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Browsing: Adams Family Correspondence, Volume 11
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0016
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1795-09-28
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] [ca. 28 September 1795]1
[salute] My Dear son
Mr J Quincy calld upon me Yesterday to let me know that a vessel of mr Higginsons
was going to Amsterdam. I wrote by Way of Hamburgh both to you and your Brother about
ten Days since.2 I have not much to say at present, because I dare not say much least some characters
which are now criminated might be injured, when we would wish to find them Innocent.
Time must Develope. the sudden Resignation of mr Randolph his journey to see Fauchett
at Rhoad Island & the stories circulating respecting seecret Service Money are all
Subjects of conjecture. I inclose you mr Randolphs Letter to the President3 I can only Say that the clamour respecting the Treaty has greatly subsided since
it has been told that F——tt had like Jove descended in many a Golden shower and that
to a costly amount.4 mr Pickering former post master is Secretary of State Lee of Virginna Secretary at
War & a mr Marshel of Virginia Attorney General. Mr Bradford died greatly lamented
by all who knew him.5 Thomas who knew him will regreet his loss— a Fever similar to that which raged in
Philadelphia has swept off great Numbers in N york. it still continues very Mortal,
and a great proportion of the city have moved out. Your sister & Family have been
out of Town all summer they were well last week when I had a Letter from her. Charles
I presume has fled from the city with his wife. I have not heard from him since his
Marriage. a much more extrodonary Marriage has taken place in the Family Peggy is
Married to a Young French man Monsieur St Hillair from one of the Iselands a match
Mrs smith writes me of which she had not the least Idea a fort night before it took
place.6 Young enough for her son besure and a to property! or any means of getting a living!
his relations were all sacrificed as <aristricrats—> O Woman Woman, thy prudence is folly some times.
1. The dating of this letter is based on the Boston publication of Edmund Randolph’s
letter to George Washington on 28 Sept., for which see note 3, below.
3. Edmund Randolph was forced to resign in mid-August when a dispatch from Jean Antoine
Joseph Fauchet to the French government came to light raising questions about Randolph’s
loyalties and possible improprieties. Fauchet’s Dispatch No. 10, dated 31 Oct. 1794,
was captured by the British, who eventually turned it over to the U.S. government
in July 1795. While obscure in its language, it suggested that, at a minimum, Randolph
had been improperly discussing internal U.S. governmental affairs with a representative
of the French government. He may also have requested money from the French government,
which he apparently planned to use to influence the outcome of the Whiskey Rebellion,
though how this would have worked is not clear. When confronted with the letter by
Washington on 19 Aug., Randolph asked for time to explain his actions but later that
same day resigned his office.
In mid-September Randolph sent a letter to Washington, subsequently widely published
in the newspapers at Randolph’s request, indicating he was still working on preparing
an explanation of his activities. He claimed to have gone to Newport, R.I., to meet
Fauchet to obtain information that would justify or at least clarify Randolph’s behavior.
His letter noted that he had time for only a brief interview with Fauchet before the
minister sailed for France. But Randolph also wrote, “I am in possession of such materials,
not only from Mr. Fauchet, but also from other sources, as will convince every unprejudiced
mind that my resignation was dictated by considerations, which ought not to have been
resisted for a moment; and that every thing connected with it, stands upon a footing,
perfectly honourable to myself.” The first Massachusetts printing of Randolph’s letter
appeared in the Boston Gazette, 28 Sept., which was likely AA’s intended enclosure.
Randolph spent several months preparing his defense, which he published in December
as A Vindication of Mr. Randolph’s Resignation, Phila., 1795, Evans, No. 29384. This work contains various documents purporting to justify Randolph’s
actions, including extracts from other French dispatches and an affidavit from Fauchet.
But it fails to explain adequately Randolph’s plans for the French money and ended
up embarrassing Randolph and his supporters more than it vindicated him (Stanley Elkins
and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800The Age of Federalism, N.Y., 1993, p. 425–431).
4. See Ovid, Metamorphoses, Book IV, line 609–610.
5. The source of AA’s information was the Boston Columbian Centinel, 16 September. The article was, however, only partially correct. Washington named
Secretary of War Timothy Pickering to the position of acting secretary of state (eventually
making the post permanent) upon Edmund Randolph’s resignation. Gov. Henry Lee of Virginia
did not become the next secretary of war; James McHenry was finally appointed to the
position in Jan. 1796. To replace Attorney General William Bradford, who died on 23
Aug. 1795, Washington eventually named Charles Lee, after John Marshall declined (ANB;DAB).
6. Margaret Smith married Felix Leblond de St. Hilaire, a merchant originally from France,
on 29 Aug., at the same time that CA married SSA. St. Hilaire served as French vice consul for the port of Alexandria, Va., in 1779,
and in 1797 he spied for Secretary of War James McHenry on the activities of French
general Victor Collot, after Collot’s reconnaissance of the Mississippi Valley raised
U.S. suspicions about France’s designs on western territory. Between 1797 and 1810,
St. Hilaire appears to have used several versions of his name in advertising his services
as an art and dance instructor in Virginia, Pennsylvania, and upstate New York (“Records
of the First and Second Presbyterian Churches of the City of New York,” NYGBR, 13:87 [April 1882]; New York Argus, 18 Feb. 1796; JCC, 14:759; Richard H. Kohn, Eagle and Sword: The Federalists and the Creation of the Military Establishment in
America, 1783–1802, N.Y., 1975, p. 207, 383; Alexandria [Va.] Times, 9 Oct. 1797; Carlisle [Penn.] Gazette, 27 Jan. 1802; Erasmus Wilson, ed., Standard History of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, Chicago, 1898, p. 878; Hudson, N.Y., Bee,
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30 Dec. 1806; M. M. Bagg, The Pioneers of Utica, Utica, N.Y., 1877, p. 293). For St. Hilaire’s apparent imprisonment in Poughkeepsie,
N.Y., in 1796, see CA to JA, 21 March 1796, below. AA2’s letter to AA has not been found.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0017
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1795-10-04
Charles Adams to John Adams
[dateline] New York October 4th 1795
[salute] My Dear Father
Your kind letter of the 20th Ulto I received, and most cordially thank you for the parental wishes expressed for me
and my amiable companion.1 In a season of joy your mark of affectionate regard added greatly to my happiness.
From a hint which Mr Jay dropped to you one day in conversation I supposed it probable that my brother
would be sent to England upon important business. I have written to him and sent the
writings of Camillus and Curtius which will no doubt be very acceptable.2 I am anxious to see the eclogue which excited the late tumult in Boston it is said
to be well written and in a masterly style of satire if you can send it to me you
will oblige me much.
The fever which for some time has prevailed in this City has silenced the writers
against the treaty Camillus still continues to write perhaps he carries a conscience
more void of offence than his opponents. I am fearful that the next session of Congress
will be disagreable and that some questions may be raised in the lower that will produce
violent debates. It is rumoured that Mr Burr has not been idle since the adjournment of the Senate where the inordinate ambition
of this man will stop is not to be fortold.3
I have it in charge to make the compliments of Mrs Fitch and her family to you and my mother. The remarkable kindness with which I am
treated by that good old Lady calls forth my gratitude and makes me regret that I
had not before a better acquaintance with her
With every sentiment of duty and affection / I am your son
[signed] Charles Adams.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Not found.
2. Not found.
3. Aaron Burr, a strong opponent of the Jay Treaty, was on the verge of leaving New York
for a mid-October “tour of the Southern States, on business of importance,” during which he visited Thomas Jefferson. No record of the discussion that took place
has been found, but Federalists assumed that the two men were making plans for the
next session of Congress and for the presidential election of 1796 (Milton Lomask,
Aaron Burr: The Years from Princeton to Vice President, 1756–1805, N.Y., 1979, p. 183, 186–187; New York Journal, 31 Oct. 1795).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0018
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1795-10-08
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] Quincy october 8th 1795
[salute] my Dear son
I hear of a vessel going to Amsterdam, and tho I presume you are not in Holland, I
shall write a few lines just to let you know that we are all well, and that your Letters
by capt Trevett, who saild from Roterdam arrived safe and the Books, but the Bracelets
you mention intending to send by it, I have not any tydings of.1 it would have been fortunate if you had given them to the Captain, as well as the
Books. I regreet that my other matters were not put on Board. it is of very little
concequence what port a vessel is Bound to, provided it is in the state. I would add
to my former commission, and request that 2 Doz table cloths may be sent in stead
of one, only that they should be a size larger.
Mr Dickinson and Family have arrived from London.2 I have not seen them yet, but I hear they bring allarming accounts of a scarcity
of Bread in England
Before this reaches you, you will hear no Doubt of the Party opposition to the Treaty,
and of Sercet Service Money circulating in America. that there are hireling Writers
and printers, orators and Declamers, I have not the least Doubt. Bache paper and the
noted Chronical have become the infamous vehicles of the most insolent & perfidious
Defamation, Rancorous Knaves & Desperate incendiarys Skulk behind the press, and stab
the fairest and best characters in the United States. Witness the present Writers,
under the signature of Bellisarius, Vallerius Hancock & Cato, the three first Written
at Philadelphia, the last at Nyork—in which the President and mr Jay, are treated
like the Vilest Tyrants and greatest Trators of the Age.3 I doubt not many of these papers will reach you, but I cannot have a Hand, in transmitting
such base calumny. You know what an Engine the press has been in France, in sewing
the seads of sedition and, aiding all their Sanguinary Machinations. God forbid that
Americans should become imitators of their examples—
every effort is made use of to Draw and to Drive the United states into a War, but
if the Government of Great Britain is no seazd with the folly and Madness of individuals,
the Party spirit will subside in America, when it is found that their toil is useless,
and the great Bulk of America, the Yeomonary, and all the solid judicious Characters
are against War, and willing to acquiese in the Treaty. I inclose
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you part of a News paper in which you will see the late appointments, and a Letter
which will cause you some speculation.4 all I can say is, our judgments must be suspended untill Congress come together—
N York is in a Distresst state. the Yellow fever has made great Havock. the consternation
and distress is little less than that which took place at Philadelphia Happily your
sister and Family have been out of Town ever since I left her in july.
My Love to Thomas. I wrote him two Letters under cover to you about a fortnight since
I shall write again soon by a conveyance to England5
Yours most affectionatly
[signed] Abigail Adams
Louissa desires to be rememberd
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by TBA: “Mrs: A Adams to JQA / 8th: Octr: 1795 / 12 Novr: Recd:”; and by JQA: “21. Decr: recd. London. / 6. Jany: 1796. Answered.”
1. For JQA’s letter to AA of 29 June, carried by Capt. Samuel Russell Trevett, see vol. 10:468–470. JQA might have also sent his letter of 15 June to AA by the same route; see vol. 10:452–454. Neither letter mentions the books that were apparently enclosed. AA sent her letter by the Ann, Capt. Robert Lord; see TBA to AA, 1 Dec., and note 1, below.
2. Thomas Dickason Jr. and his family arrived in Boston from London aboard the America on 3 October. Dickason, a merchant, subsequently purchased a house at the corner
of Milk and Oliver Streets in Boston (Boston Courier, 3 Oct.; Thwing Catalogue, MHi).
3. Belisarius was published in five pieces in the Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 11, 15, 22 Sept., 3, 14 October. The elevenpart essay by Valerius appeared in the
Aurora, 22 Aug., 1, 9, 17, 25 Sept., 8, 21, 29 Oct., 11, 19 Nov., 1 December. Hancock wrote
five pieces for the Aurora, 21, 27 Aug., 3, 8, 12, September. The essays by Cato, sixteen in all, appeared in
the New York Argus, 15, 17, 22, 25, 31 July, 7, 11, 17, 22, 26, 29 Aug., 2, 10, 16, 23, 30 September.
All four series argue against the Jay Treaty. For instance, after a lengthy article-by-article
dissertation on what he perceives to be the failings of the treaty, Cato notes in
his concluding piece, “The treaty has obtained no adequate compensation for the injuries
we have suffered; that it has relinquished important claims that we had upon the British
government. … That it is injurious to our commerce, and ruinous to our navigation.
… That it counteracts the existing laws, and violates the federal constitution, and
that it infringes the rights of individual States” (30 Sept.). Similarly Hancock compares
the treaty to a volcano, which “contains within its bosom the materials of destruction”
(21 Aug.). But these pieces also particularly criticize George Washington and John
Jay, offering direct personal attacks, as well as chastising them for their roles
in negotiating and implementing the treaty. Valerius, for example, describes Washington
as a man who in youth was “unadorned by extraordinary features or uncommon capacity,”
with “none of those sparks of genius, however irregular and inconstant, which mark
the dawn of future eminence” (21 Oct.), and Jay as someone who had displayed “sentiments
of hostility to liberty” and “incompetency” (19 Nov.).
4. The enclosure has not been found but was likely the Boston Columbian Centinel, 16 September. This issue contained speculation on new cabinet appointments, for
which see AA to JQA, [ca. 28 Sept.], and note 5, above. It also contained a copy of George Washington’s 5 Sept. letter
revoking Thomas William Moore’s exequatur, for which see AA to TBA, 17 Sept., and note 3, above.
5. One of these letters was of 17 Sept., above. The second, apparently of 18 Sept., for
which see TBA to JQA, 23 Dec., and note 8, below, has not been found.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0019
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1795-10-26
Abigail Adams Smith to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] New York October 26 [1795]
[salute] my Dear Brother
I am informed of a Vessell to sail for England soon and I have been too remiss already
not to embrace this opportunity of writing to you—1 I had the pleasure to hear from you soon after your arrival— but since that time
I have been indebted to our Parrents and Charles for information respecting you—2 but I am so conscious of my own deficiencies that I cannot complain of yours— nevertheless
I should have derived great Sattesfaction from a frequent repetition of your letters—
I presume that you receive through other Channells a general and sufficient information
upon all Political Subjects; I Shall therefore confine myself to domestic information
and in this perhaps I Shall only repeat what others have already communicated— it
is not I dare say new to you that I have a Daughter at this time eight months old
by the name of Caroline Amelia—but it is left for me to acquaint you that She is the
finest Girl of her age ever seen—that she almost walks, talks, and is a most surprising Child. had I your tallent for description
I might relate in verse her Beauties but I must content myself by telling you in simple
Prose—that she is very fair, has blue Eyes, and Auburn Hair,— I will not raise your
expectations too high respecting her, least when you see her, you may be disappointed—
when this reaches you it will I dare say be no news to you to be informed of Charles
Marriage after all the Hair Breadth scrapes and iminent dangers he has run, He is
at last Safe Landed—and I beleive is very happy— they are now with me waiting for
an House to be finished which He has taken— they go into it the begining of November
you have I suppose been informed that an Epidemic fever has raged in New York this
season—and with which Seven hundred persons have died— the City has been deserted
by the greater part of its inhabitants who have fled into all parts of the Country
for refuge and it has been a time of general distress and Calamity— yet the Phisicians
will not allow it to have been the yellow fever it has not been so fatal in its consequences
as the fever in Philadelphia was—nor has it been so contageous— out of the seven hundred
it is supposed that not more than one hundred inhabitants have Suffered the rest have
been foreigners lately emigrated to this Country—amongst whom I beleive it originated—
I have been out of town the
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whole Summer and all our family—and returned only on Monday last the Citizens in general
have not yet returned and the City looks like Sunday every day— the fever has abated
very much but is not intirely destroyed— but the dangerous season is supposed to have
ceased
[dateline] Novr 14th
the Vessell Sails tomorrow and I am determined it Shall not go without my letter—
I have some reason to Suppose that it will meet you in England I wish it may for the
communication is so interrupted and so uncertain beteen this Country and Holland that
it seems as if you were out of our knowledge— Colln Smith desires to be remembered to you he is so engaged with Business that it is impossible
for him to write my Children are in health and desire to be remembered to you— Charles
has gone to Housekeeping and says he was never so happy in His Life, he Lives in front
Street—
Peggy Smith is Married to a Mr St Hilaire a young french Man—and James to Miss Ross—a Lady to whom he has been some time engaged—3 you will think them Matrimony Mad—I beleive—but such things are—
our good Mamma made me a visit the Last Spring when our father went to Philadelphia
to ratify the Treaty— I expect him to be here again on his Way to Philadelphia—soon—
I fear Congress will have a tumultuous session—
I pray you my Dear Brother to write me often and to inform me of your place of expected
residence of the resignation of Mr Randolf the Secretary of State I presume you are informed; there is as yet no person
appointed to fill his place adieu my Dear Brother and beleive / me affectionately
your Sister
[signed] A S—4
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs: A. Smith. New York. / 26. October 1795. / 1. Feby: 1796. recd: / do: answered.”
1. AA2 eventually sent this letter in care of Joseph Hall, for whom see AA to JQA, 29 Nov., and note 7, below.
2. Presumably JQA to AA2, 20 Nov. 1794, though JQA had written to her more recently, on 15 April 1795; see vol. 10:267–268, 408–410.
4. JQA replied to this letter on 23 Feb. 1796, writing from London. He expressed his appreciation
for the letter and the family news; in return, he reported on his own social activities
in London, including visits with various people AA2 had known during her own trips to Europe (FC-Pr, APM Reel 131).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0020
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1795-10-27
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] Helvoetsluys October 27. 1795.
[salute] My dear brother,
I apprehend that your information respecting the time when we are to be ready to depart
was not altogether accurate; for although the wind at present would serve us very
well, and the weather is remarkably fine, the Pilot will not venture to carry us out, and two of the passengers, have just been dispatched
to the Hague to procure passports.1 The Captain however is so very anxious to get away, that he consents to wait for them till tomorrow afternoon, in consideration of a pretty stout premium
to be paid by them. It is probable that the Pilot will inexorably refuse to go out
late in the afternoon, so that I can less than ever undertake to answer your question
when we shall depart.
The only remedy against moral as well as physical will must very often be patience.
At the obstinacy of the winds, which continued till this day, I have fretted not more than usual. I have indeed taken to myself some little consolation of vanity, from the idea that
I have borne the vexation, with Philosophy more than common to me; and since I find that all the anxiety, with which my eyes have involutarily turned
with constant iteration to all the vanes & weathercocks, in sight has been merely
gratituous; that the kindness of a weather cock, would have given me no relief, and
that all the stores of Lapland magic, would have been useless in my hands,2 I have been rather fortified than weakened in my resignation, and have only pitied
those who can prevail upon themselves to practise impositions without necessity.
If I could procure the means of another conveyance without a longer delay than will
probably attend that I have engaged, I should certainly take advantage of the opportunity,
but as it is, I still think best to put up with what I have.
I very much regret that I have missed the chance of seeing my friends Frazier & Gardner,
but hope the pleasure is only for a short time postponed.3
The enclosed letter is to be numbered, copied into the public book, and forwarded
with a copy of the note which it mentions.4
My Latin correspondent, in the letter you enclose me, urges so strongly for an answer,
that I must request you to send him one for me. His former letter; will inform you
where to direct it. You can tell him that I am absent, and if you are as diffident
of your Classical
{ 46 }
language as I am of mine, you may write him in our own tongue. Perhaps Mr: Dumas would assist you with a Dutch translation, for three lines, which would be
enough. You may if you please shew him the first Letter, and answer as you think proper
to the substance of that. If I recollect right the Gentleman requires assistance to enable him to
remove to America, which I have no authority to give. Whatever information he asks you can give as well as I—5
With my best regards to all friends, I remain affectionately / your Brother.
[dateline] 28th
There is a talk of sailing this day— Nous verrons—
2. A popular European and American folk belief still prominent in the eighteenth century
held that Lapland witches controlled storms and tempests, especially on the sea, and
would sell winds to sailors willing to pay for them (Ernest J. Moyne, Raising the Wind: The Legend of Lapland and Finland Wizards in Literature, ed. Wayne R. King, Newark, Del., 1981, p. 5, 70).
3. Nathan Frazier Jr. (d. 1802), Harvard 1784, was a Boston merchant. John Gardner, also
of Boston, would later write A Brief Consideration of the Important Services, and Distinguished Virtues and Talents,
Which Recommend Mr. Adams for the Presidency of the United States, Boston, 1796, Evans, No. 30472 (Harvard Quinquennial Cat.; Thwing Catalogue, MHi; Massachusetts Mercury, 15 April 1796). Both men visited JQA at Hellevoetsluis on 8 Nov. 1795, for which see JQA to TBA, 18 Nov., and note 1, below, and frequently again in London prior to their departure for the
United States in March 1796 (D/JQA/24, APM Reel 27).
4. JQA’s letter, dated 28 Oct. 1795, was to Edmund Randolph, relating JQA’s arranging to take leave from the Dutch States General and establishing TBA as chargé d’affaires in JQA’s absence. The correspondence, which TBA copied into Lb/JQA/5 and numbered 57, included a copy of JQA’s 19 Oct. letter to the president of the States General formally alerting him to
the situation (DNA:RG 59, Despatches from United States Ministers to the Netherlands, 1794–1906, Microfilm,
Reel 2, f. 256–257).
5. A letter in Latin from J. C. F. Brückner, a medical doctor, to JQA, 25 Oct., requesting assistance in seeking a job in the United States, is in the
Adams Papers. No further correspondence to or from Brückner has been located.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0021
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1795-10-31
John Quincy Adams to John Adams
N. 14.
[dateline] Helvoetsluys October 31. 1795.
[salute] My Dear Sir
I have been detained about ten days in this place, waiting for a wind, and am very
like to be detained as many more; the westerly
{ 47 }
winds prevailing in the channel at this Season of the year almost without intermission.
Since my arrival here I have received your favour of August 25. transmitted to me
by my Brother, who remains at the Hague, with the care of our affairs during my absence.—
Independent of the pleasure which a letter from you must always afford me, I cannot
express the happiness it gives me, to have the repeated testimonials of your approbation,
and the assurance that my performance of my duties here has been acceptable. For the
force of expressions, used especially in your last Letter I endeavour to make the
allowance which I feel to be necessary. As evidence of your kindness and indulgence
it is gratifying in the highest degree
But if the opinions which you mention as being entertained of my correspondence, have
not received a very high colouring from parental affection, they are such as would
give me still more anxiety than delight. Undeserved estimation is still more dangerous
than flattery and may be much more pernicious because it must be the result of error: A baseless reputation is one of the things on earth that
I should most fervently deprecate, and I hope you will not think it ridiculous, if
I assure you, that to find myself so much over-rated, by judgment so respectable would
be to me a subject of serious alarm. For your approbation, for that of the Executive Ministers with whom my correspondence is maintained, I
can never cease to be solicitous, but I am equally desirous, that not only the expression
of their opinions, but even the opinions themselves, may be confined to simple approbation;
that the former may not extend to applause, nor the latter to admiration.
These observations, with which my mind has long laboured, but which I have not hitherto
ventured to communicate even in the confidence of filial affection and gratitude,
may perhaps be rendered more excusable at the present moment, when the orders in consequence
of which I am now at this place have been most recently received. Although the business
upon which I am now employed is doubtless, the simple execution of orders, in which
there will be little or no discretion admissible, and although the circumstances of
local proximity and convenience for expedition, afforded the preponderant inducements
for commanding my services on this occasion, yet it naturally presents itself to my
mind, as an indication not barely of a continued but even of an increased confidence;
I will add, of a confidence more incommensurate with my talents or
{ 48 }
merits, than was my original appointment to this Country. Under these circumstances,
I think it becomes less improper to suggest my apprehensions to you, and to guard
myself against the dangers, which may derive not only to myself but to my Country
from a possible opinion, too favourable to me.
The service indeed upon which I am now ordered has nothing to please in prospect.
To deal with a British Minister; to deal with him after Mr: Jay, and with the furious persecution that this Gentleman has suffered for this very
transaction, fresh before my eyes, and yet rumbling in my ears, has nothing attractive
to ambition, or flattering to hope. On one side the perspective is illiberal and captious
negotiation, and probable failure, or such a success as will be not much better; on
the other is virulent reproach and abuse to extend as usual, to my nearest friends,
and lavished more on them than on me. That both these things will be combined for
my endurance in the course of the business is highly probable. One or the other of
them is inevitable; for the existence of the first in its utmost extent, will be the
only possible protection against the certainty of the second.
These anticipations do not however in themselves form my principal concern. I know
that success is seldom at human disposal, and that censure if unmerited is an evil,
not intolerable. It is not therefore the responsibility of this agency that I dread, but it is the magnitude of the trust, and my own incompetency; the first being only my personal concern; but the last involving the most important
interests, and the welfare of my Country
It is possible that the result of my present mission may ascertain the termination
of my residence in Europe, independent of any act of my own will: or perhaps it will
serve to give a direction to it. Your recommendation to me to return to America, at
the close of a three years absence, unless removed to a different scene, and raised
to an higher trust, will have as all advice from you will always have great weight
in my mind. But I must assure you in the most unequivocal manner, that I have not
the shadow of a wish for a more elevated rank than that in which I am now placed,
and that, of the only two American Missions in Europe, where the higher character
is employed, I consider the English as an object of aversion and the French of indifference.
As there is no present prospect of vacancy in either of those places, it will be unnecessary
for me to give you the numerous reasons upon which my sentiments concerning them are
formed. A
{ 49 }
dislike both of the Government and National character, perhaps amounting even to a
prejudice, is the principal ground of the first, and the unsettled revolutionary State
of the Country, is at least a counterbalance to any predilection I might otherwise
entertain in favour of the other.
Besides these considerations, if I had not collected a sufficient portion of the “Stoic
Spirit,” to dull the edge of my ambition; if the vanity of rank, or the parade of
representation had in my eyes such charms as could overpower my philosophy, I should
at least teach my desires a subordination to the sentiments of Justice; at least command
them to compare the merits of their claims with those of others, and be silent. If
diplomatic promotion in this course of duty, be an advantage or a reward, and the
occasion should occur, for bestowing it, The United States besides all their deserving
Citizens at home, have other Servants in Europe in the same Station with me older
in years, more versed in public affairs, entitled by long and faithful service to
the notice of public recompense; and without a delirium of extravagance could I expect
advancement while they remain stationary? without an arrogance of equal injustice
and absurdity could I wish it?
The situation at the Hague therefore, insignificant as it is satisfies me with an
employment, which without being tedious or painful is adequate to my talents, and
leaves me leisure to pursue any course of studies that may be recommended by its amusement
or utility. Indeed Sir, it is a situation, in itself much preferable to that of eternal
expectation in a lawyer’s office, for business which when it comes is scarcely sufficient
to give bread, and procures one more curses than thanks. I may be reduced once more
to the necessity of going through that trial, but as long as any other honest resource
is left me, the remembrance of that probation will suffice me, and I shall not be
willing to go through it again.
As I have known from the beginning your attachment to the idea of my returning to
the Bar, and as I have never disguised to you the reluctance with which I should do
it, I think it necessary candidly to acknowledge, that my feelings on this subject,
become daily more strongly confirmed. I shall therefore always consider the bar as
a resource, but I shall certainly consider it as the last.— As to affronts from my
Countrymen, I am unwilling to anticipate what I hope I shall never deserve. But if
destined to this mortification, I hope to be prepared to sustain it, and shall endeavour
to meet it with the Spirit not barely of a Stoic, but of a Christian; not only with
the
{ 50 }
fortitude to bear, but with the Charity to forgive. But situations like those here
supposed require such efforts of extraordinary Virtue, that from diffidence of my
own strength I hope not to be brought to the test. With respect to neglect, I do not
fear it, because I am sure I shall never consider it as an evil. It has always been
my opinion that the notice of the world is a thing to be commanded, but never solicited.
The trifling portion of it that I have hitherto enjoyed, has come to me of its own
accord, unexpected, and I can safely add undesired, though certainly received with
pleasure. Upon this point, I think it in my power to speak with the more confidence,
because I know perfectly well what it is to be neglected. I suffered it, for three
long years, at my entrance into the world, when its effect was to leave even my subsistence
dependent upon your kindness; and if I had not the magnanimity to endure it altogether
without complaint, at least the idea never entered my head, of blaming the public
for not giving me more confidence.
I am ashamed of perceiving what a letter I have here written upon the single subject
of myself. It will not however be uninteresting to parental kindness. But as it could
only bear the appearance of foolish or affected Vanity to any less indulgent reader,
I request particularly that it may be seen only by my mother and yourself. I will
therefore mingle nothing more worthy of other perusal with it, but conclude with the
usual assurance of unalterable affection from your Son
[signed] John Q. Adams.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “The Vice-President.”; endorsed: “N. 14. / J. Q. Adams / Helvoetsluys.
Oct. 31. 1795”; docketed: “J Q A October / 28 to JA / 1795.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 128. Tr (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0022
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1795-10-31
Elizabeth Smith Shaw to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Haverhill October 31st 1795
[salute] My Dear Sister
I have this moment heard Mr & Mrs Black is in town, & going out again immediately
but I would not let slip this favourable opportunity of sending directly to you— I
have omited writing before, as I wished to see Mr Peabody, & inquire of him if he
knew of any place worth purchasing— I have [in]quired of Mr Tucker, & others but can
find none, not any, but what will want constant repairs, & not so good as what I now
have— You understood me right when I said, I wanted the interest for my own use, &
Childrens, & the principal secured to them, when I am gone, & they stand in the greatest
need
{ 51 }
of it— Mr Peabody says he will sign any obligation which is reasonable & my friends
think proper— If Mr Adams likes to purchase, I should feel willing to sell it, but
not to any body else, because I think it might be an injury to you—
And if Dr Tufts & my sister should think it best to sell, I am willing, or if it is
best to convert Hockley for the purpose of building, I submit entirely to the better
judgments of my friends having confidence in Dr Tufts that he will do for me what
he would for a Child— I suppose if it could be vested in publick securities it would
neat more than it now does, & nothing but a re[vo]lution in Government could hurt
me I think, but I leave the matter to Folks that know better than I— If it is sold,
I chuse Capt Brooks to be a judge of the value— if you chuse one, let them two chuse
another for the purpose— perhaps that will be a good way—1
I can truly say, if it was not for building I should rather let things remain as they
are, than have so much upon my head heart, & hands now— but I know not how to spare
the interest, or sink the principal—for my family will I am sensible, be a great addition
to his, & if he gives us all food, I know he is not able to find us all raiment—without
injury to his own family—which he loves as well as I do mine—2
I am sorry to hear you have not enjoyed your health so well as usual, may heaven restore
it, & make you still a rich blessing to all arround you, prays / your affectionate
Sister
[signed] Elizabeth Shaw
excuse this haste my love to all—
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs Abigail Adams / Quincy—”; docketed by Richard Cranch: “Mrs E Shaw
October. / 1795.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.
2. Rev. Stephen Peabody had two children from his first marriage: Stephen (1773–1851)
and Mary (1775–1856), who in 1798 married Stephen Peabody Webster of Haverhill, N.H.
(Selim Hobart Peabody, comp., and Charles Henry Pope, ed., Peabody Genealogy, Boston, 1909, p. 38, 72).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0023
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1795-11-02
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] Helvoet November 2. 1795.
[salute] My Dear Brother.
The letter from Charles enclosed in yours of yesterday, accompanies as he says the
bills, which may therefore be expected
{ 52 }
immediately for acceptance.1 As they are at thirty days sight, it will perhaps be necessary to pay the money before
the close of the year.
The sum of f. 7,500. will just about absorb that for which I have a right to draw upon the bankers
at Amsterdam, untill the last of December: I must therefore request you to economize
with what money you have, so as not to draw for any more, on my account, untill the
commencement of the new year.
A few days before Charles’s bills shall be payable, let the bankers know, that you
shall have occasion for ƒ7,500 on my account, and request them, if they think that
sum will exceed what they are authorized to pay me, by the orders of the Secretary
of State, to inform you how much of it they will pay. Then for the amount of the difference
between that, and the sum necessary to discharge the bills, sell one or more of my
Dutch Obligations, as there may be occasion.
I would not call for a stuiver beyond my rigorous demand, because an accident may
terminate my claim upon the United States for my salary, expences &c. and because
the possibility of such an accident, deserves additional consideration, at a moment
when I am in expectation of crossing the water.
I might indeed consider the last ƒ. 1000 I received, as a charge upon my present expedition,
as most of it will really be, and that would entirely save the necessity of selling
any of the Obligations; but in cases where public money is concerned, I hold it better,
to stop certainly a mile short of the mark, than incur the chance of stepping an inch
beyond it.
If you can however arrange the business so as that Charles’s bills shall be punctually
paid without overdrawing on the bankers, and without selling any Obligations, it will
best accomodate me.
Should an answer from the State Department to my letter of July 3d. be received and allow the charge which I therein requested permission to make, my
right to draw on the bankers would in that case exceed considerably the ƒ. 7,500.—
As it is, the deficiency will be so small, that I think it cannot necessitate the
sale of more than one bond.2
Your transactions respecting Cowing’s affair are approved.3 You will find in my letter to your father sent you yesterday, my opinion that approbation
is the highest reward due, or at least to be expressed, for the proper conduct of
a young public servant, like you and me. My father’s last eulogium was really oppressive;
and the more so because in him, I know it was sincere.4 Of his judgment, I
{ 53 }
have the highest reverence, insomuch that when it regards myself I am afraid of forgetting
that it is the judgment of a Parent.
I sent you a small packet from hence on the 28th: ulto: and another on the 29th: As the last contained Captain Barney’s letter and my advice upon Cowing’s business,
your letter of yesterday implies the receipt of it. The former you do not mention.—5 Nor have you said any thing on the subject of enquiries whether I could obtain a flag to go from Scheveling, as Count Löwenhielm did some time since, to send.6 As I likewise wrote you yesterday, I hope to hear from you again to-morrow. I am
not certain that I shall want the flag, but the difficulties to go from hence rather
multiply than diminish. I am nearly determined not to go with Graham, but hope to
have one other chance, before I decide upon returning to the Hague.7 At any rate, I wish you to answer this Letter. The Post-Master here will doubtless
at my request send back to you, any Letter for me which may arrive subsequent to my
departure.
You will find your personal convenience in my getting away; for I shall then not trouble
you with so many Letters to copy into the books.— Here are now two more. That for
my joint friends you will forward or deliver as you may have an opportunity.8
Ay! Charles has got the start of me, to be sure. I was not so restive under correction,
and submitted to sacrifice my chance. God bless him, his wife, and all their posterity
to come! If you should follow his example, and get into a snug corner of matrimonial
enjoyment, while I continue to be buffeted about the world in solitary celibacy, you
may be assured of having the same cordial good wishes of your / affectionate brother
[signed] John Q. Adams.
[signed] Novr: 3. 10. A.M.
Wind as fair as it can blow; but no prospect of sailing this day.9
RC (private owner, 1957); internal address: “T. B. Adams Esqr”; endorsed: “J Q Adams Esqr: / 2–3 Novr: 1795. / 4 Recd: / Do answd.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 128.
1. Neither letter has been found, but see JQA’s two letters to CA of 4 Nov., below, for JQA’s response.
2. JQA wrote to Edmund Randolph on 3 July to submit his accounts to the government. He particularly
highlighted a credit owed him of over $1,300 due to an expense he had covered on behalf
of the United States, for which see JA to AA, 31 Jan. 1796, and note 5, below (LbC, APM Reel 127).
A letter from TBA to the Amsterdam bankers on the subject of the 7,500 florins has not been found,
nor has a report from TBA to JQA on the subject, but JQA’s 5 Nov. 1795 letter to TBA indicates that the bankers agreed to pay the amount (LbC, APM Reel 128).
JQA received a salary of $4,500 per year plus $4,500 for his outfit (vol. 10:192). Each year on or around 1 July, JQA submitted his accounts to the U.S. government. Copies of
{ 54 }
those of 1 July 1795, 1 July 1796, and 1 July 1797 are in the Adams Papers at those dates.
3. Joshua Barney (1759–1818), a former U.S. naval officer now working with the French,
had first written to JQA on 30 July 1795 regarding the case of Charles Cowing, an American sea captain arrested
by the Dutch in Flushing, Zeeland, ostensibly for bringing British spies into the
Netherlands. Cowing disputed the charges, and Barney was attempting to gain assistance
for the imprisoned captain. JQA initially responded to Barney on 9 Aug. suggesting that the Dutch were justified
in making the arrest owing to Cowing’s lack of appropriate papers. But a follow-up
letter from Barney on 25 Oct. giving further details—including his assertion that
he himself had examined Cowing’s papers and that the whole situation appeared to be
an attempt to extort money from Cowing by the mayor of the town—convinced JQA to take action. In his 28 Oct. letter to TBA, he instructed TBA to present the contents of Barney’s letters to the Dutch government. “I have no doubt,”
JQA wrote, “but that this will be sufficient to obtain either the liberation of the man,
or the regular justice of the Country in his behalf.” Accordingly, TBA wrote to the States General on 2 Nov. informing them that Cowing was an American
citizen unjustly detained and requesting that they insure either that Cowing’s case
be properly examined or that he be released. TBA’s first request failed to yield results, so he wrote a second time on 6 Feb. 1796
again seeking assistance. On 20 Feb. TBA received word of Cowing’s release (DAB; Adams Papers; LbC’s, APM Reels 128, 129; Nationaal Archief, The Hague:Staten General, no. 7131, Part I, p. 62, 63; Part V, p. 462, 463; M/TBA/2, APM Reel 282).
5. In his letter to TBA of 28–29 Oct., JQA again complained about the delays he was encountering in crossing the English Channel.
He also sent letters to TBA regarding Charles Cowing’s situation, for which see note 3, above, and requested
TBA handle various other tasks in JQA’s absence (LbC, APM Reel 128).
6. Carl Axel Löwenhielm (1772–1861), the illegitimate son of King Charles XIII, later
became a leading Swedish diplomat, serving as Swedish ambassador to St. Petersburg
from 1812 to 1819 and as a representative to the Congress of Vienna in 1815 (T. K.
Derry, A History of Scandinavia: Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland and Iceland, Minneapolis, 1979, p. 214; Repertorium, 3:411, 415).
8. JQA’s joint letter to Nathan Frazier Jr. and John Gardner of 2 Nov. lamented that JQA had missed seeing his two friends at The Hague and hoped that they would find a way
to meet up while all were still in Europe (private owner, 2002; LbC, APM Reel 128). The second letter was presumably JQA’s to TBA, which TBA copied into the Letterbook immediately preceding that to Frazier and Gardner.
9. Additionally, JQA wrote to TBA from Hellevoetsluis on 1 and 5 Nov. and two letters on 8 Nov., all while waiting
for an opportunity to cross the English Channel. The letters intersperse a mix of
business requests with expressions of frustration at the various delays and the lack
of news available to him there (MHi:Adams Papers, All Generations; LbC, APM Reel 128; MBBs).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0024
Recipient: Adams, Charles
Date: 1795-11-04
John Quincy Adams to Charles Adams
[dateline] Helvoetsluys Novr: 4. 1795.
[salute] My dear Brother.
I received at this place by your letter of September 3d: the pleasing intelligence of your marriage, and offer you my warmest congratulations,
upon an event so important to your happiness, and thereby to that of your brother.1
{ 55 } In requesting you to make the assurance of my fraternal affection acceptable to my
new Sister, I depend upon your intercession for her permission to add that sentiment
to those of respect & esteem, which I have long entertained for her. It is a sentiment
the more precious to my heart, because it has hitherto been confined to one Sister,
deserving of its utmost tenderness, & because it will henceforth, be shared with the
second, without being impaired towards the first.
I have been detained in this little seaport, nearly a fortnight, by adverse winds
& boisterous weather, being in expectation of passing some time in London. You will
oblige me by taking every convenient opportunity, to write me at that place, and if
I shall have returned from thence, before you letters can arrive, as is most likely,
they can always in the course of a few days be forwarded to me, at the Hague.
It is not in my power to give you the most recent news, for I am here almost as remote
from current intelligence, as I could be in a prison, so that for the last fortnight
I have been altogether uninformed, you will however doubtless receive regularly the
Gazettes from the Hague, but the situation of this Country is such, that no information
can generally be sent from hence to arrive in America, until it has got to be an old
story from else where.
The new Constitution of France, the decrees for reelecting two thirds of the Convention
as members of the Legislature, the animosity of which that measure was the occasion
or the pretext, between the Convention & the City of Paris; The bloody issue of that
struggle, and the measures of the Assembly subsequent to their victory, will meet
your attention as interesting objects of speculation. These dissentions are afflicting
to humanity, but they will continue to be renewed, because the prevalent opinions
in that Country, are yet such as naturally tend to produce them. It is often true
in the affairs of individuals, but almost universally in those of Nations, that their
misfortunes are attributable only to their errors.
The passage of the Rhine by the french armies of Sambre & Meuse and of Rhine & Moselle,
followed by their rapid march into the heart of Germany, was known before my departure
from the Hague. An obscure rumour has reached this place, that they have been defeated,
and obliged at least to repass the Rhine, but the details of the story are wholly
unknown to me.2
The state of this Country is in general tolerably quiet &
{ 56 }
peaceable, excepting every now & then, a little irregular usurpation of Sovereignty
by Clubs & popular assemblages; hitherto they have not been followed by any tragical
event. The dissolution of the Confederation, and the consolidation of all the provinces
into a single Republic, by the Convocation of a National Assembly, has been for many
months an object of great solicitude, more especially because a difference of opinion
has arisen in the different provinces, upon the propriety of the proposed alteration.
The Province of Holland almost unanimously, and the popular Societies and Clubs in
all the others, have pursued very tenaciously the point upon which they think the
permanency of their Revolution will turn; but the majority of the people in most of
the smaller Provinces, are strenuously averse to the change, and adhere tenaciously
to their federal System. The parties have at length proceeded so far, that the provincial
assembly of Holland, has taken a formal resolution, that in case the other Provinces
do not unanimously agree, to call the National Assembly by the 25th: of this month, this Province will take the step alone, or together with those that
will agree to join it, without waiting any longer for the assent of the remaining
members.3
I have been amused, but not surprized, to observe with what zeal the most ardent patriots
here, connect in argument, provincial sovereignty & aristocracy, after having seen so many patriots no less ardent in America, labouring with the
same industry, to make the essence of Republicanism consist in State Sovereignty. I knew before this that the arguments of a party, are generally urged more for their
operation than for their weight.
There has been a report here of a French squadron, having captured a considerable
part of the English mediterranean fleet, together with three or four ships of war,
that were convoying them. This circumstance if true, will be an encouragement to the
French, who have hitherto been uniformly unfortunate at Sea during the present war,
and the check may possibly abate a little of the English pretensions, which are very
extravagant.4
Farewell! And accept once more the renewal of my fervent good wishes for your personal
& domestic happiness & prosperity.
PS. Thomas sent you some time since from Amsterdam a couple of Shanslopers. You will
do me the kindness to accept them from me.5
1. Not found.
2. Beginning in September Gen. Jean Baptiste Jourdan led the French Sambre-Meuse Army
across the Rhine, successfully capturing Düsseldorf, while Gen. Charles Pichegru and
the Rhine-Moselle Army captured Mannheim. The Austrians counterattacked against Pichegru’s
forces, which failed to support Jourdan’s troops. Jourdan and his army were forced
to retreat across the Rhine by mid-October, and Pichegru’s forces subsequently surrendered
Mannheim on 21 Nov. and retreated further west. An armistice to end the fighting for
the winter was agreed to on 15 Dec. and left the Austrians comfortably in control
of much of the Rhineland (Ross, Quest for Victory, p. 91–93).
3. In the wake of the Batavian Revolution, the Dutch debated plans for their new government
and especially the relative authority of individual provinces versus a popularly elected
national legislative body. A number of proposals had been put forth giving varying
amounts of power to a new National Assembly and either reducing the authority of or
abandoning entirely the States General. A plan suggested on 14 Oct. called for the
abolition of the States General upon the formation of a National Assembly, but it
limited the new Assembly to legislative—not executive—authority. Executive powers
would continue to reside with provincial assemblies. The provinces were given until
25 Nov. to decide to support the proposal, although Holland declared that any provinces
failing to act by the deadline would simply be excluded from the new “Republic of
the Netherlands.” Three provinces—Friesland, Groningen, and Zeeland—refused to capitulate
to Holland’s pressure but were eventually persuaded to join in the new Assembly, which
opened on 1 March 1796 (Schama, Patriots and Liberators, p. 237–240, 243, 245).
4. The French Navy had only a limited impact on the British, but a squadron coming out
of Toulon did manage to capture some British ships in the Mediterranean in the fall
of 1795 (Jonathan R. Dull, The Age of the Ship of the Line: The British & French Navies, 1650–1815, Lincoln, Nebr., 2009, p. 143).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0025
Recipient: Adams, Charles
Date: 1795-11-04
John Quincy Adams to Charles Adams
[dateline] Helvoetsluys November 4. 1795
[salute] My dear Brother
Your Letter of September 3d. advising your having drawn the preceding day, bills on me in favour of Daniel Ludlow
& Co: for ƒ7,500. at thirty days sight, was received by our Brother Thomas at the Hague
on the first of this month, and forwarded by him to me, at this place, where it reached
me the next day.1 The bills though mentioned by you as accompanying the Letter, were not presented
for acceptance with it. Should they be presented during my absence from the Hague,
they will be accepted, and paid in my behalf by our brother.
You will find in a letter I have written you since that of May 17th: that besides the thousand Dollars of your own drawn for in these bills, and the other
thousand for which you had previously drawn in favour of William Rogers, & which have
been paid, I shall still remain accountable to you for one hundred dollars, being
the amount of the interest paid last June upon your bonds then in my hands.2 For this sum you will perhaps not think it worth while to draw on me, and I wish
you therefore to charge it to me in account. For you
{ 58 }
will in future keep a regular account open with me, and let me know the state of it
from time to time.
I shall be well satisfied if you conclude upon accepting the offer which you mention
as having been made you for the employment of my property in your hands. It appears
to me fully to comply with both the directions contained in my letter, and you doubtless
ascertained the validity of the security.
You may if you please draw on me for five thousand florins more, subject to the same
employment and directions, and to the same conditions for your agency. You will then
have so much of my little all committed to your discretion, that I have no doubt you will be solicitous to take
the best possible care of it.
For making the draft hereby authorized, I wish you to take the advantage of a favourable
exchange, and if the occasion do not offer at the receipt of this letter, to wait
untill it shall. The Security of clear and valuable real estate has in my mind the
preference above all other as security; and I shall be content to have the whole amount in this, as in the former case,
placed upon the terms, which your letter mentions. But I am particularly attached
likewise to the condition of recalling the principal at pleasure, and should wish
to have it secured in fact as well as in right. For the latter a stipulation is sufficient,
but the former must always depend on the ability & integrity of the borrower. You
cannot be responsable for these, but a prudent attention to the principle may frequently
prevent delays & vexations.
The reason upon which I am desirous to retain a real command of the money, at any
time is this. It often happens in America that transient opportunities occur to employ
money with as much safety, and with an infinitely greater profit, than when placed
at any interest, public or private; and my intention has been and is, that you should
with my property take advantage of any such occasion in my behalf. For the first placing
of the money, the legal interest was all I could expect or wish; but I meant to leave
it in your power at any time to improve an opportunity for doing better. You will
therefore consider my authority for the employment of the money as limited principally
by your own discretion. Upon all the principal for which you draw on me by authority,
you will take five per cent, and also five per cent upon whatever annual income you
shall remit proceeding from it, for your agency. But I shall expect no other charges
whatever the securities may be, or however often changed.
