond respect Monsieur!
Votre tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur
[signed] Jean George Holtzhey
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0252-0002
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-20
Jean George Holtzhey to John Adams: A Translation
[dateline] Amsterdam, 20 October 1782
[salute] Sir
Your nation's independence has inspired me to immortalize this great and noteworthy
event in a medal commemorating its liberty, and of which I have the honor of sending
you the first proof in the hope that it will bring great pleasure to your excellency:1 and it is a personal honor for me to say that I remain with a profound respect, sir,
your very humble and very obedient servant
[signed] Jean George Holtzhey
RC (Adams Papers).
1. For the medal designed and struck by Holtzhey to commemorate Dutch recognition of
the United States, see the Descriptive List of Illustrations, No. Medal Commemorating Dutch Recognition of the United States, by Jean George Holtzhey,
1782 53810, above. C. W. F. { 537 } Dumas enclosed Holtzhey's letter and the medal with a covering letter of 28 Oct. (Adams Papers) that was sent to Paris in the care of a courier from the Duc de La Vauguyon. JA received the medal and the letter on the morning of 2 Nov. and immediately replied
(LbC, Adams Papers; JA, Works, 7:655–656). He thanked Holtzhey for his “ingeniously devised” and “very beautiful”
medal and indicated that upon his return to the Netherlands he likely would purchase
some to give to friends.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0253
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-21
From Matthew Ridley
[dateline] Paris October the 21st: 1782
[salute] Sir
I was honored with your favors covering Letters for Mr Jay which I delivered.1 My Papers are packd up as I am moving from my present Hotel.2 This is the Reason I cannot mark the dates: but the last was the 8h. Currt: I have
delayed writing in Answer, being continually buoyed up with Hopes of seeing you here:
and this is the Reason Mr Jay has not wrote. He desires me however to remember him
to you and flatters himself it will not be long before you meet as he finds the Affair
of the Treaty is settled.
Your first Letter made no small impression on me. I have no doubt Reasons will be
given why the Commo. was given away—When I say Reasons I mean that I think you will
find Mr. J not to blame about it. In my own mind I am satisfied the persons you mention
would have been preferable.3 I hope however this Affair will make no impression upon you. You may rely our Friend
J. means well: And I am satisfied he has a very great esteem and respect for you:
and which I think no difference in political Opinions or adoption of measures (which
are only matters of opinion) will in the least Affect.
I find by Letters from England Mr L. will not be able to leave there before the Spring
on account of his precarious state of health.4
It is very strange that V. has never yet communicated what R's business was in England.
It is that kind of Reserve which begets distrust often and which at all times prevents
a liberal communication: All Things do not go right here and I should not be surprized
was there to be a change almost similar to the one in England. Quarrels are gotten
to a pretty great height—Fleury has attacked the Minister of Marine on account of
his Expences—V. rather sides with the Comptroller, The Queen with the Marine and so
between them there will be a Struggle untill either one or the other goes and maybe
the whole. Should such an event take place some talk of Choiseul and Neckar.5 The Oeconomy of the latter and the profu• { 538 } | view { 539 } sion of the former may however prevent such an Union. The Effects I see in all this
business is that most probably that of Peace may be retarded by it. Spain hankers
as much after Gibraltar and Jamaica as ever the Levites of old did after the Flesh
pots of Egypt. She has Influence here and it is well if they do not overshoot the
Mark. I cannot but view with contempt these petty Struggles about a Barren Rock and
an Island (neither of which will probably be given up by the present Occupiers) when
I see America, an extent of Country immense, with 1500 miles sea Coast liberated,
nay torn from the Body of a vast and powerfull Empire by a number of People not forming
one fifteenth part scarcely of the Subjects of France and Spain. Liberty and such
a Country were prizes worth contending for. See the blessed Effects of Unanimity!
In seven Years has this mighty Object been accomplished! When I think on this business
I am struck with astonishment and feel my Imagination Carried, I know not whither.