The only general instruction I can give you on the subject is, that
{ 59 }
of course I do not mean any illegal risk should be incurred, nor any risk that can
possibly involve me personally, or any other part of my property. For your commissions you may pay yourself as you go along, either
by the advantage upon the exchange, which will perhaps alone suffise or by the interest
when you shall receive it, or if you cannot conveniently wait for that, by drawing
on me. You will as I formerly requested, remit to Dr: Welsh on my account, whatever interest may remain beyond the discharge of your own
demands on me. If you should at any time have occasion for a power of attorney, you
can either procure a substitution from Dr: Welsh, or write to me, and I will send you one.
Although I am persuaded you will give to the transaction of my affairs, all the attention,
prudence & diligence that I could myself, it is not my intention to load you with
a burden, that shall be altogether without benefit to yourself. If therefore at any
time, your situation should become so advantageous, that my concerns would no longer
on these terms be an object adequate to the trouble they may give you, I shall wait
for notice from you to make such dispositions respecting them as then may be proper.
In separating however the man of business from the Brother, I place the fullest confidence
in the affection of the latter, as well as in the fidelity of the former.—3 With the most cordial return of that affection I remain / Your Brother
[dateline] Novr: 5.
The bills were accepted by our Brother on the 2d: instt: and will be paid at the expiration of their term.4
1. Daniel Ludlow (1750–1813), a New York merchant, had trained with the Amsterdam banking
firm of Daniel Crommelin & Son, to whom he was related. In the 1770s he established
his first partnership in New York, and in 1790 went into business under the name of
Daniel Ludlow & Co. (John Austin Stevens Jr., Colonial New York: Sketches Biographical and Historical 1768–1784, N.Y., 1867, p. 147).
3. CA’s letter outlining his plans for JQA’s money has not been found, but see CA to JQA, 24 April 1796, below. JQA’s faith in CA’s abilities would ultimately prove misplaced. On 29 Sept. 1798 JQA wrote to CA complaining that he had had no report from CA in the previous fifteen months and was therefore turning over all of his financial
affairs to TBA (FC-Pr, APM Reel 131). To AA, JQA commented concerning the situation, “My brother Charles—I know not what to think
of him and his conduct.— To the most urgent sollicitations for an account from him,
I can obtain no answer.— All I know is, that he has acted contrary to my most precise
instructions, and omitted prescribed payments to Dr: Welsh, long before you wrote to him not to make such payments.— I have required him
to account with my brother Thomas, and deliver over to him my securities.” In
{ 60 }
December of that year, AA reported to JQA that CA had confessed to her that he had used JQA’s money to cover one of WSS’s debts and save him from prison, but that CA had been unable to recover the money and was too embarrassed to inform JQA of the situation (8 Oct., 2 Dec. 1798, both Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0026
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1795-11-07
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Helvoetsluys November 7. 1795.
[salute] My Dear Mother.
Your few lines of August 25th. were forwarded to me from the Hague by my brother, and though short, yet as the tokens
of your remembrance, gave me the customary pleasure.1
A longer interval than I can fully justify to myself has elapsed since I wrote you
last. But having written repeatedly to my father, I have always supposed myself writing
at the same time to you.
As you have been a traveller in these Countries, the date of my letter will inform
you, where I now purpose to go.2 It will not however as I imagine give you any news. My brother remains at the Hague
during my absence which I expect and hope will not be long.
Did you ever know what it is to be cooped up a fortnight or three weeks, in a paltry
little European Seaport, waiting for wind and weather; and cut off from all human
communication, almost as entirely as if you had changed your world?— If you did, could
you possibly speak, write or think of any thing else?— An answer to these questions
will unfold to you the situation in which I now write.
I am therefore unable to give you any news, having lost the current of them myself.
There are indeed rumours which have reached me here of Events not unimportant, and
of apprehensions still more deserving remark, but I know not even upon what authority
their credibility rests. They will however if true be known in America before this
letter can reach you, and I hope soon to write you from a place where information
more authentic may be obtained.
I have received here a Letter from my brother Charles, which announces his marriage,
and wish him all the happiness that his new situation can bestow.3 The step was certainly not precipitate. I hope and trust that it was not taken too
early. As he well knows the additional duties and obligations that it will impose,
I doubt not but he is prepared to discharge them, and will find in the happiness of
his union, new motives to stimulate his industry and to confirm and enlighten his
prudence.
{ 61 } My father in a Letter also received here, expresses his wish that his elder son should
at an early period return home to assume in like manner the cares and enjoy the felicities
of a family state; and as this article seems more particularly proper for discussion
only with the Ladies, I shall take the Liberty of addressing to you its answer.4
It is one of those maxims which Rochefoucauld, by a sanction no less respectable,
is said to have “drawn from Nature,” that “we sometimes pass from Love to Ambition,
but that we never return from Ambition to Love.”5 If this observation be universally true, what respite from the sentence it contains
is to be expected by one who has past from Love, not indeed to Ambition, but at least to its concerns?
Can a widowed heart: an heart which at the monition of parental solicitude and tenderess,
has offered up at the shrine of worldly prudence the painful sacrifice of an ardent
affection, and pronounced by mutual consent and acquiescence an irrevocable separation
from the object of all its hopes and all its wishes; can such an heart readily submit
to the controul of other bonds? When all the pleasing illusions which youth beauty
and real merit have implanted in the breast, as necessary allurements to the purpose
of Love; when they have been radically torn from the bosom by voluntary violence,
can they again be placed there by other hands? If after such wounds have been healed;
after all the impressions once so dearly cherished have been effaced except those
“that last till life shall be no more,” the part be not for ever invulnerable to similar
weapons, then let my conversion to the matrimonial faith not be despaired of as impossible.
Time and absence, the claims of interest, and the calls of duty, an altered scene
and a different action have all contributed to confirm and reward an effort, the extent
of which was never known but to myself. Peace and tranquility have long since returned,
and though attended with the dulness of blunted sensations rather exempt from pain
than conscious of pleasure, still they are guests too valuable easily to be dismissed
again after having been once appreciated by their loss. But to sacrifice the choice
of the Heart, is all that prudence or duty can require; it cannot, it will not receive
from my own controul, or from any other the imposition of a different choice. It must henceforth pursue its own course; if it can choose again, its electron
must be spontaneous, without receiving any direction from the will.6
{ 62 } As to a marriage of convenience, it will be time enough to think of that at five and forty, should that age be attained.
I hope you will not think me romantic. The deliberate sacrifice of a strong passion
to prudential and family considerations is indeed so widely distant from the orthodox
doctrine of Romance, that there is not I believe a novel-writer of the age, who can
get rid of such an incident without the help of a pistol or a bowl, a pendent willow
or a purling stream.7 But the real lessons of life are seldom to be found in novels. I have lived through
the operation, and never for an instant had an idea of doing otherwise. At the same
time I must acknowledge, that my success was perhaps principally due to facilities
in its execution which might have failed, and which were more serviceable to my intentions
than flattering to my pride.
You have now the clear exposition of my sentiments and principles, on this subject.
The inference as far as it is my personal concern, need not be here drawn, but may
be left to your own judgment.
But if the knight has lost his Dulcinea, the Squire it appears by your Postscript
is more fortunate. On receiving your billet I turned down the last lines, so important
to Tilley, and gave him the paper, that he might read them himself. He said nothing:
but I examined his countenance while he was reading, and envied him his feelings.
He is indeed “true as the needle to the Pole,” and I wish he could improve for his
sweetheart in my service, as much as she will for him in your’s.8 He has not yet got over the awkwardness of his new service; but his Master is in
the same predicament and knows therefore how to be indulgent. But he has become very
useful, performs very well all his necessary services, and is especially valuable
for his Honesty, as well as for the goodness of his temper. He had just got well and
easily through the small-pox, before I was called on my present expedition
I am with the utmost gratitude and affection your Son
[signed] John Q. Adams.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A. Adams.”; endorsed: “J Q A Novbr 7 1795.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 128.
1. Not found, but the note was perhaps enclosed with JA’s letter to JQA of the same date, above.
2. Hellevoetsluis was a common embarkation point for crossing the English Channel. When
AA and JA spent several weeks traveling in the Netherlands in 1786, they stopped in the town
en route to The Hague and were honored with “the ringing of the bells, and a military
guard to wait upon us” (vol. 7:315, 317).
3. Not found.
4. See JA to JQA, 25 Aug. 1795, above.
5. François, Duc de La Rochefoucauld, Maxims, Maxim 37.
7. “Darkling I sigh, and feed with dismal thoughts / My anxious mind, or sometimes mournful
verse / Indite, and sing of groves and myrtle shades, / Or desp’rate lady near a purling
stream, / Or lover pendent on a willow-tree” (John Philips, “The Splendid Shilling,”
lines 101–105).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0027
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1795-11-17
John Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] Quincy November 17. 1795
[salute] My dear Son
Since my last I have received your No. 11. dated 27. July with the Pamphlets which accompanied it.1 The Entertainment and Enjoyment I derive from these Communications as well as from
all your Letters, is beyond all your Conception as well as my Expression. My greatest
Satisfaction arises from the Proofs they carry with them that your Judgment and Constancy
and Fortitude are not to be warped by any Seductions, Temptations or Illusions.
I cannot Say with you, however that most Heresies are eternal Truths: for Heresies as well as orthodoxies have been often Nonsence,
Villany and Blasphemy: but I fully agree with you, it is not yet time to expect in
Europe a Government which will be “at the Same time Strong to enforce the Law, and
weak for any Abuse of its Power.[”]2
If Elections of Executives and Legislatives, are found by Experience to produce better
Magistrates and Lawgivers, than hereditary Education, I should join in the Warfare
against all Hereditaments (to use an Expression of our Law) as heartily as any Man—
But as past Experience has not proved it, I must wait for future Experience to decide:
and further to prove that Legislatives and Executives wholly elective can either make
or execute any Laws at all.
In Europe most Writers at the present Day confound all Ideas of popular Esteem Affection
Gratitude and Respect for particular Families with The Feudal Aristocracy. But these
are different Things. Popular Families exist among African Negroes and American Indians
as well as in any of the Feudal Kingdoms. Nor would the Cessation of all the Civilization
in the World and the Restoration of the Savage Life over the whole Globe, prevent
the hereditary descent of Popularity. if all public Men are elective, Birth will procure
more Votes and have more Influence than ever. A few Families will more decidedly govern.
This appears to me—time will show. The natural
{ 64 }
Descent of Popularity in Governments perfectly elective will be found to be So certain
and so general, that it will produce an Aristocratical Government every where, an
exclusive Aristocratical Government, untill Laws and Regulations are introduced to
prevent it, against the popular Inclination.
A Government of Sans Culottes cannot long endure— The poor People find themselves
Starved with Cold and Hunger, in a very short time in Consequence of their own Rule,
and soon cry “This will not do.” We must have somebody to give Us Bread and Cloaths as well as Circeuses. Hereditary
Popularity, which no political Institutions can prevent, and which being unlimited
& unconfined will always be mad or extravagant3 will be found more dangerous, pernicious & destructive than hereditary Prerogatives
and Priviledges ascertained by Law and directed to the national Good
There is Heresy for You! enough to expose me to Persecution in any Country at this
day: but
Nullius Addictus jurare in verba Magestri.—4
I cannot believe what I please: much less what is dictated by every Fool who pleases
to think himself popular.
on the 30th. of this Month I shall set out for Philadelphia, and reach it in 9 days, where I fear
I must reside till next June. A Stormy session We may have: but I presume We shall
weather it.
If report says the Truth you will have as nice a Task as any of Us: but be of good
Cheer. preserve your good humour as well as your Independence: and especially guard
yourself against all Approaches of Presumption and Vanity.
I am with the kindest Affection / your Father
[signed] John Adams
Love to Thomas— I will write him soon.
and I too will write by capt Scott who is to sail soon. to both my dear Sons adieu5
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “John Quincy Adams Esqr”; endorsed: “My Father. / 17. November. 1795. Quincy. / 1. February 1796. recd: London. / 10. do: Ansd:.” Tr (Adams Papers).
1. For JQA’s letter of 27 July, see JQA to AA, 30 July, note 3, above. JQA concluded his letter, “By the present opportunity I send several new publications
lately received from Paris: they discover in some degree the state of the public mind,
and furnish materials for the History of a philosophical Revolution. The man that
can read them and retain an ardor for Revolutions, must indeed possess more philosophy
than humanity” (Adams Papers). The pamphlets cannot be definitively identified but were possibly François Antoine,
Comte de Boissy d’Anglas, Discours préliminaire au projet de constitution pour la République Française, [Paris?], 1795; Calendrier républicain, Paris, 1795; and Konrad
{ 65 }
Engelbert Oelsner, Notice sur la vie de Sieyes, Switzerland, 1795. All three are in JA’s library at MB (Catalogue of JA’s Library).
2. In discussing popular support for the Jacobins and royalists in France, JQA commented to JA in his letter of 27 July, “In short there is no Revolution whatever but may be expected
in that Country except one that shall give them Peace and a regulated Liberty. If
in the most favourable circumstances the perfection of human legislation is scarcely
adequate to the construction of a Government which may be at the same time strong
to enforce the law, and weak for any abuse of its power, it may without hesitation
be pronounced impossible in France. I suppose this opinion is yet a political heresy, and like most other heresies it is an eternal truth” (Adams Papers).
4. “I am not bound over to swear as any master dictates” (Horace, Epistles, Book I, epistle i, line 14).
5. This paragraph is in AA’s hand. She sent a letter to JQA of 29 Nov. and to TBA of 30 Nov., both below, with Capt. James Scott, who sailed from Boston on the Minerva on 11 Dec. (Boston Courier, 12 Dec.). JA wrote a joint letter, which presumably traveled by the same conveyance, to the brothers
on 29 Nov., confirming his travel plans for Philadelphia and commenting on the public
and congressional response to the Jay Treaty (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0028
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1795-11-18
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] London November 18. 1795. Osborne’s Hotel.
[salute] My Dear Brother
You were doubtless informed by our friends who favoured me with a visit at Helvoet
of my sailing from thence at last. I landed the next day at Margate, and the morning
after reached the place from whence I now write you.1
I found nothing to do; or rather all done. But I still find my self detained here
to wait for further orders which I expect daily to arrive2
Mr: Pinckney is expected back in the course of this month or the next.3 His arrival will release me, and if my tour here should prove only useless, it will
be less unpleasant to myself than I had reason to suppose.
You will not fail however to write me by every opportunity until further notice, enclosing
to Mr Johnson, except when you have opportunities of a private hand. You have heard of
Mr: Randolph’s resignation. Its occasion did not arise from the affair of the Treaty,
nor was it report be true, very honourable to himself. Mr Bradford the late Attorney General died about the same time.
A severe fever has prevailed in New-York, but at the date of the latest Letters (October
11.) had subsided. I have a Letter from Charles of Septr 27.4 The family were then all out of the City, and well. Peggy Smith I am told is married
to a french Gentleman by the name of Darville.
{ 66 } Mr: Bayard assures me he has no documents relative to the case of the Ship Penn. If you
see Mr: Van Son perhaps he can supply you with some, or at least he can inform you of the
facts. The owners employed him as their counsel, in their former application to the
States General. As I may probably soon return, I do not think it will be necessary
for you to present a memorial as yet.5
You may if you please write me the current news by private opportunities. The public here know nothing of what is going forward in your quarter.
Mrs: Turing’s answer to the note I wrote her, with the letter from Mlle: Lorenzi, is enclosed.6 If I should receive any further information from her, I shall be happy to forward
it
The Government here is very busy against Sedition; and Sedition no less busy against
the Government. Some prospect of a famine, but none of Peace.7
I miss your company as much at least as I expected, and that is saying a great deal.
Those of our friends whom I have seen all enquire kindly after you.
Remember me respectfully at ——— I dare not write the word, so grating to tender ears,
that Genet you know made its use an heinous crime in one of our former diplomatic
characters. My best regards to all friends, and tell the Baron that I find nothing
to compensate for the loss of our academic walks.8
Your affectionate brother
[signed] John Q. Adams.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “T. B. Adams Esqr”; endorsed: “J, Q Adams Esqr: / 18 November 1795 / 4 Decr Recd: / 12 Answd:.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 130.
2. JQA was destined to be disappointed in his wait for new orders. On 15 Jan. 1796 Timothy
Pickering finally wrote to JQA to explain that the instructions originally drawn up in Aug. 1795, which planned
for additional negotiations with Britain, had been made obsolete by the speedy ratification
and exchange of the Jay Treaty. Creation of a new set of instructions was hindered
by the lack of a permanent secretary of state, though Pickering promised “they will
be immediately attended to” (Adams Papers). This letter, received in March 1796, confirmed that JQA’s mission to London had been largely unnecessary.
3. The previous spring Thomas Pinckney, U.S. minister to Great Britain, had been named
special commissioner and envoy extraordinary to negotiate a treaty with Spain. After
successfully completing his mission with the signing of Pinckney’s Treaty on 27 Oct.
1795, he began his return trip to England, arriving in mid-Jan. 1796 (DAB; D/JQA/24, 15 Jan., APM Reel 27).
4. CA’s letter has not been found nor the source of JQA’s information, but the London Courier and Evening Gazette, 14 Nov. 1795, reported that “a bilious fever, highly malignant, and very near resembling
the yellow fever of the West Indies,” had been prevalent
{ 67 }
in New York City since July. But there was hope that “a considerable frost will undoubtedly
put an end to it.” An item in the London Lloyd’s Evening Post, 18–20 Nov., informed readers, “A vessel arrived yesterday from New-York, by which
we learn that the dreadful fever which has prevailed there so long, is very fast abating,
and is now principally confined to the lower part of the city, near the docks.”
5. TBA had written to JQA on 7 Nov. regarding the case of the capture of the Penn as a French vessel by a Dutch privateer near the Cape of Good Hope. The captain of
the vessel in London was protesting its capture, claiming it was an American vessel,
and hoped to receive assistance from Samuel Bayard (1767–1840), an agent for the United
States in London overseeing claims at British admiralty courts. Van Son was likely
one of the partners in the Dutch mercantile firm of Coenraad & Hendrick van Son (Adams Papers; Washington, Papers, Retirement Series, 2:33; Joost Jonker and Keetie Sluyterman, At Home on the World Markets: Dutch International Trading Companies from the 16th
Century until the Present, The Hague, 2000, p. 394, note 54).
6. Not found.
7. In early November William Pitt and Lord Grenville introduced into Parliament bills
that would become the Treasonable and Seditious Practices Act and the Seditious Meetings
Act, both in response to the attack on George III’s coach on 29 Oct., for which see
TBA to AA, 1 Dec., and note 3, below, and to mass meetings held to demand political reform in increasingly
radical terms. The first act was designed to clarify the definition of treason, adding
any direct or indirect attempt to intimidate the king, all of which was punishable
by death, and to restrict the right of radicals to petition the government. The second
forbade meetings of more than fifty people without a license and gave magistrates
broader scope to declare gatherings to be riots (Jennifer Mori, William Pitt and the French Revolution 1785–1795, Edinburgh, 1997, p. 252–256).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0029
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1795-11-21
John Quincy Adams to John Adams
[dateline] London November 21. 1795.
[salute] Dear Sir.
Since my last Letter (15.) nothing very material has occurred.1 The newspapers enclosed will shew you the degree of opposition that is made against
the Convention bills as they are called.2 The City of London has instructed its members to vote against them. They will however
pass.
I know not whether you have seen the review of the new Edition of your book, and therefore
send the monthly Review that contains it.3 The writer seems to know a little more of it than Boissy d’Anglas
I am here in an unpleasant state of suspense and idleness. But I must not complain.
Your affectionate Son
[signed] John Q. Adams.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “The Vice-President.”; endorsed: “J. Q. A. / Nov 21. 1795” and
“Bet. N. 15. and 16.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 130.
1. JQA’s most recent letter to JA, of 17 Nov., provided a lengthy description of political activities in France, Great
Britain, and the Netherlands. JQA outlined the current composition of the new French legislature, observing, “If the
tone of the Directory can be anticipated by any consideration of the character of
its members, it will not be
{ 68 }
remarkable for stability or harmony. … The new Legislature did not assemble under
the fairest auspices that could be wished. A civil war in the heart of Paris, but
a few days before stifled in blood, a paper currency depreciated to the lowest extreme
of sufferance; an expence of more than an hundred daily millions to support, and defeat,
a word of which they had almost lost the use attending their armies.” Although the
Dutch were outwardly celebrating their liberty under the French, JQA believed, “They are however at length seriously alarmed. They expect an attack from
a corps under the hereditary prince of Orange; they are afraid of Prussia, afraid
of England; afraid of their own people.” Likewise, Great Britain, too, JQA saw as divided: “The uneasiness and discontent which has been produced by the War
has naturally mingled with the revolutionary principles and designs; but hitherto
an occasion had been wanting to connect them closely with the pursuits of the opposition
leaders. That occasion seems to be now furnished, and it gives a consistency to the
party adverse to the Government, that is really formidable” (Adams Papers).
2. The enclosures have not been found, but the London newspapers contained extensive
coverage of the debate over what would become the Treasonable and Seditious Practices
Act and the Seditious Meetings Act, both still under discussion in Parliament, including
reports of mass meetings in opposition to the bills. See, for example, London Tomahawk, 12 Nov., and London Courier and Evening Gazette, 16 November.
3. John Stockdale published a new edition of JA’s three-volume Defence of the Const. in London in 1794. The enclosure has not been found but was presumably the Monthly Review, 2d ser., 16:547–553 (Jan.–April 1795). The positive review indicates that “readers
will derive much pleasure, and … instruction” from JA’s history of “republics democratical, aristocratical, monarchical, or regal and mixed.”
The writer also uses the review as a call for reform of the British government, arguing,
“With a constitution so admirably adapted as that of Great Britain is shewn to be
for the preservation of liberty, such, in the general outline, with due allowance
for antient institutions, ought to be the present picture of British freedom. If the
fact be in any respect otherwise, the defect, not being in the machine, must be in
the manner of working it. When the absurd and disgraceful antipathy, which has arisen
in this country against reform, shall have subsided, we trust that such regulations will be adopted, as will effectually
prove that the balancing system of government, so ably defended in this work, is practically,
as well as theoretically, productive of every blessing which can be enjoyed in a free
government.”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0030
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1795-11-24
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
1. from hence.
[dateline] London November 24. 1795.
[salute] My Dear Mother.
You will receive the letter I wrote you during my captivity at Helvoetsluys, where
I was detained by opposite winds and violent weather almost three weeks. On the 11th: instt: I arrived here. How long I shall stay is yet unknown to myself, but I hope not long;
there is something so dissipated and yet so solitary in the residence of a City like
this, that I have never found in it either the pleasures of Society, or the profits
of retirement. There is a continual flutter, an agitation of the Spirits excited by
the multitude of objects that crowd upon the senses at once, that is not without its
charm for a time, as it amuses the mind by employing it with a succession of novelty
of long continuance; but when the period of Enchantment
{ 69 }
is over, and it cannot last many days, there remains nothing but a listless uneasiness
that allows neither application nor enjoyment.
The craving void of solitude is more forcibly felt by me now than it has hitherto
been, because I left my brother at the Hague. I feel very sensibly the want of his
Company; while I had it I could not consider myself as separated from every object of my attachment
There are always however in these great Cities subjects of curiosity, that become
interesting to a transient traveller. Among those of the present day, are some manuscripts
alledged to have been recently discovered, being originals from the hand of Shakespear.
Among several others of trifling importance, there is a complete fair copy of the
Tragedy of King Lear; three or four sheets being part of an Hamlet, and an whole Tragedy
heretofore unknown entitled Vortigern and Rowena.
You will suppose that I have enough of the Catholic superstition about me, to pay
my devotions to such relics as these. They are in the possession of a private Gentleman
by the name of Ireland, and with the introduction of a friend I have had an opportunity
to see them all, except the new play. That was not shewn us, whether owing to an interruption
from company, or to some shyness in the proprietor, the play’s being still unacted
and unpublished, I know not. It has however been purchased by the manager of Drury
Lane Theatre, Mr: Sheridan, for five hundred pounds, and is to appear on that stage in the course of
the present Season: it will soon be published likewise in print.
The reality of this discovery is however contested, and it may perhaps occasion a
literary controversy, that will finally remain undecided like that which was raised
by Chatterton.1 Among the numerous proofs of authenticity which accompany these papers, Mr: Ireland does not hesitate to affirm that the Vortigern will be ranked among the very
best plays of the author, and Mr: Sheridan by adopting it on the Stage, seems in some degree to have pledg’d his great
literary reputation on the point.
When I shall have seen or read the Vortigern, I shall feel myself better qualified
to form an opinion upon this great question than I am at present. The internal marks
of authenticity born by the papers are great and numerous. Mr Ireland told us indeed that no single person that had seen the papers entertained
the smallest doubt of their being genuine, but this assurance did not entirely remove
mine. The internal evidence is indeed so very strong in their favour that it becomes a little suspicious
from its minuteness. For instance,
{ 70 }
at the end of the Lear, is written “The end of my Tragedy of King Lear. William Shakspeare.”
Does not such a minute look a little as if it was made on purpose to answer a question
very natural now, but which the author probably never foresaw?— Yet at the time of
this supposed discovery, other examples of the authors hand-writing were extant, and
they compare perfectly well with these. The play differs in almost every line from
the copies hitherto known in print, and improves upon them.
Among the loose papers are a short Letter from Queen Elizabeth to Shakespear, commanding
him to play before her on a certain day: A copy of a letter from him to Lord Southampton,
and his answer; a deed from him to a man by the name of Ireland, or rather a Will
giving him several of his plays and a sum of money, in consideration of his having
saved his life from drowning in the Thames: a love Letter to Anna Hatherrewaye, with
a lock of hair: engagements with several of the players who performed at his Theatre,
and receipts from them, with several designs drawn with a pen &c. All these are to
be published, and will make their appearance within a few weeks.2
You have long known my partiality for the Swan of Avon, and will not be surprized
to find me entering seriously into a question like this. Nor will you think it ridiculous.
“Not to admire,” the maxim of Horace and of Pope, as procuring the only means of human
happiness, has indeed more and more of my assent, the longer I live upon earth.3 I find the enthusiasm of youth rapidly subsiding, and scarce any thing new or old
that now meets my observation, has the power to excite a strong sensation. I have
not yet however lost my attachment to poetical beauty, and still recognize with delight
the flashes of original genius. Shakespear therefore retains almost unimpaired his
empire over my mind, and shares largely of that gratitude which I think due to the
memory of every man whose labours contribute to enliven the dulness of human existence.
I have been to see two of his plays performed since my arrival here, and have been
gratified with the performances of Mrs: Siddons in the part of Cordelia, of Kemble in that of Lear, and of Mrs: Jordan in that of Viola. You have doubtless seen the Lear as it is acted, with the
injudicious introduction of an amorous plot for Cordelia which weakens the filial
affection, the strong characteristic meant by the bard to be shewn in all its power,
and with the alteration to a fortunate catastrophe, which excludes the most pathetic
if not the most sublime scene in the play. The liberties which the modern
{ 71 } { 72 }
managers have taken with Shakespear to adapt him to the taste of the day, may perhaps
have been necessary for their interest, but certainly the effect that I perceive from
it is, disappointment.
As this letter is almost wholly dramatic, I enclose with it the two last plays of Cumberland, which will amuse an idle hour
or two.4 There is always something generous in his style of Sentiment, and though it has been
said to be calculated to make “folly grow proud,” it may perhaps not be without use
to look sometimes at the picture of “men as they ought to be.”5
Another Comedy of the same writer is said to be now in rehearsal at Drury Lane, and
soon to be produced. Cumberland, Young Colman, and Reynolds, are the favourite dramatic
authors of the present day.6 They seem indeed to share the stage among them, for scarce a new play can appear
with any success, unless written by one of them.
The Politics of the day may be gathered from the newspapers I send. I have no Patience to dwell
upon a subject which is of such extreme importance at this moment, and will be forgotten
tomorrow. The whole substance of European affairs amounts only to this; That they
are very much exhausted, and very hungry. Peace is the great object of their wishes
on all sides. That is yet enjoyed by our Country, and that it may still be so is the
fervent prayer of your affectionate Son
[signed] John Q. Adams.7
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A. Adams.”; endorsed: “JQA. Novbr 24 1795.” LbC (Adams Papers), dated 23 Nov.; APM Reel 130. Tr (Adams Papers).
1. Thomas Chatterton (1752–1770) grew up as an avid reader in Bristol, England, and began
writing poetry around age twelve. He went on to produce a series of works—poetry,
histories, heraldic sketches, correspondence, and more, often on vellum with illuminated
illustrations—that he claimed had been written by a medieval monk named Thomas Rowley.
While some recognized the Rowley works as forgeries during Chatterton’s lifetime,
their provenance became the source of more widespread public debate after his death,
apparently of accidental poisoning at the age of seventeen. Numerous books published
in the 1770s and 1780s attempted to either defend or refute the legitimacy of the
Rowley texts (DNB).
2. For William Henry Ireland’s forged Shakespeare materials, see Descriptive List of Illustrations, No. 2, above.
3. “Not to admire, is all the art I know, / To make men happy, and to keep them so” (Alexander
Pope, “The Sixth Epistle of the First Book of Horace,” lines 1–2).
4. Probably Richard Cumberland’s The Wheel of Fortune and First Love, both of which were performed in London in 1795. JQA attended a performance of First Love at the Drury Lane Theatre on 28 Nov. (Stanley Thomas Williams, Richard Cumberland: His Life and Dramatic Works, New Haven, Conn., 1917, p. 333; D/JQA/24, APM Reel 27).
5. “Here Cumberland lies having acted his parts, / The Terence of England, the mender
of hearts; / A flattering painter, who made it his care / To draw men as they ought
to be, not as they are. / His gallants are all faultless, his women divine, / And
comedy wonders at being so fine; / Like a tragedy queen he has dizen’d her out, /
Or rather like tragedy giving a rout. / His fools have their follies so left in a
croud / Of virtues and feelings,
{ 73 }
that folly grows proud, / And coxcombs alike in their failings alone, / Adopting his
portraits are pleas’d with their own” (Oliver Goldsmith, “Retaliation: A Poem,” lines
61–72). Goldsmith borrowed from Aristotle’s Poetics, in which Aristotle wrote that Sophocles “depicted men as they ought to be, Euripides
as they are” (ch. 25).
7. On 29 Nov. JQA wrote short letters to both JA and CA. The former simply served to cover some London newspapers being sent to JA but did indicate that JQA had “entered upon my business, and have many things to say to you, but find myself
at present, pressed for want of time.” JQA’s letter to CA replied to one from CA of 27 Sept., not found, and informed him that his bills had been duly accepted. The
letter primarily reiterated JQA’s second 4 Nov. letter to CA, above (Adams Papers; LbC, APM Reel 130).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0031
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1795-11-29
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] Quincy Novbr 29th 1795
[salute] my Dear son
The last Letter which has come to hand from you, was dated 27 July, now four Month.1 I begin to grow impatient to hear from you. I have lately sent my Letters by Way
of England, where it is confidently said you are, and from whence I expect, to hear
from you
I wrote to you not long since by a private Hand a mr Wilder from N Hampshire. by him
I sent you some of Websters papers containing col Hamiltons Defence of the Treaty,
under the Signature of Camillus.2 By mr Stone, a Gentleman introduced by mr Jeffries, who is going to return to England
in captain Scott. I send you the remaining Numbers.3 Your Father Sits out tomorrow Morning for Philadelphia. The Galleries in the Senate
Chamber have been finished and the senate is no longer to be a secreet conclave, as it has been stiled.4 Whether the publick will be benifitted by the alteration, Time must determine. The
Virtuous Ten, as they have been call’d will not I presume be gainers, unless they
adopt the wisdom of solomon, and hold their Tongues. It is very certain that all the
Eloquence, and most of the abilities, are monopolizd by the majority. Burr, excepted,
they are all, Mediocer, save in Bacons left handed Wisdom.5 Burr, has address, insinuation and intrigue, sufficient for a pupil of Machiavilel
It is thought the senate will have Some difficult discussions before them. there Judas
may not pass uncensured, and the Chief Justice may possibly receive a Negative. the
Appointment was extrodonary. some person ask’d General Knox how the P——t came to make
such an appointment left of God, replied Knox. for the first Time, the circumstances
which took place after ward, were not foreseen
{ 74 }
by the P—— and I must suppose that he was ignorant of the present Character of the
Man. I am sure the P—— never adopted the sentiment, of a Southern Writer, who in aiming
to defend his Character, asserted that a Mans Moral Character, had no connextion with
his political Character. a Judge like the Wife of Ceasar, ought not to be suspected.6
The ex Secretary of state, is writing a long defence of his resignation. there are
many reports in circulation.— Something all agree must be wrong. What? is not yet
disclosed to the publick. When Congress meet, the Truth will be disclosed
The Jacobins have excerted every nerve to allarm & terrify the people into measures
disgracefull to the Country and dishonorable to them Selves. in some of the large
Towns and cities they have so far succeeded as to get partial resolves, and censures
past upon the Treaty, and upon the Senate whilst the flood gates of scurility and
abuse have been opend by hireling writers, upon the President and mr Jay, exhibiting
a mortifying picture of the Depravity of the Humane Heart, & of the prevalence of
the most Malignent passions, which like the ostracism of the Athenians, is sufficient
to undo a state, by preventing those who most excell in wisdom and virtue, from undertaking
the Arduous and important offices of Government, and rendering all those who Serve
the publick, desirious of retireing to the private walks of Life, when they find their
own wisdom and virtue, turned into weapons of offence, and that it is almost as safe,
to be infamous as renouned. these observations will occur to every one who read the
attacks upon one of the Fairest Characters, which ever gave Fame to a Nation—
our Friends here are all well, except Mrs Tufts who lies Dangerously Sick and deprived
of her senses.
Your Minister, mr Clark spent a Day with us, not long since. he askd to read some
of your Letters and exprest himself much informd by them. he promised to write to
you. mr Hall a Brother Lawyer took Letters to you and is gone on to N York where he
will embark.7
Heaven preserve You my dear so[n and] make you usefull to your Country and to Mankind,
i[s the] / prayer of your ever affe[ctionate] / Mother
[signed] Abigail Adams8
Louissa desires to be rememberd to you. send her some little token of Remembrance
in a Book. she is a good Girl and exceedingly usefull to me.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed by Louisa Catharine Smith: “John Quincy Adams. / Minister from the United
States of. / America. / Holland or England.”; endorsed: “Mrs: A. Adams. / 29. Novr: 1795. Quincy. / 1. Feby: 1796. recd: London. / Ansd:.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.
2. Letter not found.
3. Not found.
6. John Rutledge had asked George Washington for the position of chief justice of the
U.S. Supreme Court upon John Jay’s resignation earlier in the year. Washington complied,
notifying Rutledge at the beginning of July, but shortly thereafter Rutledge participated
in a public meeting in Charleston, S.C., opposing the Jay Treaty. Pro-treaty senators,
irritated by this behavior, refused to confirm Rutledge’s appointment in December
(ANB). The Boston Columbian Centinel, 2 Sept., published a piece by “A South Carolinean” entitled “Judge Rutledge, Vindicated.” In this item, the author comments on Rutledge’s financial difficulties
and failure to pay certain debts, “His private moral character has nothing to do with
his official uprightness.”
7. For Boston lawyer Joseph Hall, see LCA, D&A, 1:47. Hall reached London by 1 Feb. 1796 and remained there until the summer of 1798
(D/JQA/24, APM Reel 27; Joseph Hall to JQA, 30 June 1798, Adams Papers). Among the letters he carried were AA2 to JQA, 26 Oct. [1795], above; JA to JQA, 12 Dec., below; and JA to TBA, 13 Dec., private owner, 1961.
8. On this same date JA wrote a joint letter to JQA and TBA to save time as JA was busy making preparations to leave for Philadelphia the next day. JA wrote that he expected a “Stormy Session” of Congress, though he also presumed that
the Jay Treaty would ultimately be accepted and funded. He praised their “sentiments
and Conduct,” which JA felt “have been so perfectly comformable to my best Judgment and all my Wishes that
I have only to say that I hope you will persevere in the Principles you have adopted
and the system you have pursued” (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0032
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1795-11-30
Abigail Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] Quincy Novbr 30 1795
[salute] my Dear Thomas.
I Love to receive a Letter from both Brothers at once, and I suppose each of You like
to have a Seperate Letter. I write all my politicks to the Minister and then am as
much at a loss, what to write to you, as I Sometimes am, to find conversation for
a company of Ladies.
I go but little from Home, and many interesting events, pass unnoticed. of Domestick
occurrences I believe I wrote you, that Peggy smith had suddenly married a Handsome young! Frenchman! by the Name of St Hillair and James smith that he might keep up
the Farce, Run with all speed, and Married a young girl of 16. against the consent
of her Mother, who would not receive her into her
{ 76 }
House again, and this Without a House or Buisness, or any Thought of the Morrow. I
believe the grace of consideration has been but spairingly bestowed upon any Member
of the Family. The rage is French. Mrs Flucker is going to marry monsieur Beauma.1 Genll Knox and Family have spent the summer in the Province of Maine, and have just returnd
to winter in Boston.
Mr Ames, I am sorry to inform You is in a very poor state of Health. he had a Billious
fever in the summer which reduced him very low. he has been out of spirits occasiond
by his ill health, and thinks he Cannot go to Congress.2 his absence will be a loss indeed, and the more So as mr Dexter lost his Election.
Several of the virtuous ten have made excursions through the states Butler & Burr
have been on to Boston, Langdon has had his Tour, even Blair McClenican wrote to his
Countrymen mr Black to see if he could not excite a revolt in the little Town of Quincy,
but Black returnd for answer, that his Farm and not politicks occupied all his attention.
considering the exertions made by the Jacobines, the pains they have taken, the falshoods
and Slanders they have made, and circulated, and the money which Fauchet Charges in
his account as having circulated, very little impression has been made upon the Yeomanry;
they are for Peace & a good Market for their produce.3
The Miniatures oh the Miniatures a Blundering Captain forgot that he had such a precious
Charge. after waiting a reasonable Time to receive them, I wrote to request mr smith
to inquire for them.4 the Captain recollected that for better security he had put them in to the bottom
of his Trunk, which Trunk he had sent to Nantucket, and there they still are to my
no small mortification
The Holland merchant Charges me for a Doz table cloths, and puts up but 8, and those
very poor make Minhere, rectify the mistake and send me 1 Doz of a larger and better
sort, and put the four in which he has charged. the Box was full so none could have
been taken out. the cloth and sheeting were excellent. I wrote to your Brother Something
about a cloak, but he understands negotiations better I suppose than traffick. You
should have been the Merchant. do you ask that Delightfull miss copley to get a winter
cloak for Louissa, such an one as she would chuse for herself, and Mrs Copley to get
one for me. she may go as far as 5 Guineys for mine or Six Louissas must not be so
costly. if your Brother advances the money, I will pay it to Dr Welch on his account,
or I will give him an order
{ 77 }
upon Willinks I should like to have them by the return of Scott.5 any new publications would amuse us.
When I was in England I used to seek the Boston captains & invite them to my table.
I could get much information from Some of them. Scott is a Man of intelligence I believe
he is not married this trip. present me kindly to mrs copley & Family to Mrs Hollowell
& Family & the old Maiden Vassels—6
I am My Dear Thomas most / affectionatly your Mother
[signed] Abigail Adams.
your last Letter was Agust 5th
RC (Adams Papers); addressed by Louisa Catharine Smith: “Thomas Boylston Adams Esqr— / Holland or
England”; endorsed: “Mrs: Adams / 30 Novr: 1795 / 24 Jany Recd: / 29 June Ansd.”
1. Sarah Lyons Walrond Flucker, originally from Antigua, the widow of Thomas Flucker
Jr. and sister-in-law of Lucy Flucker Knox, married Bon Albert Briois de Beaumez in
either late 1795 or early 1796. The couple sailed for India in May 1796 (Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, 18:241, 243).
2. Fisher Ames did attend the 4th Congress but was not seated until 9 Feb. (Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 307).
3. For Edmund Randolph’s alleged request for money from Jean Antoine Joseph Fauchet,
see AA to JQA, [ca. 28 Sept. 1795], and note 3, above.
4. Not found.
6. Presumably a reference to the daughters of William and Margaret Hubbard Vassall, prominent
loyalists originally from Boston: Margaret and twins Ann and Charlotte. All three
women died unmarried in England (vol. 6:388; Edward Doubleday Harris, “The Vassalls of New England,” NEHGR, 17:116 [April 1863]). See also LCA, D&A, 1:34–35.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0033
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1795-12-01
Thomas Boylston Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] The Hague December 1st: 1795.
[salute] My dear Mother.
I had the pleasure to write you a few lines by the Betsey Captn: Clarke, which sailed from Rotterdam last week; another occasion now offers by the
Ann. Captain Lord, the same which brought your favor of the 8th: October to my Brother, in little more than a month.1 I have forwarded your letter to him. He arrived in England on the 10th: ulto: and I hear by a letter from London of the 13th: that he had safely reached that place.2 As yet I have no direct accounts from him.
If reports now circulating are true, the situation of affairs in England but particularly
in the Capital, is far from being such, as to render a residence there very pleasant
at this moment. The public mind seems to be in a considerable ferment, and the Corresponding
{ 78 }
Society are said to occasion much trouble to the Government. You will doubtless hear
very soon of the violent disorders, that took place upon the opening of Parliament.
Of the insults offered to the King, & the risk he ran of being personally injured by a Ball from an Air Gun; the breaking in pieces
the Coach of State, the vociferation of an ungovernable mob; the terror of the Queen;
the repressive measures used by the Military. The Kings speech—Debates and answer
of his Parliament—& lastly the method, which his Majesty & family adopted to testify
their grateful acknowledgments to Heaven for his most singular & miraculous escape
from the danger that so recently threatened him,—by repairing to the Play house the
next evening. Surely here is matter enough in half a dozen lines, to furnish at least
as many Pindaric’s.3 In point of consequences, I am apt to think it will produce none more serious. The
efficacy of an unsuccessful Mob, whether in London, or else where, to decide the fate
of great questions, has long been known to be an unsafe dependence, and as the active
instigators of this last tumult in that place, have been for the most part, already
taken up, the issue of the business may easily be foretold. There are people however
who pretend to draw from it, deductions in favor of Peace. It would be fortunate if
the apparently inexorable resolution of the British Cabinet to continue the War, could
be made to relent; but popular insurrections are probably not the means that will
produce a more pacific temper, in a Government, possessing such ability to repress.
The close of the Campaign, or more accurately, the season for a cessation of Military
operations, has been fruitful in bloody events upon the Banks of the Rhine. Almost
every day for the space of six weeks past has produced some affair more or less important,
between the French & the Austrian Armies. Every nerve & sinew has been exerted to
dispossess the French of their posts on the German territory, but hitherto without
effect. Pichegru & Jourdan the Commanders in chief of the two french Armies, still
make a stubborn stand against the Imperial Generals Clarifait & Wurmser, though compelled
to raise the Siege of Mentz, and to retreat across the Rhine in considerable numbers.4 The result of this Campaign, which must come to an end very soon, in this quarter,
in whatever way it may terminate, is not expected to decide any thing with respect
to peace. Negotiation however will probably be employed on all sides. But honorable
terms for all parties, is a point of such delicate texture, and wears so many faces,
that nothing less than magic,
{ 79 }
can possible charm discordant claims, & high toned pretensions, to grateful harmony.
A powerful combination has been formed in the Nothern hemisphere— The Mighty Empress
of all the Russias, the warlike Emperor, & the Monarch of the Island have coalesced in triple league against ——— all the world besides. The Treaty
was lately concluded at Petersburg, with vast secrecy as is said, in so much that,
the Negotiators themselves, were scarcely supposed to know, what they were about.
It hardly need be observed then, that nothing hitherto has transpired upon the momentous
objects upon which this formidable instrument is built.
Another threefold iniquity, is finally arranged; I mean the division of Poland. Here is a pretty example of
what results from the dependence of factions upon the aid of foreign powers. Poland
annihilated.— Holland,! but here I must refrain—are instances which speak loud to
the people of any Country, who for the sake of a pretended dissatisfaction with the
Governments placed over them, are willing to risk the honor, the happiness, the Independence
& the salvation of their native land upon the treacherous support of an external ally.
The freedom of these remarks would perhaps be imprudent, if they did not apply as
well to our own Countrymen, as to others. Under this impression I conceive myself
authorized to make use of them; & if there be yet another apology necessary for the
generality of such strictures, I owe it to myself, because I feel them to be just.
The new Government in France, will doubtless excite your curiosity. It is organized,
& has commenced its career. The whole doctrine of check’s & balances, so far as it
is recognized in the Constitution has already been brought to operate; it remains
to be seen, how long reciprocal obedience, will be the order of the day.
A National Convention, in single assembly is finally resolved upon here— Four Provinces
against three. It is to take place the 1st: of February.
You letter to my brother mentions your having written me two, a few days before. I hope soon to receive them.5
Remember me kindly to all friends— I Shall write my Father by a vessel for Philadelphia,
to whom you will present me in all duty & affection / as your Son
[signed] Thomas B Adams.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A Adams.”; endorsed: “T B A Decbr 1 1795.”
2. Not found.
3. George III’s carriage was attacked by a mob while en route to the opening of Parliament
on 29 Oct. 1795. People threw stones and shouted “No war!” and “Down with George!”
One stone or possibly an air-gun pellet shattered the glass on the coach window. Despite
the turmoil, the king apparently delivered his speech calmly and the next night attended
the opera, where “God Save the King” was sung with two encores.
George’s speech, which primarily focused on the war with France, took an optimistic
tone, noting that in Italy the French “have been driven back from a considerable part
of the line of coast which they had occupied” and that Britain was “continuing to
make the greatest exertions for maintaining and improving our naval superiority, and
for carrying on active and vigorous operations in the West-Indies, in order to secure
and extend the advantages which we have gained in that quarter, and which are so nearly
connected with our commercial resources and maritime strength.” George blamed “the
distraction and anarchy which have so long prevailed” in France for the European state
of affairs but suggested he was prepared to negotiate with France if that country’s
internal crisis were to “terminate in any order of things compatible with the tranquillity
of other countries, and affording a reasonable expectation of security and permanence
in any treaty which might be concluded.” The king also expressed concern regarding
the high price of grain and urged Parliament “to apply yourselves, with the utmost
diligence, to the consideration of such measures as may tend to alleviate the present
distress.”
In the debates over the response in the House of Commons, some MPs took issue with
the king’s optimistic tone. Charles James Fox called the first paragraph an “impudent
falsehood” for claiming that the situation over the past year was “materially improved.”
He recommended that the response request his majesty “take decided and immediate measures
for bringing about a peace with France, whatever may be the present or future form
of her internal government,” but Fox’s proposal was defeated by a substantial margin
(Parliamentary Hist., 32:142–207; Stanley Ayling, George the Third, N.Y., 1972, p. 363).
4. That is, Austrian generals Charles de Croix, Comte de Clerfayt (1733–1798), and Dagobert
Sigmund, Count von Wurmser (1724–1797).
5. See TBA to JQA, 23 Dec., and note 8, below, for the arrival of these two letters of 17 and 18 September.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0034
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1795-12-05
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] Quincy Decbr 5 1795
[salute] My Dear Son
As capt Scott has not yet saild, it gives me an opportunity of informing you that
last Evening I received the Miniatures, and they were next to personally Seeing you;
for the likenessess are very good. the Painter however, it is said has given a more
flattering Likeness of you than of Thomas
I am perfectly satisfied with them and want to be constantly looking at them.
Tis now a long time Since I received Letters from you. I am anxious to hear whether
you are in England. I send you three more of the Defences,1 and am as ever your / affectionate Mother
[signed] Abigail Adams
I have requested mr smith to deliver to mr Coles a little plain English and the Feadelrist
for you2
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Camillus’ “Defence,” for which see JA to JQA, 25 Aug., and note 3, above.
2. Enclosures not found. Mr. Coles was likely John Coles (ca. 1749–1809), a Boston printer
and painter (Alex Krieger and David Cobb, eds., Mapping Boston, Cambridge, 1999, p. 49).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0035
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1795-12-06
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] Quincy <Novbr> Decbr 6 1795
[salute] my Dear son
I inclose to you the Cupons of Febry and June. 2 for that Month and 20 for Febry. 21 in one paper and 8 in an other.1 you will convey them in the best manner to Holland and direct new obligations to
be taken for the interest, drawing upon them however for the amount of what you pay
to Mrs Copley on my account. I mentiond to you or Thomas a Watch.2 you may purchase one for me, but the cost of that I will pay to Dr Welch on your
account. I have requested mr Coles’s to Deliver this Letter into yours or your Brothers
Hand, otherways to deliver it to mr Johnson consul to be forwarded to you. Love to
Thomas, from Your / affectionate Mother
[signed] Abigail Adams
I heard from your sister & Brother last week.3 they were well & had escaped the Dreadfull calamity which has distrest that city—
RC (Adams Papers).
1. Not found but presumably coupons from the 1791 Dutch-American loan, to which JA was a subscriber, for which see vol. 9:412–413. On 6 April 1796 JQA forwarded the coupons to Wilhem & Jan Willink on JA’s behalf with instructions to purchase new loan obligations with the proceeds from
them (Adams Papers).
2. Not found.
3. Letters not found.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0036
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1795-12-06
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] New York Decr 6. 1795
[salute] My Dearest Friend
We have been favoured with fine Weather and tolerable Roads in such a manner that
We reached Kingsbridge on Fryday night and came into N. York by Nine o Clock on Yesterday
morning. If it had not been for the Desire of seeing my Children I should have gone
immediately on with the other Passengers. The stage House was so near C. Smiths and
I knew not where my Son lived: so that I put up
{ 82 }
at Cortland Street:1 but for the future I will drive to my Sons. My Grandsons and Grand Daughter are all
very well and very gay. The Girl is a fine Child and will have La peau d’un Ange as
the Baron De Stael Said her Mother had, and I hope will be fort Spirituelle as the
Same Ambassador said her Grand Mother was.2 Mr Paine the Senator from Vermont and Mr Freeman of Barnstable, were our only Companions in the Stage till We reached New
Haven As soon as I had dressed myself I walked out to find Mr Adams The Lawyer— I was told he lived in Front Street No. 91— I went throught Broad Way and Wall Street to Mr McCormicks who was complaisant enough to take his hat & Cloak and conduct me to the
House in Front street No. 91.— The House is new near the River among the Navigation. The Windows on the back
side have a fine View of a forest of Masts The sound and long Island. It must be a
very good stand for Business.— accordingly They say he has twice or thrice the Employment
he ever had before. I found him in his office, which is large & commodious and well
stored with Book Learning at least, with three Clients about him in very deep and
earnest Consultation. He lets part of the House for half the Rent.
Charles acquired the Character of a Wit, at the Time of the Epidemic Matrimony here—
some Gentleman asked him in the Country “How is the Fever Sir in Town?” Which Fever
do you enquire after sir? The Yellow Fever or the Smith Fever? said Charles. The Gentleman
told the story in the City and it flew through the streets quicker than either of
the Fevers.
The Lady of the Baron De stael has lately published a Work under the Title of Reflexions
on Peace, which Mr D’Ivernois has answered by another under the Title of Reflections on the War which
he has sent me in French and another for the President in English. The Author has
given some Account of “The Defence &c[”] and gives it the Preference, to all other Writers upon Govt.— But all his Recommendations will have little Effect.3
I wish, if it is possible, that our Men, after carting out the Manure upon the old
Clover at home, would cart out that whole heap of limed manure in Mr Joys Cowyard, upon Quincys Meadow, as well as the heap already in the Meadow. these
two heaps will give the Meadow a good dressing. They should be careful to mix the
Lime with the other Ingredients as thoughroughly as possible. The other heap upon
Penshill should be mixed in the Same manner when that is carted out, and the whole
very carefully Spread.
{ 83 } Tomorrow Morning at Seven I cross the North River for Philadelphia— I am as I ever
have been / and ever shall be your affectionate
[signed] John Adams4
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs. A.”; endorsed: “Decbr 6 1795.”
1. AA2 and WSS were living at 18 Courtlandt Street while building their new home, for which see
CA to AA, 27 Sept., and note 2, above (New-York Directory, 1795, p. 200, Evans, No. 28598).
3. Anne Louise Germaine, Baronne Staël von Holstein (Madame de Staël), Réflexions sur la paix, Paris, 1794. Francis d’Ivernois’ Réflexions sur la guerre: En réponse aux Réflexions sur la paix was first published in English and French in London, 1795. Ivernois writes that “it
would be doing a real service to the French” to have JA’s Defence of the Const. translated, as it is “another work still more complete, and if possible better calculated
for the present situation of France” (p. 80, 83). The presentation copy to JA is in the Stone Library, MQA, and JA wrote to Ivernois on 11 Dec. 1795 to confirm that he had sent the pamphlets on to
George Washington as well (Catalog of the Stone Library; Bibliothèque Publique et Universitaire, Geneva, Switzerland).
4. JA wrote again to AA on 9 Dec. to inform her that he had arrived safely in Philadelphia, although “a storm
the night before last Spoiled the Roads and made the Journey disagreable from N. York.”
He also reported that Henry Tazewell of Virginia had again been named president pro
tempore of the Senate (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0037
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1795-12-10
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy Decbr. 10th 1795
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I have rejoiced in the fine weather which has attended you through your journey, and
the good Roads if you have had them as good as we have. Some cold Days but not enough
so, to freeze or prevent our People from accomplishing the plowing at the corn Feilds.
the Shelter for the young cattle is compleated & coverd with Sea weed. one Day more
will cover the clover with manure, and to Day they plow the great Garden. one Day
they have been in the woods and one Day upon high ways. this compleats the Tour of
Duty.
I contemplated your keeping Sabbeth with our Children at N york & hope You found them
well and happy. I received the Miniatures three Days after you left me, and feasted
myself upon them for they are most admirable Likenessess. I wish You would inquire
of the Secretary of state, if he has had any later Dispatches, than our Letters, and
whether there is a probability of the children being in England
I shall not ask you how the pullse beat, but wait the Presidents Speah.1
{ 84 } Nancy Adams, & Betsy crosby have the scarlet fever I hope not very bad.
present me respectfully to the President and Mrs Washington. Love to mrs Otis & Family—
most affectionatly yours
[signed] Abigail Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed by Louisa Catharine Smith: “The Vice President of the / United States
/ Philadelphia”; endorsed: “Mrs A. Decr 10. Ansd 17 / 1795.”
1. The 1st session of the 4th Congress met from 7 Dec. 1795 to 1 June 1796. On 8 Dec.
1795 George Washington addressed a joint meeting of Congress. He opened his speech:
“I trust I do not deceive myself while I indulge the persuasion that I have never
met you at any period, when, more than at the present, the situation of our public
affairs has afforded just cause for mutual congratulation, and for inviting you to
join with me in profound gratitude to the Author of all Good for the numerous and
extraordinary blessings we enjoy.” Specific items mentioned included the successful
negotiation of a treaty with Native Americans in the Northwest, concluding that war;
confirmation of existing treaties with the Creek and Cherokee; positive negotiations
with Morocco, Algiers, and Spain; the senatorial consent to Washington’s ratification
of the Jay Treaty; continuing prosperity in agriculture, manufacturing, and commerce;
and “the blessings of quiet and order” in western Pennsylvania, “lately the scene
of disorder and insurrection.” Washington concluded his summary of foreign affairs
by observing, “If, by prudence and moderation on every side, the extinguishment of
all the causes of external discord which have heretofore menaced our tranquility,
on terms compatible with our national rights and honor, shall be the happy result,
how firm and how precious a foundation will have been laid for accelerating, maturing,
and establishing the prosperity of our country” (Biog. Dir. Cong.; Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 10–14). For the Senate’s and House’s responses to the speech,
see JA to CA, 13 Dec., and notes 2 and 3, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0038
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1795-12-12
John Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Decr. 12. 1795
[salute] My Dear Son
By your old Acquaintance Mr Hall, who is bound to Europe I shall Send you Some Newspapers, which will give you
a general View of the Complexion of our Public Affairs. Upon Meeting and conversing
with the Members of Congress I find that although there will be Noise there will be
no Serious Evil this session. The Treaty if it comes back ratified by the K of G.
B. will be Supported and executed without any difficulty.
Your old Friend real or pretended, Randolph is under a dark Cloud and his Behaviour
Under it increases its blackness and thickness. I think his Business is done.
The Senate have now a Gallery and Yesterday for the first time, the Debates were overlooked
by a crouded Audience. The Senators who voted against the Treaty persevere as well
as those who voted in its favour. Bache has published this morning Minutes of the
{ 85 }
Speeches of the Cons but has omitted those of the Pros.1 This proceeding has less Reciprocity than the Treaty. The Voice of the People So
much vaunted by the Ten is not in Reality in their favour. A great Majority will Support
Government and the twenty.
The Conduct however of Some of our old Men, such as Rutledge, McKean S. Adams Warren &c has been not only illegal and unconstitutional but indiscreet
in a high degree.2
I am anxious to hear from you in England, as the President informs me he has directed
you to go there. I hope you have not flinched.— I can give you no Advice but to Act
as you have done with Reserve, Caution discretion, Rectitude & Impartiality.
My Love to your Brother Thomas and believe / me to be your Affectionate Father
[signed] John Adams
1. The Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 12 Dec., published portions of the Senate’s debate on its response to George Washington’s
address, for which see JA to CA, 13 Dec., and note 2, below. The article included the text of Stevens Thomson Mason’s motion
and speeches by Rufus King and Pierce Butler, but it excluded comments by Jacob Read,
Oliver Ellsworth, and Henry Tazewell. Butler and Tazewell supported Mason’s motion;
King, Read, and Ellsworth opposed it (Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 15–23).
2. John Rutledge, Thomas McKean, and Samuel Adams had all expressed their opposition
to the Jay Treaty in various ways. For Rutledge, see AA to JQA, 29 Nov., and note 6, above. Thomas McKean was part of a committee representing “the Citizens
of Philadelphia” that submitted a memorial to Washington in July condemning the treaty
and encouraging him to refuse to ratify it, suggesting that such a decision would
“advance the prosperity and happiness of your constituents.” Samuel Adams had failed
to suppress anti-treaty riots in Boston and would later speak publicly to the Mass.
General Court of his opposition to the treaty, for which see AA to JA, 21 Jan. [1796], and note 3, below. James Warren, while not in public office, also likely opposed
the treaty, given his earlier support for the French Revolution and his opposition
to the United States’ developing too close ties with any European country (Philadelphia
Gazette of the United States, 28 July 1795; Mark Puls, Samuel Adams: Father of the American Revolution, N.Y., 2006, p. 226–227; Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, 11:604).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0039
Recipient: Adams, Charles
Date: 1795-12-13
John Adams to Charles Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Decr 13. 1795
[salute] My Dear Son
So great a Part of my Life has been and Still continues to be Spent in travelling
that I seldom trouble my Friends in Conversation or by Letter with the Inconveniences
or Adventures I meet upon the Road: otherwise I might give you a Romantic History
of my Journey from N. York. The Roads were bad enough and the Company [] but Speak well of the Bridge that bears you well over— They behaved civilly to me.
{ 86 } I have read Mr Randolphs Statement of Faih as far as it has been printed tho no part of it is yet
published. The whole is advertised for Publication on next fryday.1 I am afraid there will appear a disposition in Some of our Countrymen to be corrupted
if they could. but shall be glad if it appears that foreign Powers will neither corrupt
them, nor be corrupted by them.
As a Vindication of Mr Randolph, it must I think be a Vindication of his Resignation. If he had not resigned
his Continuance in office would have needed Vindication. But how his Character and
Conduct in office are vindicated I have not been able to discern. There is such Evidence
of Imbecillity and such suspicions of Something a Stretch beyond Weakness remain that
I wonder he has Suffered it to be communicated to so many Persons as he has. It is
a dark enigmatical Business at best. I never had any great opinion of his Genius or
Talents his Penetration, Steadiness or Consistency: but I Supposed he was good natured
and doubted not his Integrity. Now all is problematical.
The Speech and the Answer of the senate are Smooth enough.2 Whether the House will ruffle the Waves I know not. The Consequences of any damnatory
Vote of the House, would be Such at home and abroad that I cannot think the daring
ones will have courage to venture. If the Hopes of the Posts and of Compensation for
Losses at sea are dashed and all our Commerce exposed as they must be by any ill temper
of that House, I think that the popular Men will become very unpopular.3
I Shall be obliged to you, if your Leisure will allow you to write me, the Sensations
and Reflections of your City from time to time as the Measures of Congress devellope
themselves.
My Love to my Daughter Adams, the first I have had since your sister changed her Name
My Friendship to your excellent Governor. His Palace at New York will not be the largest
he will ever inhabit as I guess. While the Idols of Jacobinism & Democracy, Jefferson
and Clinton think themselves dying of Rhumatisms amidst the Hozannas of the Mob. I
fancy that Health and Spirits will be given to the Man whose Effigies have been so
much honoured, that he will live to see the Federal City and inhabit its proudest
House. The Passions of the People are not the most Steady Part of them.
Farewell my Dear son. May you enjoy in private Life more Comforts than ever were allotted
by the Public to your affectionate Father4
1. JA indicated in a letter to AA of 13 Dec. that he had received printed but not yet published pages of Edmund Randolph’s
Vindication of Mr. Randolph’s Resignation from Sen. Alexander Martin of North Carolina. JA extracted portions of it for AA, notably from Jean Antoine Joseph Fauchet’s dispatches, and informed her of its impending
publication “next Fryday: but I still doubt whether it will come out unmutilated.
The Copy I have stops short at the most material Thing” (Adams Papers). All of the material he copied to AA did in fact appear in the published version, as did the remainder of Dispatch No.
10.
2. The Senate appointed a committee of three members to draft a response to George Washington’s
address. The draft was submitted and deliberations occurred on 11 December. Most of
the draft was routine, congratulating the president on the negotiations with the Native
Americans, Morocco, Algiers, and Spain, and met with no opposition. But the fourth
and fifth paragraphs of the draft caused some consternation. The fourth paragraph
suggests that, on account of the Jay Treaty, “we derive an expectation of the extinguishment
of all the causes of external discord, that have heretofore endangered our tranquility,
and on terms consistent with our national honor and safety.” The fifth paragraph,
directed explicitly to Washington, reads, “Circumstances thus every way auspicious
demand our gratitude, and sincere acknowledgments to Almighty God, and require that
we should unite our efforts in imitation of your enlightened, firm, and persevering
example, to establish and preserve the peace, freedom, and prosperity, of our country.”
Stevens Thomson Mason offered a motion to strike out these two paragraphs, arguing
that they attempted to force the minority that had opposed the Jay Treaty to now speak
in support of it. Debate ensued, including a lengthy speech by Pierce Butler in support
of Mason’s motion. Butler argued, “Our situation, as far as it respects Great Britain,
… was not in the least ameliorated” and “depredations on our commerce have not been
less frequent of late.” He also felt that describing Washington as “firm” was inappropriate: “Why firmness? he asked. To what? or to whom? Is it the manly demand of restitution made of Great Britain for her accumulated injuries that called
forth the praise? for his own part he could discern no firmness there.” Others, including
Jacob Read and Oliver Ellsworth, spoke in favor of retaining the two paragraphs, noting
that the Senate had assented to the treaty and that the president had an obligation
to “not sacrifice … his own conviction” to the opinions of the people. The motion
failed on a vote of eight to fourteen, and the address was approved as originally
written by the same margin (Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 14, 15–23).
3. Following discussion on 9, 10, and 14 Dec. regarding the process by which an address
would be drawn up and presented to the president, the members of the House of Representatives
finally began discussion of the substance of their response on 15 Dec. in a Committee
of the Whole. After an extended debate centering largely on whether the House should
express its “undiminished confidence” in Washington, a decision was reached to expand
the committee that had produced the original draft and request that it resubmit a
new version. This was accomplished on 16 Dec., and the House moved quickly to approve
it. The final text of the House’s response, which was delivered to Washington on 17
Dec., endorsed the president’s work to negotiate with the Native Americans and expressed
particular satisfaction “that the late scene of disorder and insurrection has been
completely restored to the enjoyment of order and repose.” Avoiding the phrasing that
had caused consternation among some members, the response concluded its praise of
Washington: “In contemplating that spectacle of national happiness which our country
exhibits, and of which you, sir, have been pleased to make an interesting summary,
permit us to acknowledge and declare the very great share which your zealous and faithful
services have contributed to it and to express the affectionate attachment which we
feel for your character” (same, p. 128–129, 134–135, 144–149, 150, 154–155).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0040
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1795-12-14
Thomas Boylston Adams to John Adams
[dateline] The Hague 14. December 1795.
[salute] My dear Sir.
I owe you a volume, & the certainty that I have not time to compile it at present
is more terrifying to me than the weight of the debt. Your two kind letters of June
29 & August 25. though some time since received have never before been acknowledged;
but my gratitude for these precious testimonials of Parental affection has not I trust
diminished in force by having remained thus long in silence.1
Since the departure of my Brother from this place, my duties & occupations have been
so much altered & so considerably multiplied, that I considered every moment lost
that was not devoted to the discharge of them. For the first few weeks my new situation
was a source of much anxiety, indeed I may say with truth, that it yet continues to
give me unaffected solicitude from the apprehension, that the affairs entrusted to
my management during my Brothers absence should suffer, either from my want of ability
or experience to conduct them. The subordinate Office of Secretary, exercised during
the space of a year, had not prepared me, I conceive, for the sudden transition, which
invested me with the functions of the Minister, & the reflection was not a little
humiliating to my pride, that the contrast of my performance with that of my Predecessor
would be by no means in my favor. The trust devolved upon me however by the casual
call of my Brother to another place will probably be of short duration if no unforeseen
accident should arrive, & it shall be my endeavor, that no duty within my Province
shall be neglected during that period, if zeal in the discharge of it will in any
measure supply the possible want of capacity.
The exchange of Ratifications of our Treaty with Great Britain took place previous
to my Brother’s arrival in England, & provided the object of his Voyage there is connected
with further Negotiation upon the suspended Article it is impossible to calculate
the length of his stay. The business upon which he is gone is however unknown to me;
it may be of a nature to detain him much longer than I could wish, & for himself I
am persuaded, that the residence of the Hague would be more to his fancy, than that
of London. Considerations of personal convenience however, enter very little, I believe,
into the system he has prescribed to himself. If it be his
{ 89 }
fortune to participate the odium of a concurrence in the Treaty with Great Britain, he is perhaps not unprepared to
meet it.
The factitious opposition, which has been made to that instrument, and the abuse which
has been poured forth in such copious effusions upon all the principal agents, who
assisted at its formation & subsequent ratification, produced a temporary effect upon
the public mind more unfavorable than was anticipated by many of our Countrymen; but
it is a great satisfaction to be assured, that the first impressions, which were in
most instances the result of ignorance or misintelligence have given place to conviction
founded upon reflection, that the best interests of our Country instead of being betrayed
are unequivocally secured by the Treaty.
America will not soon be pardoned by the different powers of Europe, who are jealous
of her growing prosperity, for having secured to herself by her own unassisted efforts
such advantageous terms of intercourse with a Nation, certainly the most formidable
in point of Naval strength, & from whose open enmity she had most to apprehend. It
is made a crime to America, that she has acted & has shewn herself able to act independently,
in the management of her own concerns, & however fashionable it may be to affirm,
that she has been gulled & cheated in her late commercial arrangements, I dare assert
in opposition, that there is not a power in Europe, which would not gladly exchange
situations with her in that respect.
I send a pamphlet herewith, which will serve to shew the kind of language which is
current upon the subject of our Treaty. The author is not a Frenchman by birth, though
he is now employed in the service of the Republic.2 His work contains many ideas expressed in the true spirit of a partizan, but in some
instances it must be confessed they have the appearance of being just. My vanity has
induced me to think that his strictures upon my own Country have less foundation in
truth than the rest. His remarks upon the political system of Great Britain & the
National character of the English partake of French acrimony, but as an American I
could not but subscribe to them in a great measure. His observations upon their taste,
faculties of invention, & scientific improvements, grossly expose his ignorance. Criticism
is allowable, but in order that a good effect should result from it, it should never
degenerate into indiscriminate abuse. I hope the pamphlet will afford you some amusement.
A few days since I took the liberty to give a letter of introduction
{ 90 }
for you to a Gentleman by the name of de Persyn, a brother in law of Mr: J Luzac. He applied to me for a passport, being upon the point of embarking for America
with the intention of establishing himself there for life, but as it was not in my
power to furnish him with a pass, I offered to give him letters for some of my friends.
I cannot better explain to you the cause of this Gentlemans voyage & his reason for
renouncing his native land than by an extract from Mr: Luzac’s letter in answer to one from me.
“Mon Beau Frère part pour l’Amerique Unie, votre Patrie, sur tout d’après mes Conseils.
Il considére avec moi ce Pays, comme l’unique qui existe actuellement, où s’étant
assuré la Liberté sans Crimes l’on sçache aussi en jouir sans en abuser. Aprés avoir tout sacrifié à l’amour de sa patrie, aprés avoir servi durant trois
Campagnes avec les Francois dans toutes les occasions les plus perilleuses,—il s’est
vu mis ici dans l’oubli; il s’est vu préférer des hommes, qui certes n’avoient pas
ces titres.— Il quitte une Nation chez laquelle le Patriotisme sans intrigue n’est pas moins négligé que par-tout ailleurs où la vertu et le desintéressement ne règlent pas les actions. La carrière Militaire ne sçaurait lui servir en Amérique,
mais il a dessein d’y employer un petit capital, dont it peut disposer, de la manière
la plus avantageuse pour s’établir. Jamais il ne pourroit avoir à cet effet de direction
plus utile ni plus honorable que celle de vos parens & amis, de votre digne Père, sur-tout, un des hommes que je respecte le plus parmi tous ceux que j’aie connus
dans ma vie, et à qui j’espère donner un jour (si Dieu nous conserve la vie) une marque
publique de ces sentimens.” &cc:3
I regret much that I have not hitherto been able to cultivate Mr: L——s acquaintance. I have never seen him but once & that shortly after my arrival
in this Country; his occupation as Professor confines him constantly at Leyden, &
though we have often promised to pay him a visit, it has not yet been fulfilled.4 His Patriotism is I believe pure & of course does not suit altogether the temper of the times. It would perhaps have
been better for Holland if more such men were to be found in it.
Mr: Dumas has charged me with a small packet for you, which I forward by this occasion.
It contains the Resolution of their High Mightinesses whereby the decree of censure
passed against the old Gentleman in 1787. is revoked. He considers his triumph complete
as appears from his letter which accompanies it.5 I rejoice at his victory because I believe it was essential to his peace of mind,
& that without it he could never have pronounced with devotional fervor
{ 91 }
his nunc dimitis. I am indebted to his kindness for many little assistances in my official business,
& I have the highest respect for his character.
Hoping to devote more of my time to you than I have done of late, & begging your forgivness
for former remissness, I remain with filial love & respect, Dear Sir / Your dutiful
Son
[signed] Thomas B Adams.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “The Vice President.”; endorsed: “T. B. A. 14. Decr 1795 / ansd 9. June 1796.”
1. For the 29 June letter, see vol. 10:467–468; the 25 Aug. letter has not been found.
3. My brother-in-law is leaving for the United States, your fatherland, largely spurred
by my advice. He considers this country, as I do, the only one currently in existence
where, having defended liberty without crime, it is enjoyed without abuse. After having sacrificed everything for love of his fatherland, after having served
with the French during three campaigns in every perilous encounter, he has found himself
forgotten here; he has seen other men preferred over him, men who certainly did not
have his merits. He leaves behind a nation where patriotism without intrigue is not less neglected than everywhere else, where virtue and even-handedness do not direct actions. His military career will not help him in America, but he plans
to use his small disposable capital most effectively to settle down. To this end,
he could receive no more useful nor honorable guidance than that of your relatives
and friends, of your honorable father most of all, one of the men whom I respect the most among all those whom I have met
in my life, and to whom I hope to give one day (if God preserves our lives) a public
token of these same sentiments.
Neither TBA’s letter of introduction nor Jean Luzac’s letter to TBA have been found, but for the visit of Govert Jan van Persijn to the United States,
see CA to JA, 18 April 1796, and note 1, below. Van Persijn (1724–1809) had served on the Council of Brabant
between 1755 and 1776 and had represented Holland on the Supreme Court of Holland,
Zeeland, and West Friesland from 1776 until 1795 (Repertorium van ambtsdragers en ambtenaren).
4. TBA and JQA had visited Jean Luzac on 27 and 28 Nov. 1794 while in Leyden, going sightseeing
and dining with him. The brothers would visit with him again on various other occasions
while in the Netherlands, including in Nov. 1796 and April 1797 (M/TBA/2, 27–28 Nov. 1794, APM Reel 282; D/JQA/24, 30 Nov. 1796, APM Reel 27; D/JQA/21, 25 April 1797, APM Reel 24). See also vol. 10:432.
5. C. W. F. Dumas wrote to JA on 11 Dec. 1795 about a resolution passed by the Dutch government on 14 Aug. countermanding
an earlier resolution of 23 Sept. 1788 that censured Dumas for taking the title of
agent of the United States. The 1795 resolution rightly noted that Dumas had served
only as the U.S. chargé d’affaires. In his letter to JA, Dumas enclosed a copy of the resolution as well as his letter to the States General
in response to the new resolution (all Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0041
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1795-12-15
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy December 15 1795
[salute] my Dearest Friend
This is the Sixteenth Day since you left me, and I have not yet heard a word from
You. I hope tomorrows post will bring me a Letter. I wrote you on the 10th. the Day before yesterday Was the first
{ 92 }
Winter Weather We have had, a pretty severe snow storm lasted through the Day. it
fell moist & the rain the Day before renders it bad for wheels & worse for a Sled.
the Weather is so moderate to day that it will run fast. our people got the clover
all coverd on saturday. Yesterday Deacon French calld to Setle his account, and his
conscience not only permitted him to take the 4/6 pr Day but to Charge 16 shillings
in addition for his plow. I paid him 45 Dollors wanting two shillings. You have seen
no Doubt the Federilism of Govr Gilman in New hampshire. Maryland too has manifested their Approbation, and even
Virginia was almost persuaded. they comprehend the absurdity of it is, and it is not,
or I do not conceive how they could approve of the Presidents conduct, and approve
of their senators conduct too.1 I am all impatience for the Presidents speach2 O for Authority, and I would humble all Jacobinical Wretches in the Dust. I may safely
say this Since France their great exampler has done so. I long to hear from our Dear
Children abroad. we have not been so long Since their arrival as now, without hearing
from them
Let me hear as often as possible from you, and write me all the News you will venture upon.
My best regards to all inquiring Friends / from Your ever affectionate
[signed] Abigail Adams
Mrs Brisler and Family are well. she is here to day and desires to be rememberd to
her Husband—
RC (Adams Papers); addressed by Louisa Catharine Smith: “The Vice President of the / United States
/ Philadelphia”; endorsed: “Mrs A. Decr 15 / Ansd 24. 1795.”
1. In New Hampshire Gov. John Taylor Gilman delivered an address on 3 Dec., at the beginning
of the state’s legislative session, expressing support for George Washington and John
Jay and decrying those who would attack the Jay Treaty without having full knowledge
of the agreement. He noted, “For my own part, I freely declare that my confidence
in the President, the negociator, and the Senators (who it is said advised to the
ratification of a treaty) is not in the least degree impaired, and I find myself more
zealously engaged to support the government and administrators than heretofore, believing,
as I do, that attempts are making to destroy it.” In a unanimous response, the N.H.
house of representatives, with the senate concurring, replied in full support of Gilman’s
statement, expressing “abhorrence for those disturbers of the public peace, who have
endeavoured to render abortive measures so well calculated to advance the happiness
of our country.” Gilman (1753–1828), of Exeter, N.H., was governor of the state from
1794 to 1805 (Journal of the Proceedings of the Hon. House of Representatives of the State of New-Hampshire,
at Their Session Begun and Holden at Concord, December, 1795, Portsmouth, N.H., 1796, p. 9–13, 17–21, Evans, No. 47847; A Journal of the Proceedings of the Honorable Senate of the State of New-Hampshire,
at a Session of the General Court, Holden at Concord, December, 1795, Portsmouth, N.H., 1796, p. 21, Evans, No. 47848; ANB).
The Maryland legislature, while not
{ 93 }
commenting on the treaty directly, unanimously approved and published a statement
of support for Washington on 25 Nov. 1795. The legislature, “convinced that the prosperity
of every free government is promoted by the existence of rational confidence between
the people and their trustees, and is injured by misplaced suspicion and ill founded
jealousy, … observing, with deep concern, a series of efforts, by indirect insinuation
or open invective, to detach from the first magistrate of the union the well earned
confidence of his fellow-citizens, think it their duty to declare … their unabated
reliance on the integrity, judgment and patriotism, of the president of the United
States” (Votes and Proceedings of the House of Delegates of the State of Maryland, November
Session, 1795, Annapolis, Md., 1796, p. 36–37, Evans, No. 30749; Votes and Proceedings of the Senate of the State of Maryland, November Session, 1795, Annapolis, Md., 1796, p. 13, Evans, No. 30750).
By a two-to-one margin the Va. House of Delegates on 20 Nov. voted a resolution approving
their U.S. senators’ opposition to the treaty. The next day the house further endorsed
a resolution, “That this House do entertain the highest sence of the integrity and
patriotism of the President of the United States; and that while they approve the
vote of the Senators of this state in the Congress of the United States, relative
to the treaty with Great Britain, they in no wise mean to censure the motives which
influenced him in his conduct thereupon” (Journal of the House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia, Begun … the Tenth
Day of November, One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-Five, Richmond, Va., 1795, p. 25–30, Evans, No. 31502).
2. Washington’s speech to Congress appeared in the Boston Federal Orrery, 17 December.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0042
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1795-12-16
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Decr 16. 1795
[salute] My Dearest Friend
The Newspapers will inform you before this Letter reaches you that the Ratifications
of the Treaty have been exchanged by Mr Deas the Chargé d’Affairs under Mr Pinkney.1 The President told me the orders were that if Mr Adams did not arrive by a certain day this Business was to be done by another. Whether
our Son will go over at all or not is to me uncertain. If he has lost a White Feather,
he has avoided a dark one: so that he is as well off. There are Letters from him in
the Public offices dated in september.2
having no Letter from you has given me Anxiety for your health, especially as I recollect
you complained of some Rheumatic symptoms before I came away. My own health is as
good as it has been for Some years. The Countenance of the House wears no very threatning
aspect. The senate have refused their Consent to the Nomination of Mr Rutledge. I hope that Chief Justices at least will learn from this to be cautious
how they go to popular Meetings especially unlawful: assemblies to Spout Reflections
and excite opposition to the legal Acts of Constitutional Authority.
The assembly of New Hampshire have appalled one of their senators and gratified the
Friends of Peace order and good Government.3 Their Unanimity could hardly have been expected. I hope the
{ 94 }
Massachusetts Assembly when they meet will at least vote no Resistance to the Law
of the Land. I learned from the Children in the Wood not to halloos before We get out of the Wood, but I think the Prospect of Peace is brighter now than it has been for Several Years.4
Your Friends here are all well and enquire after you as usual on every Occasion. The
President Seems in as good Health and Spirits as ever I knew him.
Mr Brisler Sprained his ankle which has interrupted his Business somewhat: but he is
now better and will soon be quite well. as soon as he is so he will look up some Flour
& Grass seeds &c
My Duty to my Mother of whose Situation I wish to be informed. Love to all— Let me
know the Progress of Farming &c
I am entirely & forever yours
[signed] John Adams
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “Decbr 16—1795.”
1. William Allen Deas (b. 1764) was a lawyer from South Carolina who served as Thomas
Pinckney’s private secretary in England. Having previously served in the S.C. house
of representatives, he was reelected in 1796 following his return to the United States
and later served in the state senate (N. Louise Bailey, Mary L. Morgan, and Carolyn
R. Taylor, Biographical Directory of the South Carolina Senate 1776–1985, 3 vols., Columbia, S.C., 1986).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0043
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1795-12-17
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Decr 17. 1795
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I went to Senate this morning with Expectations highly raised of receiving my first
Letter from you: and happily was not disappointed. I began to entertain fears for
your health.
I know not how to account for it, but your Short Accounts of the Progress of Business
upon the farm Serves as a Substitute for the Pleasure of Seeing it as it goes on:
and every Word of it is a cordial drop. The Weather Since the 10th the date of your Letter has been as fine as it had been from the time I left you:
so that I presume our People have made a good hand of it, in Spreading the Manure
from the heaps. You must not forget your Wood.
I congratulate you upon the Receipt of your Miniatures, and am
{ 95 }
very glad you find them Likenesses: I shall have my feast in looking at them next
Summer. Col. Pickering told me, he had Letters from John dated in September. He loves
to read his Correspondence and contrast it with another which he cannot admire.1 I doubt now whether my Son will go over to England at all: but am not certain.
The Negative put by the Senate on the Nomination of Mr Rutledge gave me pain for an old Friend, though I could not but think he deserved
it. C. Justices must not go to illegal Meetings and become popular orators in favour
of Sedition, nor inflame the popular discontents which are ill founded, nor propagate
Disunion, Division, Contention and delusion among the People. I never thought him
the greatest Man in the World, nor had any fixed Confidence in his Penetration or
his Constancy or Consistency. I have also had Reason to suspect that the French had
too much Influence with him to leave him perfectly neutral or impartial. The Disarrangement
of his Affairs the Reports of his Eccentricities &c had not made so much Impression
upon me. But all Things considered, the senate were very decided that such an Example
ought to be made.
I know you will naturally inquire whether any Notice will be taken of Mr Masons Disobedience to the order of the Senate, in his publication of the Treaty.
I make no Inquiries upon such Subjects—they are not connected with any Branch of my
Duty. But from accidental hints I have heard the subject is not forgotten.2
The Complexion of the House of Representatives is not so formidable as many expected
and the Voice of the People from Maryland Northward is much more favourable to the
Treaty than was imagined. and indeed in North Carolina, though they may not disapprove
of the Votes of their senators their disposition to acquiesce in the decision of Authority,
is Said to be very good.3
Gen. Jackson of Georgia has resigned and my old Friend Walton is coming in his Place.
Gunn writes that he is for order and good Government.4
We are daily overlooked by our Masters in the Gallery: but there has not yet been
many debates which could afford much Gratification to their Curiosity. The Debate
on the Answer to the Presidents Speech has been the only one of any Consequence. The
Arguments of those who were in favour of it have been very poorly reported to the
Public in Gazettes. This Partiality will be one ill Effect of the Gallery. But upon
the whole I hope it will do more good than harm.
{ 96 }
I will present your Respect and Affection as you desire. My Duty to my Mother.
I am as ever most affectionately yours
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “December 15 / 1795.”
3. By a vote of 82 to 15, the N.C. House of Commons on 8 Dec. declined to debate resolutions
“reprobating the [Jay] Treaty, and returning thanks to our Senators for voting against it” (Journal of the House of Commons, State of North-Carolina, at a General Assembly, Begun
… the Second Day of November … One Thousand and Seven Hundred and Ninety-Five, Edenton, N.C., 1796, p. 53, Evans, No. 30910; Philadelphia Gazette, 23 Dec.).
4. The English-born lawyer James Jackson (1757–1806) of Georgia had served in the state
militia during the Revolution, as a representative in the 1st Congress, and as a senator
since 1793. Following his resignation, the state of Georgia appointed George Walton
to replace Jackson. Walton (1750–1804), also a lawyer, had served with JA in the Continental Congress and was a signer of the Declaration of Independence.
He had been governor of Georgia and also served as chief justice of the state. He
remained in the Senate only until Feb. 1796, when a successor was elected. James Gunn
(1753–1801), the other Georgia senator, was a Savannah lawyer. He served in the Senate
from 1789 to 1801 (Biog. Dir. Cong.). No letter from Gunn to JA from this time has been found.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0044
Recipient: Smith, Abigail Adams
Date: 1795-12-17
John Adams to Abigail Adams Smith
[dateline] Philadelphia, December 17, 1795.
[salute] My Dear Daughter:
I am returned to my yearly servitude, and have began to drudge for the winter, if
not for both winter and spring. I should long since have been weary of this laborious
course, if, insignificant as my office appears, it had not been manifest upon several
occasions, that some of the greatest questions upon the Constitution, as well as the
great point of war or peace, had depended upon my decision. Had Mr. Clinton, or Mr.
Jefferson, been in my place the winter before last, this country would now have been
involved in all the evils of a foreign, if not at the same time of a civil war. This
language however must be in confidence; to many it would appear vain. It is not the
less true.
The temper of the house of representatives is not so warm as many people feared, and
as some hoped. The affairs of France are not so prosperous, nor those of England so
desperate, as to excite the hopes of the enemies of the treaty, or the fears of its
friends. It is now become the law of this land, and I hope all parties will
{ 97 }
become temperate enough to carry it into execution with decision, but with caution.
I sat down to write only to induce you to write to me; as I have no letter from Quincy,
I fear your mamma may not be well. Don’t conceal it from me, if she is. My love to
Col. Smith and the children.
I am your affectionate father,
[signed] John Adams.
MS not found. Printed from AA2, Jour. and Corr., 2:140–141; internal address: “To Mrs. Smith.”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0045
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1795-12-20
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy December 20 1795
[salute] my Dearest Friend
The Day I wrote you last, I received Your Letter written at Nyork. neither of my Neighbours
Black or Beals went yesterday to Town, so that if any Letters came by saturdays post,
I must wait till Thursday for them which I do not so well like. I should like You
to write me by the Wednesday post, then I should get my Letters of a thursday.
The account you gave me of Charles situation, and increasing buisness was very agreable
to me. You did not mention Sally. Gentlemen are not half [so] particular as the Ladies
are in their details. I recollect when C. L was minister for foreign affairs, he found
fault because you was not Minute enough in your description of the looks, behaviour
&c of those with whom Your buisness connected you. accordinly in a Journal you sent,
you related Some conversation & Speaches, and even handing Madam La Comtess, to Table.1 I cannot but figure to Myself how immoveabl and like the Marble Medallion You ought
to keep Your countanance whilst differing parties address you. the speach of B—— in
support of M’s motion, which the centinal informs us Bache has retail’d must have
been one trial amongst many others.2 is your Senate Chamber crowded? Parkers politeness is execrated.3 it is imposible for the President to have given a severer rebuke to the Jacobins
than he has done, by the particular detail of the flourishing & prosperous state of
our Country.
To Virtue only, and her Friends a Friend
Faction beside, May Murmur, or commend
Know all the distant Din, that Fiend can keep
Roll’s over Mount Vernon & but; Sooths my sleep4
those Lines of Pope occurd to me upon reading the Speach fraught with so much benevolence,
after all the abuse and Scurility so
{ 98 }
wantonly display’d by, a Decaying Dying Dying Junto. As I hope they now are, Symptoms
of Mortality appear in all their Limbs—
I suppose You take Bach[e’s] paper upon the same principal that You wanted the Chronical,
as their is no Wife to prevent it. I should like to see Butlers speach, pray inclose
it to me. are the reflections upon Peace by Madam De Stael, to be had here? if so
be so kind as to send them—
our people began the buisness you mentiond, but were driven of by bad Weather. We
are like to have Snow enough.
adieu Ever Ever yours
[signed] A Adams—
RC (Adams Papers); addressed by Louisa Catharine Smith: “The Vice President of the / United States
/ Philadelphia”; endorsed: “Mrs A. Decr. 20 Ansd / 28. 1795.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.
1. Chancellor Robert R. Livingston, while serving as secretary for foreign affairs during
the early 1780s, complained in a letter to JA of 5 March 1782, “tho’ your letters detail the politicks of the Country, tho’ they very ably explain
the nature and general principles of the Government, they leave us in the dark with
respect to more important facts.” Livingston continued on at some length enumerating
all the details JA had allegedly failed to include in his correspondence with the secretary. JA responded in part to this provocation by sending his “Peace Journal” to Livingston
several months later. Excerpts from JA’s Diaries, the Peace Journal included the story of JA’s escorting Anne Viviers, Comtesse de Vergennes, the wife of the French foreign minister,
Charles Gravier, Comte de Vergennes, into dinner one evening (JA, Papers, 12:295–296, 14:xviii–xix; JA, D&A, 3:49). AA had received another copy of the Peace Journal, for which see vol. 5:60.
2. During the debate over the Senate’s response to George Washington’s address, Pierce
Butler spoke in favor of Stevens Thomson Mason’s motion. When the Boston Columbian Centinel, 19 Dec. 1795, reported on that day’s legislative activities, it noted only, “Mr.
Butler in a warm speech, (as detailed by Bache) supported Mr. M.’s motion.” Benjamin Franklin
Bache had previously published Butler’s speech in full in the Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 12 December. See also JA to JQA, 12 Dec., and note 1, above, for more on Bache’s publication of the senatorial debates.
3. Josiah Parker had proposed on 9 Dec. in the House of Representatives that, rather
than the House prepare an address in response to Washington’s address, a committee
“should personally wait on the President, and assure him of the attention of the House, &c.” Parker thought that too much time
was wasted first crafting a response then adjourning for the entire House to present
its response in person to the president. The motion failed (Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 128–129).
4. “To Virtue only and her Friends a friend, / The world beside may murmur or commend. / Know,
all the distant din that world can keep, / Rolls o’er my grotto and but soothes my
sleep” (Alexander Pope, “The First Satire of the Second Book of Horace,” lines 121–124).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0046
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1795-12-21
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Decr. 21. 1795
[salute] My Dearest Friend
My old Acquaintance Mr Walton, who Served in Congress, with me in 1776 and 1777 is returned a Senator from
Georgia in the room of General Jackson who has resigned. He is or has lately been
Chief
{ 99 }
Justice. As old Acquaintances are easily Sociable We soon fell into Conversation about
Affairs old and new. I asked him whether The Negative of Mr Rutledge would have any ill Effects at the southward. He says No by no means— on
the Contrary he is sure it will have a very good Effect. He adds he was rejoiced when
he heard upon his Arrival that it was done, because it Saved him & his Colleague from
the Necessity of giving a disagreable Vote: but that they both came to Town with a
determination to vote against the Appointment. He Says that a Disarrangement of Intellect
certainly exists and has been more decisive lately than formerly. That he has not
been able to attend the Circuit Court in Georgia nor in North Carolina. That he attempted
to attend in N. Carolina but was so bad that he could not. That he even attempted
to make Way with himself. He was himself at the House and made himself fully acquainted
with the Facts. He adds that Mr R’s Conduct as Chief Justice of the State of S. Carolina has been lately so unsatisfactory
that several Grand Juries have presented him for what they thought Misconduct or at
least Negligence of his Duty. The Embarrassment of his private affairs has lately
pressed harder Upon him than ever and produced or at least accellerated and increased
the Disorder of his Mind. These Things being so We shall hear of no very sharp Rebukes
Upon the Senate, for the Vote they have passed and the President will have avoided
giving any Offence to particular Friends. This is all in Confidence between you and
me as I know you will have some Anxiety upon this subject, as I have had a great deal.
I have felt for an old Friend and his Friends. He is a Brother of your Friend Mrs Smith whom you knew in London and has been a worthy Man.1 But the Man who plunges into Debt will soon get out of his Depth. You must mention
these Things with great discretion and only in Confidence.
You will soon see Fauchets Letter and Randolphs Pamphlet.— What Scænes do they open?
The Duplicity of that shallow Fellow has been greater than any one suspected him capable
of.— Where did Fauchet get his Information of a general Plott against the Government
and Mr Hamilton’s Plans! He and his Colleagues may pretend to as much Purity as they will,
but I am not convinced that they have not dabbled these fifteen Years in Corruption
in this Country.
I have known for the whole of that Period so many of my Country men fawning, cringing
and creeping after them that I find it difficult to impute it all to simple servility.
I have not been without
{ 100 }
suspicions of some Characters, whom I dont choose to name even in a Letter to You.
There is however a native servility in some Men which produces almost all the base
Effects of Corruption itself.— There are Persons who depend upon a foreign Influence
to give them Credit Consequence and Power in their own Country, and I have sometimes
thought their Chance better for Preferment, than that of those who stand only on American
Ground. Their Peace of Mind however can never be secure however they may gratify their
mean Ambition.— Oh my sons—Be ye independent at all Expense and at every risque. There
can be no Comfort in a dependence on a foreign Interest or Influence, whether British
French or Dutch.
I am my Dearest Friend ever / so
[signed] J. A2
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “December 21.”
2. JA sent another letter to AA on this date enclosing Edmund Randolph’s pamphlet, which JA described as “a very weak thing— He has disclosed Secrets very dishonourably without
any proper Motive. It is a Piece of Revenge against the President but for what Injury
or Offence I cannot discover” (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0047
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1795-12-23
Thomas Boylston Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] The Hague 23. December 1795.
[salute] My dear Brother
It has been announced in the Dutch Gazettes as an extract from those of London, that
you had delivered Credentials to his Majesty as Envoy from the United States.1 The article somewhat terrifies me, from the apprehension, that your visit will be
protracted, beyond the term of our first expectations. Mr: Pinckney is probably in England by this time, as he was some weeks since said to
be at Paris upon his return. Your next letters will I hope clear up my doubts to satisfaction;
that is, announce the probability of your speedy return, which is wished for by many,
but by none so earnestly as myself.