Excuse this digression and believe me with respect Sir Your most Obedient servant
[signed] Matt: Ridley
If the war Should continue the silver Boxes6 may be wanting. I think the one you propose them for is the best that could be thought
of. I am glad to find your Loan gathers as it Rowls. That Money will be much wanting.
There is a talk of opening a Loan here for Eighty Millions. You may be assured I am
right about the amount of our debt here. I do not hear if they propose letting us
have any more. If the war continues we shall want some.
There are Letters as late as the 10. of Septemr from Boston. The French fleet which
was arrived wanted much repairs. Pigot they say was arrived at new York and it appears
by the some of the Papers that orders had actually been given for the evacuation of
Charles Town. The Inhabitants had proposed to ask time from General Green (which I
suppose would not be granted). Leslie had informed such as chose to quit the Town
that there were Vessells prepared to carry them to Augustin, of all places in the World.
Mr J. bids me tell you the Letter Mr B. left for you7 is still in his possession, as he expected to see You and such particular directions
are given with it he has not cared to trust it by any opportunity hitherto offered.
[salute] Thus ends my Second Letter.
[signed] MR
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Ridley.”; in another hand: “October 21th. 1782.”
1. Ridley delivered letters to John Jay from JA on 6 and 14 Oct. (MHi: Ridley Journal). They were probably those of 1 and 7 Oct., above. The first was presumably enclosed in JA's to Ridley of 29 Sept. and the second, as Ridley indicates, in that of 8 Oct., both above, but neither letter mentions an enclosure intended for John Jay.
3. JA wrote first and secondtwo letters to Ridley on 29 Sept., both above, but the letter referred to here as the
“first” is, as printed in the volume, the second because of its position in JA's Letterbook. The issue raised by Ridley is William Temple Franklin's appointment
as secretary to the peace commission, an action that JA opposed.
4. Henry Laurens reached London on 24 Sept. (Laurens, Papers, 16:26). But instead of returning to America, he went to Paris to join the peace
negotiations, arriving there on or about 29 Nov. (JA, D&A, 3:79).
5. Jean François Joly de Fleury had replaced Jacques Necker as minister of finances in
May 1781. By Oct. 1782, like Necker before him, he was at odds with various officials,
including the naval minister, the Marquis de Castries, over their expenditures. Fleury
did not seek to reform the system fundamentally, but rather wanted accurate data on
expenditures so that he could make it work. By so doing he hoped to gain some degree
of control over the massive budget deficits that were partly a result of the American
Revolution and that helped precipitate the French Revolution. Even that was too much
of a threat to entrenched interests, and in 1783, having lost the support of Vergennes
and others, Fleury was forced to resign (Murphy, Vergennes, p. 399–400; Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 297).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0254
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-21
From Wilhem & Jan Willink
[dateline] Amsterdam 21 8bre 1782
[salute] Sir
We shall be glad to hear your Excellencys happy arrival in paris, at my being in the
Hague Mr Dumas informed me of the receipt of the 1000 Obligations, whch. I recommended
to his care till further disposal.
Said Gentleman informed me he could want some money one time or another whch. he'd
be glad to dispose on us together whch. Should be approuved by your Excellency. We
beg therefore to know what Sum you are pleased to order to his disposition.1
[salute] In the meanwhile we have the honour to remain with the most respectfull Consideration Sir Your Excellency's Most Obedient & Humble Servants
[signed] Wilhem & Jan Willink
RC (Adams Papers).