I have enquired of Mr: van Son respecting the case of the William Penn, and from what he says, should suppose
it desperate. The papers, Cargo, and Captain were entirely French.
The business upon which I wrote you at full by Mr: Calhoun,2 rests in the same state, except that the French Government has refused to grant Mr: Monroe’s demand for an escort to accompany the specie hither; but gave no answer
as to the liberty of exportation. I have recommended a resort to the Bill on Hamburg,
in case the remittance from Paris cannot be effected. Since then however, Mr: { 101 }
Monroe advises me to draw upon him if possible for the money, & I have consulted the
Bankers upon the expediency of such a measure, but have not yet received their answer.
Mr Monroe’s letter was in answer to my first, and did not arrive until after my second
had gone, I know not therefore what will be the result of the proposal to use the
other Bill. Some delay will I fear be inevitable in the payment at Amsterdam.3
The only interesting news in this quarter is relative to the military operations upon
the Rhine. The series of illsuccess on the part of the French is yet unbroken, except
a momentary advantage gained by the Army of Sambre & Meuse in the affair of Kreutznach.4 Later accounts say that this army has since received a severe shock, but that Pichegru
has been successful in his quarter. As yet however there is nothing but rumor. Some
general affair has probably taken place, but the French are out of the habit of giving
Official details, & the Austrians too, when they are unfavorable to them, so that
the only sure indication, on which side the balance of success preponderates, is by
the retreat of one or other of the Armies. The surrender of Manheim operated extremely
to the disadvantage of the French, as it reduced their numbers when they had most
need of them, and gave their enemies greatly the advantage of situation. The reinforcements,
that have arrived to the French have not apparently given them the superiority, because
the desertions, which had previously taken place were scarcely supplied by the fresh
troops. It seems to be the opinion that Dusseldorf cannot be retained, & if that falls,
the operations will be entirely transferred to the left side of the River.
As a counterbalance for the defeats on the Rhine, some details have been published
of signal victories gained by the Army in Italy over the Austro Sarde’s.5
Every body seem to turn their attention most to England at present. The King’s message
to Parliament, which declares a disposition to treat for peace, produced a gleam of
hope in many; but the distance between such an event and the commencement of negotiation,
is perhaps wider than is generally imagined. It would puzzle me not a little I confess
to divine, what those honorable terms will be, that all parties will insist on. Necessity must be the final umpire; no
other can ever graduate the scale of pretensions. The age of miracles is passed, but
a general peace in Europe very speedily would deserve to be ranked among the wonders
of the world. I think with you that a prospect of Famine is much more visible.
{ 102 } You need not be told, that this Country afords little matter for a letter of news.
Since the decision of the question for calling a Convention, nothing remarkable has
occurred. The three Provinces still hold out in opposition to the measure, it is therefore
doubtful whether it will take place so soon as was expected.
The news from Paris of late, has been sufficiently uninteresting. The sudden command
given to M Carletti to depart the territory of the Republic without delay has excited
some speculation. Conversing with your friend the Baron upon the subject, he observed—“we
have probably not had the whole truth of this business. Either M. C——s note was dictated
by his superiors, or he must be a man sans tête. The probability is, that this occasion was seized as a pretext, but the real motives
must have been founded upon something behind the curtain.”6 The Baron is among those who have expressed regret at the news of your new Commission.
The List mentioned in my last, was accidentally omitted, I forward it now, requesting as before,
that it may be sent to its address; the Gentleman for whom the articles are intended,
assures me it will not make a large packet, & may easily be conveyed by private hand,
without trespassing much upon the corner of a Trunk.7 The Bill, you will be good enough to forward to me, as I hold myself accountable
for the amount to you. If you should send them by a vessel, they may be addressed
to me, to the care of Mr Beeldemaker or Mr Bourne.
I have two letters from our mother dated september 17. 18. but you have later doubtless,
as we have news here, via London as late as the 10. Novr: from the U,S.8 It is bad enough to have been forged where it came from last.
The winter has not yet seriously commenced here; there have been fogs enough, but
scarcely any frost.
Remember me to all friends that you may meet, and dont forget to forward me the Newspapers—which are in great demand.
With real affection I am your Brother
[signed] Thomas B Adams.9
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “JQ Adams Esqr:”; endorsed: “T. B. Adams. / 23. Decr: 1795. The Hague. / 14. Jany: 1796. Recd: / 25. do: answered.”
1. See JQA to TBA, 26 Dec., and note 7, below.
3. TBA’s letter to JQA of 11 Dec. (Adams Papers) contained a summary to date of an ongoing debate in which TBA was engaged with the Dutch bankers Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst,
and Nicolaas Hubbard regarding payments due at Antwerp and at The Hague to cover interest
on the Dutch-American loan.
{ 103 }
Arrangements had previously been made for Charles Jean Michel De Wolfe to cover the
Antwerp interest, and James Monroe in Paris had been organizing additional payments
of these debts in specie. But Monroe was experiencing difficulties in getting the
money to the Netherlands, as the French government had denied him permission to remove
silver from France. There was also an ongoing dispute over how much money was properly
owed to the bankers by the U.S. government, how overdue certain bills were, and which
remittances should legitimately be credited to the American accounts. While the bankers
eventually accepted the money from De Wolfe and received the silver from Monroe, disputes
over payment of American debts in the Netherlands long continued (TBA to Oliver Wolcott Jr., 6 Jan. 1796, CtHi:Wolcott Papers; Wilhem & Jan Willink, Nicolaas & Jacob van Staphorst, and Nicolaas
Hubbard to TBA, 22 April, Adams Papers).
4. The French were unable to hold their advantage at the Battle of Kreuznach, which ultimately
proved another victory for the Austrian Army just prior to the winter’s armistice
([Walter Keating Kelly], History of the House of Austria from the Accession of Francis I. to the Revolution
of 1848, London, 1905, p. xxi).
5. At the beginning of Oct. 1795 the French installed a new commander of the Army of
Italy, Barthélemi Schérer. He decided to push forward, and in late November the French
Army successfully surprised and overcame the combined Austrian and Sardinian forces
at Loano. By the end of the month the French had killed some 7,000 Austrians and taken
both Austrian and Sardinian weapons, a fortified camp, and two fortresses. They also
successfully opened the road to Piedmont (Cambridge Modern Hist., 8:444–445).
6. The Tuscan minister plenipotentiary to France, Francesco Carletti, had been involved
in attempts to win the release of Princess Marie Thérèse Charlotte, Madame Royale,
first from the French government under the National Convention and then again from
the Directory. Carletti had also requested permission—in writing—to visit “the illustrious
prisoner,” who Carletti believed was soon to be released to the Austrian government.
Carletti’s note concluded with phrasing that the French government deemed threatening,
and the Directory demanded his expulsion (Biro, German Policy of Revolutionary France, 1:450; 2:521–522).
7. The list, which was originally intended to be enclosed in TBA’s letter to JQA of 11 Dec., has not been found. In the earlier letter, TBA wrote, “The enclosed list, you will be good enough to let Tilley take to its address, & if you will charge
me with the Bill of them, & forward the packet to me when you can, it will confer
an obligation upon one of my friends & upon me” (Adams Papers).
9. TBA also wrote to JQA on 10 Jan. 1796 reviewing his earlier correspondence to JQA, providing updates on European affairs, and particularly complaining about the lack
of ships sailing for the United States and the “damp & dirty” weather (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0048
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1795-12-24
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Decr 24 1795
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I wrote you this morning inclosing a Post note for 600 and went to Senate with full
Expectation of receiving a Letter from you.1 The Door Keeper had the Letters for others but none for me— What a Disappointment!
I went mourning and moaping about for Some time, grumbling at my Stars and almost
blaming my best Friend: but it was not long before the Letter of the 15 was brought
me from the President to whom the Post office had sent it by Mistake.
I am glad the Clover is covered and that French is paid extravagant as he is. The
Anti Treaty People are not Supported by the People generally nor by their Legislatures.
North Carolina has left them
{ 104 }
in the Lurch and it is Supposed S. Carolina will not be up to their Pitch.2 In Short all the opposition to the Treaty is likely to vanish in Vapour and foul
Smoke.
The Assembly of Virginia, however, have passed a Number of hairbrain’d Resolutions
for amending the Constitution, in which I believe they will not be Seconded, unless
by Kentucky. After the Experience of our own Government and that of France, when all
Sensible Men are convinced that our Constitution, if defective in any Part, wants
more Strength in the senate & Executive, to propose to make the senate dependent on
Annual Elections and the House of Representatives to participate more in Executive
Power is a flight of Ignorance and folly that I could not have expected from a People
like the Virginians: nor can it be accounted for but by that Spirit of Irritation
and Terror which is inspired by Conscious Debts.3
The Senate is as firm as a Rock and has received I believe an Accession of Strength
in the new Member from Georgia.
The Newspapers begin to throw out hints about Titles and Checks and Ballances with
a distant View to the approaching Election of Electors of P. and V. P.4 But this at present will counteract their own hopes: for Checks and Ballances having
been adopted in Part at least in France, begin to grow more popular all over Europe
& America. I dined with The P. Yesterday and shall again to day.
I wish to read your Observations upon Randolphs what shall I call it?— I sent it by
last Post. I think it is too evident that the Creature meditated a total defeat of
the Treaty; and he had too much Influence in proceeding several Steps in the Business.
The Plan Seems to have been to delay the Ratification till the People should have
time to set up Such a Clamour as to make it impossible to sign it at all. This was
a very friendly Attachment to the Honour and Faith of the P. to be Sure. to say nothing
of The senate or Mr Jay. Such a Character in the Cabinet and in the P.s bosom was a Serpent that might
have Stung if his Invention Cunning and Courage had been adequate. The P. is more
than commonly incensed as I hear against this Man and he certainly has great Reason.
His Pamphlet has not blunted the Edge, nor diminished the force of Fauchets Letter
in the least. It must totally destroy the Confidence in both Characters for what I
see.—
There are Letters to the offices from Mr Adams dated in September— Dont be uneasy— We shall hear in due time.
I am in great Affection
[signed] J. A.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “December 24 / 1795—”
1. The post note JA sent to AA was to repay a debt owed to Cotton Tufts “and the rest I hope will answer your Ends
till March. My Expences here are so enormous, two subscriptions for erecting Colledges
in Kentucky and in the Western Territory and a small, too small assistance to Charles
will make it almost impossible for me to answer the Demands on me during the Quarter”
(Adams Papers).
2. The S.C. house of representatives, on 8 Dec., approved a resolution in opposition
to the Jay Treaty and on 11 Dec. described it as “Highly injurious to the General
Interests of the Said States.” The state senate failed by a narrow margin to approve
a resolution thanking Pierce Butler for his vote against ratification of the treaty.
The other senator from South Carolina, Jacob Read, had voted in favor of the treaty
(John Harold Wolfe, Jeffersonian Democracy in South Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C., 1940, p. 83, 87).
3. On 12 Dec. the Va. House of Delegates approved a resolution instructing the Virginia
congressional delegation to introduce and promote four amendments to the U.S. Constitution.
The first would require approval of all treaties by the House of Representatives,
the second would remove the authority for trying impeachments from the Senate, the
third would reduce Senate terms to three years, and the fourth would bar anyone holding
a judicial appointment from holding any other office. The Va. senate agreed to these
resolutions on 15 Dec., and they appeared in the Philadelphia press a week later (In the House of Delegates, Saturday, December 12, 1795, Richmond, Va., 1795, Evans, No. 29798; Philadelphia Gazette, 22 Dec.).
4. The Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 24 Dec., reprinted a piece by “The Ghost of Warren” from the Boston Independent Chronicle directly addressing the question of titles for the U.S. president and recalling the
Senate debate on the subject in 1789 in which JA figured prominently. The article notes, “The more important project of giving to
the President the title of a king, that the other attributes of royalty might follow
in regular succession, was one of the earliest efforts of the aristocratic party in
the Senate of the United States. Hardly indeed were they warm in their seats, before
they felt the full force of their imaginary importance.” The piece argues that it
was the House of Representatives that thwarted the Senate’s attempts to create a more
monarchical title. The item concludes, “Let us always remember this sacred & inestimable
truth—That the forms only of our Constitution will exist, when these authorities appointed
by you cease to respect the interest, the feelings, and the principles of those by
whom they are constituted.”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0049
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1795-12-26
Charles Adams to John Adams
[dateline] New York Decr 26— 1795
[salute] My Dear Sir
Your favors of the 13th and 24th I have received the latter containing the Post note for Dols 100 and I return you my thanks for it.1 The Vindication of Mr Randolph’s Resignation is read with the greatest avidity. I think there are many
things contained in it quite foreign to the subject and which it was unnecessary to
disclose. That good will come of it I do not doubt, not to him but to our Government
if it serves to open the eyes of the People and to convince them that French policy
with regard to America has not changed with their government. I dare say there are
some men in our government who consider the declarations of Mr Fauchet respecting the morals of his nation and the candor of his Government as a
{ 106 }
Gasconade: To those who are inclined to beleive them I would recommend the reading
of the History of the Revolution in Geneva.2 The federal cause will triumph. It would not be matter of surprize to me if Mr Jay should become more popular than he ever has been. You observe “that the passions
of the people are not the most steady part of them” You recollect Sir that the same
people who one day cried Hosanna to the son of David the next cried Crucify Crucify
him. The President of the United States was for sometime an object too high for the
shafts of calumny to be aimed at but faction has made such Giant strides that nothing
is any longer sacred.
An habitation giddy and unsure
Hath he that buildeth on the vulgar heart
O thou fond many! with what loud applause
Didst thou beat heaven with blessing Bolingbroke
Before he was what Thou would’st have him be!
And now being trimm’d up in thy own desires
Thou beastly feeder art so full of him
That thou provoke’st thyself to cast him up.
Hen 4 2d P A2 S63
Our friends here are well except you two grandsons who have the meazles Sally joins
with me in the sentiments of respect and affection with which I am / Your son
[signed] Charles Adams
RC (Adams Papers).
2. Francis d’Ivernois, Authentic History of the Origin and Progress of the Late Revolution in Geneva, Phila., 1794, Evans, No. 27159. JA sent this book to CA in Dec. 1794; see vol. 10:301–302.
3. Shakespeare, King Henry IV, Part II, Act I, scene iii, lines 89–96.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0050
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1795-12-26
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] London December 26. 1795.
[salute] My Dear Brother.
Your Packet by Mr: Clarke at length was delivered me on the 21st: and your letter of the 11th: of this month, by Mr: Calhoun the day preceding.1
Quincy’s letter is indeed a valuable one, and contains some opinions which are at
once just important, and not sufficiently established in the minds of Americans in
general. I would enclose it back to you, but think I may as well be the bearer of
it myself.2
Our friends Frazier and White have returned from Paris, but
{ 107 }
Gardner remained behind. He is however still expected shortly, and I hope to see Crafts
with him; they intended to come together when Frazier left them. So you will see Crafts
is not gone to America as he intended.3
Your opinion that a Peace will not be procured by the excesses of a London mob was
accurate. They find it rather a dangerous thing to tamper with the strength of such
a Government as this. For a square of glass broken, and a coach door opened mal-a-propos,
this kingdom has been resounding for two months with echoes and reechoes of daring and unparallel’d outrage, with horror and indignation, with the royal virtues and the crimes of the Jacobins.
The dulness of loyalty, no doubt has its privilege, and the tediousness of addresses,
must be suffered principally by the receiver. But a more substantial use is made of
the incident by the Ministers; for they have taken occasion from it to carry through
two new Laws which give great additional strength to the Government, and will be a
powerful check even upon political discussion.— The revolutionists you readily suppose
weep and wail and gnash their teeth, but to little purpose. The power of this Nation is in the hands of its property; and the property is perfectly aware
that it is contending for self preservation. What walls hunger may break down, no
previous calculation can ascertain; but if the People here can have bread, I believe
the more rioting there is raised, the longer the war will continue.
I thank you for the detail of your correspondence with the bankers on the subject
of the approaching interests. If they should apply to you again, for supplies, you
can refer them to me; they have indeed already made a similar application to me, and
perhaps their anxiety on this subject proceeds at least as much from curiosity as
from expectation. It is very probable that before the first of February you will receive
from the Treasury Department the means of answering them or that they will receive
supplies which will prevent the renewal of their applications. To say the truth I
was more apprehensive on account of the Antwerp interest than I am for the payments
in Holland; there is one strong operative cause in favour of the latter which was
directly contrary to the former. If I find occasion for recurring to new resources
I shall not fail to write you fully on the subject, but in the mean time, you can
if they should again make demands on you, assure them that you have no authority to
raise money on Account of the United States, nor any funds of theirs in your hands.
Their style of language has not I think
{ 108 }
improved in civility since their correspondence with you. They treat us however pretty
much alike, and I think it best to overlook altogether their airs of superiority,
taking care to allow them nothing more than the airs.
Your transition as you call it, to a thinking animal, no doubt contributed to encrease
your labours, but it will be serviceable to you. A habit of thinking is of considerable
importance in the passage through life, and few men think accurately whose judgment
has not been sharpened by opposition.
The non-payment of the bill on Dallarde and Swan, is a circumstance that mortifies
and surprizes me. But as to the causes of the failure neither you nor I can be responsible;
the business was put entirely into other hands, and had I been disposed to meddle
with it, you remember that the bankers informed me they were in correspondence with Mr: Monroe on the subject, which I considered as a sufficient intimation to me, that it was not a concern of
mine. Since then however I have interfered as far as was in my power to secure the
payment for them, and regret as much as they can, that any difficulties should yet
intercept the remittance.4
The letter from your mother was indeed a treat, but like many others previously received a little too high-seasoned.5 The opinion of the great man seems to look through the parental microscope. If the flattery of
my Vanity, constituted my happiness, I could not possibly wish for higher gratification;
but you know what value I am apt to set upon my own opinions; when others go beyond
my own estimation of myself they are certainly under a mistake, and it gives me more pain than pleasure to find myself
over rated.
I have many thanks to give Mr: Parker for the device you sent me, with which I am highly pleased; I have made a
little addition to it for the sake of a proud motto, but I hope it will not hurt the
design. It is now in the hands of an able engraver, and I hope Mr: Parker himself will be satisfied with the Execution.6
Your letter mentions a list, to be procured and forwarded by me, but no such list was enclosed. If it had been,
I should have executed the commission with pleasure.
I am yet in hopes of returning in the course of a few weeks. Mr: Pinckney is hourly expected, and the life of the Hague suits me much better than
that of London.
The news-papers here have taken a deal of pains to make an Envoy Extraordinary of
me, and to supply me with credentials for the Queen. If you should hear any thing
of the kind at the Hague, you
{ 109 }
will say there is not a word of truth in these tales. I have no new character, and
the credentials as well as the dignity, are merely of typographical creation.7
I hope to hear from you soon, again. You will continue to write untill I give you
notice to stop. If you receive any Dispatches from the Government, you will inform
me of their substance. What became of the bill drawn by Mr: Van Berckel on Mr Tinne?8
your affectionate brother
[signed] John Q. Adams.
RC (NHi:Gilder Lehrman Coll., on deposit, GLC00392); internal address: “Thos: B. Adams Esqr.” FC-Pr (Adams Papers); APM Reel 131.
1. TBA wrote to JQA on 14 Nov. enclosing a packet of letters from friends and family in the United States,
as well as Dutch newspapers to give JQA the local news. TBA wrote again on 11 Dec. to give JQA a report on activities in his absence. TBA found his promotion to chargé d’affaires difficult; he wrote, “I can easily conceive
that you miss my services in a degree, but I can assure you, that the want of your
advice & assistance has occasioned me, since your departure, not only trouble, but
much anxiety.” The bulk of the letter then outlined the ongoing controversy with the
Amsterdam bankers, for which see TBA to JQA, 23 Dec., and note 3, above (both Adams Papers).
3. For Thomas Crafts, see LCA, D&A, 1:98. James White (ca. 1755–1824) was a Boston stationer, bookseller, and publisher.
Crafts departed for Charleston, S.C., on 23 Feb. 1796, while White left on 21 March
for Boston (Boston Columbian Centinel, 7 Jan. 1797, 31 July 1824; D/JQA/24, 22 Feb. 1796, 20 March, APM Reel 27).
4. The French mercantile firm of Dallarde & Swan was founded in the late 1780s by James
Swan, for whom see JA, Papers, 3:354, and LCA, D&A, 1:168 (Winter, Amer. Finance and Dutch Investment, 1:485).
5. See AA to JQA, 15 Sept. 1795, above.
7. London newspapers variously described JQA as “the new Envoy from the United States of America,” “the American Envoy,” and “Envoy
Extraordinary” when describing his presentation of credentials to the king and queen
and his attendance at court functions; see, for instance, St. James’s Chronicle, 8–10 Dec.; Lloyd’s Evening Post, 16–18 Dec.; and Morning Chronicle, 18 December.
8. On 2 July Oliver Wolcott Jr. wrote to JQA requesting that he draw 3,000 florins on Johan Abraham Tinne to cover a bill of Franco
Petrus van Berckel, the Dutch minister to the United States. Tinne (1742–1808) was
the director of foreign correspondence, essentially the businessman for the States
General. Van Berckel, the son of Pieter Johan van Berckel, first Dutch minister to
the United States, served in his position from 1788 to 1796. TBA called for the payment on 25 Nov. 1795 and received the money on 26 Nov. (Adams Papers; Washington, Papers, Presidential Series, 2:111; Repertorium, 3:271; Frederik Oudschans Dentz, History of the English Church at The Hague 1586–1929, Delft, 1929, p. 99, 101; M/TBA/2, 25–26 Nov., APM Reel 282).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0051
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1795-12-27
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy Decbr 27. 1795
[salute] My Dearest Friend
Your Letter dated the 9th the blundering Post carried with him to Barnestable, so that I did not get it till
the next week. Yours of the
{ 110 }
13th came duly to Hand.1 the extracts with which You have favourd me, are curious, and prove a Weak Head.
of the Heart, I shall say nothing. it does not appear that Fauchett, as has been reported
went to Randolph to complain of British influence, but Randolph to him. Fauchett as
well he might, despises the Man, as well as the pretended Patriots, & his reflections are naturel & Judicious, tho I think he shows his want of knowledge,
when he supposes that a few thousand Dollors could have turnd the Scale for peace
or War. the Pretended Patriots never saved any Country yet, & tho they might have
been purchased, the great Body of the people are firm. nor do I think the System of
Finance conceived by mr Hamilton the origion of the Speculating stockjobbing Rage.2 it existed before col Hamilton came into office. his system produced a confidence
in the value of the funds, raisd their credit, & gave a full scope be sure by that
means to the believers to Dupe the faithless; these Dispatches when made publick will
do much service, but how Randolph is to get himself out of the Scrape, is more than
I can Devine. I pray you send me the pamphlet as soon as it appears. the Senate have
my Approbation for their Negative. Marplot will Do his own buisness by the Doors of
the senate being open, when ever it is necessary to shut them. he ought to be voted
out too. pray Who are the four Men whose Talents Influence and Ennergy were capable
of saving their country? they grew not in the Nothern Soil. if they thus trembled
under the weight of British Debts at this Day What a Tool & What a Fool!.3 the British King in his Speach to Parliament announces the exchange of the Ratification
of the Treaty. an extract from an English paper of the 4 Novbr says a “frigate saild some Days ago, With Dispatches to mr Bond and assurences that
what ever might be misunderstood or disliked in the Treaty should be open to a free
and Friendly discussion to cement the good understanding and Friendship so desirable
between both Countries— The Treaty was forwarded to mr Adams the American Minister
at the Hague, to be brought here and exchanged by him Who has full powers to Treat
further on the 12 article”4
a vessel is Daily expected belonging to mr Lamb, by which I wrote to Holland. she
went from Holland to England by her I hope to receive Letters for Which I begin to
be impatient.5 I read the Debates in Senate. the Government strengthens, intrigue and treachery
will not prevail tho I am not certain that it will Live to old Age.
We have had a few Days of Sleding two of them were employd in getting manure upon
the Medow the other in the Woods. the three
{ 111 }
past Days have been rainy & stormy. We are all well in the Family. at mr Cranchs they
have the Scarlet fever. they have all got better at Your Brothers. I wish you would
let Brisler send me some flower it will rise I fear.
With Sentiments of the most affectionate / Regard I am as ever / Your
[signed] A Adams.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Decr 27 1795 / ansd Jany. 5. 1796”; notation by AA: “Seal with Wax.”
1. For JA’s letter to AA of 9 Dec., see JA to AA, 6 Dec., note 4, above; for the letter of the 13th, see JA to CA, 13 Dec., note 1, above.
2. AA references here Jean Antoine Joseph Fauchet’s Dispatch No. 10, which JA had quoted at length in his letter to her of 13 Dec. (Adams Papers).
5. For James and Thomas Lamb and their ship Margaret, see AA to JA, 10 Jan. 1796, and note 2, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0052
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1795-12-28
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Monday Morning Decr 28. 1795
[salute] My dearest Friend
I have just recd from the P. Office your Letter of the 20th. by Brisler who went to carry one for you— I write by every Post i.e by Mondays and
Thursdays which are the only ones on which Mails are made up for any Place beyond
N. York, and the only ones on which Letters arrive here from any Place beyond that
City.
Mrs Adams your new Daughter behaves prettily in her new Sphere— I dined with them one
day and promised, to take my Lodgings with them the next time— Mrs Adams shewed me an elegant bed which she politely said she had made up for me. As
to the details in which you Say the Ladies excell Us, I have not Patience— I who have
the Patience of Job, have not Patience to write Letters in the style of Grandison
& Lovelace.
You would admire to see with what Serenity & Intrepidity I commonly Sett and hear—
Not all the Froth can move my Contempt not all the Sedition Stirr my Indignation,
nor all the Nonsense and Delirium excite my Pity. If Dignity consists in total Insensibility
I believe my Countenance has it. B. however tells me he can always perceive when I
dont like any Thing. It must be by reasoning from what he knows to be my Opinions.
My Countenance shews nothing for the most part.— Sometimes I believe it may be legible
enough.
The Reflexions upon Peace by Madam De Stael are not here.
{ 112 } The President and Presidentess always send their Regards to you.— Madam invites you
to come next Summer to Mount Vernon and visit the Fœderal City— I am almost afraid
to write it to you for fear it should turn your head and give you thoughts and hopes
of accepting the Invitation. I told Madame La Presidante, that after the Year 1800
when Congress should sett at Washington And that City become very great I thought
it not impossible that You & Your sister Cranch might seriously entertain such a Project,
for the sake of making a Visit to Mount Vernon as well as seeing Mrs Cranches Grand Children.—
Always write me how Mrs Brisler & her Children are. It makes the good Mans Countenance shine so bright when
I tell him of it, that I take a great Pleasure in reading these Paragraphs to him.
My Mother I am anxious to hear of— My Duty to her and Love Compliments &c &c to whom
you please
always yours
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “December 28th / 1795—”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0053
Recipient: Adams, Charles
Date: 1795-12-30
John Quincy Adams to Charles Adams
[dateline] London December 30th 1795.
[salute] My Dear Brother
Your favour of 19th: September was transmitted to me by our brother from the Hague about a fortnight since;
I have answered already that of Septr: 27. which I received on my first arrival here.1
You will find from one of my former Letters, that with a little balance of yours still
to be accounted for by me, and with another little Commission which I have troubled
you with your demand on me will exceed 300 dollars in the whole; and I have left it
at your option to pay yourself from the interests that you shall receive for me, or
to draw on me as shall be most agreeable and convenient to yourself. I am very well
satisfied with the employment which you made, of the sum which you have already drawn,
and have given you my ideas upon the subject in a former letter.2 I have requested you to wait for a favorable state of exchange, to draw according
to my last authority; but I did not mean to lay you under any particular restraint.
I leave all these circumstances to your own discretion, trusting that you will take
no step without due reflection; with the particular consideration, that I wish to
have the money as much as possible at command, in case my own situation and circumstances
should erelong require it.
{ 113 } With respect to the state of public affairs in America, we are at present in a suspense,
which is unpleasant enough. Much will depend upon the proceedings of Congress at this
time, and I confess the Western political sky looks rather more lowering than I could
wish.
There is nothing very remarkable in the present situation of European politics. There
have been recently some symptoms of an approximation towards a peace; but little dependence
is to be placed upon them. Before the close of the Season, all the parties at War,
will be in great want of bread, and I do not know but they will drain it off from
America, even beyond what we could wish.3 But in a national point of view the advantages of neutrality, are increasing in Geometrical
proportion to the United States. In the course of the year now expiring it has given
us Peace with the Indians, Peace with Algiers, and a Treaty with Spain. Let the Mediterranean,
be fairly opened to our Commerce, and the consequences will soon be felt in respect
to other branches of trade.4 In this Country the restrictive system is already gasping, and will be forced to
yield, for a time at least to necessity. But there seem to be people in America, who
are not enough aware of all these things, or who think like Mandeville that national
happiness and virtue are inseparably connected with national weakness and poverty5
The neutrality of the present time has not only produced an unexampled course of prosperity
during the period itself, but has laid the foundation for a series of advantages which,
I cannot imagine, that madness itself would throw away. Our political dependence upon
France, and our commercial dependence upon Britain, have both been great and heavy
clogs upon us from the time of the Peace to this day. Every hour of neutrality now
has a tendency to extricate us from both these shameful dependencies, and to make
us a really & completely independent People. The demands upon the Articles of our
produce will undoubtedly continue very great for several ensuing years. The inevitable
course of Events will make us carriers for France, Holland, and even for Great Britain.
As to the last, the benefit will be possessed only while she is at War and we at Peace,
for you may be assured she now sees herself with extreme reluctance, compelled to
resign it into our hands. Her own navigation is not adequate to her own supply, and
the longer her War continues, the greater her deficiency will be. Holland which has
heretofore been her competitor and rival as a carrier is in greater need even than
she. Holland has scarce any active Navigation left. She cannot
{ 114 }
protect her own Commerce, and we must therefore be her carriers too. As to France
the thing speaks of itself.— There is indeed no doubt but a general Peace will produce
great changes, and the usual system of selfishness and exclusion will be as far as
possible resumed by all these Nations. But there are many reasons which lead to a
belief that France will for many years have no temptation to resume it, and perhaps
not the ability. The Commerce of Holland has suffered so severely by the present War,
that they will not easily find themselves able again to carry on the trade of others.
But if she should, it will but partially interfere with us. Let there only be a competition,
and our point is gained; for the simple reason that we can carry quicker and cheaper,
than either the Dutch or the English.
There is another circumstance, which will enhance the value of American neutrality
in the opinion of every man, who can look deeper than the surface. It is the probability
that a general Peace, will if it takes place be but of short duration, and that the
seeds of future European Wars and tumults are thickly sown. The hearts of the human
race were never less pacific than they are at this time. The political question upon which all Europe has been deluged with blood for the last four years,
is so far from being decided, that it has become a more extensive source of discord
than ever. The political question will perhaps be decided by Arms in every part of
Europe, and it is every where a civil as well as a foreign War. It will undoubtedly
give to all the standing Governments so much employment, that their commercial pursuits
will necessarily and inevitably suffer from it. This is our strongest security against
the Gigantic projects of the british Government, for so long as they shall be engaged
in the grapple of democracy and feudality their purposes of commercial extension must
be often sacrificed to the necessities of their struggle.— And I have no doubt but
at the period when they shall be disembarassed of the doctrine, the United States
will have strength to resent and defeat any attempt to encroach upon their Commerce.
I hope therefore that at all Events our neutrality will be preserved, as I am persuaded
that the Prosperity of our Country depends upon that circumstance alone; and in that
hope I conclude with the assurance of the invariable good wishes and affection of
your brother6
1. Neither letter has been found.
3. The grain shortages in Europe, combined with disruptions to trade from the European
war, created increased demand for U.S. foodstuffs and raised prices significantly.
For instance, the average price of a barrel of flour in Philadelphia nearly doubled
from 1793 until 1807. Grain growers benefited with increased profits, though average
Americans faced higher food costs (John T. Schlebecker, Whereby We Thrive: A History of American Farming, 1607–1972, Ames, Iowa, 1975, p. 72).
4. Following the U.S. victory at the Battle of Fallen Timbers in 1794, Native Americans
from twelve tribes of the Northwest Territory agreed to the Treaty of Greenville in
Aug. 1795. Under the terms of the treaty, the United States received land in what
is now Ohio and the right to build posts and pass freely through other northwest Indian
territory. Native Americans also agreed to recognize the United States as their sole
protector (Charles J. Kappler, Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties, 7 vols., Washington, D.C.; 1904–1979, 2:39–45; Wood, Empire of Liberty, p. 123, 131, 132). For the treaties with Algiers and Spain, see AA to JA, 22 Feb. 1796, and notes 1 and 2, below.
5. Bernard Mandeville’s Fable of the Bees; or, Private Vices, Publick Benefits, originally published in 1714, argues that the worst qualities of human nature lead
to the most prosperous and flourishing societies. While not actually endorsing vice,
Mandeville observes that vice is a necessary partner to a strong and prosperous nation
(DNB).
6. On 29 Dec. 1795 JQA had written to JA a lengthy letter in reply to JA’s of 19 Sept., above. JQA expressed his appreciation for the compliments contained in the September letter
and commented on the frustrations of his current efforts in Britain, where “all commercial
Negotiation on the part of this Country will be captious and illiberal. … I have been
accustomed all my life to plain dealing and candour, and am not sufficiently versed
in the art of political swindling to be prepared for negotiating with an European
Minister of State.” He also reported news from Europe, including rumors of a prospective
Anglo-French peace, the continuing prosecution of the European war, the passage of
laws in Britain against democratic societies, and the launch of a British naval expedition
to the West Indies that threatened to disrupt U.S. trade in the region. Three days
later JQA again wrote to JA covering a packet of newspapers and noting the lack of communication between Britain
and the Continent at the time, possibly due to a French embargo (both Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0054
Recipient: Adams, Charles
Date: 1795-12-31
John Adams to Charles Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Decr 31. 1795
[salute] Dear Son
Yesterday I received your kind and pleasing Letter of the 26, and am happy to hear
of your and your Ladies health. I dont approve of your calling her Sally unless to
herself in a Family Way. To other People especially in Writing you must call her Mrs Adams. Your Nephews and Neice I hope will have the Meazles favourably. it is a good
age and a good Season: so that I think the family may be congratulated on the Event.
Alass poor Randolph! But what are We to think of the Symptoms of a Corruption which
appear in various shapes in this infant Country? I hope it will not appear that any
Member of either house listened to the vile proposals of the two Wretches from Detroit.1 But the Attempt itself is disgraceful to our Country.
{ 116 } Your quotation from shakespear is well applied and is most admirable. There is another
Passage which I wish you would look for and write me in what Play it is. to this Effect
He who lives on Popularity
is like a drunken Sailor on a Topmast
at every Nod, liable to plunge into the briny deep.2
The People, are as I believe always grateful, when they are not deceived. But they
are ignorant and credulous & easily imposed on. in times of Wealth and Prosperity
they are easily altered and corrupted. Juvenal in his tenth Satyr ver. 78 describes
the Roman People, who in the days of the Republic granted the Consulships, & the Command
of Armies, as reduced to such Indolence Effemincy and folly as to think only of Bread
and the Games of the Circus.
Nam qui dabat olim
Imperium, Fasces, Legiones, omnia, nunc Se Continet, et duas tantum res anxius optat,
Panem et Circenses.
[dateline] Juv. 10. 78.3
Cakes and Sports, to a People humiliated in their own Esteem, by Corruption, are,
as to Children, all they Wish and all they want.
Mr Josiah Quincy brought me your Letter and was much pleased with your situation and
Civilities to him. This young Man is eloquent—his Father was eloquent: his Grand father
was eloquent and his Great Grand father was eloquent. Here is eloquence in 4 successive
Generations. Who can Say that Eloquence does not descend in Families.4
Write me as often as possible. I am your / Father
[signed] John Adams5
1. Two land speculators, Robert Randall of Philadelphia and Charles Whitney of Vermont,
had developed a scheme to purchase land in the Northwest Territory amounting to what
is now the lower peninsula of Michigan. To smooth the way for congressional acceptance
of the purchase, Randall and Whitney attempted to bribe several members of Congress
with promises of shares in the land-holding company which could be redeemed for either
land or money. The congressmen refused to go along with the scheme, and beginning
on 28 Dec., Congress took up debate on the matter. On 4 Jan. 1796 the two men were
formally arraigned by the House of Representatives; Randall was found guilty and fined,
but Whitney was acquitted based on the fact that the person he attempted to bribe,
Daniel Buck of Vermont, was not yet a congressman at the time of the offense (Charles
Moore, History of Michigan, 4 vols., Chicago, 1915, 1:262–263; Proceedings of the House of Representatives of the United States, in the Case of Robert
Randall and Charles Whitney, Phila., 1796, Evans, No. 31364).
2. “O momentary grace of mortal men, / Which we more hunt for than the grace of
{ 117 }
God! / Who builds his hope in air of your good looks / Lives like a drunken sailor
on a mast, / Ready with every nod to tumble down / Into the fatal bowels of the deep”
(Shakespeare, King Richard III, Act III, scene iv, lines 95–100).
3. “For that sovereign people that once gave away military command, consulships, legions,
and every thing, now bridles its desires, and limits its anxious longings to two things
only,—bread, and the games of the circus!” (Juvenal, Satires, Satire X, lines 78–81).
4. That is, Josiah Quincy III (1772–1864, “the President”), son of Josiah Quincy II (1744–1775,
“the Patriot”), grandson of Josiah Quincy I (1710–1784, “the Colonel”), and great
grandson of Edmund Quincy (1681–1738, “the Judge”).
5. On 14 Jan. CA replied to this letter with a short note commenting on the changing politics in New
York State and indicating that he had recently received letters from JQA and TBA. CA also supplied the remainder of the Shakespeare quotation about which JA had inquired, for which see note 2, above (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0055
Recipient: Smith, Abigail Adams
Date: 1796-01-01
John Adams to Abigail Adams Smith
[dateline] Philadelphia, January 1, 1796.
[salute] Dear Child:
| * | * | * | * | * | * |
I have several letters from your mother, who, I thank God, appears to be in good health.
Mr. Josiah Quincy is now in this town, and is bound to Savannah in Georgia; whether
after the example of his father as a mere traveller to acquire information, or whether
with some share of the spirit of his grandfather in pursuit of speculation, I know
not. This young man is a rare instance of hereditary eloquence and ingenuity in the
fourth generation. He comes into life with every advantage of family, fortune, and
education, and I wish him all the success which such auguries naturally present to
him in prospect. I yesterday, in the presence of half a dozen Senators, laughingly
advised him to go to the President and Mrs. Washington, and ask their leave to make
his addresses to Nelly Custis, or her sister, at Georgetown, in the course of his
journey. The young gentleman blushed, and he may have left his heart in Boston; but
I think him the first match in the United States.1
I hope with you, that good sense will prevail over prejudice. But I despair of much
tranquillity in this country, till France shall have established a good government.
And although by the adoption of three branches they have made a great improvement
on their former inanimate conceptions, yet they will find that their plural executive
will be a fruitful source of division, faction, and civil war. In a few weeks the
five directors will be divided into two parties, three against two. The three will
be for decisive and vigorous measures, the two for wavering and feeble ones, under
the names of moderation, republicanism, and liberty. The two will strengthen themselves
{ 118 }
by connections with numbers in the Council of Ancients, that of 500, and in the city,
and among the people at large, till the two become more powerful than the three. The
latter will be the victims. The essential emulation in the human heart will never
permit the five to be long unanimous. Such is the lot of humanity.
Their elective judiciary, too, will be found an instrument of party, instead of a
sanctuary of justice.2
Your brother was empowered to go to England; but if not arrived by a certain day,
the business was to be done by Mr. Dean. The despatches did not arrive in season,
so that I suppose he will not go over.
I expected the pleasure of seeing Col. Smith at Christmas. My love to him, and to
my grandchildren all. I am your / Affectionate father,
[signed] John Adams.
MS not found. Printed from AA2, Jour. and Corr., 2:142–144; internal address: “To Mrs. Smith.”
1. Josiah Quincy III likely never went to Georgia, as he was still in Philadelphia later
in the month and had returned to Boston by mid-February; see JA to AA, 26 Jan., and AA to JA, 22 Feb., both below. His sweetheart was Eliza Susan Morton, to whom he was already secretly
engaged. The couple married in June 1797 (Robert A. McCaughey, Josiah Quincy 1772–1864: The Last Federalist, Cambridge, 1974, p. 17).
2. The French Constitution of 1795 allowed for the election of judges for both civil
and criminal matters, as well as for justices of the peace (Arts. 212, 216, 234, 235).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0056
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-01-02
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Jan. 2. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
The Weather here is as fine as it was the last Year. The Festival season of Christmas
and the new Year, is enjoyed in Perfection by all, for what I know, but poor Cabot
and me. He is as solitary and disconsolate as a lone Goose. He strives to keep up
his Spirits and preserve his usual Gaiety but one plainly perceives it is all Exertion.
There are Letters to the secretary of State upon public affairs, from J. Q. A. as
late as 5th. of october.1 I dont expect that he will go over to England at all. Upon the whole it will be as
well that he should not.
Two Speculating Landjobbing Villains, in combination with Indian Traders at Detroit,
will take up the House of Representatives half the Winter for what I know. I see no
Necessity for all this Parade— They might have been sent to Prison at once for Contempt,
during the session and ordered to be prosecuted by the Att. Gen.
{ 119 } our two Grandsons at New York have the Meazles and the Grandaughter is expected to
have them. The season of the Year is as favourable As their age, and will be fortunate
for them to have gone through this unavoidable Evil thus early in Life.
The H. of Reps in S.C. have behaved amiss—but they did not dare to send their firebrand
to the senate, and almost half their Number went out of the House.
The Vote is the meanest which has ever been passed. not one of the Mobs have been
so sordid as to put the whole Treaty upon the single Point of Pay for the Negroes.2
S.C. V. and Kentucky I believe will be the only States which will shew their Teeth
and they can not bite.
Goodhue is almost discouraged or at least quite out of Patience. He says “the whole
History of the Government has been one continued Labour to roll a stone up a steep
hill. It is too fatiguing to be always on the Stretch—and a Government that requires
So much Pains to support it is not worth preserving.”
It is indeed the Stone of Sysiphus.
Van berckel tells me that the new French Government is not agreeable to The Dutch—
They are as yet too Jacobinical. He thinks the French Constitution will turn upon
a Pivot, and come round at length to “The Defence of the C. of U.S.” De L’Etombe tells
me that [“]‘The Defence’ has not only been laid down by Boissy D’Anglass, as their
future Model, but has been frequently quoted of late in the Convention by many other
of the principal Members as their first Authority.”
I wish they understood their Authority better or had more Fortitude, Consistency and
Influence in adopting and establishing the genuine Principles of that Work.
I have often told you laughing, what may become a real Truth that “I shall be the
great Legislator of Nations and that Nations must learn of me or cutt one anothers
throats.”
This sounds like the Bombast of Mad Tom: Thus much is a Serious Truth that free Nations
must all become followers of Zeno not of me, or wrangle & fight forever. I am but a Disciple of Zeno.
I dined on Thursday with Adet who called upon me for a Toast— I gave an happy Success
to the new Government in France. The French Company seemed to relish it better than
our Frenchified Americans—
I am, and that is enough
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “Janry 6 1796.”
2. The Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 1 Jan. 1796, reported on a debate in the S.C. house of representatives on 10 Dec.
1795 over a resolution to oppose the Jay Treaty, primarily on the grounds that the
British had failed to compensate “those of our fellow citizens, whose negroes and
other property have been removed by the British troops, contrary to the treaty of
peace.” The resolution questioned the constitutionality of the treaty and recommended
that the U.S. House of Representatives withhold funding for it. This resolution narrowly
failed. Another taken the next day that more simply described the treaty as “highly
injurious to the general interests of the United States” passed in the S.C. house
by a wide margin, although a large number of legislators failed to vote on the measure.
On 2 Jan. 1796 the Aurora argued that the decision of several members of the legislature to leave rather than
vote on the treaty did not indicate they favored the resolution but rather, “they
conceived it was not the duty of a State Legislature to express an opinion upon it.”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0057
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-01-03
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Janry 3 1796
[salute] my Dearest Friend
I will try to write tho it is with much difficulty I hold My pen, oweing to a very
painfull Soar which gatherd at the Root of one of My nails on My Right Hand. it has
been so painfull as to allarm me for several Days least it Must be opend to the Bone,
and to deprive me of rest. it has begun to discharge, & tho yet painfull, is less
so since. I have not been free from my old Rhuemactick complaints, tho, not confined
with them to the House. We have had very moderate weather and our Farmers have improved
it by getting out the mannure upon the meadow & spreading as Much as they could. they
finishd this Day getting it out. we do not go on so rapidly as some, but we are very
steady. I setled with Bass and paid him his 16 Dollors as was your agreement, and
engaged him till the Eleventh of April for which I am to give him 22 Dollors— the
Farm Boat is taken care of & the Roller the Wheels &c
our weatherwise Soothsayers have been as much out in their calculations as yet respecting
the Severity of the Winter as the political prophesyers respecting the Stormy Sessions
of congress, but I do not yet think the Scene opened I calculate however from a combination
of circumstances, the Triumph of virtue and National Prosperity. I received Your Letters
of the 16 17 & 21 with Randolphs poor Poor Story,1 three Months in Hatching, a dark Business at best.
the President whom Mr Randolph treats so very unhandsomely appears with more dignity
for the tenderness he shews a Man Who can never be considerd in any other Light than
the Fool of Party,
{ 121 }
the weak unstable Politician, assumeing to himself an influence over the mind of a
Man infinately his Superiour and reminding one of the frog in the Fable who tried
to Swell to the size of the ox till he burst.2 Where there is vanity there Will be folly— Fauchet dispatches shew a pidling Genius he knew very little of the real Character of the people whom he described,
and less of their politicks. no extensive views no comprehensive mind, but as the
Rebublick of France can comprehend any thing and every thing, they may possibly make
out a system in Fauchet Dispatch. tis beyond my comprehension many parts of it I own
not withstanding Randolphs Precious confessions. I propose the old play of a Wonder, a Woman keeps a secreet should change
its title, or Else let the Lords of the creation confess that Nature is equally weak
in Male & Female.3 A Mason & a Randolph have taken of the Reproach from the Female Character. The answer
of the Senate to the Presidents Speach I liked much. “He hath deserved worthyly of
his Country, and hath so planted his honour in their Eyes, and his actions in their
Hearts, that for their Tongues to have been silent, and not confess so much were a
kind of ingratefull injury; to report otherways were a malice, that giving itself
the lie would pluck reproof and rebuke from every ear that heard it” Shakspear.4 my finger is so bundled up that my writing is rather worse than usual. you are so used to it that I suppose you can pick it out, and if
you cannot, there will be no great loss. Shall I remind you of the New Year, and congratulate
you that we are one Year nearer the End of our Journey? can it be a subject of congratulation,
that our Years as Life declines, speed rapidly away,
[“]And not a year, but pilfers as he goes
Some youthfull grace, that Age would gladly keep
A tooth or auburn Lock”5
But soloman tells us, that in a Multitude of years there is Wisdom, “That Life is
Long, which answers Lifes great End.[”]6 Whilst we can be serviceable to Mankind, and enjoy the blessing of Life, I believe
we May rejoice that our Days are Lengthend out and unite in mutual congratulation
upon revolving years.