1. JA received this letter on 1 Nov., and in his reply of 2 Nov. (LbC, Adams Papers), he indicated that Dumas' expenses connected with the American legation should be
paid, but that if Dumas needed additional funds, they should inform him, and he would
advise them regarding payment.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0255
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-25
From Mercy Otis Warren
[dateline] Milton October 25th 1782
[salute] Sir
Many Months have Elapsed, and many Great Events have taken place since I took up my
pen to address you,1 among which few are more important to this Country than the Dutch Negotiation, and
perhaps None have been attended with Greater Difficulties, and none more Replete with
Honour to the prime actors than this. Yet I should not have Ventured to pass my Censure
on Its opposers, or to Give sanction to the Measure, by a full approbation of the
spirit and Dignity which has brought it to a Completion. Had it not been repeatedly
Called upon in the Late Letters to your friend, a friend (who though now a private Gentleman) is not Less Attentive to the Intere[st] of the public, nor Less Attached to the Minister at the Hague than when you both
stimulated by the Noblest Motives of patriotism, and bound by the strong ties of Mutual
Friendship, Nursed the Embrio of opposition, Discussed the Nature of Government, and
Formed the plans of Revolution by the social Fire side at Plimouth. But the Enthusiasm
of poetry has Languished under the hand of Time: and the Muse Grown too Timid, amidst
the Noise of War, to Attempt an Elogium on the Virtues of patience, perseverance,
and patriotism. Though the sterling Worth of Those Capital Virtues have been tryed
in the Fiery Furnace of Intrigue, Deception, and ingratitude.
But the Historian must be very Negligent of Fame who is not ambitious that all the
Extraordinary transactions in the Diplomatic system, should stand Conspicuous in his Work. But when the poignancy of sarcasm is
strongly felt by the too susceptable Heart, some Little thirst of revenge will arise
in the most Good Natured of the Human Race—nor is any office so illustrious, or any
Character so sacred, but he must submit (if he provokes the threatening) Even to the
Menaces of a Woman. He will not find himself secure though hid in the pallaces of
princes, or sheilded by the stronger Bulwark of his own integrity. Therefore Depend
upon it, a Blank shall be Left (in Certain annals) for Your Dutch Negotiation, unless you Condescend to furnish with your own Hand, a few more Authentic Documents
to Adorn the Interesting page.2
If the Refinements of the European World has Wroght the Divine Science of politics into a Mechanical System, Composed of all the Foperies of Life,3 be assured Sir, America is not a Century behind { 542 } them in Taste. You will not therfore be surprized when told, that the test of merit
is Wealth, And that Every thing which is Lucrative is Honorable in this Country. But
as Mankind in all ages are Governed Less by Reason than Opinion—it may again become
Fashionable to be Virtuous, and the Man be more Respected for the probaty of his Heart,
than for the Trapings of his Horses. But as the Morals of a people Depend more on
the Genius of their Rulers than the Mode of Government, the Leading Characters among
us do not at present promise such a Happy Revolution in Manners. And so little prospect
of success is thier to the struggles of the uncorrupted few, that I do not find my
self quite willing your much Esteemed friend, Mr Warren, who has but just retird from
the public Walk, (sickned by the servility and weakness of Man, and wearied with the
unremiting Vigalence of Near twenty years in the Field of politics) should again return
to the Embarased Scene—yet Convinced of the Necessity of sending our best men to Congress, and knowing you deem it a point of the utmost importance, I dare not
urge my Arguments against His repairing to philadelphia to you. Were it prudent to
Transmit them beyond the Atlantic, some of them you would acknowledge Weighty, Others you might place to the score of Female Timidity, Delecacy, or perhaps pride.4
What a Many Headed Monster is a Republic Grafted on the principles of Despotism. Nor
is a sovereign without a Crown a Less Dangerous Annimal than the Monarch Whose Brow
is Graced with the splendor of a Diadem.5
If any Expression in this appears like a Decay of public Spirit in the Wane of Life,
a line from your pen might Revive the Languid taper, though not as the Rescript of
a Minister, but as the Admonishions of a Friend.6
I need say Little of your Family as Mrs Adams Neglects no opportunity of writing you.
She with all her livly Children spent yesterday with us on Milton Hill.