I inclose a paper of Russels. Cato is as restless and as dissapointed, as factious
and as turbulent in plimouth as the Cato of N york.7 Your Mother is as well as when you left home. she walkd here this week, and desires
to be rememberd to you. I am ashamed to
{ 122 }
send such a Scrawl, but I know you would be uneasy if you Did not hear once a week
from / your affectionate
[signed] A Adams
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Jan. 3 / ansd 12 1796.”
2. Aesop’s fable “The Frog and the Ox,” of which the moral is, “Men are ruined by attempting
a greatness to which they have no claim.” While newspapers at this time were prevented
from publishing excerpts from Edmund Randolph’s Vindication because of his copyright on the material, they did publish the content of letters
between Randolph and George Washington, including Randolph’s letter of resignation
and Washington’s response, in which Washington promised to keep secret the contents
of all letters until Randolph had an opportunity to clear his name. Washington also
wrote in a later letter to Randolph that “No man would rejoice more than I should
to find that the suspicions which have resulted from the intercepted letter, were
unequivocally and honourably removed” (New York Daily Advertiser, 26 Dec. 1795; New York American Minerva, 26 Dec.).
3. Susanna Centlivre, The Wonder: A Woman Keeps a Secret, London, 1714.
4. Shakespeare, Coriolanus, Act II, scene ii, lines 27–28, 32–38.
5. William Cowper, “The Sofa,” The Task, Book I, lines 131–133.
6. Edward Young, The Complaint; or, Night Thoughts, Night V, line 773.
7. The enclosure has not been found but was likely a copy of the Boston Columbian Centinel, 30 December. That issue published a piece by Hampden, responding to Cato in the
Boston Independent Chronicle, 17 December. Both pieces addressed a debate in Plymouth over the Jay Treaty, in
which one group of residents met in late October to condemn the treaty and another
published their support for the treaty in the Columbian Centinel, 14 November. Cato, perhaps written by Henry Warren, defended the town meeting and
challenged the arguments put forth by its detractors, particularly those laid out
in the Centinel (Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 12 Nov.; Boston Federal Orrery, 31 Dec.).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0058
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-01-05
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia January 5. 1796
[salute] My dearest Friend
There is a dead calm in the political Atmosphere, which furnishes no Event worth relating.
The House of Reps is wholly taken up with two worthless Agents of Corruption.
I have this day however heard News that is of some Importance. It must be kept a Secret
wholly to yourself, One of the Ministry told me to day that the President was solemnly
determined to serve no longer than the End of his present Period. He mentioned Such
Circumstances of solemn Asseveration as left him no room to doubt. Mrs W. said one thing to me lately which seemed to imply as much. Others, Men of the
first Weight, I find consider the Event as certain.— You know the Consequence of this,
to me and to yourself. Either We must enter upon Ardours more trying than any ever
yet experienced; or retire to Quincy Farmers for Life. I am at least as determined
not to serve under Jefferson, as W. is not to serve at all.
{ 123 }
I will not be frightened out of the public service nor will I be disgraced in it.
You will say that he will be over persuaded— You know what Jemmy said of Elijah. “His
poor soul would have no chance for salvation for he had sworn most bitterly.”
The Weather is mild as last Winter— No snow No frost— Farmers may plough.
I received Yesterday your favour of the 27. Who Randolphs four mighty Men were, I
know not. I am much mortified to reflect that I ever had any Opinion of that Creatures
head or heart.
There are Letters from John as far as 5th of October in the office of state. His public Correspondence is still very punctual
and quite Satisfactory.
Randolphs Intrigues to defeat the Treaty defeated him of the honour of going to England
but I dont regret it. I am with the tenderest / Affection your
[signed] J. A.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs”; endorsed: “Janry 5 1796.”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0059
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1796-01-06
Charles Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] New York January 6th 1796
[salute] My dear Brother
Your letter of the 15th September arrived yesterday I own I have not so much cause to complain of my brothers
as they have of me. It is reported and generally beleived that our Present Chief will
decline serving for another term. I have been informed from good authority that such
are his intentions. It is to be hoped that he will not make the trial as I am confident
The People of this Country will never accept his resignation. Should he be removed
by death I am persuaded The People would fix upon the man to succeed him with much
more composure than is generally imagined. It has been an idea industriously circulated
that confusion and tumult will follow the decease of George Washington but I trust
this government does not depend upon the life of any man.1 I do not agree in opinion with you that the successor of the present first magistrate
will hold a situation so very uncomfortable and dangerous Americans begin to see through
the schemes and machination of certain factious and turbulent men among them and to
be ashamed of the influence they have had over their passions. They will therefore
unite more firmly to support The Constitution and The men who administer it.
{ 124 }
They feel that gross deception has been used in order to destroy their confidence
in their Magistrates. The greatest enemy we have to contend with is foreign influence.
You and I very well know how active it has been for a long while Yet certain facts
are coming to light which open the eyes and rouse the indignation of our Countrymen
The body of the People scorn to be directed by French art or British insolence May
heaven preserve the honest sentiment. Nothing can exceed the abuse upon honest men
and measures which has for these two years past been disgorged from our presses, but
The scriblers have gone too far and their weapons are turned against themselves Hamilton
has this day given the public his last number of The Defence of the treaty. It will
make a valuable volume. I hope you have received the numbers I sent. You will have
the rest by this oportunity and as soon as the whole is published in a volume I will
transmit it to you. Randolphs Defence of his resignation may excite some curious reflections.
The intercepted letter shows what we have to depend on
Our State Legislature commenced their session on the 4 inst and It gives me great satisfaction to find the three branches for the first time
united in the support of Federal measures.2 I rejoice to see this State assuming her proper rank and throwing off the shackles
of Clinton and his adherents This moment I have seen Mr Van Rensalaer who informs me he left you well in July He was taken and carried into
Halifax where all his private letters were opened except one from Thos which he gave me Thus you see the British continue their civilities.3
With sincere affection I am / your brother
[signed] Chas Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “John Quincy Adams Esqr / Minister Resident from The United States / of America / at / The Hague”; endorsed
by TBA: “Charles Adams Esqr: / 6 Jany 1796 / 18 March Recd. at Hague”; and by JQA: “3. May. recd: at London. / 10 do: Ansd:.”
1. While not yet definitely acknowledged, the possibility of George Washington’s retirement
was certainly under discussion in New York at this time. The New York Journal, 16 Dec. 1795, for instance, reported that Camillus—generally believed to be Alexander
Hamilton—had openly stated in court “that the President intends to resign.”
2. John Jay, the Federalist governor of New York, was inaugurated on 1 July, and Federalists
had retained control of both houses of the New York legislature following the spring
elections (Young, Democratic Republicans, p. 440, 441).
3. For Robert Van Rensselaer’s visit with JQA and TBA in Europe, see vol. 10:410. Van Rensselaer sailed back to the United States in the ship Olive Branch, which was captured by the British and taken to Halifax (Catharina V. R. Bonney,
comp., A Legacy of Historical Gleanings, 2d edn., 2 vols., Albany, N.Y., 1875, 1:122). The letter from TBA to CA has not been found.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0060
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-01-06
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] London January 6. 1796.
[salute] My Dear Mother.
I have the receipt of two Letters from you to acknowledge; the one bearing date September
15. and the other October 8. of the year which has just been added to the rolls of
departed Time. For both these Letters please to accept my cordial thanks. As the principal
subject of them relates to the Treaty, which brought me here, they are not susceptible
of a lengthy answer from me.— The part which as you observe I have to act upon the
occasion is indeed trivial enough, and I find myself with respect to Mr: Jay, something like the candlesnuffer to Garrick, in Peter Pindar.
“The Boards of Drury, you and I have trod.”1
But insignificant as my part in the business is, I have the most unequivocal symptoms,
that it is gathering the rays of Envy from various quarters; they will centre upon
your son with no common malignity, unless he be speedily removed to the less conspicuous
station which he previously held.— It is a thing almost unaccountable to me, that
sensible men, and above all that ambitious men should see with such sentiments, a
situation which in my mind is at present both aukward and embarassing.— It seems to
be a proverbial opinion, that to be an object of Envy, is a desirable and a pleasant
thing.— But I have no such wish, and on the contrary desire to avoid it as much as
possible. One of the most predominant ingredients in my composition is the love of
ease, and I therefore dread the necessity of having to contend, even defensively,
with ardent, eager, intriguing, or violent men. To all this however a Man must make
up his mind in political existence as much as to sickness or death in natural life.
It is a sort of trial, which I would fain escape or at least postpone.
The opinion expressed in the quotation of your letter, coming from a quarter so highly
respectable, was as grateful to my feelings, as you could have expected; but let me
once more repeat, my dear mother, that the energy, and warmth of approbation, which
has been so liberally bestowed in all my late family letters from America, really
alarm me. My father especially sometimes hardly remembers what a corrupter praise
is. I expect indeed to have the other side of the question in the newspapers before
long; but if my sins are there visited only upon myself, I shall be better proof against
that.
{ 126 } I have now been here almost two months; in a character so differing from the common
diplomatic course as to have produced various circumstances more or less ridiculous.—
I believe that some of the good souls in administration here, have been led to think
me a good sort of man; and as Sir Toby Belch says “one that adores them.—”2 They have therefore, especially on my first arrival been liberal of their polite
condescension, a species of treatment, which I have endeavoured to convince them that I did not
deserve, and would not receive. That they have had the gift of pleasing me, is more
than I will vouch for, and if they meant to shew me that I had possessed that of pleasing them, they have been very clumsy in the art of complimenting.3
I wish I could find it in my heart to think better of them; because when a man means
to shew civility, I do not love to meet it with contempt, or to suspect its motives.
That I had a certain merit in their estimation, for political opinions which they
attributed to me, I have every reason to believe. But I believe also that they imagined
I should set an higher value upon their estimation, than I do: they supposed that
I should be flattered by their notice, and in an enthusiasm of gratitude should perhaps
be very compliant.
I hope to have no further occasion to discover either my compliance or my obstinacy
to them. But they are not men with whom it is likely that I can ever readily agree. They are not more likely to agree with me, and I have abundance
of reasons to suppose that I could do very little good here by negotiation. I am convinced
that Mr: Jay did every thing, that was to be done; that he did so much, affords me a proof
of the wisdom with which he conducted the business, that grows stronger the more I
see.— But circumstances will do a great deal more than any negotiator. The pride of
Britain itself must bend to the course of Events. The rigour of her system already
begins to relax, and one year more of War to her, and of Peace to us, will be more
favourable to our interest, and to the final establishment of our principles, than
could possibly be, twenty years of negotiation or of War.
Since I sat down to this Letter, Scott has arrived, but I have yet received no Letters.4 Perhaps my friends chuse to wait untill they can write more pleasing intelligence.
I am obliged to put up with here a scrap and there a scrap of information that I pick
up from persons arriving from America, and it is not always such as may be depended
on.
You may suppose that with the business I have on hand, the
{ 127 }
letters I am obliged to write and copy, without any assistance, and the usual portion
of time that must be dedicated to forms and to civility, my leisure moments are not
very numerous.— About once a week I frequent one of the Theatres, but find in general
that representations of mere parade and shew, are so much preferr’d to those of Sentiment,
Passions, or Manners that I do not always meet with the entertainment which might
be the most pleasing to myself.— The taste for painting continues to be as prevalent
here as it has ever been. The splendid editions of Shakespear, and of Hume’s History,
now publishing, you have often heard of. The original paintings from which the plates
destined to adorn these works are to be taken, are exhibited to the public in Galleries,
called the Shakespear, and the Historic Gallery. I have seen them both, and was very
highly gratified particularly with the first: The Collection is much more numerous,
and in my opinion much superior in point of Execution, to the other. The introduction
of elegant plates, seems to be more proper for compositions of imagination and fiction,
than for the sober dignity of the Historian. Many of the Historic Pieces are by Opie,
the friend and protegé of Peter Pindar; they have repeated to me the lesson of placing
small dependence upon the applause of friendship however eminent.— Mr: Opie’s performances are upon the whole below mediocrity.
The most indifferent things of the Shakespear Gallery, are those in which the Painters
have endeavoured to follow the Poet into the worlds of his own creation. So long as
they only copy, the imitation is beautiful; but when they attempt to manage such machines,
as his Fairies, his Spirits and his Witches, they sink in helpless weakness under
their weight. A Scene in the Midsummers Nights Dream, by one of the most eminent artists,
instead of the fine frenzy of the Poet has given only the nauseous incoherencies of
a sick man’s dream; and the witches of Macbeth, by Reynolds himself are not entirely
clear from the same observation.— But there is a Death of Cardinal Beaufort, by Reynolds,
an Ophelia by West, a Richard and Mortimer and a Hubert and Arthur by Northcote, a
Ghost of Hamlet by Fuseli, a Cassandra by Romney, and indeed many others the merit
of which must be acknowledged and felt by every beholder whether ignorant or connoisseur;
I have no pretensions to the latter character, but by judging merely from effect,
I believe the simple taste of nature is not more easily pleased than the more accurate
perception of science.5
These are the only curiosities that I have visited in my present
{ 128 }
residence here: excepting the Panorama; a species of exhibition remarkable only from
its first impression, and the novelty of a singular optical illusion produced merely
by a particular arrangement of admission and exclusion to light. The thing has been
shewn in America by Mr: Savage, and its nature is probably well known to you.6
My paper as usual brings me to a close, leaving me only room to request my remembrance,
to all my good friends and relations at Quincy and Weymouth, and to assure you that
I remain with customary duty and affection, your Son
[signed] John Q. Adams.7
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: Adams.”; endorsed: “J Q A Janry 6 1796.” FC-Pr (Adams Papers); APM Reel 131. Tr (Adams Papers).
1. Peter Pindar, “Farewell Odes to the Royal Academicians, for the Year 1786,” Ode X,
line 43. In the poem, the “Man of Rags” informs the actor David Garrick, when Garrick
asks what part the other played in Hamlet at the Drury Lane Theatre, “‘Lord!’ quoth the Fellow, ‘think not that I mock: / When
you play’d Hamlet, Sir, I play’d the Cock.’”
2. Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, Act II, scene iii, lines 195–196.
3. When JQA first arrived in London, George Hammond, undersecretary for foreign affairs, played
off their previous acquaintanceship to attempt to curry favor with JQA and split him away from his colleague William Allen Deas. Likewise, British foreign
minister Lord Grenville made a point of attempting to flatter JQA by addressing him as minister plenipotentiary, instead of minister resident, and
of leaving off JQA’s association with The Hague to imply a position as U.S. minister to Britain. Grenville
also arranged for JQA to be invited to various official receptions and royal levees. JQA tried to set the record straight on his diplomatic position but ended up offending
Grenville and the British court in the process (Bemis, JQA, 1:71, 77–78). See also D/JQA/24, 25, 27 Nov., 1, 11 Dec. 1795, 13, 14 Jan. 1796, APM Reel 27.
4. Capt. James Scott and the Minerva reached Deal on 5 Jan. and Falmouth by the 6th (London Evening Mail, 4–6 Jan.; London Daily Advertiser, 6 Jan.). See also JA to JQA, 17 Nov. 1795, and note 5, above.
5. For the Boydell Shakespeare Gallery, see Descriptive List of Illustrations, No. 3, above. As JQA notes, the gallery included works by the Swiss-born Henry Fuseli and British artists
Joshua Reynolds, George Romney, Benjamin West, James Northcote (1746–1831), and John
Opie (1761–1807), who had been mentored and promoted by John Wolcot (Peter Pindar)
(Richard D. Altick, Paintings from Books: Art and Literature in Britain, 1760–1900, Columbus, Ohio, 1985, p. 45; Oxford Art Online).
The Historic Gallery, located on Pall Mall, was established by Robert Bowyer as part
of his plan to produce an illustrated edition of David Hume’s History of England. Bowyer, himself a painter, saw this project as a way to demonstrate that “historic
painting is not less congenial to our clime than the rest of the fine arts.” The gallery
closed in the early nineteenth century because of a lack of funds (Robert Bowyer,
Elucidation of Mr. Bowyer’s Plan for a Magnificent Edition of Hume’s History of England, London, 1795, p. 3–11, 31–32; David Hughson, London, 6 vols., London, 1805–1809, 4:333–334).
6. JQA saw two panoramas on 4 Jan. 1796, one of London and the other of the fleet of Adm.
Richard Howe, Earl Howe, as it was aligned on 1 June 1794 before its confrontation
with the French. The American artist Edward Savage, who had spent time in London in
the early 1790s, had displayed a panorama of London and Westminster in Philadelphia
in July 1795 (D/JQA/24, APM Reel 27; DNB; Charles Henry Hart, Edward Savage: Painter and Engraver, Boston, 1905, p. 8–9).
7. One day later JQA wrote a short note to JA covering an enclosure of newspapers. JQA commented that negotiations with the British would not move forward until Thomas
Pinckney returned to London, and that there was little to report from Europe (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0061
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-01-07
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Jany. 7. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
Inclosed is another Production of Porcupine, whose quils will Stick.1
“And Midas now neglected Stands
With Asses ears and dirty hands.[”]2
The President appears great in Randolphs Vindication throughout excepting that he
wavered about Signing the Treaty which he ought not to have done one moment. Happy
is the Country to be rid of Randolph: but where shall be found good Men and true to
fill the offices of Government. There seems to be a Necessity of distributing the
offices about the States in Some Proportion to their Numbers: but in the Southern
Part of the Union false Politicks have Struck their roots so deep that it is very
difficult to find Gentlemen who are willing to accept of public Trusts and at the
same time capable of discharging them. The President offered the office of State to
Seven Gentlemen who declined: to Mr Patterson, Mr King, Mr Henry of Virginia, Mr Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of S. C. and three others whose names I dont recollect.3 He has not been able to find any one to accept the War Office.4 The Expences of living at the Seat of Government are so exorbitant, so far beyond
all Proportion to the salaries and the Sure Reward of Integrity in the discharge of
public functions is such obloquy Contempt and Insult, that no Man of any feeling is
willing to renounce his home, forsake his Property & Profession for the sake of removing
to Philadelphia where he is almost sure of disgrace & Ruin. Where these Things will
end I know not. In perfect Secrecy between you & me, I must tell you that I now believe
the P. will retire. The Consequence to me is very Serious and I am not able as yet
to see what my Duty will demand of me. I Shall take my Resolutions with cool deliberation,
I shall watch the Course of Events with more critical Attention than I have done for
sometime, and what Providence shall point out to be my Duty I shall pursue with Patience,
and Decision. It is no light thing to resolve upon Retirement. My Country has claims—my
Children have claims and my own Character have claims upon me. But all These Claims
forbid me to serve the Public in disgrace. Whatever any one may think I love my Country
too well to shrink from Danger in her service provided I have a reasonable prospect
of being
{ 131 }
able to serve her to her honour and Advantage. But if I have Reason to think that
I have either a Want of Abilities or of public Confidence to such a degree as to be
unable to support the Government in a higher Station, I ought to decline it— But in
that Case, I ought not to serve in my present Place under another especially if that
other should entertain sentiments so opposite to mine as to endanger the Peace of
the Nation. It will be a dangerous Crisis in public affairs if the President and Vice
President should be in opposite Boxes.
These Lumbrations must be confined to your own Bosom— But I think upon the whole the
Probability is strong that I shall make a voluntary Retreat & spend the rest of my
days in a very humble Style with you. of one Thing I am very sure— It would be to
me the happiest Portion of my whole Life.
I am with unabatable Affection / Yours
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “Janry 7th / 1796.”
2. Jonathan Swift, “The Fable of Midas,” lines 81–82. These lines appeared as part of
an epigraph on the title page of Peter Porcupine’s A New-Year’s Gift.
3. In a late October 1795 letter to Alexander Hamilton, George Washington largely reiterated
JA’s comments here: Washington had offered the post of secretary of state to William
Paterson of New Jersey, Thomas Johnson of Maryland, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of
South Carolina, and Patrick Henry of Virginia, in that order, all of whom had declined.
Subsequent correspondence with Hamilton indicates that Rufus King of New York was
also approached but likewise declined. Although Hamilton made other suggestions for
possible candidates, on 9 Dec. Washington submitted Timothy Pickering’s name to Congress
to make his position as acting secretary of state permanent. The Senate gave its advice
and consent to the appointment the following day.
Paterson (1745–1806), Princeton 1763, was Irish-born but raised in New Jersey. A lawyer,
he held various posts in New Jersey government and served as one of that state’s delegates
to the federal Constitutional Convention in 1787. In 1793 he became an associate justice
of the U.S. Supreme Court. Pinckney (1745–1825), of the prominent Pinckney family
of South Carolina, was educated in England at Oxford and the Middle Temple. He rose
to the rank of brigadier general during the Revolutionary War and later was named
a delegate to the Constitutional Convention. He held no other federal positions, however,
until named U.S. minister to France in 1796 (Hamilton, Papers, 19:356–357, 395–397; U.S. Senate, Exec. Jour., 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 193; ANB).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0062
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-01-09
Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Atkinson Jan. 9th 1796
[salute] My Dear Sister—
It is indeed several weeks since I have written to you—an eventful term to me—multiplied
with cares, which have prevented me from
{ 132 }
presenting my most cordial Thanks to my dear Sisters, for their kindness, & the maternal
affection they have shewn my Daughter— I think I Justly estimated her genius & temper—&
my expectations were raised, that, when under your fostering hand she would greatly
improve; & I am happy to find that she does honour to herself, & I hope no dishonour
to you—
You ask, why my marriage was not announced in the Paper? were this question asked
of any one else but myself, I could say many things in the figurative way, but now
shall only tell you, that my little Bark though built by a skillful hand, yet in its
constituent parts, was very unfit for the rough billows upon which it was to be tossed
in the voyage of Life, & had been so enfeebled, & battered by unforeseen, & sudden
Storms as to be of too little consequence to be noticed by the world; which perhaps
knew, that I had long ago, for many reasons, adopted the language of Mr Pope; & with
much more sincerity (I believe) wished that I could “live, & die unseen, unknown,
steal from the world, & not a stone tell where I lie—”1
It is a month my Sister since I quitted one State, I hope for a far better— Agreeable
as Haverhill had been to me, yet as I had no part, nor inheritance there, I tarried till I really longed to be gone, that I might be at rest, & freed
from a multiplicity of vexatious, unprofitable Cares— The events, & occurences which
impeded my course, interupted that sweet serenity which I wished to maintain upon
this solemn occasion, are too many for me to particularize Suffice it therefore to
say, that everything took a contrary turn, all my plans were deranged—& that had I
lived in ancient days, I should have stood agast, & believed that all the Gods & Goddess
had conspired against me, & had engaged the elements upon their side—raging with more
violence than that which dispersed the Grecian Fleet— What, or whether old Juno had
any thing against me, I could not say— Whether she thought I had not asserted my rights
in former times, or feared I should be now, more condescending than the dignity of her Sex, would admit, is hard for me to determine—
I believe I told you, poor Cousin Betsy had been languishing for several weeks with
a distressing pain in her side, & stomach, which the medicine could not reach, & was
increasing upon her every day— The evening before our appointed marriage she was taken
with fainting fits, & I really feared she would die before morning— She rested some,
was not faint, but appeared with all the symptoms of a fever, unable to set up but
a little while at a time— my Neighbour’s Children sick with the Canker all round me,
some really dead,
{ 133 }
others dying— you know what a tender part a feeling heart takes upon such occasions—
& my Abby I feared every day would share the fate of others— Mr Peabody had agreed
to arange his affairs so as to come to Haverhill upon Tuesday—desired a Team to be
ready at the house wednesday for the Furniture, & Thursday a number of respectable
Gentlemen were to wait upon us to Atkinson whose wives had beged the favour of Mr
Peabody to roast a few Turkeys at his house, for our comfortable reception— so nothing could be done, but proceed—
Perhaps you may remember the eighth of December was a dreadful stormy day— It was
one of those Eras, which I hope I shall not wish to be blotted from my remembrance—
The Storm increased with so much voilence that, circumstanced as I was, I really hoped
Mr Peabody would be too superstitious to come, & be married in a Storm— It was late
in the afternoon before he came— I told him I had been approbating his conduct, &
supposed he had been too wise, or too whimsical to think of being married in a storm— I confess it was rather too cavalier treatment, cold, & wet as he was, but he looked
up with so much good-humour & said “Is it posible you can be in earnest, what if it does storm, is it not often a prelude to a calm
sunshine?—[”] I was silent though at that moment, I thought I would have given the world not to
have been the cheif actor, in this gloomy solemn scene— Betsy sick—house wet—neighbours
disappointed, every thing wrong, & wearing a sad aspect— add to all this, just as
we were standing up, a fire was cried, which proved to be our chimney— Good Lord (thought
I,) what next?— this was not a vain ejaculation, I assure you—but as some minds always rise in proportion to their exegencies,
I thought it best, to call up all the magnanimity of which I was capable, & attend
with proper composure to the duties, & solemn Obligations in which I was engaging—
I cannot say, what passes in the mind of Others, but few have a more quick succession
of Ideas than I had, or a greater weight (I hope) upon their minds.
My own affairs as administratrix unsettled, notwithstanding my repeated solicitations
to the Parish for the purpose, conduced not a little to depress my spirits; & the
accumalating expences occasioned by the necessity of my families being devided & leaving
my dear sick Neice, rendered me almost one of the most pitiable Objects in nature,
& very unfit for the duties before me.— How I bid farewell to my worthy Friends—& to a place where I had very strong local attachments—to a
house endeared to me by the birth of my
{ 134 }
Children—& with what grace I received my new Parishoners, I must leave for others
to say— But this I must acknowledge, that if I had not had one of the kindest of Friends,
to have supported, & encouraged me, I must have sunk— And in Justice to his daughter,
I must tell you, that she met me at the door with so much sweetness benevolence, &
affectionate respect, as has left an indeliable impression upon my heart, that has
bound me to her forever—
When I left cousin Betsy I feared she would never be able to reach Atkinson, her symtoms
were so consumtive, but the Dr said not fixed, that was some encouragment to me that
she might recover, if she would but take proper care— I left Lydia, & Nancy Harrod
with her, Mr Tucker lodged in the house, & Betsy Quincy, & myself took turns to stay
with her till she got well enough for Mr Tucker to bring her here, which he did in
a fortnight after I first came— She is far from being well now—but here we all are,
& my Friend looks supremely blest, in the power of making others happy—
I thank you my dear Sister, for your kind, invitation to my Children to spend some
time with you— I believe William will accept it, & go to Boston, before the vacation
is out, if you can get him from your house to Cambridge— I know not where they can
be better instructed than by your example, & your Library— Sometimes I think I will
send Betsy to you, till the spring, & then I wish to have her go into this accademy—
I think it will be for her advantage—
I rejoice to hear that Mrs Tufts is on the recovery, I was destressed for her— I am
sorry my Sister Cranchs family has been so sick, I would write if I had2 time—moving &cc, has been fatiguing— you will be kind enough to let her see this
Letter, she will want to hear from Me, & be assured my dear Sisters, that no place,
time, or change will ever obliterate from my heart, the Love & Gratitude I feel for
you, which glows in the breast of your affectionate Sister
[signed] Elizabeth Peabo[dy]
RC (Adams Papers). Some loss of text due to a torn manuscript.
1. “Thus let me live, unseen, unknown, / Thus unlamented let me die; / Steal from the
world, and not a stone, / Tell where I lie” (Alexander Pope, “Ode on Solitude,” lines
17–20).
2. The remainder of the letter is written vertically in the left margin.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0063
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-01-10
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy Jan’ry 10th 1796
[salute] my Dearest Friend
I received by the last post Your Letters of the following Dates 21 inclosing the post
Note, 24 28 & 30th for all of which accept my
{ 135 }
thanks;1 we have been so unfortunate I presume as to lose Letters by a Melancholy ship wreck
the last week. a vessel belonging to mr Lamb on Board of which was a Brother of Mr
Lambs by whom I wrote to our sons, in comeing in last week, was in one of our winter
gales & snow-storms cast away near salem. the captain Macky a Dutch Gentleman & 2
others were drown’d. mr Lamb & one or two others were wash’d on shore a live, but
vessel cargo intirely lost.2 our Neighbours are in great anxiety for their Eldest son Benjamin whom they heard
had saild ten week ago from Hamburgh, bound to N York. a vessel which saild with him,
has been in more than a Month.3
You observe in one of Your Letters that You wish to hear my observations upon Randolphs
pamphlet. there does not appear to me any thing clear about it, or in it, but the
Mans Duplicity weakness, Gullability and vanity. he represents the President as in
leading strings, and between ourselves, I cannot but think, that he had gaind too
great an assendency over the mind of the President, considering how very weak a Man
he appears. You know my judgment of him in the very first Letter he wrote to Hammond
after he was Secretary of State.4 You know my sintiments of his Predecessor and my Friendship for him, how loth I have
been to see him a partizen of politicks I could not but abhor. Yet I think him incapable
of betraying the honour interest and Dignity of the Government as this misirable Man
has done. the President has been unfortunate in his States Men— I hope the office
is more confidentially fill’d now with respect to mr R——s private Life I know nothing,
but one general rule will hold good with respect to appointments to office, that a
Man destitute of private virtue must want Principle, and the Man who wants principle
cannot be actuated by pure Motives, nor can he possess so exalted an affection as
a Rational and Disinterested Love of his Country. this has been so recently exemplified
in the late Chief Justice, that no other instance need be quoted. the publick papers
have mentiond almost every circumstance You related, and his insanity will sheild
the Senate from, even Jacobinical censure. for his Friends I am sorry. it is a pitty
that he was made so conspicuous in his Fall. As to the Virginians, they appear to
be most of them Randolphs, and by their Numbers have too great a weight in the publick scale. I hope all culprits
will be brought to punishment, and that our countrymen will know how to value and
Appreciate the sterling coin, which has been Seven times tried, from the base Dross
which only glitters without, but has no intrinsick value. Randell &
{ 136 }
Wheaton will be throughly sifted I presume.5 I wish Genett Fauchet & his successors were equally ameniable to the same tribunal.
The complexion of the Senate is highly favourable. the House—will have time to shew
themselves
The constitution in France appears to be organizing. Seyes wisely declind belonging
to the executive why it should be a subject of speculation to the Parissians, must
be oweing to their want of penetration. the Executive will soon be crumbld into insignificance.
Seyes had rather be one than five—6
I hope they will keep together untill a general Peace takes place, but I am sure they
cannot be held by a Rope of sand.
I thank Mrs Washington for her kind invitation as well as for her frequent remembrance
of me the high esteem and regard which I entertain for her would render such a visit
peculiarly agreable to me, were all other circumstances favourable to it, but I never
expect to go further than to Visit my Children;
I shall go to no expence that I can avoid. I Daily know that expences, I cannot say
increase, but the value of Money diminishes— I was presented last week with a Tax
Bill of a hundred & 87 Dollors 50 cents for the Small Town of Quincy. I shall however
take the Liberty to pay my doctors Bill, and other necessary expences before I attend
to what my Neighbours do not discharge in a Year after us.7 last week our people compleated Carting Manure upon Quincys medow 60 Loads that is
cart bodys full. the Ground was so soft it would not admit of loading deeper & it
is all spread copland says as well as if you had been here. he wants half a dozen
more load to cover the whole which he hopes to get by & by—
Mrs Brisler and Family were well yesterday She danced as nimbly as the youngest of
them, the night before new year
Yours as ever
[signed] A Adams
P S I believe you have become a favorite at court—you dine so often.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Jan. 10 / ansd 20. 1796.”
1. For JA’s two letters of 21 Dec. 1795, see JA to AA, 21 Dec., and note 2, above. JA also sent a short note to AA on 30 Dec. enclosing Jonathan Pindar’s “Salutatory Ode,” for which see AA to JA, 15 Jan. 1796, and note 6, below.
2. On 6 Jan. the ship Margaret wrecked off the coast of Salem. Four men—the captain, John Mackay; a Dutch passenger;
a seaman; and the cabin boy—drowned. James Lamb (b. 1746), a Boston merchant and part
owner of the ship, survived by jumping into the ocean and swimming to shore. The ship
was also owned by James’ brother Thomas Lamb (1753–1813); they had established the
mercantile firm of James & Thomas Lamb in 1781 (Boston Gazette, 11 Jan. 1796; Thwing Catalogue, MHi; Other Merchants and Sea Captains of Old Boston, Boston, 1919, p. 34–37).
{ 137 }
3. That is, Benjamin Beale III (1768–1826), Harvard 1787, who was a lawyer. He eventually
settled in Normandy, France, following his marriage in 1806 (Sprague, Braintree Families).
4. Edmund Randolph’s letter to George Hammond of 21 Feb. 1794 concerned whether Hammond
had yet received instructions from his government that would allow negotiations to
resume regarding the final resolution of matters still pending from the Peace of Paris
(Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 28 Feb.). But AA may be referring to later letters of Randolph that JA sent her in May 1794; see vol. 10:190, 191.
5. For Robert Randall, Charles Whitney, and the Detroit land speculation affair, see
JA to CA, 31 Dec. 1795, and note 1, above.
6. Abbé Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès declined an appointment to serve in the new French Directory
“on account of his want of sight, and chose to retain the character of deputy, to
which he had been called by his fellow citizens.” Sieyès would again be elected in
1799 and would accept the appointment at that time (Boston Federal Orrery, 7 Jan. 1796; Cambridge Modern Hist., 8:667–668).
7. AA was not alone in feeling that the Adamses might have been overtaxed. In September
JA noted in his Diary that he felt his assessment was “unjust, more than my Proportion.”
Two years later, when the Adamses’ farm was assessed for the 1798 tax valuation, some
discussion occurred whether it was acceptable for the home of JA—as president—to be valued at less than those of some of his neighbors. AA wrote to JA, “I sat a silent hearer upon all but one Subject, which was the apprizement of this
House. the Major was loth that it should appear that the President had not the best
House in Town. I laught at him and told him I should have no objection to owning the
best House, but if the fact was otherways did the Law say, that the owner of the House
was to be taken into consideration or the House prized according to what it would
in his judgment sell for.” In the end, their home was assessed for less than that
of Capt. Benjamin Beale Jr., their closest neighbor (JA, D&A, 3:246; AA to JA, 23 Dec. 1798, Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0064
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-01-15
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy. Jan’ry 15th 1796
[salute] my Dearest Friend
Thursday post did not bring me one Single Letter from you; tis true I had no reason
to complain on the Score of inattention, as the week before I had four Letters but
I suppose that I had Letters, and that the blundering Blockhead of a post, either
left them in Town, or has carried them to Barnestable as he Did once before; We have
got a new Post, one of your under bidders, who can not read the direction upon his
papers: Such kind of people as want the Reigns of government. I had a Letter last
week from Mrs smith informing me that her Children were sick with the Measels I hope
to hear soon from her again. tis a very bad disorder—1
so poor Tom Paine is gone to See Whether there is any state besides the present. Heaven
be praisd that he is gone there, instead of comeing to America.2
“If plagues and Earthquakes break not heavens design
Why then a Paine or Jacobine?”3
he was an instrument of much Mischief. the Virginians are a very mad people. they
will neither believe in the experience of those States which have been obliged to
Change from a single Assembly, to a Balanced goverment, nor in the Host of departed
Spirits who cry alloud to them from the Golgotha of their Allies. in every state they
will find some as discontented and as Mischievous as themselves. I was told last week,
that the reputed Cato of plimouth openly declares his dislike to the constitution,
and Wants to have a Single assembly. when such Men as he, Men of experience, Men Who
have borne a part in one revolution and Who call themselves Lovers of Liberty, profess
pure and disinterested Principles, come forward & hold Such Sentiments what are we
to think? can we suppose that they were ever Sincere? or shall we say with the Tenth
Muse Guillotina
“These are the Men who fiercely burn
Your constitution to overturn
To blast the Sages of Your Choice
They weild the pen, and Ply the voice”4
The lines which describe the Plimouth Boys will never be forgiven. if their Malice
was not impotent, they would raise a Rebellion. I feel both pity and contempt for
them.5 as to Jonathan Pindars Dada Vice, I had a hearty laugh at it. The poor wretch, was
at a misirable Shift, when he could find nothing to Ridicule but a poor cast Wig,
which was a singularity in no other place than the Contracted Span of a few states
whose climate is too Hot for the Heads of its inhabitants.6 I pray you would give Judge Cushing a Hint, for in the Minds of some of the Southern
Gentry, his Wig will be a greater objection to his perferment, than all the Madness
& folly, to say no worse, of a Rutledge7
we have had an other ship Wreck, in the last week. Captain Barns in the ship Industery
from London was cast away upon cape Ann & every soul on Board perish’d.8 the captain chest & the Log Book was Wash’d on shore by which the loss was discoverd.
the Gale of wind blew only a few hours. we have not had one severe Snow Storm, yet
more losses upon our coast than usual. I believe Captains grow more ventersome & dairing.
if there were any Letters from our Sons they are all gone. I know not where to write
to them. I long to hear of & from them.
[dateline] Saturday 17th
Is the Treaty arrived as report says?9
our Govenour makes his speach on twesday next so that I cannot send by this post.10 I have not got any Letters from you this week. I do not Doubt you have written, but
the post office, or post has not Done its Duty. I write once a week, but have so little
to entertain you with, that I feel sick of my Letter when I have written it. your
Mother was here yesterday and is well for her. she sends her Love to you My Health
has been better than the last winter. I Saw Mrs Brisler yesterday She went to Boston.
she and Family were well. poor Arnold has been sick of a Plurisy fever & his Life
despaired of for near a week. Polly watchd with him last night. he is rather better.
We have not had any meeting for two sabbeths. Baxter Who is one of the Comittee says
we have no occasion for preaching in the Winter. I hope he Does not imbibe the sentiment
from his Minister.11 Remember to all inquiring Friends your affectionate
[signed] A Adams
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Jan. 15. Ansd 29 / 1796.”
1. Not found.
2. A report that Thomas Paine had died “at the house of the American minister in Paris,
of an abscess in his right side” was widely reprinted in newspapers throughout the
United States, including in the Boston Federal Orrery, 11 January. By 4 Feb. the Orrery had retracted the information, noting, “The English account of his death … must therefore
be premature.” Paine lived until 1809.
3. “If plagues or earthquakes break not Heav’n’s design, / Why then a Borgia or a Catiline?”
(Alexander Pope, An Essay on Man, Epistle I, lines 155–156).
4. “Guillotina; or, The Annual Song of the Tenth Muse,” Connecticut Courant, 4 Jan. 1796, lines 229–232. The author was likely Lemuel Hopkins.
5. “At Plymouth too, a string of boys, / About the Treaty made a noise, / Headed by master Henry Warren, / Like crows around some new-found carrion” (“Guillotina,” lines 197–200).
For the debate over the Jay Treaty in Plymouth, see AA to JA, 3 Jan., and note 7, above.
6. Jonathan Pindar, a pseudonym for St. George Tucker, published a “Salutatory Ode” in
the Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 30 Dec. 1795, that included a comment on JA’s wig: “Or, cou’d my love so far be turn’d to hate, / As to attack our Daddy-vice, so big, / His brain my shafts could never penetrate, / Lost in the bushy bulwark
of his wig.” The piece also noted, “Whether the venerable figure here alluded to is
so well convinced of the strength of his pericranium, as to dispense with that bulwark at present; or whether he is at length so far convinced
of the absurdity of singularity, as to relinquish that favourite ornament, it is certain
he has lately laid aside his wig.” JA sent the piece to AA in his letter of 30 Dec. (Adams Papers).
7. Southerners might have been expected to object to William Cushing’s nomination to
become chief justice of the Supreme Court on account of his staunch Federalist views,
but the Senate unanimously confirmed his appointment on 27 Jan. 1796. He declined
the position on account of poor health.
Some years before, when first nominated to the Supreme Court, Cushing’s choice of
wig apparently caused a stir on the streets of New York City. Cushing arrived wearing
the great wig customary to royal judges in pre-Revolutionary Massachusetts, which
sparked a procession of young boys to follow him, wondering who this great personage
might
{ 140 }
be. It was not until a sailor commented, “My eyes, what a wig!” that Cushing understood
the problem. He thereafter wore a smaller peruke, though he insisted on retaining
a tricornered hat (Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, 13:33–34, 35–36).
8. The ship Industry, Capt. Miles Barnes, owned by Thomas Lewis of Boston, wrecked on 11 Jan. off of Cape
Ann, having sailed from Portsmouth, England, on 4 Nov. 1795. The eleven crew members,
including the captain, were all lost (Massachusetts Mercury, 15 Jan. 1796; Newburyport, Mass., Political Gazette, 19 Jan.).
9. The Boston Columbian Centinel, 13 Jan., reported that a packet believed to be carrying the ratified Jay Treaty
had arrived in New York. In fact, the treaty was carried on the ship General Pinckney, which reached Charleston, S.C., in late January. The formal proclamation of the
treaty by George Washington was published on 1 March, the same day the treaty was
laid before the House of Representatives (Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 17 Feb., 2 March).
10. See AA to JA, 21 Jan., and note 3, below.
11. Possibly Thompson Baxter (1779–1837)Capt. Thompson Baxter (1734–1813), with whom Rev. Anthony Wibird boarded. Wibird remained the minister at the First
Church of Quincy until his death in June 1800, but he was unable to preach regularly
for several years before that owing to ill health. The committee was likely one formed
to seek out a permanent assistant for Wibird. While different men were offered the
church, none consented until Rev. Peter Whitney accepted a call in early 1800 (Pattee, Old Braintree, p. 223–224; Sprague, Braintree Families).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0065
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-01-15
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia 15 Jan. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
We have floods of rain but no frost nor Snow and very little news. The Democrats continue
to pelt as you will See by the inclosed Political Chess.1 We go on as We always have done, for the three first months of the Session, distributing
Business into the hands of Committees, meeting and adjourning. The Gallery finds little
Entertainment in our Debates. We have Seldom more than 30 or 40 in it sometimes 4
or 5 and sometimes none at all.
The Treaty is again unaccountably delayed— We are not well Served. These disappointments
frequently force from me a vain glorious boast in my own breast, which however I never
utter but to you “It was not thus in my Day.”—and what is much more dear to my heart—“It
is not thus where my Son is”—
The British Government appears to be driven to hard Shifts. They are hazarding a dangerous
Bill, to Suppress Clubbs.2 I wish it may not weaken rather than Strengthen their hands. But restless Democracy
Struggling for Aristocracy, will destroy itself and introduce Despotism as I fear.
an Awful Struggle must however intervene.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. “Political Chess, A New Song,” appeared in the Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 15 Jan., likening George Washington to the king in a chess match, with Alexander
Hamilton as his queen, and promising to break their monarchical rule: “Then let us
in Chorus undauntedly sing, / With our pawns we will certainly check-mate your king.”
The
{ 141 }
poem also derides JA for his role in the Washington administration and its acceptance of the Jay Treaty,
rhyming, “In Pitt and in Adams your castles display, / Tho’ on opposite sides, they both move the same way, / Both
advocate pow’r at the people’s expence, / And are both to the King a strong tow’r
of defence.”
2. News had reached Philadelphia of Britain’s debate over the Treasonable and Seditious
Practices Act and the Seditious Meetings Act, for which see JQA to TBA, 18 Nov. 1795, and note 7, above. The Philadelphia Gazette, 11 Jan. 1796, for instance, reported on an 11 Nov. 1795 meeting of the Whig Club
of England to oppose the two acts, while the Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, 13 Jan. 1796, reprinted the 10 Nov. 1795 debates in Parliament.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0066
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-01-20
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Jan. 20. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
This is one of my red Letter Days. It is the Anniversary of the Signature of the Declaration
of an Armistice between The U.S. and G. Britain, in 1783.—1 There are Several of these Days in my Calandar, which I recollect as they pass in
review, but which nobody else remembers. And indeed it is no otherwise worth my while
to remember them than to render an Ejaculation of Gratitude to Providence for the
Blessing.
We are wasting our Time in the most insipid manner waiting for the Treaty. Nothing
of any Consequence will be done, till that arrives and is mauled and abused and then
acquiessed in. For the Antis must be more numerous than I believe them and made of
Sterner Stuff than I conceive, if they dare hazard the Surrender of the Posts and
the Payment for Spoliations, by any Resolution of the House that shall render precarious
the Execution of the Treaty on our Part.
I am as you Say quite a favourite— I am to dine to day again.— I am Heir Apparent
you know and a Succession is soon to take Place. But whatever may be the Wish or the
Judgment of the present Occupant, the French and the Demagagues intend I presume to
set aside the <succession> Descent. all these hints must be Secrets—it is not a subject of Conversation as yet—
I have a pious and a philosophical Resignation to the Voice of the People in this
Case which is the Voice of God. I have no very ardent desire to be the Butt of Party
Malevolence. Having tasted of that Cup I found it bitter nauseous and unwholesome.
I hope Copland will find his Six Loads to compleat the Meadow— and take the first
opportunity to cart or sled the Manure from the Yard at home up to the Top of stony
field Hill. The first season that
{ 142 }
happens fit for ploughing should be employed in cross ploughing the Ground at home
over the Way.
The News of my Mothers Arm growing better, has given me great Pleasure— of the four
Barrells of flour I have shipped to you, present one of them to my Mother from me
with my Duty and Affection.
Tell my Brother I hope he has seen his Error and become a better friend of Peace and
good Government, than he has been somewhat inclined to be since the Promulgation of
the Treaty.
I am with Affections as ever / your
[signed] J. A
though I have alluded to your Letter of Jan. 10 I have not before expressly acknowledged
the Rect of it.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “Jan’ry 20 1796.”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0067
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-01-21
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy Jan’ry 21 [1796]
[salute] my Dearest Friend
a Memorable Day in the Annals of France; God forgive them, I would say. yet upon recuring
to My Heart, I had a Doubt whether the petition was sincere the Scripture tells us
that we must pray for our Enemies, but it does not say that we must pray, that they
may not be punished according to their Deserts.1
The post of this Day brought Me the Letters of two posts viz Yours of Jan’ry 2d 5th 7th 8th & 12th The transcript from our Sons Letter, as well as his Letter gave me Sincere pleasure2 I hope you communicated it to the President. if he needed any further proof to convince
him of the corrupt System, & of the agents employd to abuse and calumniate him, this
Letter is a key to him. every thing there predicted has taken place exactly as foretold.
Some communications in your Letters are a source of much anxiety to me. My Ambition
leads me not to be first in Rome, and the Event You request me to contemplate is of
so serious a Nature that it requires much reflection & deliberation to determine upon
it. there is not a beam of Light, nor a shadow of comfort or pleasure in the contemplation
of the object. if personal considerations alone were to weigh, I should immediatly
say retire with the Principle. I can only say that circumstances must Govern You.
in a matter of such Momentous concern, I dare not influence You. I must Pray
{ 143 }
that you may have Superiour Direction. as to holding the office of V P, there I will
give my opinion. Resign retire. I would be Second under no Man but Washington.