As I have touched on the Domestic feelings to which you are not insensible, I shall
Mention a son,7 Dear to his parents, and amiable in the Eyes of his Friends, has any part of his
Conduct since in Europe rendered him unworthy—that Mr Adams has Never once Named him in his Long absence. If he has, your tenderness
will still impose silence. If not, the Flattering hopes of a Mother, will be strengthend
in your Next Letter to one who subscribes with much Respect & unabating Esteem Your
assured Friend & Humble servant
[signed] M Warren
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs Warren Ansd Jany 29. 1783.” Some loss of text where the margin is
worn. Tr (MHi: Mercy Warren Letterbook). The transcript is considerably longer than the recipient's
copy and significant differences between the two are indicated below. For a description
of the nature and content of the “Mercy Warren Letterbook,” which is not in Mercy
Warren's hand and was done years later from copies not now extant, see AFC, 1:93–94.
1. Mercy Otis Warren's last extant letter to JA was of 28 Dec. 1780, to which no reply has been found (vol. 10:445–447).
2. In this paragraph, Mercy Warren is responding to JA's reference in his 19 Aug. letter to James Warren, above, to the treatment of his Dutch negotiations in her
planned history of the Revolution. Her request for more documents presumably means
in addition to those contained in JA's A Collection of State-Papers, which James Warren's letter to JA of 1 Nov. (Adams Papers) indicates was enclosed in the letter of 19 August.
4. In the transcript, the commentary in this paragraph was expanded and altered as follows:
“You observe in a corner of your letter, that the refinements of the European world had wrought up the divine science of politics, into a mechanical system, composed
of all the fopperies of life. Be assured Sir, that America is not a century behind them in taste. We are a people
remarkable for our aptitude of improvement; yet it may require time to ripen and digest
the plans both of policy and pleasure. You will not however be surprized when I tell
you that already the test of merit is wealth; and that every thing lucrative is deemed honourable in your country. But as the
morals of the people depend more on the genius and character of their rulers, than
on the mode of government, it may in some future day again become fashionable to be
virtuous, when the man may be respected more for the probity of his heart, than the
trappings of his horses;—but at present there is little prospect of such a happy revolution
in manners.
“Mr. Warren will write you by this opportunity, but though chosen a delegate, he will
not repair to Congress this year. He has retired from the public walks—fatigued with
the unremitting vigilance of near twenty years in the field of politics:—he declines
engaging again in the embarrassed scene, while there is so little prospect that the
struggles of the uncorrupted few, will bring back the minds of others to the point
from which they have wandered. Death, desertion, indifference, or foreign employment
have left few of the first capital characters in Congress.
“Several other arguments I could urge in favour of his determination; was it prudent
to transmit them beyond the Atlantic. Some of them you would acknowledge weighty;
others you might place to the score of female timidity, delicacy, or perhaps pride.
Yet I am so convinced of the necessity of sending men of the most impeccable characters
to Congress, that I rather wish him to go on.”
5. Likely a reference to John Hancock.
6. In the transcript, Mercy Warren's comments were expanded as follows:
“I cannot conclude this without observing, that, though I may have been the last of
your correspondents who has congratulated you on the success of your late negotiation,
I believe I am not the least sensible of its importance: nor among the multitude of
your friends, have you many who enjoy in a higher degree, your compleat triumph over
the British Minister.
“We are none of us insensible of the anxieties, the fatigue, and hazard, you must
have surmounted in your peregrinations from Court to Court; nor of the firmness and
integrity necessary to obtain success. Your success in Holland has secured the claims
of America—on a basis that promises wealth and honour:—and if we support a national
character of our own, and are not wanting to ourselves, I may add happiness to posterity.
“Have you lately seen a son of mine now in Europe: a son very dear to his parents
and very amiable in the eyes of his friends?