At Length you have the speach of a poor weak old Man, Superanuated indeed and fearing
a shadow. the Virgina resolutions had been sent him, and it seems he was in favour
of them as far as he dared to avow them, and declares in his speach, [“]that the Treaty
is pregnant with evil that it controuls some of the powers specially vested in congress
for the Security of the people, and he fears that it may restore to great Britain
such an influence over the Government and people of this Country, as may not be consistant
with the general Welfare.”3
How came the President of the united states and the 20 Senators not to make this discovery?
Surely they would no more have ratified such a Treaty, than mr Jay have made it, if
they had viewd it in this light.
I think he had better have left it, unnoticed than have come out in this manner, but
it shews fully that the powers of his mind are unequal to enlarged views, and that
he is under the influence of the Clubs— the Senate would not commit the Virginia Resolutions,
and in the House 56 to 24 were against commiting them. I am told the house will be
Fœderel.4
I hope you will write to our sons by every opportunity, and send them all the intelligence
You can
we have had a fine fall of snow which will enable our people to compleat getting home
wood if it last. I have not read peter yet, because I sit down to write you immediatly.5 My finger is recovering, and My Health as usual. I hope we shall Soon get more Letters
from abroad. I have my Eye upon Sieyes. I believe I construed his refusal to be one
of the five, right. when we See the intrigues the Ambition the Envy the Malice and
ingratitude of the World, who would not rather, retire and live unnoticed in a country
Village, than stand the Broad Mark for all those arrows to be shot at placed upon
a pinicle
but I have Done. upon My pillow I shall reflect fear and tremble, and pray that the
President of the united states may long long continue to hold the Reigns of Government,
and that his Valuable Life may be prolongd for that purpose. I am most affectionatly
/ Your
[signed] A Adams
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Jan 21. ansd / Feb. 2. 1796.”
2. JA’s letter of 8 Jan. to AA extracts a letter from JQA to Timothy Pickering dated 15 Oct. 1795 detailing JQA’s plans to go to London to complete the exchange of ratifications of the Jay Treaty.
JA’s 12 Jan. 1796 letter largely repeats news JA had already sent to AA but also enclosed JQA’s letter of 31 Aug. 1795, for which see JA to JQA, 25 Aug., note 5, above (both Adams Papers).
3. Samuel Adams’ speech to the Mass. General Court on 19 Jan. 1796 included the usual
thanks to Providence for prosperity and comment on agriculture and commerce. But Adams
also questioned the mechanism the U.S. Constitution created for approving treaties.
Before commenting directly on the treaty, in the quotation AA reproduces here, he opined, “I am far from being desirous that unnecessary alterations
of our Constitution, should be proposed: But it is of great consequence to the liberties
of a nation, to review its civil Constitution and compare the practice of its Administrators,
with the essential principles upon which it is founded.” Both houses of the General
Court responded by acknowledging positively most of the speech but reaffirming, “The
business of making Treaties being expressly delegated to the federal Government, by
the Constitution of the United States, we consider a respectful submission on the
part of the People to the legal decisions of the constituted authorities, to be the
surest means of enjoying and perpetuating the invaluable blessings of our free & representative
Government” (Boston Columbian Centinel, 20 Jan.; Mass., Acts and Laws, 1794–1795, p. 513–516). The speech first appeared in the Philadelphia newspapers
in the Philadelphia Gazette, 29 January.
4. The Boston Federal Orrery, 21 Jan., reported the same information about the Mass. General Court’s vote on the
Virginia resolutions recommending constitutional amendments but gave the vote in the
house of representatives as 24 in favor and 59 opposed.
5. That is, Peter Porcupine; see JA to AA, 7 Jan., and note 1, above.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0068
Recipient: Pitcairn, Joseph
Date: 1796-01-21
Thomas Boylston Adams to Joseph Pitcairn
[dateline] The Hague 21st: January 1796.
[salute] Dear Sir.
Your favor from Paris of the 9th. Instant has been some days in hand.1 I thank you sincerely for the intelligence both public & private contained in it.
The florishing state of our American Commerce is a sufficient indication of our growing
prosperity; it is if possible, perhaps too rapid for our benefit, though it might
be difficult to inspire our Countrymen with such a belief.
Upon the subject of the disaster you speak of, I have heard only vague reports, &
those through Channels which at least justified doubts as to their credibility. It
would afford me satisfaction to be informed of the whole truth upon that affair, as
it is of a nature particularly interesting.
The English Minister apparently holds the purse-strings of the Nation for the present.
It is natural that the great Capitalists should seek some means of employment for
their money in a time of War, when the ordinary sources of profitable speculation
are obstructed, & perhaps a Loan to the Government is now the most eligible that
{ 145 }
exists. Will they be equally ready after a peace to enable the Government to fulfill
the engagements now, & heretofore contracted? I conceive the day of payment, as the
only one to be dreaded by the English Nation. They are enriching themselves with the
Conquests made of the fairest possessions of this Country in the East Indies; by the
sale of Dutch Vessels detained in their ports, and these circumstances may strengthen
the arguments of Ministry for a continuance of the War. Nevertheless a disposition
for peace seems to be discoverable among the people, & the Government declares itself
ready to hear terms of negotiation for that object. You can better judge than I can what degree
of sincerity there is in such a declaration.
The only intelligence I can give you of this Country is, that a National Convention
is shortly to assume the Government here. The Provinces however are yet divided in
opinion with respect to the propriety of this change, & what number of them will form
the Republic one & indivisible is not certainly known.
True, I think with you that my connections are in a fair way of becoming respectable
in numbers at least; especially if the nuptial beds of the young should be productive
in proportion to the fruitfulness of the old stock. I wish them all happiness & prosperity.
I shall be ready at all times to render any service in my power which may be required
of me by Mr Beeldemaker or any other person, upon your acct: I need not add that an occasion of verifying the sincerity of this offer will make
me happy.
The Box of Books forwarded by your obliging attention, was received some time since
in good order. It preceded your letter, enclosing the Bill of lading, several weeks.2
Should I have occasion for your services at Paris, I shall solicit them with the same
freedom with which they are tendered.
With much esteem I am Dear Sir / Your very humble sert
[signed] Thomas B Adams.
1. The letter has not been found. Pitcairn, originally from New York, was at this time
U.S. vice consul at Paris. In 1797 JA would appoint him the U.S. consul at Hamburg (U.S. Senate, Exec. Jour., 3d Cong., 2d sess., p. 164; 5th Cong., 2d sess., p. 253, 254).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0069
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1796-01-23
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
No 1 for the year 96
[dateline] Boston Janry 23 1796
[salute] my Dear son
I came to Town yesterday, and find a vessel going to sail for England tomorrow, and
I would not let the opportunity pass without writing You a few Lines.1 I have not received a line from You since the 31 of July. Your Father sent me by
the last post from Philadelphia Your Letter no 12 dated the 30 of August which he
received two Days before.2 that Letter further unfolds the Secreet Machinations of a party, who have been endeavouring
to accomplish all that you have predicted. Randolphs detection has however baffeld
their schemes, and laid open to the people the intrigues of a party, Which had gained
too much influence even over Men of good minds and Hearts. it was not untill I read
Randolphs Vindication, or as My Friend Mrs Powel of Philadelphia calls it, crimination;
that I could give up the Man. I always supposed him weak & wavering, but I did not
think him Treacherous. I send you his Book of which he has obtained a coppy Right.
You will judge for yourself I send you Camillus as far as it is Printed in a pamphlet.3 if I was at home I could get the Newspapers containing the Numbers to 39 I think
which I have not Sent you. by Scot you had to 24. Your Father, knowing how anxious
I was to hear from you, made an extract from the last Dispatch of yours No 55 to the
Secretary of State, Dated at the Hague october 15, in which you mention that it is
Your intention to go to England between the 20 & 25th.4 I presume You are there at present, and if you are You will be happy in meeting Several
of your old American Friend’s You will learn from some of them the state of Politicks
here. the Heat & Warmth which had been excited against the Treaty, made every one
suppose that Congress would come together in no very plesent humour. the speach of
the President, which as usual, was an excellent one was answerd by the senate, with
affection & confidence the House was pretty federel. as yet no great warmth has taken
place in either House. Your Father writes me that the Senate are as firm as a Rock,
and the new Member Mr Walton from Gorgia is an accession to their Strength. the Virtuous
Ten as they are Dub’d hang together and you will see their Names in every antifederel
motion. thus they were for erasing from the senate answer to the President Speach,
that part, which expresst their undiminished confidence in him.
{ 147 } The state of New hampshire Pensilvana & Maryland by their Legislatures have exprest
their approbation of the Treaty, and their unshaken confidence in the President.5 This state is now in session and poor old Samuell has made a decripid Speach, quite
antifederel. tis said that it will be his political Death for the senate & House are
very Federel as you will see by their answers, and by their rejecting the Mad Virginna
Resolutions for altering the constitution
Fauchett intercepted Letter has been the Means of great good, and the Country is now
more united and Federel than at any period for the last three years.
our Friends here in Town all desire to be rememberd to you. We had to Day at mr smiths
one of the old Family meetings, of mr storers & Dr Welchs Family. You I dare say can
picture to yourself the happy circle and sigh for the enjoyment. your Frind now Dr
Clark was here. I heard to day from Washington that mr Cranch has a son.6 I had Letters to day from your sister her Family have been sick with the Measles,
but are all recovering.7 our Friends at Quincy are well. your Grand Mother desires me never to forget her
Love and her blessing to you.
Captain Barnard who goes a passenger in this Vessel will deliver this to you, with
some newspapers he used to Do me kind offices in this way when I was in England. you
will notice him if you see him
I have been careless in omitting to Number my Letters, but I have written you many
times since I received a Line from you
The Miniatures are my delight. no present could have been so acceptable to me, and
they are pronounced good likenesses by every one who sees them. I will write to my
Dear Son Thomas if the Vessel should be delayd. if I cannot, Do you convey my blessing
to him. Charles was well and very happy when I heard from him. his buisness increasing.
I hope he will Do well. I think sometimes whilst I have Bread enough, I fear my children
may want. Famine is a scourge with which Americans have never been afflicted. God
Grant they never may
Present me kindly to mr & mrs Copley, and be assured of the tenderest affection of
/ Your Mother
[signed] Abigail Adams
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “My Mother. / 23. Jany: 1796. Boston. / 14. March do: recd: / 21. Ansd:.” Tr (Adams Papers).
1. Possibly the brig Elizabeth, Capt. Samuel Foster (Massachusetts Mercury, 19 Jan.).
2. That is, JQA’s letter to AA of 30 July 1795, above; for his 31 Aug. letter to JA, see JA to JQA, 25 Aug., note 5, and AA to JA, 21 Jan. 1796, and note 2, both above.
4. See AA to JA, 21 Jan., and note 2, above.
5. The Penn. senate, in its 11 Dec. 1795 response to Gov. Thomas Mifflin’s address at
the opening of the legislative session, particularly highlighted its “unshaken confidence
in the wisdom, the integrity, the firmness, the moderation, and the patriotism, of
the President of the United States.” In Feb. 1796 the Penn. senate would also take
up consideration of Virginia’s proposed constitutional amendments, for which see JA to AA, 24 Dec. 1795, and note 3, above. Soundly rejecting Virginia’s resolutions, the senate argued that
Virginia had failed to follow the procedures set out in the U.S. Constitution and
suggested that “amidst the eminent advantages derived from the present system, and
before any substantial inconveniences are felt therefrom, to make important alterations
in the constitution, would be to relinquish principles established by experience,
in order to follow opinions founded only in theory, and to expose the welfare of the
people to hazard” (Journal of the Senate of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Commencing on Tuesday,
the First Day of December, in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and
Ninety-Five, Phila., 1796, p. 29, 102–103, Evans, No. 30980).
6. William Greenleaf Cranch, the first child of William and Anna Greenleaf Cranch, was
born on 11 Jan. 1796 (Greenleaf, Greenleaf Family, p. 222). A letter from the Cranches to AA around this time has not been found.
7. Not found.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0070
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-01-23
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia January 23. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I have nothing to write you at this moment but Scandal, and that about one of our
Connections and Acquaintances, in whose Character and Fortunes Several of our near
Relations and kind Friends are deeply interested for which Reason I write in Confidence
and pray that Calumny if it is such may not be propagated from me nor in my name.
It is reported here in Company of senators and others of Senatorial Dignity that Mr Greenleaf by Virtue of a Connecticut Divorce in Imitation of Captain Beal is about
to marry Nancy Allen.1
It is also reported that Mr Greenleaf has taken Advantage of the Gullability of the Boston Speculators in whose
Estimation Dollars seem of no more Value than Cents ought to be to make an enormous
hall of fishes to the amount of half a Million of Dollars by a very Artful Sale of
shares at a monstrous Price in a purchase he made of Mr Gun of Georgia Lands at a very trifling one.2
The House of Representatives will do no Business with any Spirit before the Treaty
arrives. The disaffected are intriguing but accounts from all quarters are very discouraging
to them. We have been very unfortunate in the Delays which have Attended the Dispatches
of our Ambassadors.— Very Lucky Mr John Quincy Adams, that you are not liable to criticism upon this occasion! this
Demurrage would have been charged doubly, both to your Account and that of your Father.
It would have been a Scheme! a Trick a design a
{ 149 }
Contrivance. From hatred to France, Attachment to England, monarchical Maneuvres and
Aristocratical Cunning! Oh how eloquent they would have been.
The Southern Gentry are playing at present a very artful Game, which I may devellope
to you in Confidence hereafter, under the Seal of Secrecy. Both in Conversation and
in Letters they are representing the Vice President as a Man of Moderation. Although
rather inclined to limited Monarchy and somewhat Attached to the English, he is much
less so that Jay or Hamilton— For their Parts for the sake of Conciliation they should
be very Willing he should be continued as Vice President, provided the Northern Gentlemen
would consent that Jefferson should be President. I most humbly thank you for your
kind Condescension, Messieurs Transcheasapeaks.
Witness my Hand
[signed] John Adams
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A.”; endorsed: “Janry 23 1796.”
1. James Greenleaf did divorce his first wife, Antonia Cornelia Elbertine Scholten van
Aschat, and eventually married Anne (Nancy) Penn Allen but not until April 1800. Capt.
Benjamin Beale Sr. (1702–1793) had divorced his second wife, Hannah Baxter, in the
1760s after she allegedly eloped while he was serving in the army (Greenleaf, Greenleaf Family, p. 217; Sprague, Braintree Families). For more on James Greenleaf, see Descriptive List of Illustrations, No. 10, above.
2. Greenleaf was heavily involved in Georgia land speculation, reputedly in close ties
with Sen. James Gunn of Georgia. Gunn had helped to push a law through the Georgia
legislature allowing for the purchase of vast tracts of Georgia lands, known as the
Yazoo land grants, by four land companies. Of these land grants, Greenleaf purchased
more than 13 million acres in Aug. 1795 and sold them again to Boston and New York
speculators. In addition, in Feb. 1796, he sold the entire holdings of the Georgia
Mississippi Company, one of the four land grant companies, to another group of northeastern
speculators for more than a million dollars. Much of this land never actually existed—its
boundaries were based on fraudulent surveys—and shortly after these sales, legal challenges
led to the rescinding of the act authorizing the sale (Abernethy, The South in the New Nation, p. 136–152). See also AA to JA, 14 Feb., below.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0071
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1796-01-25
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] London January 25. 1796.
[salute] My Dear Brother.
I believe there have been two or three opportunities of writing to the Hague since
I received your favour of the 23d: ulto: which have escaped me. This circumstance is not to be attributed entirely to indolence
or inattention on my part: in fact I have been very unwell, and for the last three
weeks have scarcely taken a pen in hand. My previous correspondence from hence I think
will bear no marks of laziness, Its quantity being equal to that of the busiest times
when I had the benefit of your assistance.
My former letters will inform you that the articles in the
{ 150 }
newspapers giving me a Commission to this Court were false. All the powers by virtue
of which I acted here, are superseded by the return of Mr: Pinckney: but I have still to wait for a letter from America, which is hourly to
be expected, and I hope to see you in a fortnight or three weeks from this time at
furthest.1
In the mean time the affairs mentioned in your letters may remain in statu quo.— The
protracted impediments to the payment of the bill on Dallarde and Swan, are very unpleasant,
and strike me as a little singular; but they certainly did not arise from any fault
of ours.
I have procured the articles mentioned in your list, and will send them by the first
convenient opportunity that shall offer, or bring them myself.
You have some newspapers herewith conformably to your request. The present is a time
of stagnation in political concerns. The armistice on the Rhine has revived the hopes
of Peace, which are rather fostered and encouraged by the ministerial partizans.
Our Accounts from America to the 20th: of December, promise rather fairer from the Session of Congress than has been expected
by many. God in Heaven grant, that they may finally harmonize in the support of our
National honour and Justice, from which our National Peace and Prosperity are inseparable.
Remember me to all our friends and particularly to M. Bielfeld.
Your affectionate brother
[signed] John Q. Adams.
RC (MBU:Howard Gotlieb Archival Research Center, Richards Manuscript Coll.); internal address:
“T. B. Adams Esqr”; endorsed: “J Q Adams Esqr / 25 Jany 1796 / 9 Feby Recd: / 29 Answd.” FC-Pr (Adams Papers); APM Reel 131.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0072
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-01-26
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia January 26. 1796
Yesterday I came to Senate as usual on a monday morning pleasing my Imagination and
my heart with the hope and Expectation of a Letter from—my dearest Friend. No Letter
for The Vice President Says Mathers!1
All Day in bad humour—dirty Weather—wet walking—nothing good—nothing right.
{ 151 } The poor Post Offices did not escape—it was some blunder—some carlessness of theirs—in
Philadelphia—New York or Boston
Or Perhaps Mam is Sick—Oh dear! Rhumatisms—Oh dear! Fever & Ague! Thus peevishly fretfully
and unphilosophically was Yesterday passed. Yet to devert it I read a Number of Books
in Cowpers Homer and Smoaked I know not how many Segars.2
I have had the Agreable Society of Josiah Quincy & Martin Lincoln, to assist in consoling
me a little of late.3
There is absolutely nothing to write public nor private but such as the above— Adieu
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs. A.”
1. James Mathers (1750–1811) was originally from Ireland. He served as the doorkeeper
of the Continental Congress from 1788 to 1789 and of the U.S. Senate from 1789 until
his death (Washington, Papers, Presidential Series, 5:239).
2. That is, William Cowper’s translation of The Iliad and Odyssey of Homer, 2 vols., London, 1791.
3. Martin Lincoln (1769–1837), son of Gen. Benjamin Lincoln, managed his father’s estates
and, with his brother Theodore, built the Cape Cod Lighthouse under the direction
of their father, who served as supervisor of lighthouses (History of Hingham, 3:12; David B. Mattern, Benjamin Lincoln and the American Revolution, Columbia, S.C., 1995, p. 188, 216).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0073
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-01-29
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia January 29. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
Yesterday which was Post Day from the Eastward I was disappointed again of a Letter
and went pesting all the day long against the Post office. But this morning has produced
me yours of the 15th which informs me that you meet with similar Dissappointments. There has not one Post
parted from Philadelphia for Boston Since I have been here without a Letter from me
to You. Wednesdays and Saturdays are the only ones when the Mail is made up for Boston
& Quincy and I make a Point of never Suffering one of them to pass without a Letter.
Your Letters are the greatest Pleasure of my Life here—but in your last not one Word
about the Farm.
Mr Langworthy and Dr Bollman have called upon me this Week and are both intelligent Men1
I have read this Week Dr styles’s History of Whalley Goffe, Dixwell and Whale2 and Governor Adams’s Spech to the General Court and I find them both melancholly
Examples of superannuation. In the Speech I see the fruit of old Spite against Washington
Jay and Old England as well as weak Affectation of Popularity. Personal Malice against
Men or Countries, has either no Existence in my
{ 152 }
heart, or they are suppressed & overawed by a decisive sentiment of their Antichristian
and Antiphilosophical and Antimoral Turpitude & Deformity. Yet I cannot answer for
myself that my shaking hands and trembling Lips may not expose to the World Weakness,
folly and Wickedness as gross as this, if I should live to advanced Age. Reflections
like these determine me at all Events to retire from the public stage in good Season.
Pray are our Plymouth Friends become Frenchified as well as Antifederal. If they Avow
such Opinions as you hear, although I shall never disturb their Repose, I shall never
have any Confidence in them. But Doatage appears to me from every quarter among my
Old Friends.—
Our Grand Children are all well thro the <small> Meazles as Col smith writes me and I hear from Travellers who have lately been entertained
at that Hospitable House—3 May the Means as well as Disposition be long continued—
You have lost prescious Letters from the Hague and London I doubt not in the late
shipwrecks— I have none since that of the 30 of septr which I inclosed to you.4
We shall have a flood of News at once, by and by from France Holland England and &c
I hope our Mass. House & senate will correct the old Doatard— if they dont they deserve
the Confusion & every evil Work to which his impudent Speech directly tends— Yours
affectionately as ever
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “Jan’ry 29th / 1796.”
1. William Langworthy (d. 1798), an Englishman, was the author of An Attempt to Promote the Commercial Interests of Great Britain, Bath, 1793. WSS described him to JA as “a Gent. of Science and abilities, who has been invited to this Country, as a proper theatre
for the exercise of his talents” (21 Jan., Adams Papers). A copy of Langworthy’s book, apparently presented by the author and extensively
annotated by JA, is at MH-H.
Justus Erich Bollman (or Bollmann, 1769–1821), a German physician from Hanover, was
best known at the time for his participation in an attempt to liberate the Marquis
de Lafayette from the Austrian fortress of Olmütz, where he had been imprisoned since
May 1794. On 8 Nov. 1795, with the help of Bollman and Francis Kinloch Huger of South
Carolina, Lafayette escaped but was injured in the effort and quickly recaptured.
Bollman and Huger were also captured and served several months in prison for their
actions. Bollman was released on condition he leave Austria, and in early 1796 he
came to the United States, where he pursued various business ventures (DAB; Bayard Tuckerman, Life of General Lafayette, 2 vols., N.Y., 1889, 2:95, 98, 99–103).
2. Ezra Stiles, A History of Three of the Judges of King Charles I, Hartford, Conn., 1794, Evans, No. 27743. Stiles’ work is a history of Edward Whalley (d. 1675?), William Goffe
(1605?–1679?), and John Dixwell (d. 1689), the judges who ordered the execution of
King Charles I. They were forced to flee to America after the Restoration and lived
out their lives in New England. The book also contains the story of Theophilius
{ 153 }
Whale (ca. 1616 – ca. 1719), “of Narragansett, supposed to have been one of the judges.”
3. WSS wrote to JA on 21 Jan. primarily to introduce William Langworthy but also mentioning the good
health of AA2 and their children. JA also wrote to AA2 on this date, forwarding a letter from AA, not found, and commenting on Samuel Adams’ recent speech to the Mass. General Court.
The speech prompted JA to consider his own old age: “It is an awful reflection that every weakness, every
folly, every resentful, vindictive, malignant passion of the heart, which, in the
vigour of understanding, may be corrected or suppressed, must break out and show itself
to the world and posterity, from the trembling lips and shaking hands of seventy or
eighty years. May my farm and family only be witnesses of my dotages when they must
arrive; may they forgive and veil them from public view” (Adams Papers; AA2, Jour. and Corr., 2:144–145).
4. Not found.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0074
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-01-31
Charles Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] New York Jany 31. 1796
[salute] My Dear Mother
My Sister informs me that you have not lately heard from your sons in Holland and
that you were anxious respecting them. I am happy to have it in my power to relieve
your mind and to relate the cause of your not receiving intelligence from them. I
have within these six weeks received a half a dozen letters from them some of a date
as late as the 7th of October They are in good health and spirits. Some of my letters have come to hand
eight months after date opened and with the Gentlemanly endorsment: “Of No importance.”1 Mr Rensalaer to whom I gave letters to my Brothers on his return from Holland was taken
by The British and carried into Halifax he has explained to me the cause of my letters
being opened. He brought with him many from my brothers they were all opened and kept
except two one to Mrs Smith and one to me which by good fortune he had in his pocket book.2 He says The English let nothing pass that suits their convenience We have the happiness
to see the spirit of good government once more prevail in our Legislature and that
Hydra Democracy has received its last blow. Our State politics have changed with our
Governor and we have a well grounded hope that they will remain permanent as by a
late census the new Counties who are most Federal will be more equitably represented.
Your kind present arrived after a long passage in good order You daughter joins with
me in acknowledgments of your goodness. She intends writing soon I can say with truth
that I have never repented of my choice and that my happiness with her equals all
my expectations. I believe there are few people who after five month marriage can
say as much.—
Your affectionate son
[signed] Charles Adams
RC (Adams Papers).
2. For two of the letters carried by Robert Van Rensselaer, see JQA to AA2, 15 April, and to CA, 16 April, vol. 10:408–414.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0075
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-01-31
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia January 31. & last 1796
[salute] My dearest Friend
I have a secret to Communicate to Your Prudence. The Defence by Camillus was written
in Concert between Hamilton King and Jay. The Writings on the first ten Articles of
the Treaty were written by Hamilton The rest by King, till they came to the question
of the Constitutionality of the Treaty, which was discussed by Hamilton— Jay was to
have written a concluding Peroration: but being always a little lazy and perhaps concluding
upon the whole that it might be most politick to keep his Name out of it, and perhaps
finding that the Work was already well done he neglected it. This I have from Kings
own mouth.— It is to pass however for Hamiltons. All three consulted together upon
most if not all the Pieces.
Another Piece of History of a very different kind. You knew Dr Redman, the Manager of the Assembly. The smiling the genteel the well bred—the Gentleman
like—the I dont know what—The Judge of some Court here— He went off this Morning in
a stage in disgrace, to the southward— This he choose rather than open his Veins Pro
more Roma novum.— Alass poor human nature! He has been slandered, with Imputations
of something like what they call in London Ladys Pillage—of a very gross kind however—with
so much success, that a voluntary Banishment is considered as a very humane & clement
Punishment. I hate such subjects and therefore cannot and would not, if I could give
you the details—1
I read forever, and am determined to sacrifice my Eyes like John Milton rather than
give up the Amusement without which I should despair2
If I did not with you consider the Universe as all one Family, I would never stay
another day here.
I have read four thick Octavo Volumes of Tacitus translated by Murphy,3 One thick Volume of Homers Iliad translated by Cowper, besides a multitude of Pamphlets
& Newspapers, since I have been here. I dont write enough. The Habit of Writing should
not be lost as I loose it—
{ 155 } Peter Pindar has it right
Search We the Spot which mental power contains?
Go where Man gets his living by his Brains.4
If I had got my Living by my Brains for seven Years past I should have had more mental
Power.— But Brains have not only been Useless but even hurtful and pernicious in my
Course— Mine have been idle a long time—till they are rusty.—
Dr Bollman has given me an Account of his Intrigue to Liberate Fayette: for which I
have heard a hint that he expects some office—Entre nous—But he will be disappointed—
Fayettes disinterested unpaid services will cost Us very dear— Your son has already advanced to his Wife three
hundred Guineas. Which I hope & suppose will be reimbursed to him.5
Mischief always and Villany often lurks under Pretensions and Professions of service
without Pay.
With affections which No time nor / Space will abate
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “Janry 31 1796.”
1. Joseph Redman, an associate judge of the Philadelphia County Court of Common Pleas,
was also one of the managers of the City Dancing Assembly. Redman resigned his judgeship
for unspecified reasons on 25 January. He may have later resided in Montgomery, Maryland
(Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 21 Sept. 1795; Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 9 Nov.; Penna. Archives, 9th ser., 2:1062 [1931]; 1800 U.S. Census, Md., Montgomery, District 1, p. 216).
2. Although John Milton attributed his poor eyesight in part to excessive studying when
younger, modern scholars have not settled on a definitive diagnosis. Suggested causes
include glaucoma, retinal detachment, or an intracranial tumor. For a summary of these
theories, see George B. Bartley, “The Blindness of John Milton,” Documenta Ophthalmologica, 89:22–23, 25–28 (1995).
3. Tacitus, Works, transl. Arthur Murphy, 4 vols., Dublin, 1794. A copy of the set is in JA’s library at MB (Catalogue of JA’s Library).
4. Peter Pindar, “Hair Powder; A Plaintive Epistle to Mr. Pitt,” lines 185–186.
5. Marie Adrienne Françoise de Noailles, Marquise de Lafayette, had requested 300 louis
d’or ($1333.20) from JQA in a letter of 17 Jan. 1795. JQA supplied the money, ostensibly on behalf of the U.S. government, and had been trying
to obtain reimbursement for it since the previous July. As of Aug. 1796, he was still
seeking to recover the money (Adams Papers; JQA to Edmund Randolph, 3 July 1795, LbC, Reel 127; JQA to Thomas Pinkney, 12 Aug. 1796, LbC, APM Reel 129).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0076
Recipient: Adams, Charles
Date: 1796-01-31
John Adams to Charles Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia January 31. 1796
[salute] Dear son
A fat Sleekheaded young Gentleman was here last Week or the Week before who told me
he knew you, that you were well that you had a good share of Business: that your disposition
was so amiable that People were fond of throwing Business into your hands &c— All
{ 156 }
this was Musick in my Ears— I know not his name but am told he is a Limb of the Law
in your City.
According to Peter Pindar Business is the best Life.
The Man to Titles and to Riches born
Amid the World of science how forlorn!
To Speak, to think, unable, mark his Air!
Heavens what an Ideot gape & Ideot stare!
Though Lord of millions, gilt with Titles o’er
A Statue in a Library!—no more!
Search We the Spot which mental Power contains!
Go where Man gets his living by his Brains.1
As you, my son are under the Necessity of getting your Living and the Support of your
Family by your Brains, you are in the fairest Way to obtain Mental Power, according
to Peter and according to Truth.
Our Country affords a thousand Objects by which Profits and fortunes may be made,
by a Mind that is awake and looks about it, by an Industry that is constant and a
Prudence that is never off its guard.
I have had innumerable Opportunities in the Course of my Life, which the public Circumstances
of the Country and the Delicacy of my Engagements in them have induced me to forego.
I am now too old— But there is no Reason that my Children should starve them Selves
because I have fasted. I hope, that never departing from Honour Integrity or Humanity
they will however attend more to their private Interests than I have done.
I send you a little Volume, for which I was solicited to be a subscriber2 and am with / Love to Mrs Adams / your Affectionate
[signed] John Adams
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0077
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-02-02
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Feb. 2. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I recd yesterday yours of 21. and 25 Jan.1 The Senate and House of Massachusetts without any flights or flashes in their Answer
to the
{ 157 }
Governors Spech have discovered a Gravity, Wisdom, Firmness and Dignity as much to
their honour as it is to the Consolation of the Sober and impartial Part of the Community
and the humiliation of all the corrupt and distracted.
I See daily So many affecting Proofs of the debilitating Power of Age, that I pity
an old Man when he exposes himself. I had Yesterday a Scæne in my own Chamber, which
moved the tender feelings of my heart for a Friend advanced in Years, not many however
beyond my own. I feel bold and Strong myself, tho my hands shake but my Age admonishes
me to have a Care.
It is devoutly to be wished that the Massachusetts had a Governor capable of diffusing
his Thoughts over fifteen states and seeing their Dependences on each other as well
as their Relations with foreign Nations. Mr Adams cannot. His Pride and Vanity are vastly more extensive than his Abilities.
He always had a contracted Mind—tho a subtle and a bold one. He never was over honest
nor over candid. He will lie a little for his own Vanity and more for his Party, and
as much as a Spartan for his notions of the public good.
Judge Cushing declines the Place of Chief Justice on Account of his Age and declining
Health.
Let not my Communications worry thee. I am unchangeably determined to serve Under
no other than Washington. Telemachus Says to the Suitors. 1. Odyssey. 490 &c
I am not averse
From Kingly cares if Jove appoint me Such.2
I will not resist Jupiter— I will resign to his Will. If his Will is that that any
other should be president I know his Will also is that I should be a Farmer—for he
has given me an understanding and a heart, which ought not and cannot and will not
bow under Jefferson nor Jay nor Hamilton. It would be wicked in me. It would be countenancing
Tyranny Corruption & Villany in the People.
I am &c
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “Febry 2 1796.”
1. AA’s letter of 21 Jan. is above. On 25 Jan. she wrote JA a short note commenting on the Mass. General Court’s response to Samuel Adams’ speech
and requesting that a payment be made to John Briesler (Adams Papers).
2. Homer, Odyssey, transl. William Cowper, Book I, lines 492–493.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0078
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-02-03
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Febry 3d Quincy. 1796
[salute] my Dearest Friend
Yours of Jan’ry 20th reachd me the last post. there appears a universal pause. We do not get any thing
from abroad, and the State Legislature are so federal that no warmth or altercation
is to be heard or seen Congress are lying upon their oars, not hatching mischief I
hope. the Chronical & Aurora join issue, and go on With their Mad rant, which is totally
disregarded.1 the people have in general learnd how to estimate their contents
I believe a Subject which will excite all their feelings, is not thought of, or contemplated
any more than if it could not happen. I Spent a week in Boston in the last Month,
but did not hear a sugestion of the kind from any quarter but Knox; he came and sit
down by me, and told me what you had before written me. I replied to him, that Such
a report had prevaild the year before the last, & the last Year and I hoped it had
as little foundation in Truth now as then. he said He believed nothing short of a
storm which should Shake the constitution to its center, would alter the determination.
I replied to him that it was a weighty and serious subject to the people, the concequences
could not be foreseen, and I hoped the P——t had not taken his determination unalterably
as this past in a kind of a whisper. I changd the Subject as soon as I could. I askd
no questions, nor intimated that the Subject had reach’d me from any quarter, but
as a former Rumour it is a subject which I tremble to think of. I am sure that it
is a Momentous one, if Such is the determination. I should Suppose a suggestion of
the kind would have been directly communicated to you.
the Government Stands firmer I believe for the shocks which it has received. the politicks
of a foreign Nation are well understood in this State.
I had yesterday an application to me for the Quincy Farm, a son of Deacon Frenchs
with his Brother in Law Bowditch.2 Your Brother Says they are both Smart Men. they proposed taking it jointly, if the
terms were agreable. I told them as near as I could recollet and attended to some
minuts you left. I have a person who talks of taking the Thayer Farm. they have it
under consideration. Your directions to Copland will be attended to. We have Snow,
and it is fine getting home the wood to what it is by carting. Copland & Joy are desirious
of compleating that which they have nearly Done;
{ 159 } We are all well. Your Mothers arm is growing better Daily
There have been some cracks in the Brittle Ware at Boston. two pr cent pr Month for
large Sums of Money, will require great gains to hold up long.3
Mr Lamb as I Supposed had Letters from our sons which he put in his own trunk with
a promise of delivering. they were all lost.
Remember me kindly to Mrs Washington & to Mrs Otis, and be assured / of the tenderest
affection / of your
[signed] A Adams—
p s no mail to the Southard of N York this week so I Shall get no Letters. I suppose
the ice in the north River the cause.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Feb. 3. ansd 15 / 1796.”
1. Both the Boston Independent Chronicle and the Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser took stances strongly opposed to the Jay Treaty and the Washington administration
and in favor of the French Revolution. They each occasionally reprinted items from
the other’s pages; see, for instance, Independent Chronicle, 11, 21 Jan., and Aurora General Advertiser, 9, 26 January.
2. Moses French Jr. (1769–1842) and Jonathan Bowditch (ca. 1763–1847), a cordwainer,
were married to Eunice and Rebecca Vinton, respectively (Sprague, Braintree Families).
3. Others agreed with AA’s assessment. The Boston Gazette, 25 Jan., noted even higher rates of return, complaining, “No trade in the world
can sustain the enormous premiums of 1, 2 and 3 per Cent a week, that is now given for money, and it is a strong argument against all those fallacious and pompous accounts of the ‘happy state of the Country,’ and must soon in the winding up of things, prove embarrasment, distress and ruin.”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0079
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-02-06
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Feb. 6. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
You Say you have no desire to be the first, and I cannot say that it is desirable:
but according to all present appearances you will either be the first or among the
last in another thirteen months. I would not distress myself to obtain the Priviledge
of carrying an heavier Load than any of my fellow Labourers: but if the Fates destine
one to attempt it it would be dastardly to Shrink if it were in ones Power. The Question
ought to be whether the Forces of Nature are adequate at this age. They may possibly
hold out one or two heats. I will not by any Pusillanimous Retreat throw this Country
into the arms of a foreign Power, into a certain War and as certain Anarchy. If the
People will do Such a Thing they shall have the undivided Glory of it.
Judge Cushing has been wavering, Sometimes he would and Sometimes he could not be
C. J.— This will give the P. Some trouble. Mr Chace is a new Judge, but although a good 1774 Man his Character has a Mist about
it of suspicion and Impunity which
{ 160 }
gives occasion to the Enemy to censure. He has been a warm Party Man, and has made
many Ennemies. His Corpulency, which has increased very much Since I saw him last
in England, is against his riding Circuits very long.1
I find none of our old Men very popular. Whether it is that old Parties their Ennemies
have made unfavourable Impressions or whether the Youth who are rising up are desirous
of shoving them out of the Way: or whether they have too much Vanity and too many
Prejudices and wrong Notions to see the public Good or whether all those Causes together
have produced the Effect, I know not.
Mr Brisler says he has had but thirty Dollars since last May. You must write me how
this account stands and I will pay him up in March.
No News from any Part of the World. All is stagnant Tranquility at present. I sent
you a Porcupine by Mr Martin Lincoln. My Love & Duty as due
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “Febry 6 1796.”
1. Samuel Chase, who had served in the Continental Congress with JA and spent time in England in 1783–1784, was named associate justice of the U.S. Supreme
Court in Jan. 1796. Chase did find attendance at the Circuit Courts difficult, owing
to his obesity and frequent illnesses, as well as the usual problems of travel (Jane
Shaffer Elsmere, Justice Samuel Chase, Muncie, Ind., 1980, p. 10–11, 24–26, 56, 73–74).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0080
Recipient: Smith, Abigail Adams
Date: 1796-02-06
John Adams to Abigail Adams Smith
[dateline] Philadelphia, February 6, 1796.
[salute] Dear Mrs. Smith:
I have received your kind letter of the first of this month.1 Mr. Langworthy appears to me, as he does to you, a man of information and good sense:
how much of the projector and adventurer may be in him, time will discover; I know
not his resources nor his connections. Searchers and diggers for mines have generally
been as unsuccessful as inquirers after the philosopher’s stone, a universal menstruum
for converting all metals into gold. I have learned from him that Mr. John Cranch
is a charming painter, but without much encouragement; which I always expected would
be his destination.2 Dr. Bollman, too, has called on me, and with an extravagant character for knowledge
and capacity, he appears to me to be an adventurer with still less judgment and solidity.
A Franklin and a Bancroft sometimes succeed, after enterprises of a very wild and
irregular kind; but an hundred fail and perish in their career, before they
{ 161 } { 162 }
reach their object.3 I write these few free sentiments to you, confiding in your discretion, which I very
well know.
Osgood, not the Milford parson, but the quandam member of Congress and the Navy Board,
my old friend and correspondent, I am told is become a great student in the prophecies
of Daniel and John, and that he has lately read Homer, (so have I,) and found out
that it was written by King Solomon, and that under inspiration. He has written something
and printed it; but whether he has published, or only keeps copies for his particular
illuminated friends, I know not.4
The world, my dear child, I think with you, is running wild, and quitting the substance
to seize on a shadow. It is endeavouring to shake itself loose from every divine and
moral tie, every restraint of law and government, every salutary bias of genuine discipline
and virtuous education. If they could succeed, they would either wholly depopulate
the earth, or at least restore the reign of savage and brutal barbarity. Oh my soul!
come not thou into their secret!5
There is a youth, I mean a young generation, coming up in America, which, I hope,
will make good the ground of their predecessors. You, my dear daughter, will be responsible
for a great share in the duty and opportunity of educating a rising family, from whom
much will be expected.
I rejoice that my grandchildren are happily through the measles, and pray you to remember
me to them, as well as to their father, and all friends.
I am, my dear child, / Affectionately your father,
[signed] John Adams.
MS not found. Printed from AA2, Jour. and Corr., 2:146–148; internal address: “To Mrs. Smith.”
1. Not found.
2. For the British painter John Cranch, a nephew of Richard Cranch’s, see Descriptive List of Illustrations, No. 4, above. According to WSS, Langworthy “was the intimate friend and Companion of Mr. Cranch in England & I believe is some how related to the family” (WSS to JA, 21 Jan., Adams Papers).
3. Justus Erich Bollman went into business with his brother Ludwig, primarily importing
Silesian linen and exporting West Indian goods to Hamburg. In the second decade of
the nineteenth century, Bollman developed a process for creating malleable platinum
suitable for industrial use on a large scale (John A. Chaldecott, “Justus Erich Bollman
and His Platinum Enterprises: Activities in North America and Europe before the Year
1816,” Platinum Metals Review, 25:164–165 [1981]).
5. Genesis, 49:6.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0081
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-02-06
Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Atkinson February 6th. 1796
[salute] My Dear Sister
The tender solicitude you have shewn for my health, demands the earliest return I
can make—& it is greatly to my satisfaction that I can inform you of my recovery,
so as to be about the house again— I tried all in my power, not to have my indisposition
noticed—but I struggled in vain, for at last I was obliged to go to bed, & lie there
for three days— I told William not to tell you how sick I was, but to say I had got
cold— head-ach, & a cold you know are very accommodating, & will answer for any indisposition either of body,
or mind— But I really did catch cold, last week, a thursday we had our wood brought,
& I exerted myself a little too much at that time— I suppose I should have got along
nicely if it had not been for my folly— “careless creature,” I hear you say, now do
not blame too much, because somebody who thinks they have a right gently to reprove, will fancy his hands strengthened,
& look very grave, & say, I am sure you need not have done so— very true Sir, but I am not the first who have been wise too late—
I received your two very kind letters the one to me, & the other to my Daughter last
monday eve—1 Mr. Peabody found them at Mr. Duncan’s, where we enquire of Rogers, or [Kindal?]
for them,2 they come by him in the way of bundle for 4d, & if they go into the office 8 cents a single letter, 16 for a double, or under
cover, & so on— But do not trouble yourself to pay Rogers, your Letters are cordials
to my heart, & last monday saved me at lest half an ounce of Bark— I thank you my
dear Sister, for your kindness, & the maternal affection you shew my Children— may
they be more, & more worthy of your notice— They have failings, but I hope are not
incorrigable— I wish them not to be so decided, so preremtory—Youth should submit
to years, & experience— It requires great discretion I find, to stand upon proper
ground, & check the errors, the temerity of youth— I know of no persons better qualified
for the purpose than my Sisters— The sweet Temper, & address with which some persons
can reprove, would make an ingeneous mind doubly cautious, how they incurred, a second
time their displeasure—
Mr Shaw was excellent in governing youth— they loved & they feared him— That there
should be a quick, ready observance & compliance to reasonable commands, & injunctions, was one of the fixed
principles of his government— a wise Preceptor, or Parent will
{ 164 }
always study the best interest of the Child, & I never love to see them reluctant,
or hesitate when they have every reason in the world to suppose that a Parent scarcely
wishes to live but for them— I do n[ot] make those observations because my Children
are [more] refractory than others—but I believe they are [ar]rived at the most critical
age, & are as inexperienced as ever any were— They have got this great & important
lesson to learn, that they know nothing know nothing how to estimate Characters; real
worth nor what it is to live—
Cousin Betsy leaves me tomorrow to spend a week, or two in Haverhill, & then she means
to go to Boston, & Quincy, &cc— Mr Peabody says I lay no embargo upon any one, visit,
& return as you find it agreeable—suit yourself & be happy—but I really fear they
have no Idea of the priviledge they enjoy— It was said, William would not come, no—I
might depend upon it he was going to spend the whole vacation with you, but yet he
was wise enough to come, & behaved with as much respect as it was possible, & has
greatly endeared him3
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0082
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-02-07
Charles Adams to John Adams
[dateline] New York Feby 7 1796
[salute] My dear Sir
Our Legislature have been some time occupied in debating upon what are called The
Virginia resolutions which you have doubtless seen and which have been so industriously
forwarded to the different States for their concurrence though our good Sister has
not been treated quite so cavalierly by New York as she was by Massachusetts yet I
beleive they both concur in thinking her a very whimsical Old maid.1 Among the other objects which occupy the attention of our Statesmen the reduction
of our penal code to a spirit of more mildness is one the most interesting to humanity.
The Senate have passed a bill to abolish the punishment of death in all cases murder
treason and burglary excepted.2 The House have also had under consideraton a bill for the gradual abolition of Slavery
but it does not meet with much encouragement. I am not certain but it will be best
to let the evil work its own remedy. individuals are daily
{ 165 }
liberating their Slaves but people do not like to be forced to be generous. The Quakers
in this State formerly held slaves but they took it into their heads that it was wrong
and set them universally at liberty. no sooner had they done this than they wanted
to oblige their neighbours to do that by force which they had done voluntarily and
the methods they take to attain their purpose are not always the most delicate.3 I have received several letters lately from Holland which have been opened and perused
by The British. this is not very civil treatment but I have one consolation that they
do not find many compliments paid them. Mrs Adams joins with me in the sentiments of respect with which I am your affectonate
son
[signed] Charles Adams4
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “The Vice President of The United States / Philadelphia”; endorsed:
“C. Adams. 7. Feb. / ansd 9. 1796.”
1. The N.Y. assembly began debating the Virginia resolutions on 29 Jan. following Gov.
John Jay’s presentation of them to the legislature during the opening of the legislative
session. After lengthy consideration and various proposed motions, the assembly resolved
on 6 Feb. that “it does not appear to the Legislature expedient to concur in behalf
of this state in the propositions contained in the resolutions of the state of Virginia”
(N.Y. Assembly, Jour., 19th sess., 1796, p. 45–47, 56, 59, Evans, No. 47862).
2. Jay’s message of 6 Jan. to the New York legislature contained a request to consider
“how far the severe penalties prescribed by our laws in particular cases admit of
mitigation; and whether certain establishments for confining, employing and reforming
criminals will not immediately become indispensible.” The following day a committee
was appointed to consider the subject, and on 28 Jan. it reported two bills for consideration,
which were eventually combined into a single “Act Making Alterations in the Criminal
Law of This State and for Erecting State Prisons.” Debate over the bill continued
until 19 Feb., when it passed the senate. The assembly concurred, after various adjustments,
on 25 March. The act allowed for capital punishment in the case of murder and treason
but, after debate, excluded burglary, arson, counterfeiting, and a variety of other
crimes (N.Y. Senate, Jour., 19th sess., 1796, p. 6, 7, 22, 27–28, 29, 41, 44, 87, Evans, No. 30871).