“Your lady and family spent yesterday with us on the summit of Fremont. Do you think
our friends in France and Holland made any part of the conversation? I will acknowledge
we wished for their company, { 544 } and sure I am that were you to behold the varigated beauties exhibited to the eye
of reason and gratitude in this pleasant Villa, though you are surrounded by the glare
of greatness, and caressed in the Courts of Princes—you would breathe a sigh for the
social hour of private friendship, and the sweet moments of contemplation in so delightful
a retreat;—'Where the free soul looks down and pities Kings.'”
7. For Winslow Warren, who had been in Europe since 1780, see vol. 11:75–76, 296. JA mentioned him in his letter to Mercy Warren of 9 Dec. 1780, the same day on which he also wrote to James Warren, but since the only extant copies of those letters are letterbook copies in the Adams Papers, they may not have been received (vol. 10:404–407).
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0256
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-26
From Tristram Dalton
[dateline] Boston October 26th. 1782
[salute] Sir
I esteem myself greatly honor'd by the receipt of your Favor's of the 18th August
last—and much obliged by the attention paid to my request respecting Capt Armstrong
who, soon after my writing, returned from a severe confinement, having made his escape—of
which I immediately advised to prevent any further trouble in that affair.1
You express yourself at a loss, Sir, to know, to what intelligence, thro' the war,
I refer, in supposing the enemy to have been better informed of than her Friends.2 I did not mean such as Congress might have duly received, but such as the wellwishers
of the cause we are engaged in seemed frequently to be without. The Decisions of Congress,
thro' the contest, fully prove that their informations have been much better than
those of the Court of Great Britain, whose insiduous designs and proposals have, thereby,
in a great degree, been frustrated. But, Sir, it has been a frequent remark in this
part of the Country, that any particular plans designs or movements of the enemy have
been known to suspected Characters long before those of the opposite denomination
have scarcely had a hint, which, I confess, might have been owing to the great vigilance
and industry the former exercised, while the friends of our Country, putting the utmost
confidence in the Persons to whom they had committed the management of their public
concerns, neglected too much the means of informing themselves—a fault too common—and
to a free Country, much more to one struggling for Freedom, often, if not always,
proving in the end fatal to their Liberties.
Sensible of this in my private Sphere of Life, I felt doubly the obligation to procure
all useful Intelligence when I had taken a Seat in the Legislative of this Commonwealth.
This I plead in excuse for intruding on your important hours, so far as to ask the
favor of any { 545 } advice you had time, or thought proper, to afford me. Permit me now to return thanks
for the political intelligence You have honor'd me with, and for the pamphlet accompanying3—by that and other information it appears that the ancient spirit of freedom, which
wrested the United Provinces from the hand of tyranny, but which has lain dormant
a long time, revives, and promises to shine in its original Splendor.
The Success of these American States in the Cause of Liberty has been productive already
of much good in the European World—and it is to be presumed the Effects of our Independence
are scarcely visible yet. Ireland may, and ought to, thank us for the Blessings they
have lately acquired, notwithstanding their Patriot, M Grattan, in his celebrated
Speech, so insiduously contrasts the merit of the American Contest, with that of his Country.4
The People of the United Provinces will feel the happy influences by the revival of
their ancient constitution, if they are as wisely conducted in future as they have
been directed lately. They need only the Influence of the American Spirit and Firmness
to lead them to wise measures. Their sluggish disposition may try the patience of
Job, as I doubt not You have experienced—but that there is a latent spark of Freedom
sufficient to kindle the Mass is evident from the great effects which your unremitted
labours have caused. However easy it may be to obtain the favor of a Court, it appears
to me far otherwise to rouse a whole People, who have been long buried under the influence
of selfish pursuits, and a tyrannical Exercise of Government—to inspire them with
new political life so as to see their public interest, and to feel their importance.
This task was reserved for yourself. Your friends rejoyce in the important success
that has crowned your Pursuits. The Alliance formed under your sole Endeavours, appears
to me permanent, considering it proceeds from the united voice of a people—which,
in such general concerns, tho' harder to obtain, is more to be depended upon, than
the promises of Crowned Heads—as, in the one Case, a secret intrigue may escape the
closest Notice, and alter the disposition of the Court, which Alteration can scarsely
take place in a republick but in a slow progression, giving opportunity to counteract
the designs of an Enemy.