3. The Society of Friends in New York had long formally opposed slavery, and in 1771
adopted a resolution requiring members to manumit their slaves or risk expulsion from
the New York meeting. In 1785 the state legislature began to consider various means
for implementing gradual emancipation of all slaves in the state. Although the assembly
was nearly unanimous in its support for emancipation, the bill stalled over the question
of suffrage for emancipated slaves. Thereafter, between 1792 and 1799, abolitionists
routinely sought to introduce legislation for emancipation. In 1796 that legislation,
although it was debated in committee, failed again to make progress, stumbling particularly
over the issue of compensation for slaveholders. Finally, in 1799, the legislature
reached an agreement that abolished slavery through gradual manumission (Edgar J.
McManus, A History of Negro Slavery in New York, Syracuse, N.Y., 1966, p. 149–150, 162–165, 174–175; Patrick Rael, “The Long Death
of Slavery,” in Slavery in New York, ed. Ira Berlin and Leslie M. Harris, N.Y., 2005, p. 124–125).
4. CA’s next letter to JA, on 28 Feb. 1796, following CA’s visit to Philadelphia (for which see JA to AA, 13 Feb., below), contained further comment on the New York legislature, which remained in
session “and will remain so until the river opens which is always their rule whether
they have any thing to do or not. It is a great pitty that these excressencies cannot
be lopped off and that we cannot consent to be wholly under the direction of one general
government.” CA also noted receiving JQA’s 29 Nov. 1795 letter, for
{ 166 }
which see JQA to AA, 24 Nov., note 7, above. According to CA the 29 Nov. letter “relates to nothing but private affairs, but refers me to several
letters of a date anterior which I have not received.” Finally, CA enclosed for JA a clipping from the New York American Minerva, 27 Feb. 1796, with an English translation of the preface to the 1792 French edition
of JA’s Defence of the Const. (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0083
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-02-08
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Feb. 8. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
It is monday, the Time to expect the Eastern mail other Men have Letters— I have none—
humiliated and mortified and at the Same time irritated, I feel sometimes a disposition
to abuse the Post offices, sometimes to make a rash Vow never to Spend another Winter
seperated from my Small Family that remains to me, but never once harbour a Suspicion
that Madam may have omitted to write.
Upon the whole however my health and Spirits have been better this Winter, than at
any time Since I had the Ague, a Blessing which I attribute to the free Use of my
horse the last summer. Health and Spirits & Leisure have revived my old Passion for
Reading to such a degree as diverting me from my usual Exercise of Walking when I
cannot ride, allarms me for the Continuance of my Health.
A gloomy Prospect moreover of four Months longer attendance upon Congress, aggravated
by the Recollection that a few days later than this, the last Year, on the 19 of February
I got my Release & Liberty, makes a great defalcation from my Philosophical Serenity.
While We are informed that you have Plenty of snow and fine sledding and slaying,
We have Weather as mild as April and streets as dirty as march.
No further News of the Treaty or any Thing else from Europe— Business in Congress
as languid as gaping & yawning as if Morpheus had poured out all his soporifecks upon
the two Houses.— The Voice of Faction even is Scarcely heard. I suppose however when
the Treaty comes he will lift up his Notes like a Trumpet.
General Wayne has returned and enjoyed his Tryumph1 Judge Chace is here with the rest— Mr. Lee the Attorney General a Brother of our Friend the late Member of the House and
of the late Governor of Virginia, married to a Daughter of Richard Henry Lee is arrived
with his Family—so is Mr McHenry the Secretary at War.2 The offices are once more full.
But how differently filled, than when Jefferson Hamilton Jay &c were here— The present
Incumbents not being much thought of or
{ 167 }
at least talked of for President Vice President, or substitute for both, the Public
may be less disposed to fight for them or against them.
The first situation is the great Object of Contention—the Center and main source of
all Emulation as the learned Dr Adams teaches in all his Writings, and every Body believes him tho nobody will own
it—
My Letters to You must never be seen by any Body else—and I ought here to caution
you to be very careful and reserved in showing our sons Letters—for thousands are
watching for his halting, as well as mine & yours.
Mrs Green with her two Daughters are here3 and mourns in pathetic Accents that her Friend Mrs Adams is not here—and so does
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “Febry 8.”
1. Gen. Anthony Wayne reached Philadelphia on 6 Feb., escorted by a military honor guard.
Cannons were fired and bells rung in his honor, and thousands turned out to greet
him. “In the evening,” the Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, 8 Feb., reported, “a display of Fire-Works was exhibited, in celebration of the
Peace lately concluded with the Western Indians, and the Algerines; and also, on account
of the Peace concluded by France with several European Powers.”
2. Charles Lee (1758–1815), Princeton 1775, was a lawyer and had been the customs collector
at Alexandria, Va., before being named attorney general in Nov. 1795. He was a member
of the prominent Lee family of Virginia and brother to Gov. Henry (“Light-Horse Harry”)
Lee and Richard Bland Lee (1761–1827), who had recently lost reelection as a Virginia
member of Congress. Charles Lee’s wife, Anne Lucinda, was the daughter of Richard
Henry Lee (Biog. Dir. Cong.; ANB, entry on Charles Lee).
3. Catharine Littlefield Greene, widow of Gen. Nathanael Greene, had two unmarried daughters,
Cornelia Lott (b. 1778) and Louisa Catharine (1784–1831) (Greene, Papers, 13:144, 210, 704).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0084
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-02-09
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Febry 9th 1796 Quincy
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I suppose some obstruction of Ice in the North river, prevented the southern post
from arriving last wednesday, which prevented me from getting any Letters from you,
of a later Date than Janry 20th the receipt of Which I have already acknowledged. I hope to receive a large packet
tomorrow. You will learn before this Letter reaches you I presume, the Fate of Jarvis
& the Virginna resolutions. Jarvis last week got a motion made, which he Seconded
to take up the resolutions. he was opposed by mr Tudor Sewall Eustice & others. the
Dr got warm, & voilent his passion wrought up to an excess. the House adjournd for
Dinner— Jarvis went home eat his dinner & fell into strong convulsion fits, from which
he was with difficulty
{ 168 }
recoverd he has not Since been able to attend the House. the news papers will give
You the Dissolution of the resolves & the Motions which were made to prop them up
by a small party.1
I have engaged the Braintree Farm to Burrel he is to have 8 cows & 8 Young cattle,
to find the Team work himself, except the carting on the manure for the corn land
which I shall have sleded up immediatly. the Farm here I consider as engaged to mr
French & Bowditch who are Brother by marriage. I shall have the leases Drawn in three
weeks from this time. if you think of any further directions than those You left You
will write them to me. to Burrel I allow a cord & half of pine wood for the Dairy,
to French the use of the Team to get his wood. wood has become so expensive an article
that all who have been to me to engage the places, are very urgent upon that head.
I have agreed to these terms, thinking it better to let Such persons as were known
to us, have the places than strangers. Faxons has never applied, his wife is unable
to take charge of the Dairy. I had a mr cook from Road Island last week to hire the
Quincy Farm. I could not recollect whether you meant to let a Horse with the oxen,
or whether the Tenant would be allowd to bring one. I Suppose you would prefer French,
tho cook had good recommendations, had hired a Farm of 200 acres [for] 5 Years which
Farm was now sold. he however insisted upon being found wood for the Dairy.
When these places are let, I shall feel my mind more at ease. I have agreed with them
that they shall find all the Farm utensels except half the Dairy matters, and this
as a sort of equivelent for the whole of the stock. I suppose they will be some articles
which occasionally we must lend
You will send the Grass seed in Season— we have had very fine Snow & cold weather.
I have not had My Health so well for Many Years as this winter. I hope you can say
the Same of your own.
Mrs Brisler and Family are well
affectionatly Yours
[signed] A Adams—
RC (Adams Papers); addressed by Louisa Catharine Smith: “The Vice President of the United / States
/ Philadelphia”; endorsed: “Mrs A. Feb. 9. 1796.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.
1. A motion was made on 4 Feb. by James Fiske and seconded by Dr. Charles Jarvis to give
further consideration to Virginia’s resolutions proposing amendments to the Constitution.
The debate was delayed one day when, “after eating a very hearty dinner,” Jarvis “was
taken with a faintness, which passed into violent convulsions, after which an asphixy took place. By the immediate application, however, of medical aid, he was soon considerably
recovered. His illness was attributed to indigestion.” Jarvis eventually
{ 169 }
returned to the legislature but not in time for the debate on the resolutions, which
resumed the following day. During the debate Samuel Sewall of Marblehead observed
that “he thought it improper to agitate the question at all at this time; the people
found themselves happy under the federal government; and did not wish to have that
tranquillity interrupted by any discussions which implied a distrust of that government.”
Dr. William Eustis of Boston noted that he was uncomfortable grounding a discussion
of the Constitution in the Virginia resolutions, while William Tudor hoped to avoid
anything that might “cause an instability in the government of the United States.”
In the end Fiske’s motion was defeated by a substantial majority (Boston Columbian Centinel, 6, 10 Feb.; Massachusetts Mercury, 5 Feb.; Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, 16:382).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0085
Recipient: Adams, Charles
Date: 1796-02-09
John Adams to Charles Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Feb. 9. 1796
[salute] Dear son
I recd this morning your favour of the 7th and am glad that your State have not too much Complaisance for the restless Projects
of old Aunt Nell. The peevish fretful old Creature has got, to day, a worse Compliment
from the senate of this State, than she recd even from the Massachusetts. They have not only rejected her vapoury humours but
have proposed to her some other Amendments of the Constitution, which she will not
relish. But as I have the Account of them only transiently from Mr Lewis, I will not attempt to give you an Account of them, but leave you to read them
when they shall become public.1
I have attended to day in the Supream Court an argument by Mr Marshall and Mr Campbell, of a great Question concerning the British debts which were paid into the
Treasury of the state of Virginia before the Peace. These are able Lawyers and good
Speakers.2
Pray what are the Dates of your Letters from Holland? My latest from John is the 30
of septr.—3 We shall next hear of him from England.
Is Col Hamilton growing rich by his Profession? Does he shine at the Bar? Is he in
great request among the Clients?— Who does he associate with him in Business? Does
he Speculate in Lands or stocks like all the rest of the World—or does he intend to
drudge like me? and be a slave for forty Years for the honour of riding in Stage Coaches
and living in noisy Taverns? while every Body about him is growing rich as well as
riding in gay Coaches and building grand houses?4 Mr Neckar, in his Essay on the true Principles of Executive Power in great States. Vol.
1. p. 206 has a Passage which is worth quoting.
“A Man who, like myself, has been Some Years placed in the Center of public affairs,
who has been, one of the Axes round which the
{ 170 }
motions of personal Interest perform their Circuit, is best able to judge from his
own Experience of the Activity of those Interests and to perceive in what manner the
human heart is influenced, irritated and Soothed by hope. Full often are the thoughts
of Men employed upon their own personal Views when they affect most carelessly to
neglect or most generously to sacrifice them. I grant that Individuals have for their
days of parade a pompous and wonderworking Language; but I affirm that in their daily
habits and their Secret Confessions, We find them always occupied either with the
fortune they are pursuing, or the Eminence to which they aspire.”5 Thus far Mr Neckar and I can add my Experience to his. There is a difference however— Some pursue
their fortune and Elevation by fair and honourable Means, others by mean Craft, low
Cunning wicked deceit, and vicious Courses of every sort.—
The Popes Bull Quando quidem bonus Populus vult decipi, decipiatur,6 is practised by many of the most pretending Protestants, with as much Ardour as if
they believed in his Holinesses Infallibility. Be honest Charles but be not their
Dupe. I am, most affectionatel / your
[signed] John Adams7
1. The Penn. senate’s rejection of the Virginia amendments included the observation,
“If it were proper, at this time, for this House to join in an application to Congress,
for calling a Convention to alter the constitution of the United States, the amendments,
to be proposed, should be such as would promote private justice, by rendering real
property liable to the payment of just debts; and would establish the National Legislature
on the true principles of representation, by enabling freemen, as well as freeholders,
to vote; and, by apportioning the Representatives among the several States, according
to the number of those freemen” (Journal of the Senate of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Commencing on Tuesday,
the First Day of December, in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and
Ninety-Five, Phila., 1796, p. 103, Evans, No. 30980). Report of Pennsylvania’s action appeared in the New York Argus, 13 February.
2. The U.S. Supreme Court was hearing arguments in the case of Ware v. Hylton, which was expected to settle the question of whether Virginia merchants were
obligated to pay debts owed to the British from before the American Revolution. The
case had been working its way through the courts (under various names) since 1790,
finally reaching the Supreme Court in Feb. 1796. John Tyndale Ware, representing the
British firm of Farell & Jones, was the plaintiff, while Daniel L. Hylton, a Richmond
merchant, was the defendant. Both John Marshall and Alexander Campbell (d. 1796),
the U.S. attorney for the district of Virginia, spoke on behalf of Hylton. On 7 March
the justices ruled in favor of the plaintiff, finding that the promise to repay debts
contained in the Treaty of Paris overruled local laws that annulled them and ordering
Hylton to pay Ware the debts owed as well as legal costs (Doc. Hist. Supreme Court, 7:203–207, 215–222, 248).
3. Not found.
4. Upon resigning his position in the Treasury Department, Alexander Hamilton returned
to his legal practice in New York City. He was hardly, however, “growing rich by his
Profession.” He was routinely in debt and often had to rely on his father-in-law for
financial assistance. In July 1795 Hamilton enumerated his debts to the prospective
executor of his will—he was anticipating a duel with James Nicholson, a dispute subsequently
settled without violence—and
{ 171 }
indicated that he owed many thousands of dollars to various creditors. He also described
receiving fees for prospective legal work but at a rate that would make clearing the
debts difficult (Robert Hendrickson, Hamilton II (1789–1804), N.Y., 1976, p. 309–310; Hamilton, Papers, 18:503–507).
5. Jacques Necker, An Essay on the True Principles of Executive Power in Great States, 2 vols., London, 1792, 1:206–207. See also JA to AA, 10 Feb., note 3, below.
6. Since the good people wish to be deceived, let them be deceived. Usually attributed
to Cardinal Caraffa, legate of Pope Paul IV, this quotation also appears in Necker’s
Essay on the True Principles, 2:267.
7. The next day JA wrote again to CA to comment on the French constitution, particularly its plural executive of five
directors. In his letter JA predicts that each member will strive to be considered first among equals and inevitably
divide the executive into factions. Comparing the situation to the political tensions
in the U.S. Congress, JA instructs CA, “Take into your Consideration next the Emulations Jealousies Rivalries between Leading
Members of both Houses and the Leading Members of the Directory and say whether the
French Constitution can last one Year or two one Month or two” (MHi:Seymour Coll.).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0086
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-02-10
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Feb. 10. 1796
[salute] My dearest Friend
The inclosed Slip from Benjamins Paper of this Morning will Shew you that the Electioneering
Campaign is opened already. The “good Patriot, Statesman and Philosopher” is held
up as the Successor.1 I am determined to be a Silent Spectator of the silly and the wicked Game and to
enjoy it as a Comedy a Farce or a Gymnastic Exhibition at Sadlers Wells or Astleys
Amphitheatre.2 I will laugh let them Say what they will, and I will laugh let it go as it will.—
I know however how it will go as well as if it was already gone.
The P. looks to me worried and growing old faster than I could wish and his Lady complains
of Infirmities of Age and lowness of Spirits for the first time. The Accursed Spirit
which actuates a vast Body of People Partly Antifederalists, partly desperate Debtors
and partly frenchified Tools, will murder all good Men among Us and destroy all the
Wisdom & Virtue of the Country. Our <Years> Glasses are almost run out. they cannot rob Us of much Enjoyment for We have not
much to enjoy. Certainly We shall have more in private than in public Life.3
RC (Adams Papers).
1. The enclosure has not been found but was a squib from the Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 10 Feb., celebrating Thomas Jefferson’s recovery “from his late indisposition. May
he long live, and in the moment of necessity re-appear and save his country from the
unhappy effects to which it is exposed.”
2. Philip Astley (1742–1814), an equestrian performer, opened his Amphitheatre in London
in the late 1760s to house the circus he had built around his horse-riding tricks.
Although Astley initially faced considerable controversy regarding the legality of
the enterprise, the Amphitheatre eventually became a British institution until its
demolition in 1893 (DNB).
3. In another letter to AA written this same day, JA quotes at length from Jacques Necker’s
{ 172 } Essay on the True Principles of Executive Power in Great States, 2 vols., London, 1792, on the tendency of public officials to pursue their private
interests. JA further observes that such realities hold true even in the United States but that
he nonetheless wishes to continue in politics: “The various Elections of the United
States, will soon call forth all these Personal Interests in all their Vigour, and
all the Arts of Dissimulation to conceal them. I am weary of the Game. Yet I dont
know how I could live out of it. I dont love Slight neglect, Contempt, disgrace nor
Insult more than others. Yet I believe I have firmness of Mind enough to bear it like
a Man, a Hero and a Philosopher. I might groan like Achilles and roll from Side to
side, abed Sometimes at the Ignorance, Folly, Injustice & Ingratitude of the World.
But I should be resigned and become more easy and chearful and enjoy my self & my
Friends better than ever I did” (Adams Papers). See also JA to CA, 9 Feb. 1796, and note 5, above.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0087
Recipient: Peabody, Elizabeth Smith Shaw
Date: 1796-02-12
Abigail Adams to Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody
[dateline] Quincy Febry 12th 1796—
[salute] My Dear sister
I last Evening received your kind Letter of the 6th and was most sincerely rejoiced to find you able to write. I sent Cousin William
to Boston yesterday; he was very anxious to find how you were, and I gave him leave
to open your Letter, if he should find one for Me in Town. I was very happy in his
company, and really feel his absence as a loss to me. he possesses a very inquisitive
mind. I gave him a Set of his uncles Books, from which he may derive much information
upon the subject of Government, and learn to value that; under which as much Liberty
is enjoied, as is consistant with freedom, and the happiness of Man. I gave him an
invitation to pass the April vacancy with me, with your leave, as it is short, and
he can walk into Boston take the Milton Stage, and from thence it is but a short way
to Quincy I should have been very Sorry if he had not like a dutifull Son gone Home
and spent a part of the Time with You. I had a good deal of conversation with him
when he was here on a visit, before. he felt as most affectionate Children do, Who
have lost a kind & tender Parent. by experience I knew how to feel for him, and told
him, Time would reconcile him to the Thought of seeing another in the Room of him
whom he had lost, especially as there could be no objection to the person. He appeard
on this visit much happier than when he was last here. he spoke of mr Peabody with
respect and regard, of Miss Peabody, as a young Lady of an improved, and cultivated
mind. He went to Weymouth one Day, and the Dr gave him money to pay his Bills. the
Dr had mentiond to me that he had Some Money which he wanted to Send You. I know it
was Mr Adams’s direction to the Dr, to continue to you another Year the Same Sum with
the last. I told cousin William at any time when he wanted Mending or washing to Send
his Things to Dr Welchs
{ 173 }
with a Line to me, and they should be returnd to Him the same way. Young people Love
society, and it is naturel they should. We old Folks who have Families find our enjoyment in them, and look not abroad for our principle
happiness. I Love the company of Young people, and the society (but do not you betray
me) of the Gentlemen more than the Ladies. I have mixt more with them, and I find
their conversation more to my taste. I smiled at an observation of Louissas the other
day, who tho a very little Talker, is an observing hearer. we had been together on
a visit to Boston for a fort night, and being one Day in a large circle, Several of
whom were young Ladies, I remarkd to her, that she was too reserved and unsocial
“I Do not know how to talk. I have not heard any thing worth remembring: nothing but
insipid trifling She replied.” I have felt something of this kind formerly but I am
now so loquatious, that I can be grave with the Grave and gay, with the Gay.
“Indulge in tales, news politics and Mirth,”1 as suits the society into which I fall. Yet I shall feel ever gratefull to the kind
hand who formd My early Years to a Love of Letters Who inspired me with a taste for
reading and put into my hands Books Suited to my capacity, and led me on step by step
untill I was capable of judging for myself. at that period I became connected with
a Lover of Literature, who confirmd my taste, and gave Me every indulgence that Books
could afford. from these two Characters, Whom I am proud to call by the endearing
names of Brother and Husband, I was taught at an early period of Life, that the true
Female Character, consisted not in the Tincture of the Skin, or a fine set of Features,
in the lilly’s white, or the Roses red, But in something still beyond the exterior
form.
With Goodness fraught, with animation Warm,
To inspire our actions, dignify our mien
Gild every hour and beautify each scene
Tis those perfections of superiour kind
The Moral Beauties which adorn the mind
Tis those enchanting Sounds mellifuous hung
In words of Truth and kindness on our Tongues
Tis delicacy gives those Charms new Worth
And calls the Loveliness of Beauty forth,
Tis the mild influence beaming from the Eye
“Like vernal sun-beams round cerulean skies”
With minds embellish’d and with Hearts refin’d
{ 174 }Tis ours to act, in still sequester’d life
The glorious parts of Parent, Friend and wife,
To soothe our partners, and divide their cares
Calm raging pain, delay the parting Breath,
“And light a smile on the Wan cheek of Death”2
thank the poet for this emanation of Female exelence. When I put a letter into the
post office I always pay the postage, if it is not thus stampd [th]ere is knavery
there, inform Your affectionate Sister
[signed] A Adams
1. David Humphreys, “A Poem on the Happiness of America,” line 226.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0088
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-02-13
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Feb. 13. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I have only time to inform you that Monday and Thursday have passed away without bringing
me a Letter from you. It is the first Week that has failed me in the whole, tho sometimes
the Letters have not arrived on the proper day.
There is a Dr Somebody here from Connecticutt, who pretends, with an Instrument made of some kind
of Metal or Composition of Metals by a sort of Mesmerian, rubbing or Stroking or Conjuration,
to cure Rhumatisms Headacks Plurisies And I know not what.1 Elsworth will not say that he believes in it: but he states facts & tells stories—
I expects the heads of all the old Women (Males I mean, you know) will be turned.
They have got him into the Presidents House among Some of his servants. And Mrs Washington told me a story on Tuesday, before a Number of Gentlemen so ineffably
ridiculous that I dare not repeat it in Writing. The venerable Lady laughed as immoderately
as all the rest of Us did—
Charles is here in very fine health and very good Spirits. He goes to the supream
Court A days and to Ricketts and the Theatre A Nights so that I have not so much of
his Company as I could wish2
A Barrier is erected between Europe & America. It Seems as if no Vessell could get
thro or over it.
I went with Charles last night to the Drawing Room— as the
{ 175 }
Evening was fair and mild, there was a great Circle of Ladies and a greater of Gentlemen.
General Wayne was there in Glory. This Mans Feelings must be worth a Guinea a Minute.
The Pensilvanians claim him as theirs, and show him a marked respect.
We are now near the middle of feb. last Year I left this Place on the 19th. now I must stay thro the long months of March April & May. long! nothing is long!
the time will be soon gone & We shall be surprized to know what is become of it— How
soon Will my Sands be all run out of the Glass?— after sixty the Days & Hours have
additional Wings which they waive & beat with increasing Rapidity.
Dr Priestly is here— I drank Tea with him at the Presidents on Thursday Ev.— He says
he always maintained against Dr Price that Old Age was the pleasantest Part of Life and he finds it so—3 I think so too— One knows not what Infirmeties may come on—What Pains, Griefs, or
sorrows?
I am determined to make, my small Remainder as easy as I can and enjoy the Hours as
they pass: but do a little good as I have Opportunity.
You have not informed me whether you have let the Farms.
Duty & Love As Usual
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “Febry 13th 1796.”
1. Dr. Elisha Perkins (1741–1799) of Plainfield, Conn., developed a practice of stroking
small metal pieces, which he called “metallic tractors,” against affected areas of
the human body to cure illnesses. He received a warm reception during his visit to
Philadelphia and used the opportunity to obtain a patent for his invention (DAB).
2. John Bill Ricketts, a Scottish equestrian, operated a popular circus in Philadelphia.
He had recently opened a new amphitheater for the purpose at Sixth and Chestnut Streets
(J. Thomas Scharf and Thompson Westcott, History of Philadelphia, 1609–1884, 1 vol. in 3, Phila., 1884, 2:952). For the purpose of CA’s visit to Philadelphia, see AA to JA, 22 Feb., and note 1, below.
3. Joseph Priestley had immigrated to the United States in June 1794 and settled with
his family in Northumberland, Penn., where he spent the rest of his life. He and Richard
Price had long been friends, even publishing an exchange of their correspondence in
1778 entitled A Free Discussion of the Doctrines of Materialism and Philosophical Necessity. Price was deeply involved in promoting social insurance for old age, assisting insurance
societies in properly calculating annuities to insure full funding, and also advocating
poor relief for the elderly (DNB).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0089
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-02-14
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy Febry 14 1796
[salute] my Dearest Friend
I received by the last mail the Letters of two, so that I fare as you do, and the
Stormy Weather last post Day prevented my getting Letters to Boston tho I had one
ready. I cannot think the loss very great, for I have very little either interesting,
or amuseing to
{ 176 }
entertain You with. yet you are pleasd to express so much pleasure at receiving them,
Such as they are, that I ought not, and do not fail of being regular once, allways,
and sometimes twice a week
I have to acknowledge Yours of the following Dates, Janry 23. 26 29 31 & 2d Febry for all of which accept my thanks. Some of them brought to my mind two lines
translated from Juvenil I believe
“On Eagles Wings immortal Scandles fly,
Whilest Virtuous actions, are but born & Dye”1
Whether mr G. deserves the censure he receives on account of his seperation from his
wife I know not. He may plead as Trusty does in fair Rossomond, that, she is ugly,
and old, and a Vilainous Scold, but as he took her I presume, for better or worse,
in our Country it would not be considerd as a Legal cause of Divorcement, however
pleasing a one it might be.2 His Friends here say, that there is a cause, which he will not Divulge, out of respect
to her Family, Who are all Friendly to him, and who lay no blame to him on her account.
his child is left in the care of a Brother of hers, and as I have learnt the Divorce
comes through the Hands of one of her Brothers either as Judge or advocate. I was
informd that Judge Daws had received a Letters from a Brother of hers who spoke in
terms of affection for Mr G. and who did not blame him for his conduct.3 Mr G. returnd all the property he had with her, and offerd to Make a Settlement upon
her, which was refused. as to the Conneticut business, I fancy it has no foundation.
must he not be liberated by the Laws of the same Country which bound him?
if he is as innocent as an Angle, he cannot rid himself of the Spot which in this
Land will attend the <seperation from> Dissolution of the Bonds of Matrimony.
I was in Boston near a fortnight and tho I heard a good deal of conversation upon
the Sale he had made of Lands, I never heard a Hint that he had taken or attempted
to take any improper advantage of any one
I have askd the Question of those who knew, but were no ways connected with him, and
I was assured that every thing was conducted openly and fairly by him, that he did
not pretend to transfer any tittle but Such as he had received, and that no Deception
of any kind was made use of by him. What his Agents might Do I cannot say. they made
50 thousand Dollors a peice out of their sale for G.— as mr Black informs me; Joseph
& George Blake & H G Otis were
{ 177 }
the Agents—4 they sold to mr T Russel Mr Joseph Barrel mr coolidge and other Nabobs,5 all of whom Were old enough to Judge for themselves, but after all these Speculations
& rapid fortunes are an injury to the community at large, they create Envy, they Mortify
the hard Labourer Who has Spent all his Day drudging on, and acquiring property by
pence Shillings and pounds— they introduce Luxery and dissapation, and corrupt the
Morals of the possesors, if he had any to corrupt, but as mr Black observed to me,
a Man Who has acquired property Slowly, and has something to lose Will not risk, as
he will, who has nothing to risk, or lose
The Southern Gentlemen think I believe that the Northern Gentleman are fools, but
the Nothern know that they are so, if they can believe that Such bare faced Dupery
will succeed, as that which you say is now practiseing Aut Ceasar aut Nullus, is my
Motto tho I am not used to quote lattin or spell it.6
I have no desire for the first, whilst he whose Right it is ought to be Sovereign,
but if the people are blind, they deserve a Jefferson, or some one not half as deserving.
Yet I am sure it will be a most unpleasent Seat, full of Thorns Briars thistles, Murmuring
fault finding calumny obliqui discrage for I ought I know & What not. But the Hand
of Providence ought to be attended to and what is designd, Cherefully Submitted to.
I am firm in the hope & belief that the true & plain path of Duty will not be hidden
from us—
Yours affectionatly
[signed] A Adams
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A Feb. 14 1796.”
1. Juvenal, Satires, Satire IX, lines 196–197.
2. In Joseph Addison’s Rosamond, an Opera, Act I, scene iii, lines 30–31, Sir Trusty says of Grideline, “Thou art ugly and
old, / And a villanous Scold.”
3. The family of Antonia Cornelia Elbertine Scholten van Aschat was prominent in Dutch
society; one of her brothers served on the Amsterdam council, another as pensionary
at Delft, and a third as councillor of the high court. TBA and JQA socialized with them while in the Netherlands (D/JQA/20, 6 Feb. 1795, APM Reel 23).
5. Joseph Coolidge (1747–1820), a Boston merchant (Genealogy of Some of the Descendants of John Coollidge, Boston, 1903, p. 22).
6. Either Caesar or nobody.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0090
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-02-15
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia Feb. 15. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
This Morning I have your favour of the 3d which raised my Spirits again after the mortification of passing the whole of last
Week without one.
{ 178 } Benjamin has grown very dull—No Abuse—No lies no Terrors no Panicks no Rant—in comparison
of what he used to have—
The Subject which you think will excite all their feelings is well known to every
body in public Life, but is talked of by nobody: but in Confidence—
I could name you however as good Fœderalists and as good Men as any, who think and
say that he will retire and that they would, if they were he. And who would not? I
declare upon my honour I would. After 20 Years of such Service, with Such Success,
and with no Obligation to any one, I would retire before my Constitution failed, before
my Memory failed before my Judgment failed—before I should grow peevish & fretfull—irresolute—improvident—
I would no longer put at hazard a Character so dearly earned at present so uncontaminated,
but liable by the Weakness of Age to be impaired in a Moment.
He has in the most solemn manner Sworn, before many Witnesses at various times and
on several occasions, and it is now by all who are in the Secret considered as irrevocable
as the Laws of Meads & Persians.1 Your Comments to Knox were perfectly delicate and perfectly wise. You need not tremble
to think of the subject.— In my Opinion there is no more danger in the Change than
there would be in changing a Member of the senate and whoever lives to see it will
own me to be a Prophet. If Jay or even Jefferson and one or the other it certainly
will be, if the Succession should be passed over, should be the Man, the Government
will go on as well as ever— Jefferson could not stir a step in any other system than
that which is begun. Jay would not wish it. The Votes will run for three Persons—two
I have mentioned The third being the Heir apparent will not probably be wholly overlook’d.
If Jefferson & Jay are President & Vice President, as is not improbable, the other
retires without Noise, or Cries or Tears to his farm— if either of those two are President
and the other Vice President, he retires without Murmur or Complaint to his farm,
forever.— if this other should be P. and Jefferson or Jay V. President, four Years
more if Life lasts, of Residence in Philadelphia will be his and your Portion, after
which We shall probably be desirous of imitating the Example of the present Pair:
or if by reason of Strength and Fortitude Eight Years should be accomplished, that
is the Utmost Limit of time that I will ever continue in public Life at any rate.
Be of good Courage therefore and tremble not. I see nothing to appall me and I feel
no ill forebodings or faint Misgivings. I have not the Smallest dread of private Life,
{ 179 }
nor of public— if private Life is to be my Portion my farm and my Pen shall employ
the rest of my days.
The Money of the Country the Paper Money is the most unpleasant object I see— This
must have a Remedy—and I fear it will be reserved for me to stem the Torrent, a worse
one than the Western Rebellion or the opposition to the Treaty.
This is all in Confidence and Affection
[signed] J. A2
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A.”; endorsed: “Febry 15 1796.”
1. That is, an unalterable law (Daniel, 6:15).
2. JA again wrote to AA, on 17 Feb., on the subject of George Washington’s retirement, reiterating, “I feel
no Allarm however for the Public. I am fully persuaded it will receive no detriment.”
JA likewise claimed that he too would be happy to retire if that was the will of the
people (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0091
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-02-20
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy Feb’ry 20 1796.
[salute] My Dearest Friend
Yours of the 6 8th and 10th came to me by the last Post. I too sometimes get dissapointed but I always lay the
Charge to the post where I know it ought to fall, but not usually writing untill after
thursday post arrives here. I have not the advantage of the office here unless I wait
for the next Week, and a storm will sometimes, as last week, prevent my getting my
letters to Town, but my conscience acquits me of Sins of omission. in that respect,
I can seldom find more to say than one Letter contains. upon some subjects I think
much more than I write. I think what is Duty, to others and what is Duty to ourselves.
I contemplate unpleasent concequences to our Country if Your decision should be the
same with the P——s for as you observe, whatever may be the views and designs of Party,
the chief of the Electors will do their Duty, or I know little of the Country in which
I live. Shakspears says, [“]some are born great, some atchive greatness, and some
have greatness thrust upon them” You write me fully assured that the P is unalterably
determind to retire. this is an event not yet contemplated by the people at large.
We must be attentive to their feelings and to their voice. no Successor, can expect
such support as the P. has had. the first Ministers have retired, and a Man without
intrigue, without party Spirit, with an honest mind and a judicious Head, with an
unspotted Character may be difficult to find as V P. this will still render the first
Station more difficult. You know what is before You. the whips and Scorpions, the
Thorns without Roses, the Dangers anxieties and weight of Empire.
{ 180 } And for the Day of trial is at hand
With the whole fortunes of a Mighty land
Are stakd on thee, and all their weal or woe
Must from thy good, or thy misconduct flow;
Have You Familiar with Your Nature grown
And are You Fairly to yourself made known?
and can You acquire influence sufficent as the Poet further describes
[“]To still the voice of Discord in the land
To make weak Faction’s discontented band
Detected, weak and Crumbling to decay
With hunger pinch’d, on their own vitals prey;
Like brethren, in the self same intrests warm’d
Like diff’rent bodies, with one soul informd
To Make a Nation, Nobly raisd above
All meaner thoughts, grow up in common Love;
To give the Laws Due vigour, and to hold
That Sacred balance, temperate, Yet bold
With such an equal hand that those who fear
May yet approve, and own thy Justice clear;
To be a common Father, to Secure
The weak from voilence, from Pride the poor
To make fair plenty through the Land increase
Give Fame in War, and happiness in Peace”1
This is the bright and desireable light of the picture. this tho a hard and arduous
Task, would be a flattering and a Glorious Reward, and Such a reward as all good Men
will unite in giving to Washington, and such a Reward as I pray his Successor may
Merrit and obtain. Should Providence allot the task to my Friend, but think not that
I am alone anxious for the part he will be calld to act, tho by far the most important,
I am anxious for the proper discharge of that Share which will devolve upon me. Whether
I have patience prudence discretion sufficent to fill a station so unexceptionably
as the Worthy Lady who now holds it, I fear I have not. as Second I have had the happiness
of stearing clear of censure as far as I know. if the contemplation did not make me
feel very Serious, I should say that I have been so used to a freedom of sentim[ent]
that I know not how to place so many gaurds about me, as will be indispensable,
{ 181 }
to look at every word before I utter it, and to impose a silence upon my self, when
I long to talk. here in this retired Village, I live beloved by My Neighbours, and
as I assume no state, and practise no pagentry, unenvy’d I sit calm and easy, mixing
very little with the World.
You need not be apprehensive least I should shew your Letters or divulge what is committed
to me. all rests within my own Breast. not the least lisp has escaped me to any one.
for tho I love Sociabity, I never did or will betray a trust.
affectionatly Yours
[signed] A Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed by Louisa Catharine Smith: “The Vice President of the / United States
/ Philadelphia”; endorsed: “Mrs A. Feb. 20. Ansd March 1 / 1796.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.
1. Charles Churchill, “Gotham,” Book III, lines 47–50, 61–62, 67–80, 89–90.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0092
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-02-20
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] London February 20. 1796.
[salute] My Dear Mother.
By the present opportunity, I send you a few pamphets which may give you some entertainment
in the perusal, and newspapers from which you will collect the current intelligence.1 For my own part I have been here so long in idleness that I have almost entirely
doff’d the world aside and bad it pass.— You will observe in the papers a pretended
preliminary convention for a pacification between France and the Empire, and a subsequent
acknowledgment that the paper was a mere forgery to affect the price of stocks, which
purpose it answered very efficaciously.2 In truth all the real appearances at present indicate another campaign, though negotiations
are certainly carrying on in secret. There is one symptom of a continuance to the
war, which is more powerful than all the rest; it is that neither of the parties is
yet totally disabled.
I shall send you some further articles by Scott, that is by some of my friends who
are going with him who will furnish me with a safer opportunity for conveyance than
the present.3
I have recently made a little excursion to Cambridge, for the purpose of seeing the
Colleges, and was much entertained by my tour.4 I found it also useful to my health, which without being positively bad, has not
been good for some weeks past.— The first month or six weeks after my arrival here
was to me a period of considerable
{ 182 }
anxiety and occupation. Since then it has been a time of almost total fainéantise: neither of these situations is particularly conducive to health.
Mrs: Hallowell as you are doubtless informed before this time is dead. Her Daughter is
yet very amiable, though I have seen her but two or three times since I have been
here.5
Mrs: Copley and her pretty daughters are well. Her Son went out to Boston in November:
they have yet no account of his arrival, and are very anxious to hear from him.6
Mrs: Church intends to go out to America in the Spring. Her Husband is to follow her the
next year, proposing to make their final settlement there. As he has only seven or
eight thousand Sterling a year income, he says he cannot afford to live in England7
I hope to write you more largely by the next opportunity. But at present without having
any thing to do, I find it extremely difficult to snatch so much as a quarter of an
hour to write ever so short a Letter. Perhaps I may tell you the reason of this at
a future day; or perhaps you may guess at it without being told.8 In the mean time I remain with unabated affection and duty, your Son.
[signed] John Q. Adams.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A. Adams. Quincy.”; endorsed: “J Q A Febry 20 1796.” FC-Pr (Adams Papers); APM Reel 131.
1. Not found.
2. Many London newspapers printed both the false announcement of a proposed convention
for a general peace between France and Prussia and subsequent items identifying it
as a forgery. The erroneous news was apparently circulated to create an opportunity
for stock speculation. See, for instance, Evening Mail, 10–12, 12–15 Feb., which observed, “The persons engaged in this infamous business
were perfectly well acquainted with the management of such a concern; the Gazette
was sent to most of the Cabinet Ministers at an early hour, and to some of the Morning
Papers. … There is no doubt but several of the Jews in the City were connected with
this man, who … is known to have lately formed an intimacy with some of these speculating
gentry. … One Jew only is known to have sold half a million of Stock on speculation
in the course of one hour on Friday morning; and the Jews were in general observed
to be in the secret” (12–15 Feb.).
3. That is, by Nathan Frazier Jr. and John Gardner, both of whom arrived in Boston in
the Minerva, Capt. James Scott, on 20 April (Massachusetts Mercury, 15, 22 April).
4. JQA traveled to Cambridge on 3 Feb. with his friends Thomas Crafts and John Gardner.
They visited King’s Chapel, the library of Trinity College, and the Senate House,
among other buildings, and walked around the town. JQA was particularly impressed by “an Egyptian mummy, in a state of greater perfection
than any I had ever seen,” and he found “the rivers are beautiful but small, and in
our Country would scarcely rise above the name of brooks.” The men returned to London
on the 5th (D/JQA/24, 3–5 Feb., APM Reel 27).
5. Mary Boylston Hallowell died on 22 Nov. 1795 in London (Massachusetts Mercury, 15 March 1796).
6. John Singleton Copley Jr. (1772–1863), Trinity College, Cambridge 1794, was born in
Boston but raised in England. He toured the United States in early 1796 to visit friends
{ 183 }
and family and to attempt (unsuccessfully) to reclaim lost family land on Beacon Hill
(DNB; Jules David Prown, John Singleton Copley, 1 vol. in 2, Cambridge, 1966, p. 341).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0093
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-02-21
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy 21 Febry 1796
[salute] My Deares Friend
I believe I must devote this page to the History of Farming. our people have carried
up the Hill all the manure which they suppose will be necessary and which can be spaired
from the corn ground. they have carried up Burrels quantity which will be necessary
for the Land which is to be broke up upon pens Hill, and they are now getting Down
the stones for the Wall on Quincys Medow. No crossing the mill pond this winter, nor
has it been froze hard enough to get into a swamp. Captain Beals requests you would
be So good as to send him 50 weight of clover seed with yours and Dr Tufts desires
Brisler to get him one Hundred weight if it Does not exceed one shilling our currency
pr pound.
My flower has arrived safe and Yesterday I got it, and Sent a Barrel to your Mother
as you desired for which I know she will return you Many thanks tho I have not seen
her since, I saw her Arm last week. there is not the appearence of a soar upon it.
it is matter of surprize and proves the powerfull efficacy of carrots in such cases
as the rose kind.1
Burrel has taken the Braintree Farm the other is not yet Setled. Captain Beals has
let his Farm here to the halves— Billings might be hired I Suppose if you thought
he would answer for us. I know I could have him, but Do not know at What lay. I should
suppose one good hand with Copland, for I suppose I must keep him Would be sufficient
for this place— write me what you think
I wrote mr Brisler a statement of the account as it stood upon My Book, and as it
appeard by receits. I mistook as he supposed I had.
I am very sorry that Judge Cushing has refused his appointment. Chace is not a Man
from all I have heard, Who will make mr Jays place good
“How can a judge enforce that Law gainst some poor Elf
Which conscience tells him, he hath broke himself”2
the fountain of Justice should be as pure as Virgin innocence the Laws can neither
be administerd or respected, if the Minister of them is not unspotted.—
Camillus always appeard to me to have more than one hand engaged. there is a difference
very apparent in the Numbers. is Camillus thought of or talkd of for V. P.
but I am running again into politicks When I did not design a word upon the Subject.
I must therefore conclude
affectionatly Yours—
[signed] Abigail Adams
RC (Adams Papers).
2. “How can a king (yet on record we find / Such kings have been, such curses of mankind)
/ Enforce that law ’gainst some poor subject elf / Which conscience tells him he hath
broke himself?” (Charles Churchill, “Gotham,” Book III, lines 195–198).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0094
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-02-22
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy Febry 22 1796—
[salute] My Dearest Friend
Mr Quincy and Mr Copley made me a visit this afternoon. mr Copley arrived from England
about 2 Months Since and is going to spend a year in America. he is the only son of
our Friend. I believe you may recollect him. he talk of visiting Philadelphia. if
he does I shall give him a Letter to you. mr Quincy seems much pleas’d with his Tour,
and Speaks with much gratitude of the kindness and attention he experienced from you,
whilst he was unwell in Philadelphia. I fear he will be a looser by the late failures.
I saw a paragraph in Russels centinel of Yesterday which is a very lose and blind
one. “Summarhy of the Southern Mail arrived last Evening. Charles Adams esqr has arrived
in Philadelphia, and is said to have been charged with the Treaty lately concluded
with the Dey of Algiers, who has Sent as a present to the President of the united
States an Elegant Gold Mounted Sword.” no date, no place arrived from, mentiond I
do not know, nor ever heard of any Charls Adams a broad I can not Suppose it Thomas.
I do not know how he could come by the Treaty. The only conjecture I can Make is that
possibly Such an instrument may have arrived at N York to the care of the Govenour,
and that he may have Deputed Charles as the Bearer of it to Philadelphia—1 It is also said that the Treaty with Spain had arrived, and was sent on from Boston.2 if so, the Senate
{ 185 }
will awake from their Slumber, and buisness will begin to be more interesting. Captain
Beals as usual when he returns from court, comes in to see me, and tell me as well
as he knows how the News and politicks of the Week. his News of last Evening was that
the President had determined to resign. I askd him where he learnt such News he said
he had Dined with Mr T Russel and heard it at his Table. I asked him who the company
were. he said a Number of country Representitives. the intelligence was from mr Russel
I did not chuse to ask him what Was said upon the occasion. I only remarkd to him
that such a Rumour had formerly prevail’d;
I have written You several Letters the week past. I hope, as you appear to be so anxious
about Letters, that you will get them in Due Season. I would not willingly dissapoint
you. I have nothing very interesting to write. it can only be a solisitude to know
that I am well for even the Farmers calender is at this Season comprised in a Line.
I am sorry to inform you, that we have two Lambs—poor Rogues the Season is too cold
for them yet. our Men begin to grow very covetous about their English Hay, and do
not like that James’s Horses should spend so much of it. I suppose I shall be obliged
to Buy some. Trask calld upon me for 8 Dollors which he said he was to have for clearing
a swamp in Curtis’s pasture, & I Supposd it was right, and I pay’d him; no News yet
from our Dear Sons. there is a vessel in from Roterdam which left it, Middle of December.
she is at the Vineyard.3 no Letter or Paper from her yesterday. I do hope to hear.
Mr Quincy made Me very happy by telling me that you appeard to enjoy your Health very
well this winter. I hope it may be continued to your / affectionate
[signed] A Adams
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Feb. 22 ansd / March 3. 1796.”
1. A treaty of peace and amity with Algiers was signed at Algiers in early Sept. 1795.
The result of the United States’ agreeing to pay a tribute to the Barbary States of
nearly $600,000 plus an additional $21,000 annually, the treaty promised free passage
for American ships seeking to trade in the Mediterranean and the end of the capture
of American sailors by Barbary pirates. The treaty arrived in New York on 7 Feb. 1796
and was carried by CA to Philadelphia, where George Washington submitted it to the Senate on 15 February.
The Senate consented to it on 2 March, and it was formally proclaimed on 7 March (Miller, Treaties, 2:275–317; New York Argus, 9 Feb.). For the squib mentioned by AA, see Boston Columbian Centinel, 20 February.
2. Pinckney’s Treaty between the United States and Spain, signed at San Lorenzo el Real
in late Oct. 1795, arrived in Boston on the Ruby, Capt. William Cole, on 15 Feb. 1796 and reached Philadelphia the following week.
The Senate received it on 26 Feb. and consented to it on 3 March. Negotiated by Thomas
Pinckney, the treaty clarified the borders between the United States and Spain’s colonial
empire in the Americas and confirmed the right of U.S. ships to navigate freely on
the Mississippi River (Miller, Treaties, 2:318–345; Boston Columbian Centinel,
{ 186 }
17 Feb.; Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 24 Feb.).
3. The Boston Columbian Centinel, 20 Feb., reported, “Capt. Clark, from Rotterdam, which he left the middle of December, has arrived at the Vineyard. She may speedily be expected round;—and intelligence from Rotterdam is direct, and always accurate.”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0095
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-02-27
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Phila. Feb. 27. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I dined Yesterday with Mr Madison. Mrs Madison is a fine Woman and her two sisters are equally so: one of them is married
to George Washington one of the two Nephews of the President who were sometimes at
our House. Mr Washington came and civilly enquired after your Health. These Ladies, whose Names
were Pain, are of a Quaker Family once of North Carolina.1
The Treaty with Spain is arrived and is according to our Wishes. The Algerine Treaty
is horridly Costly. It is worse than the British: but will not be so fiercely opposed.