The Assistance which the United Provinces can afford the Allied Powers is contemptuously
spoken of by the British. It is true it may not appear so powerful as that of France,
but when any one considers the difference their joyning G B would have made—the immense
{ 546 } extent of their trade, together with the similarity of many things between the Inhabitants
of them and these States, as fully set forth in the first memorial presented to their
H Ms5—it must be allowed, by all, that their friendship and Alliance were most desirable
Objects—The Loss of which G B must lament.
Upon the first appearance of Affairs, after the Marquis of Rockingham's appointment
in the British Ministry, We flatter'd ourselves an honorable Peace would soon have
taken place—whatever just grounds there then was for such suggestions, our present
opinion coincides with those you express, that the Court of G B. will be governed
by the fate of their Armaments and of the fortress of Gibraltar.
The Situation of the different Governments in the Union you must have from various
hands, much more able to acquaint you than is in my power. Thus much I am sure, that
the Americans show no disposition to retreat. They seem as determined to push the
war as when it began. It is true of this Commonwealth, that great are the wants of
Money. The General Court are devising every means to revive public Credit, and to
raise Money for current Charges, as well as to answer the demands of Congress. The
People say they have not got the Cash nor can they raise it. Heretofore when pressed
to what they, at the time, supposed the last extremity, the difficulties were overcome,
I hope the new ones will meet the like good fortune. However, my dear Sir, it is to
be sincerely wished that the Loan for the Use of Congress, solicited in Holland may
be effected. I hear transiently that half a million is already negotiated—it would
greatly releive at this time. The Enemy form high hopes from our apparent distresses
on this account, not reflecting how often they have been the dupes of their own delusive
dreams—which will again, in this instance, be their lot. New England has now more
able bodied Men, more Cattle and Provisions than in 1775. Can such a Country give
way—retaining the spirit of that memorable year. They do retain it. They cannot “look
back—stop—or deviate.”
I note your observations on the Conduct of Denmark and Russia—and since hear that
Sweden, more friendly, has proposed a treaty of Amity and Commerce with these States.6
I am sometimes of opinion that the Continuance of the war is beneficial to us, when
I reflect on the intimacy and knowledge of their Trade Policy and Finances which every
new Alliance with different Powers of Europe gives the Subjects of these States. Many
years Peace might not furnish such opportunities. Would the Calm { 547 } of more tranquil times have afforded you the opportunity of lighting up anew the Batavian
Spirit of Liberty thro' the U Provinces, and of causing the Body of People to unite
in so serious and important an Affair?
But how am I, Sir, engrossing your time to look over what can be of no other Service
than to convince you that I wish it my power to make the least Amend for the favors
received. From the important business which calls your Attention I dare not promise
myself frequent Intelligence. Give me leave to say, it is my sincere wish to hear
from you when a leisure moment may permit.
[salute] I am, with the most respectful Regard And Affection, Sir Your obliged Friend & most humble Servant
[signed] Tristram Dalton
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mr Dalton Octr. [2]6 ansd Decr. 23. 1782.” JA's reply has not been found.
1. Not found, but for some indication of its content, see JA's letters of 19 Aug. to Samuel Adams, Elbridge Gerry, and James Warren, all above. For Dalton's plea on behalf of Armstrong, see his letter of 25 May, and note 2, above.
3. Probably JA's A Collection of State-Papers, The Hague, 1782. James Warren indicated in his letter to JA of 1 Nov. (Adams Papers) that JA had sent him the pamphlet with his letter of 19 Aug., above.
4. Dalton likely is referring to Henry Grattan's speech of 16 April before the Irish
Parliament that was published in the Boston Independent Ledger of 26 August. There Grattan celebrated in general the Irish drive for legislative
independence through the repeal of Poyning's Law and in particular the volunteer movement.
In doing so he emphasized the differences between the Irish and American situations
and, in particular, Irish loyalty to the British Crown.
5. JA's memorial to the States General of 19 April 1781 (vol. 11:272–282), which was included in A Collection of State-Papers.
Docno: ADMS-06-13-02-0257
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1782-10-26
From Francis Dana
Soon after my arrival here I intimated to you that I had discovered something which
I thought a clew to account for the advice given me by a certain person, and which
you and I then were of opinion, was calculated to throw an obstruction in my way,
and of course that I ought not to follow it.2 I told you I wou'd communicate it to you by the first good opportunity. None has
offered till now. Here then you have it. In the project of a Treaty of Commerce which
||France|| had proposed to ||the Empress|| there is an article to this effect. When the Subjects of ||France|| shall carry in their own vessels, goods, wares, or merchandises, of the growth, produce,
or { 548 } manufacture of ||France||, into the dominions of ||the Empress|| and shall receive in exchange for them, goods, wares, and merchandises, of the growth,
production, or manufacture of ||the Empress|| that in such cases, there shall be a drawback of the Duties both of Importation and
of Exportation paid by the Subjects of ||France|| upon all such articles imported, or received in exchange by them as aforesaid.
Now in order to induce ||the Empress|| to grant this most advantageous privilege to ||France||||France|| alleges that it will be for the interest of ||the Empress|| to do it; because ||France|| will have a demand for great quantities of the Commodities of ||the Empress|| which she will nevertheless not be under a necessity of purchasing of ||the Empress||after the war; for these reasons, that she can then obtain the same from ||America|| and altho' perhaps not at so cheap a rate, yet it will be for her interest, if||the Empress||shall refuse to grant this priviledge, to pay ||America|| from 15 to 20. pr: Cent: more for the same articles, as by taking those articles
from ||America||||France|| wou'd enable her to take off a greater quantity of the commodities of ||France|| and the more easily to discharge the debts she may contract for them in ||France||.
The foregoing project, and the reasons urged in support of it were somewhat more detailed
than I have given them to you above. As I cou'd not obtain a copy of them, I read
them over with care, and in the time of it, reduced them to writing from my memory.
The above is a copy of that memorandum and I believe I have not made any material
mistake in it. Hemp, the article of which ||the Empress|| is most jealous of a Rivalry, is particularly mention'd by ||France||. Thus I found both Friends and Foes working against us here for their own private
purposes; if to support and maintain a Rivalry between the two Countries can be said
to be working against our Interests. However different their views may be, the effect
is the same and equally prejudicial to us let it proceed from whom it may; and this
junction in their systems rendered my task of clearing away such errors, much more
difficult. The immense profit which ||France|| wou'd derive from such a priviledge must have made her consider it as an object of
great consequence to herself. She cou'd not therefore wish to open any communication,
which might possibly bring on an eclaireissement that wou'd render her project abortive.
Is it unnatural to suppose that the pendency of such a negotiation might have been
a sufficient ground for the advice above alluded to, or for others to prevent my forming
any connections { 549 } | view { 550 } with persons in Government here? I view it indeed in this light, but perhaps I may
view it with too suspicious an eye. It has had no tendency to convince me that it
is an erroneous principle in our policy. That we ought to take care of our own Interests
in Foreign Courts. This is in some places an unfashionable if not an unpardonable
sentiment. Shou'd you think proper to write me upon this subject, I must beg you to
do it in so disguised a manner as cannot be penetrated. For I have good reasons to
apprehend that it is next to impossible to avoid a detection of my correspondence
thro' the posts. I this day received a second letter which had been opened at the
office, from Paris. They will open every letter bro't by their post, to discover any
correspondence they wish to discover, without the least hesitation. For this reason
I desire you wou'd never send me a copy of any dispatches you may know I have received,
but instead of it, to give me notice when you receive any such, and I will write you
what to do with them. By this same opportunity you will receive a letter for Mr: L——.3 Please to open it, read it, and beg Mr: T. whom we may safely confide in, to be so
kind as to make out two or three copies of it, and to forward them by careful hands.
I am unable to do this myself at present, and I dare not send a letter of that sort
by the Post. Desire Mr: T. not to put up either of them, with any of your or my other
letters, but to send them unconnected with any thing which, in Case of Capture, might
discover from whence they came. You will pardon the trouble I give you in these matters,
and be assured I shall never be unmindful of the obligations I am under to you. Since
the above one of my Bankers has called upon me, and tells me all my letters which
came under cover to them directly will certainly be opened at the office—that it will be necessary therefore to send
them all by the way of Riga. I am my dear Sir your much obliged Friend & obedient
humble Servant
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Letter by my Son. Secret & confidential.” Filmed at 15 Oct., Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 358. In this letter Dana used the code that he sent to JA in Sept. 1781 to encode several names, and they have been decoded from that source (vol. 11:480–481).
1. Francis Dana entrusted this letter to JQA, who departed from St. Petersburg for the Netherlands on 30 Oct. and reached The
Hague on 21 April 1783 (JQA, Diary, 1:153, 174). On the following dayJQA wrote to his father, informing him of his arrival and the letter in his possession
that Dana had absolutely forbidden him to send by the post (AFC, 5:130–131). Not mentioned in this letter or by JQA but presumably also carried by him on his journey was a code and cipher key dated
18 Oct. [29 Oct. N.S.] (Adams Papers; filmed with Ciphers and Cipher Keys, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 602; see Descriptive List of Illustrations, No. Cipher, Francis Dana, 18 October 29 October N.S. 1782 54911, above). There, after a lengthy explanation of enciphering and deciphering, Dana
wrote, “I do not expect you will ever write me in { 551 } cyphers, unless upon the most urgent occasions: nor shall I trouble you or myself
in that way upon slight ones. 'Tis best to be armed at all points if possible. With
this view alone, having a safe opportunity by your Son, I send you these Cyphers.
We may occasionally make use of these for words at large, and when you receive these
you will throw aside my former Cyphers.” For the code that Dana sent to JA in Sept. 1781 and which is used in this letter, see vol. 11:478–482.
2. It is impossible to identify the specific letter to which Dana refers because several
written since his arrival at St. Petersburg hinted at information that he had obtained
but could not communicate because he had no secure way of doing so. See, for example,
his letters of 17 Dec. 1781 and 11 Jan. 1782 (vol. 12:145–148, 178–184). Presumably, given the content of this letter, the “certain
person” was Vergennes, with whom Dana had had an interview before his departure for
Russia. For Dana's March 1781 conversation with the foreign minister, as well as with
Benjamin Franklin, and JA's comments on them and his advice to Dana regarding his mission, see vol. 11:266–270266–267, 267–270.
3. Dana's letter of 14 Oct. [25 Oct. N.S.] to Robert R. Livingston (PCC, No. 89, f. 650–656), which is printed at the former date in Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 5:812–814. Dana indicates in his letterbook that it went “By Mr. J: Q: Adams” (MHi: Francis Dana Letterbook, Official Letters, 1781 to 1782). JQA wrote in his letter of 22 April 1783 that Dana initially wanted him to hand deliver the letter to JA, but since then he had instructed him to give it to Duncan Ingraham, an American
merchant at Amsterdam, to be forwarded to America (AFC, 5:130–131). Dana's concern over its transmission may be explained by the fact that
it referred, somewhat obscurely, to the proposed Franco-Russian treaty mentioned in
this letter, but also because he may have enclosed a cipher key similar to that sent
to JA.
Cite web page as: Founding Families: Digital Editions of the Papers of the Winthrops and the Adamses, ed.C. James Taylor. Boston: Massachusetts Historical Society, 2017.
http://www.masshist.org/apde2/
http://www.masshist.org/apde2/