There is no Vessell here for Boston: I can not yet send any seeds.
The great Affair is as it was— I hear frequent Reflections which indicate that Jefferson,
although in good hands he might do very well; yet in such hands as will hold him,
he would endanger too much.— Some Persons of high Consequence have Spoken to me confidentially—
But in general there is great delicacy on that head and I hold an entire reserve.
The Question with me is between entire Ease and entire Disquietude. I will not fly
from the latter nor will I court it. I can live as happily without a Carriage as Hamilton
Two great Political Questions have been agitated in the supream Court. one about Virginia
Debts paid into the Treasury—the other the Constitutionality of the Carriage Tax.
Hamilton argued this last for three hours with his usual Splendor of Talents & Eloquence
as they say. In the Course of his argument he said no Man was obliged to pay the Tax.
This he knew by Experiment: for after having enjoyed the Pleasure of riding in his
Carriage for six years he had been obliged to lay it down and was happy.2
There is no hope of getting away till June. The House never went so slowly on.
I am
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “Febry 7th 1796.”
1. Dolley Payne (1768–1849) was born of Quaker parents in North Carolina but raised in
Virginia and later Philadelphia. She married John Todd Jr. in 1790, but he died during
the yellow fever epidemic in 1793. In 1794 she married James Madison. Her three sisters
were Lucy Payne (1777?–1846), who had married George Steptoe Washington (ca.
{ 187 }
1773–1809) in 1793; Anna Payne (1779–1832), who married Richard Cutts in 1804; and
Mary (Polly) Payne (1781–1808), who would marry John George Jackson. The other of
George Washington’s nephews mentioned by JA was probably Lawrence Augustine Washington (1775–1824), George Steptoe’s brother.
Both boys were educated at the University of Pennsylvania thanks to the support of
their uncle (Notable Amer. Women; The Selected Letters of Dolley Payne Madison, ed. David B. Mattern and Holly C. Shulman, Charlottesville, Va., 2003, p. 398, 404,
409, 414; Washington, Papers, Presidential Series, 1:12).
2. The case of Hylton v. United States challenged the legality of what became known as the Carriage Tax Law,
a tax on carriages enacted in 1794 and designed to raise revenue to pay for defense.
Alexander Hamilton was not directly connected to the proposal of this tax in Congress,
though he likely had been consulted about it. The dispute centered on whether the
tax was a direct or indirect one and thus its constitutionality. Initially heard in
the Circuit Court in May 1795, the case came to the Supreme Court in early 1796, when
the federal government retained Hamilton and Charles Lee to argue on its behalf. The
court ruled on 8 March that the tax was not a direct one in the constitutional sense,
and thus it was upheld (Alexander Hamilton, The Law Practice of Alexander Hamilton: Documents and Commentary, ed. Julius Goebel Jr. and others, 5 vols., N.Y., 1964–1981, 4:297–300, 303–304,
307, 314, 330–336). For Hamilton’s notes on the case—which may have provided the basis
for his presentation before the court—see Law Practice, 4:342–355.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0096
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-02-28
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy [28] Feb’ry 1796
[salute] my Dearest Friend
Thursday is My Red Letter Day. then I usually get your favours, and a package of papers.
the last thursday was particularly so. I received yours of the 10 13 15 & 17th of Febry, and two Letters from our Dear Sons one dated Helveotsluice Novbr 7th from the Minister, the other of the 9th from the Hague.1 the wind had been contrary for near three weeks, and he poor fellow cooped up in
a paltry Inn, and cut off as he says from all humane communication almost as intirely
as if he had changed worlds but this he ought not to regreet as it saved him from
the Dangers of the perilious Nov’br Storm which proved fatal to so many poor Souls.2 a Letter from Thomas to J Quincy of a later Date 25 Novbr says he heard that his Brother arrived in London on the 10th.3 neither of their Letters are political, to avoid I presume the fate which Some others
have met with, of being retaind when captured. possibly Letters may have gone on to
you from mr Adams, for Thomas apology for writing only a short Letter, was, that his
Brother for want of better Employment, had amused himself during his detention by
writing and sending him to Coppy a great Number of Letters of no Moderate Length,
which added to the buisness of a publick nature entrusted to his care, prevented him
from writing to many of his Friend’s. I do not know Whether I ought to Send you Johns
Letter. it is in answer to one you wrote him, or rather to that part of it, in which
you mentiond to him
{ 188 }
Charles Marriage & express a wish that at an early period “he might return home, and
assume in like manner the cares and enjoy the felicities of a Family.” he observes
that tis a Maxim of Rochefoucaults, that We sometimes pass from Love to Ambition,
but that we never return from Ambition to Love. if this Maxim is true, he Says, what
respite is to be expected by one who has past from Love, not indeed to ambition, but
at least to its concerns. he proceeds and much more fully than he ever before did,
lays open what had been the state of his Heart, “to Sacrifice the choice of the Heart,
was all that prudene or Duty can require. it can not it will not receive from my own
controul, or from any other, the imposition of a different choice. if it can choose
again, its Election must be spontanious, without receiving any direction from the
Will”4
I hope we shall Soon get Letters from him by way of England.
you will see by the Centinel that the Presidents Birth Day Was celebrated, with more
than usual Festivity in Boston, and many other places. in the Toasts drank, they have
for once done justice to the V P. it is a Toast that looks, I conceive to a future
contemplated event.5
I am glad that your mind appears so Well Setled for what ever may take place, but
who in their Senses could suppose that you would continue to serve in your present
station with any other than Washington. who could wish or desire it must be destitute
of your feelings or mine. to be the private citizen would not mortify me, but there
remains not a Man in America, whose publick Services entitle him to the office, What
ever his own opinion or that of his Friends may be.
“All envy power in others, and complain
of that which they would perish to obtain”6
I am happy to learn that You enjoy Your Health so well. the Season is approaching
When colds are prevelent. You are so subject to them that I daily expect You to complain.
every Body far and near are Suffering with them. I have my Share, but hope it will
not lay me up—
ever your / affectionate
[signed] A Adams
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Feb. 28. ansd / March 9. 1796.”
2. A major hurricane struck Britain on 6 Nov. destroying numerous buildings and tearing
up trees. At sea, several ships were torn from their anchors and some were tossed
ashore (Salem Gazette, 2 Feb. 1796).
3. Not found.
4. See JQA to AA, 7 Nov. 1795, and notes 4–7, above.
5. The Boston Columbian Centinel, 24 Feb. 1796, reported on the 22 Feb. celebrations of George Washington’s birthday.
To mark the occasion, buildings were dressed with streamers, artillery was discharged,
and a large dinner and entertainment took place at the Boston Concert Hall. Among
the toasts given was one to JA: “May Americans never forget the blessings they owe to his firmness, nor the truths
his talents have explored.” On 27 Feb. the Centinel noted that the birthday “has been more cordially celebrated this year, than it has
within our memory.”
6. Charles Churchill, “Gotham,” Book III, lines 209–210.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0097
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-02-28
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy 28th Febry 1796
[salute] my Dearest Friend
You left directions that Mr Pratt was to cut the Trees upon the plane for Timber to
build a Barn this he has Done and our Teams have Drawn it, but upon inquiry I found
that there would not be half enough for the Building. I inquired of Dr Tufts what
conversation You had with him upon the subject, and of Pratt what You had Said to
him. the Dr recollected that You talkd of building an addition to the Barn of the
Same Size but that you did not conclude upon any thing. Pratt said he was not engaged
to cut any more. the Season Would have past before I could have received any answer
So I thought it best to proceed & get the remainder from the Woods. I accordingly
Sent Pratt & his hands to cutt the rest, and our Teams to get it home. they did very
well the first Day, but the second comes a Thaw & put a stop at present to their getting
it home. it is ready for the first opportunity which I do not yet despare of—
The Manure upon the Hill which Was made last fall, I Suppose you mean for to be Spread
upon the Grass ground where it lies. You propose to let all the Salt meddow except
Penny ferry & seven or 10 acres which used to be brought here. Copeland requests that
the Thatch bank may be let, but neither French or Bowditch seem to covet it joy complains
sadly of his Hay, the Salt I mean, which he Says was not half made and is Rotten &
Rusty. our people make a Similar complaint here at home, tho it is not so bad, but
we are just upon Spring, tho there are three Months yet that the cattle want Hay.
there is plenty but they Do not Eat it well.
If comfort consists in quietness I believe Dr Preistly may say that his old Age is
the pleasentest part of his Life. if he come forward in America, and takes an active
part, he May find that Malice Envy and Evil Speaking, are not confined to great Britain—
We hear no more of Debates in Senate than if the Gallery was shut.
{ 190 } Tell Mrs Green that I know she will rejoice with me, that the fine Hair which she
Solicited Genll Wane to leave her, was not as she prophesied Sacrificed to the Tome Hauk, but that
it still remains to adorn the head of the Wearer now crowned with laurels.
present me kindly to mrs Washington and to all other Who express a regard for Your
[signed] A Adams
P S— Mrs Brisler lost her Sister Baxter on Saturday1
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Feb. 28. 1796 / ansd March 9.”
1. Rhoda Field Baxter (1756–1796), an older sister of Esther Field Briesler, died on
27 February. She had married Edward Willard Baxter (1756–1823) in 1781 (Sprague, Braintree Families).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0098
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-02-28
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] London February 28. 1796.
[salute] My Dear Mother.
The last Letter I wrote you should have gone by the Galen,1 but from being postponed to the last moment, the opportunity was lost, and it will
now be delivered to you, together with this by my friend Mr: Gardner who goes with Scott. He has also the goodness to take charge of the cloaks
for yourself and Louisa, for which you wrote to my brother Thomas. As he remained
at the Hague, I undertook the commission myself, and hope you will think I have acquitted
myself of it to your satisfaction. I must not however pride myself much upon the subject,
for I have given full proof upon another commission which came at the same time, of
satin for Mrs: Welsh, that I am not always to be trusted in this way. The Doctor sent a small strip
for a pattern, and I am perfectly ashamed to say that I have lost it2
The cloaks were chosen by Mrs: Johnson, and by her second daughter, a very amiable young lady bearing the name of
Louisa Catherine, which was one of my inducements for requesting her to select the
cloak for her namesake.3 You will please to request of Louisa her acceptance of it as a token of my regard,
and will permit me to present the other, as a mark of grateful affection to yourself.
I have received your letter by Mr: Coles, containing twenty coupons for which you wish to have new obligations taken.4 As I am in expectation of returning in a short time to the Hague I shall take them
with me. I shall purchase you a watch agreeable to your request, but such an article
requiring some time for trial before its merit can be ascertained I shall send it
by some future opportunity.
From the newspapers which I send you will find that nothing very
{ 191 }
material is now passing in Europe. The talk about negotiations for Peace continues,
but it is too late in the season to expect an agreement without the trial of another
campaign. Such at least is the probable appearance, though all the belligerent powers
“Howe’er they may affect the style of Gods”5
are exhausted beyond the possibility of much further endurance
The pamphlets of Louvet and Madame Roland. The life of Dumouriez and the apologetic
account of Sieyes have been so long published, that possibly they may have reached
you already.6 They contain many curious and interesting details upon the strange eventful history
of the french Revolution, which has had so many desperate enemies, so many frantic
friends, and so few impartial judges.
Every thing here is very quiet, although the scarcity of bread is constantly increasing.
The winter has been mild beyond all example, which has been a great alleviation to
those who would have suffered most from the scarcity, but apprehensions are entertained
that its effect upon the following harvest, will be unfavourable.
Our latest Letters from America, give us upon the whole a more pleasing aspect of
the state of affairs than we had apprehended. They encourage the hope that our Peace
will yet be preserved, and this comprehends in itself the enjoyment of almost every
blessing that a Nation can possess.
Mr: Randolph’s pamphlet has been republished here, and a very curious thing it is.7 Among the thousand proofs that I meet with every day of the influence that party
spirit has upon the moral sense I have considered it as one of the strongest, that
there are Americans who avow themselves of opinion that his conduct amounted only
to an indiscretion, and that he has been harshly treated.
While I am writing I receive the Boston Centinels to the 27th: of January. The speech of the Governor at the opening of the Session is almost as
strange to me as Randolph’s Vindication. Indeed the People of Massachusetts have great
respect for persons, or they would hardly suffer a man depreciated to the delivery
of such a speech to appear in the face of the World, as their chief Magistrate. The
answers of the two Houses are a little more considerate, though the “most popular”
branch as his Excellency has it, cannot help a trifle of trimming as usual.
My latest letters from my brother Thomas were of January 27.8 He
{ 192 }
has had a touch of his old rheumatic complaint but had got better, and writes in good
spirits. I hope to see him again soon, but how soon I am yet unable to say.
Your ever affectionate Son
[signed] John Q. Adams.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: Adams.”; endorsed: “J Q A Febry 28 1796.” FC-Pr (Adams Papers); APM Reel 131.
1. The ship Galen, Capt. Benjamin Eddy, departed from Gravesend on 22 Feb. (London Lloyd’s List, 23 Feb.; Boston Columbian Centinel, 16 April). Apparently JQA’s letter was not the only thing left behind. The Massachusetts Mercury, 15 April, reported upon its arrival that the Galen had “six passengers engaged; but punctuality as to the time of sailing occasioned
their being left behind.”
3. That is, Catherine Nuth Johnson, for whom see Descriptive List of Illustrations, Nos. 6 and 7, above, and her daughter Louisa Catherine Johnson (1775–1852, designated
as LCA in The Adams Papers), who would marry JQA in 1797. LCA and JQA may have met for the first time while still children in Nantes, France, but were
reintroduced during JQA’s time in London in the winter of 1795–1796. They spent considerable time together
throughout the spring of 1796 and on 5 May became engaged. A few weeks later JQA returned to his duties at The Hague, leaving LCA behind until such time as he could afford to support her as his wife. His first letter
to her is dated 2 June, and she wrote to him for the first time on 4 July, both below.
In true Adams family style, they would continue to correspond regularly with one another
whenever separated for the remainder of their lives. More than a year later—and after
no small number of misunderstandings and disagreements, amply documented in their
correspondence, below— JQA returned to London and married LCA on 26 July 1797 at the Church of All Hallows Barking (LCA, D&A, 1:xxii, 19).
4. See AA to JQA, 6 Dec. 1795, above.
5. Shakespeare, Much Ado about Nothing, Act V, scene i, line 37.
6. Jean Baptiste Louvet de Couvray’s Narrative of the Dangers to Which I Have Been Exposed, Marie Jeanne Roland’s An Appeal to Impartial Posterity, and Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès’ An Account of the Life of Sieyès were all published in London in 1795. Charles François Dumouriez’ Life of General Dumouriez, 3 vols., appeared in London in 1796; a copy is in JA’s library at MB (Catalogue of JA’s Library).
7. Edmund Randolph’s pamphlet was reprinted in London in 1796 under the title Interesting State Papers, from President Washington, M. Fauchet and M. Adet. Likewise
Conferences with George Hammond … Quoted by Edmund Randolph, Late Secretary of State,
and Included in a Defence of His Resignation of that Office.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0099
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-02-28
Elizabeth Smith Shaw Peabody to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Atkinson Feb. 28th 1796
[salute] My Dear Sister
I am very sorry that I could not send Betsy Quincy with her Cousin,1 but my being unwell prevented my having her in readiness— Upon my own account I feel
loth to part with her, but when I consider her advantage, & how much she improved
in the last year,
{ 193 }
I think I should be doing her injustice, if I were not solicitous to place her again
in a situation, where having gained five talents, she might gain five more; wishing
that she might have her mind impressed with the necessity of striving to excell in
Every thing that is worthy of praise—in that kind of knowledge which may qualify her
for useful life—cultivating that modest condescending, sweet disposition which is
the ornament of our Sex, & the only mean of making ourselves, or others happy. Betsy
Quincy has enjoyed very good health since she came home, has not been troubled with
alarming head-ach’s— I suppose her ride home was of service to her—but I fear as the
Spring comes on, she will be unstrung again— my Children’s fibres are all too relaxed—
They partake too much of their Mothers feeble Constitution. When I think of my self,
I am astonished that this feeble fabrick of mine should have continued to this day— I know not how it has been preserved—it seems as if much firmer tenements
must have fallen— After severe shocks I recruit, & hope to be useful Yet in Life,
& enjoy my full portion of happiness, by endeavouring to make those arround me pleased,
accommodating myself not only to the Family I am in, but to the Parish, learning of
you to rise with dignity, & fall with ease—with the grave to be serious, with the
gay, to be cheerfull, kindly affectioned to all, evincing to the world a principle
within, which like a pole Star guides & directs Every motion—
I thank you for all your kindness to William, I hope he will be preserved from evil,
& those temptations which await an inexperienced youth—
I know you will be sorry to find Betsy still stoops downward. I have done everything
in my power to persuade, & command, & flatter her, if possible into a more erect posture—but
all in vain— her bones will be closely knit soon, & her shape will be ruined— I have
had more hard words upon this account than I ever thought I should have with a child—
She is always displeased when I tell her she can, & ought to stand better— I had some
serious talk with her upon the subject, & have told her, I should not say more, she
might take her course— She might see me look distressed by her leaning, & standing,
but I would not speak unless I forgot— Still my Sister I am loth to give her up. I
wish you if possible my Sisters to devise some method to get her up— I know she can
stand as strait as you, or I, & it is nothing but a trick— It seems as if my Children,
had more singularities than others— I intend to keep a close watch upon
{ 194 }
Abby—& in Mr Peabody I have an attentive Partner, who is one of the warmest advocates
for female education, & will I doubt not, assist me in the education of this little
cheerful creature— he loves her very much already— He thinks Betsy Quincy capable
of making a fine woman, when her Judgment is properly matured—that she still wants
a steady hand, firm, & tender—
You say you gave William leave to open my Letter, I believe we must be a little cautious—
I forget particulars— I think it was not quite so bad as “whip the bearer”—though
possibly he might find a check upon himself—2
I hope you will make Betsy useful to you, it will most assuredly give her pleasure,
as well as to your affectionate / Sister
[signed] Elizabeth Peabody
RC (Adams Papers); docketed by Richard Cranch: “Mrs E Peabody to Mrs / Adams. Feb 28th 1796.”
1. Betsy Smith, William and Catharine Salmon Smith’s daughter.
2. That is, Elizabeth Peabody’s letter to AA of 6 Feb., which AA indicated William Shaw could open in her letter to Peabody of 12 Feb., both above.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0100
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1796-02-29
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] Quincy Fe’bry 29th 1796
[salute] my Dear son
Seven Months were nearly elapsed, from the Date of Your former Letter, to the receipt
of yours on the 22 of this Month Which was of Nov’br 7th; from Helvoetsluice.1 You from experience can judge, how acceptable it was to me. the very sight of a Letter
exilirates my Spirits, and I tread back ten years in an instant.
I felt all you described from your Situation, and could trace you into the Same appartments
which I had occupied on a former occasion, experiencing the same impatience and Disgust,
but on the Ill of Wight. tho a Much pleasenter Spot, all my patience was exhausted
by a three weeks detention, without Work, without Books.2 I never knew before the force of that expression, Ennui, for which I believe we have
not any English word, but the thing itself I felt in all its force. Those Scenes have
all past as a Dream; and Many others have rapidly Succeeded. I have now been Stationary
for three years. Whether I am to remain so, or Whether a different portion is allotted
for me, remains to be unfolded of one thing I am certain, that if Envy owes Me a grudge,
now is her time to covet my portion of felicity, whilst I am in the peacefull enjoyment
of Domestick
{ 195 }
quiet, free from the anxious cares & Solisitudes, Which are always attendant upon
the Most elevated Stations
O Might Reflection, Folly’s place Supply
Would she one moment use her pierceing Eye
Then might she learn what woe from Ruling springs
And learn to pitty, not to Envy xxxxx—3
it was Naturel my Dear son for you, to make the reflections you Did upon your Fathers
wish, and at the Same time learning that Your Brother was united to the choice of
his Heart. I do not wonder that it awakened the Dorment feelings of Your soul, and
uncoverd the fire, which tho Smotherd, gleamd up again, upon the recollection of the
Sacrifice You had made.
“When Stern prudence quenchd the unwilling flame”4 only virtuous Souls are capable of true attachments, and Sincere Friendships are
more generally form’d at an early age, when the Heart is tender Soft and unsuspicious,
before we have been jostled by the tumults of Life, and put out of humour and conceit
of the World or the paltry competitions of Ambition and avarice freeze up the generous
current of the Soul, but it must be longer than I hope you will remain single, before
you reach that frigid state. therefore Do not despair of one Day feeling a similar
regard for a kindred soul Yet in reserve for You. That particular Providence which
presides over all his creatures, had some demands upon You, and some call for the
exercise of those tallents entrusted to you, which could be better performd in a single,
than a Married state. a connection at that early period of your Life, would have embarressed
You, and greatly frustrated your future usefulness. let the consciousness of having
acted right console you. prehaps it Might be, encouraging a hope that prudence ought
to surpress, if I was to Say that I believed the object of Your regard, will never
connect herself whilst you remain Single. She may not appear to you in a few years
with all those outward attractions which the Bloom of 18 gave her. Time will Dim the
Lusture of the Eye, and wither the bloom of the face, tho it may perfect and mature
those Mental attractions Which yeald a more permanant, and solid satisfaction, when
the ardour of passion, setles into the more lasting union of Friendship or to express
myself in the words, of the Lover, and the poet,
“The Damask roses blooming in her face
Alass too soon shall wither and decay,
{ 196 }And Natures hand that gave the glowing Grace
that very hand shall take it soon away;
Yet while he plants the wrinkles on her Brow
And plucks the flowing Auburn from her Head
Superiour Beauties shall old Time bestow
And give the Virtues in the Graces stead”5
Your Brother Charles writes me that he is very happy in his connection.6 Sally is an amiable virtuous Girl, with every disposition to make him a good wife
and it will be his fault, if he is not in future what he now is. when I was in NYork
I had much conversation with her, and tho I advised them to continue longer single,
I did not wish to Shake their determination, to be for none other.
as this Letter Seem to be appropriated to Love, I will not contammiate it with politicks
but conclude it with the wish of Dulcinea that I would Speak a good word for her.
I read to her that part of Your Letter in which You speak so Well of her Swain. it
lighted up her countanance and brightned it into a smile and a blush; after standing
a moment or two contemplating upon it, she said it was very refreshing to her. she
wonderd when You would come home. I believe he has not received a Letter I inclosed to you for him.
you do not acknowledg the recept of any dated in sep’br7
I received a Letter from Thomas of the same date with Yours, but one of the 25 to
Mr Quincy gave me the agreable intellegence of your safe arrival in London8 You will get many Letters from Your Friends if they arrive safe
The last Letter from you to your Father was dated in october and No 12—9
we have been a long time Without intellegence from abroad. The Treaty with Algiers
was brought to N York by col John Smith from Lisbon,10 & Charles went express with it, and the Sword and other Presents to the President
on the 10th of this Month. neither the British or spanish Treaty had arrived on the 20th. I came very nigh breaking my word without reflecting upon my promise on the other
page, to avoid further Temptation I subscribe your / ever affectionate Mother
[signed] Abigail Adams
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “my Mother. / 29. Feby: 1796. Quincy / 26. April. recd: London. / 5. May do: Answered.”
1. Prior to JQA’s letter to AA of 7 Nov. 1795, his next most recent letter had been of 30 July, both above.
4. “There stern religion quench’d th’ unwilling flame” (Alexander Pope, “Eloisa to Abelard,”
line 39).
5. Ferdinand, “Upon Miranda’s Birth-Day,” lines 65–72, in The New-York Magazine, 2:174–175 (March 1791).
6. See CA to AA, 31 Jan. 1796, above.
7. See JQA to AA, 7 Nov. 1795, and note 8, above.
8. Not found.
9. Probably JQA to JA, 31 Oct. 1795, above, which is actually No. 14. For JQA’s letter No. 12, dated 31 Aug., see JA to JQA, 25 Aug., note 5, above.
10. AA had this news from JA in a letter dated 10 Feb. 1796 (Adams Papers); he, in turn, learned of it from CA.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0101
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-01
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Phila. March 1. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
Yesterday the President sent his Carriage for me to go with the Family to the Theatre.
The Rage and the Spoiled Child were the two Pieces.1 it rained and the House was not full. I thought I perceived a little Mortification.
Mr George Washington & his fair Lady were with Us.
Yours of 21st gives me a Satisfactory Account of farming. I think I would engage Billings if I
could— I must leave it to you to give him what you think fit.
There is no Vessell up for Boston and Seeds are very Scarce and uncommonly dear.
As to the Subject of yours of the 20th. I am quite at my Ease— I never felt less Aniety when any considerable Change lay
before me. aut transit aut finit— I transmigrate or come to an End. The Question is
between living at Phila. or at Quincy. between great Cares and Small Cares. I have looked into myself and
See no meanness nor dishonesty there. I See Weakness enough. But no timidity. I have
no concern on your Account but for your health. A Woman can be silent, when she will.
After all, Persuasion may overcome the Inclination of the Chief to retire— But if
it should, it will Shorten his days I am convinced. His heart is set upon it, and
the Turpitude of the Jacobins touches him more nearly than he owns in Words. All the
Studied Efforts of the Fœds, to counterballance Abuses by Compliments dont answer
the End. I Suspect, but dont know, that Patrick Henry, Mr Jefferson, Mr Jay and Mr Hamilton will all be voted for. I ask no questions: but questions are forced upon
me— I have had Some Conversations purposely Sought, in order as I believe indeed as
I know, to
{ 198 }
convince me, that the Fœds had no thought of overleaping the Succession.
The only Question that labours in my Mind is whether I shall retire with my file Leader?
I hate to live in Phila. in Summer and I hate still more to relinquish my farm— I hate Speeches, Messages
Addresses & answers, Proclamations and such Affected, studied constrained Things—
I hate Levees & Drawing Rooms— I hate to Speak to a 1000 People to whom I have nothing
to Say— Yet all this I can do— But I am too old to continue more than one or at <least> most more than two heats, and that is scarcely time enough to form conduct & compleat
any very useful system.
Electioneering enough We shall have—the enclosed Scraps will shew Specimens.2
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Ms A”; endorsed: “March 1 1796.”
1. Frederick Reynolds’ The Rage!, and The Spoil’d Child, attributed to various authors including Isaac Bickerstaff, were both performed at
the New Theatre in Philadelphia on 29 Feb. (Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 27 Feb.).
2. The enclosures have not been found but possibly came from the Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 1 March, which included various jibes against Federalists, particularly about the
Jay Treaty, including the following: “A marine correspondent observes, that shallops
and pettiaugers must now be built, to carry on our much favoured trade, agreeably
to treaty, with the British West India islands! and such small crafts as are, by the treaty, permitted to go to those islands, are in future to be registered,
and called (neither sloops nor schooners, but) Jays; viz, the Jay Washington, the Jay Adams, the Jay Hamilton, the Jay Pickering, the Jay Wolcott, the Jay Knox, the Jay Lawrence, the Jay King, the Jay Willcocks; and, the Blue Jay, Harper Pink, &c. &c. &c.”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0102
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-03-02
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy March 2d 1796
[salute] my Dearest Friend
Our Little Town of Quincy is become so rich that they can vote a Thousand Dollors
to Build a School House, Yet cannot pay a Tax to their Minister which has been Due
for more than two years.1 Your proportion of the Tax for the present Year including your part of the 300 for
the School house is 187 Dollors 30 cents. the Braintree Tax I have not yet seen. both
the collector & the School committe want the Tax. I promised Baxter that he Should
have 50 Dollors of it provided he would make an exertion to get the rest for mr Wibird
as he said he was determined to do by March meeting. our Neighbour Joseph Baxter is
the collector.2 Captain Beals has really made a fine story out to the Town & prevaild upon them to
vote & Tax for this Thousand Dollors to Build the School House. I should have supposed
500 might have answerd as well. it is to be Set upon the
{ 199 }
Green by the meeting house, built 2 Storey high. the School House to be divided, part
for Girls & part for Boys, over the whole a large Room for the Town to Do buisness
in, or to be let as an Assembly Room. Quincy is to Rival Hingham. we shall have an accademy, and being so much nearer Boston
Gentlemen & Ladies will prefer sending their children here. it will bring into Town
a Mint of Money, & raise the value of estates in Town Six pr cent, and all this I have Done for the Town. at this very œconomical time of Building I fancy the cash
will come harder than the vote. the Timber is cut & Pratt has engaged to Build it.
Mr Wibird has not been out but once this winter, and then was not able to get in or
out of the Carriage but with help. How can you says Yorick; captain shandy live comfortless
and alone, without a Bosom to lean Your head upon—or trust Your cares to?3 next to that, is being seperated half a Year at a Time. no Man even if he is sixty
Years of age ought to live more than three Months at a Time from his Family, and our
Country is a very hard hearted tyrannical nigardly Country. it has committed more
Robberies upon me, and obliged me to more Sacrifices than any other woman in the Country
and this I will mantain, against any one who will venture to come forward and dispute
it with me. as there never can be a compensation for me, I must sit down with this
consolation that it might have been worse.
we have a Young Gentleman Preaching for us by the Name of Fisk. upon the whole I like
him better than any other we have had. in the first place he has an Excellnt countanance,
in the 2d he is very social & much of a Gentleman, and in the 3d he is a very good
preacher I do not however expect that we shall ever be so fortunate as to get all
these qualifications united in a minister for Quincy4
The Season is mild, the Snow is leaving us. I must think of attacking the canker worm—if
any such I find. Grain is rising fast. I am thankfull I am so well supplied with flower.
I have not been able to purchase Rye under 9 Shillings pr Bushel. corn has got to
seven I hear. if our places are out I hope we shall not have occasion to Buy. I must
soon have an other hand. mr Bass’s services are not worth much. the old Man has the
Jaundice, and is weak and feeble. Copland has been so steady through the winter that
I must keep him I presume provided he does not rise too high in his price. he knows
so well every part of the Farm & the buisness, But with new hands I should be at a
loss in your absence.
we have had for three Days last week a fog as thick as
{ 200 }
Philadelphia, so it put me in mind of the old story, [Sprawls?] &c I hope to shake
it of, for I am better of my cold, and the Bark I have had recourse to.
The last of Your Fathers sisters Dyed a fortnight since. I learnt it only from the
Chronical for the Family never sent us any word, not even to your Mother who was here
on saturday and desires to be rememberd to you With Parental affection.5 I bought the good Lady a winter Gown when I was in Town, with which she was much
pleasd. it did me good to see how much, and I have it in Charge over & over again
to thank You for the flower Sent. I think her Health better for the discharge she
has had from her Arm—
I am with the Sincerest Regard / ever your
[signed] A Adams
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. March 2. Ansd 11 / 1796.”
1. In April 1793 the recently incorporated town of Quincy voted to build a school. No
further action was taken until 1 Oct. 1795 when another vote reaffirmed the plan and
selected a committee to design the structure and estimate the costs involved. At the
16 Nov. town meeting a site on the town’s training field, near the current First Church,
was approved. A wooden structure with two floors, the grammar school was housed on
the bottom story and a winter “ciphering school” for advanced students was on the
upper story, which also served as a town hall. It is unclear when classes began, but
the town meeting first took place there on 8 Dec. 1796. The structure burned in 1815
(Pattee, Old Braintree, p. 91, 329–330).
2. Capt. Joseph Baxter (1740–1829) had previously served in a variety of town posts in
Quincy (Sprague, Braintree Families).
3. Laurence Sterne, The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, vol. 2, ch. 25.
4. Possibly John Fiske (1770–1855), Dartmouth 1791, the great-grandson of Rev. Moses
Fiske who had served as minister of the church from 1672 to 1708. John Fiske was installed
as the pastor of the First Church of New Braintree in Aug. 1796 (Albert A. Fiske,
The Fiske Family: A History of the Family, Chicago, 1867, p. 189; Frederic A. Whitney, An Historical Sketch of the Old Church, Quincy, Mass., Albany, N.Y., 1864, p. 15, 16).
5. Bethiah (or Bethia) Adams Hunt Bicknell Hayward died on 3 Feb. (Sprague, Braintree Families). The news appeared in the Boston Independent Chronicle, 11 February.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0103
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-03
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Phila. March 3. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I recd this morning your favour of Feb. 22.—the more agreable as it was not very confidently
expected. I should be glad to see Mr Copley.
Charles brought the Treaty from Col. John Smith who brought it from Lisbon. I hope
you will have Letters by the Vessell you mention from Rotterdam.
The Treaties with Spain & Algiers have been unanimously Sanctioned by senate and that
with Britain is proclaimed. The House will try to make a little Noise.1
{ 201 } Elsworth was this day nominated Chief Justice—2I see that at Boston & Cambridge &c the Birth Day was celebrated with great Splendor
as it was here—3 The old song is verified as I always said it would be “The more he is envied the
higher he’l rise.”4 Increase of abuse will produce an increase of Adulation.
What gave great Villiers to th’ Assassins Knife
And fix’d disease on Harleys closing Life?
What murder’s Wentworth and what exil’d Hyde
By Kings protected and to Kings ally’d?
What but their Wish indulged in Courts to shine
And Power too great to keep or to resign?5
The Power of the P. may be too great to keep or to resign. If it is, he may meet with
the Fate of Harley.6
It is, Somehow, Strangely, the Opinion of many and among those are some of his best
Friends that he ought to retire. No one, that I have heard, has presum’d to say he
would not if he were in the P.s case.—
He has now settled all Disputes with foreign Nations and may retire with undiminish’d
Glory.
I find the V. P. toasted at most of the Feasts and even Brown has announced Mr Adams’s appearance at the Theatre with Pleasure.7 All this is as I, conjecture Electioneering. The other side will probably begin soon.
And I shall regard it all with as much Apathy, as is in my nature.— I feel collected
and unmoved. The Principle of the Conclave goes a great Way in many Elections. All
Parties will frequently concurr in the Choice of the oldest Cardinal, because he cannot
hold the Papal Chair long.— I am so old that they all know they can make me miserable
enough to be glad to get out of it as soon as Washington if not in half the time.
June is the earliest Month that gives a hope to release me. I Suppose you must buy
hay— You have not told me whether I am to expect a Colt. Am glad our Men are frugal
of their English Hay.
I am most affectionately and / ardently, notwithstanding I have been / so so long
your
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “March 3. 1796.”
1. Democratic-Republicans, having failed to block the Jay Treaty in the Senate the previous
June, now hoped to prevent its implementation in the House of Representatives. House
Republicans pursued two strategies. For the first, a demand that George Washington
turn over papers outlining the treaty’s negotiations for review by the House, see
JA { 202 }
to AA, 19 March, and note 1, below. The second involved attempting to defeat the resolution
for the treaty’s appropriations. This effort generated considerable debate but failed
narrowly when the House approved the implementation of the treaty by a vote of 51
to 48 on 30 April (Combs, Jay Treaty, p. 171, 175–176, 186–187).
2. After William Cushing declined to accept the appointment as chief justice of the U.S.
Supreme Court, Washington nominated Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut on 3 March. The
next day the Senate approved his nomination by a vote of 21 to 1. Ellsworth resigned
as U.S. senator to accept the new post (U.S. Senate, Exec. Jour., 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 203–204; DAB).
3. JA likely heard about the Boston and Cambridge birthday events from an early copy of
the Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 4 March, which reported on both. At Cambridge, Harvard students illuminated the
college in Washington’s honor, then retired early, “saying to each other it would
be disgraceful to pretend to honor WASHINGTON with riot and disorder.” In Philadelphia,
the occasion was marked by the ringing of bells and firing of cannon. A “splendid
ball and supper” took place in the evening, where toasts were given to Washington
himself, “United America,” and “the constituted Authorities of our Country” (Philadelphia
Aurora General Advertiser, 23 Feb.; Philadelphia Gazette, 25 Feb.).
4. “Then dare to be generous, dauntless, and gay; / Let’s merrily pass life’s remainder
away: / Upheld by our friends, we our foes may despise; / For the more we are envied
the higher we rise” (“With an Honest Old Friend,” lines 9–12, Calliope; or, The Musical Miscellany, London, 1788, p. 275–276).
5. Samuel Johnson, “The Vanity of Human Wishes,” lines 129–134.
6. Robert Harley, 1st Earl of Oxford (1661–1724), had served as Speaker of the Commons
and chancellor of the exchequer when he became lord treasurer in 1711; at the time
he was the most powerful member of Parliament. Oxford was dismissed on 27 July 1714
by Queen Anne over a political dispute, and in 1715 he was committed to the Tower
of London and faced impeachment charges for his role in the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht
(DNB).
7. Andrew Brown’s Philadelphia Gazette, 1 March 1796, noted in an article on the Philadelphia theater that “The pleasures
of the entertainment were heightened by the presence of the beloved WASHINGTON, his
Lady, and Mr. Adams, the Vice-President.”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0104
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-03-05
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy March 5 1796—
[salute] my Dearest Friend
Thursday post brought me Yours of the 20th 23 & 24.1 we have had a good Season for buisness and our Teams have Stood Still a very few
Days the whole winter. they have carted Me home all the Wood cut by vesey. they have
carried all the manure up pens Hill designd for the corn. they have Sledded Some stones
and they have carried up 36 loads of manure upon the Stoney Feild Hill. they have
Drawn all the Timber home from the plain and some from the Woods, and by the help
of a little Snow again tho a Small quantity. they are going this Day to get home Some
more. our cattle have not fed on corn oats or Barley. be sure Copland has given them
their share of English Hay, but all agree that the cattle look much better than they
did last Year. I ought to have enumerated the manure carted & spread upon Quincy meddow.
that Ground I have retaind for this place. as Soon as the Season will permit the Hill
before the Door
{ 203 }
will be cross plowd our people say the turnings are so short, that it will take more
Time and is worse to plow than when first Done. So much for Farming
The Electionering Toast, You sent me, I answer by one equally good, from Ipswich [“]3.
John Adams. May his Virtues, Genius and knowledge long revolve, the first planet from
our political Sun” poor Sam’ll got a Rap. “Sam’ll Adams. May not the errors of Dotage disgrace that Life whose manhood was usefull
to his Country.[”] the Toast were all good and sentimental as were those of Newburry
port. 2d was the V President and congress may the prosperity and happiness of the American
people, still form their Eulogy. 8th. The Ancient Dominion—May the State that gave Birth to a Washington never tarnish
her Lusture by disorganizing measures. 9th The late Self-created Societies—Peace to their manes. May no sacrilegious hand Disturb
their ashes.2
I thank you for mr Harpers address. a Friend had sent me one before, of the 1 Edition.
I cannot say that the thought did not occur to me, that the letter of mr Jays would
be attributed to the Motive asscribed. I believe it to be a fair and honest statement
of his sentiments, written in plain Simple stile.3
I yesterday received a Letter from Thomas of the 1 of December which I inclose to
you. I think we may expect daily to hear from England I hope to get Letters from thence
I shall send to Thomas by a vessel going to Amsterdam Peter P. & mr Harpers address.4 if you have all Camillus in a Pamphlet, be So good as to send Me one. We have only
printed here 22 Numbers
I hope you will write our Dear Sons, particularly Thomas by any vessel going to Hamburgh
or Holland as the communication is more difficult, to him than to England. return
me his Letter when you have read it
I know Law. he will never See 45 again unless he lives to ninety. he will Do for a Virginna Girl, who would stand
no chance, where Black are so plenty and Manners so licentious of Marrying one of
her own States Men, without some progeny.5 I suppose they are not over Delicate in their feelings. I would not give up the Heavenly
sinsations of a virtuous Love, even at this advanced period of Life, for all the wealth
of all the Indias. my Children are much dearer to me than they could otherways have
been, and much more deserving of my Regard. I do not like these Marriages of Jan’ry & May, particularly, when Jan’ry is batterd by passing inclement Seasons and
{ 204 }
connected with profligate companions, even tho a Jointure was to be added in proportion
to the Age of the Party, or the hundreds increased as the head was hoary, and the
Frame enfeabled. there never can be with such a Disparity, a Durable union of Hearts.
Age must blunt the fine feelings of the Soul, and the delicious harmony of according
Hearts. Nature is opposed to it, or why has she placed at so great a Distance from
each other the Torrid and the frigid Zones?
You must not tell the Good Lady all this Story. tell her that I hope the connextion
will be productive of much Satisfaction to her, but that I say when I was young I
liked a young Man much better for a companion than an old one. I cannot help feeling
pained for my poor Lad who in his last Letter made so much of a confession of his
past pangs and strugles; I think with Yorick, that [“]Love is not a misfortune from
a persuasion that a Mans Heart is ever the better for it”6
I must bid you adieu. My paper warns me to close, and to assure you of the Sincerest
attachment / of Your
[signed] A Adams—
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. March 5 / 1796.”
1. JA’s 20 Feb. letter reported that “Electioneering begins to open her Campaign” and that
Thomas Jefferson and John Jay would compete for the vice presidency if George Washington
were to continue as president. As for JA’s own situation, he told AA, “My Mind you know is made up and I am much at my Ease.— I am impatient and distressed
while my Mind is in suspence— Once decided I have no longer any Uneasiness.” On the
24th, JA wrote again, commenting on the cold and snowy weather, the annual celebration of
Washington’s birthday on 22 Feb., and the arrival of the treaty from Spain (both Adams Papers). For JA’s letter of 23 Feb., see note 5, below.
2. For the Newburyport and Ipswich toasts, see the Boston Federal Orrery, 29 Feb. and 3 March, respectively.
3. JA enclosed Robert Goodloe Harper’s pamphlet in his letter to AA of 20 Feb., for which see note 1, above. Harper originally published An Address from Robert Goodloe Harper, of South-Carolina, to His Constituents, Containing
His Reasons for Approving of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation, with Great-Britain, Phila., 1795, Evans, No. 28802, to justify his decision to vote in favor of the Jay Treaty. Later editions
appended a letter from Jay to Harper dated 19 Jan.; see, for example, Evans, Nos. 30539 and 30540. Jay’s letter, which JA described to AA on 20 Feb. as “called by the southern Gentlemen an Electioneering Letter,” defended
his neutrality regarding U.S. foreign policy. Jay wrote, “As it is my duty, so it
is my inclination and resolution, never to be a partizan of any foreign court or nation;
but to be and remain with those independent and genuine Americans, who think it unwise
and improper to meddle in foreign politics.” Jay also sought to offer a more nuanced
explanation of his support for the French Revolution than Harper had provided in his
pamphlet.
4. See AA to TBA, 10 March, below.
5. Thomas Law, for whom see vol. 10:310 and LCA, D&A, 2:424, married Elizabeth Parke Custis on 21 March. He was 39 years old, and she was
19. In 1802 husband and wife were separated when Law went abroad, and this separation
was formalized upon his return to the United States in 1804. In 1811 they legally
divorced. JA wrote of the engagement to AA on 23 Feb. 1796, recounting that Martha Washington, Custis’ grandmother, “is as gay
as a Girl and tells the story in a very humerous stile. Mr. Law says he is only 35
Years of Age and altho the Climate of India
{ 205 }
has given him an older look Yet his Constitution is not impaired beyond his Years” (Allen C. Clark, Thomas Law: A Biographical Sketch, Washington, D.C., 1900, p. 11–12; Jefferson, Papers, Retirement Series, 3:209; Adams Papers).
6. Laurence Sterne, The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, vol. 8, ch. 26.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0105
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-05
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia March 5. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I Yesterday recd the Letter inclosed from my Son and in the Evening the President told me he had Letters
from him.1 You will perceive the Prudence of reserving to yourself the hint in his Letter to
me, as every Thing of the Kind will be eagerly Seized and easily exaggerated.
The Treaties are all ratified by the Senate and Yesterday Mr Elsworths Nomination was consented to as Chief Justice, by which We loose the clearest
head and most dilligent hand We had. It will give a Stability to the Government however,
to place a Man of his Courage Constancy fortitude and Capacity in that situation.
The Nomination of Mr Chase had given Occasion to uncharitable Reflections and Mr Wilsons ardent Speculations had given offence to some, and his too frequent affectation
of Popularity to others.2 Though Elsworth has the Stiffness of Connecticutt: though His Air and Gait are not
elegant; though He cannot enter a Room nor retire from it with the Ease and Grace
of a Courtier: Yet his Understanding is as sound, his Information as good and his
heart as Steady as any Man can boast.
The Newspapers inclosed in my sons Letter were no later than the date of it and contain
nothing but what has been already detailed in our own Newspapers.
The Honours done to the President on his Birth Day have been very magnificent. at
Boston and Cambridge very striking. Here it was all Dance and Glare. I Suppose the
Remembrance of the V. P. on those occasions considering that for the most part they
forget him is with a View to the Reelection approaching. Last Night a Gentleman at
a Dinner interrogated another who is of an opposite Party to him, to know who they
intended to propose or set up for V. P. instead of Clinton. The Answer was I dont
know but I believe Mr Langdon.3
There is very little indeed nothing said in my Hearing concerning an illustrious Resignation.
Nobody Speaks to me and I Speak to nobody of it. As it is easier to enter a Room with
Ease, Confidence & Propriety than it is to go out of it and as it is easier to stand
before
{ 206 }
an Ennemy in your front than in your Rear, as it is easier to attack a fortress than
it is to lie still and be attacked, Resignation, Retreat & Retirement will be found
more difficult than Acceptance. To hold an office a Year with a full and known Resolution
to resign, to adhere without wavering to that Resolution and then retire with Grace
and Applause is the most difficult Part to act which he has ever under taken. A few
Months will shew Us the fermentation that this Idea will Occasion and the Addresses
which will be made to his Passions to change his Mind. It will be Amusing to observe
these Things. Idolatry is as growing a Thing as ambition or Avarice. And the Prophanations
which have lately been offered to the Shrine have increased the Devotion of the Worshippers.
Priestley preached last sunday a sermon on the Religious Rites of the Gentiles in
which he exposed their Nakedness like an European to the Blushes and Mortification
of American hearers of both sexes.4
I am my Dearest &c
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “March 5th / 1796.”
1. Possibly JQA to JA, 17 Nov. 1795, for which see JQA to JA, 21 Nov., note 1, above. JA acknowledged receipt of the 17 Nov. letter in his to JQA of 25 March 1796 (Adams Papers). JQA had also written to Timothy Pickering on 14 Nov. 1795 (LbC, APM Reel 130) and 15 Nov. (MHi:Pickering Papers), which may have been the letters received by the president.
2. James Wilson, an associate justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, was mired in complicated
and extensive land speculations and other business dealings that made his finances
particularly precarious—a situation that may have influenced George Washington’s decision
to pass over Wilson for the position of chief justice (Charles Page Smith, James Wilson: Founding Father 1742–1798, Chapel Hill, N.C., 1956, p. 373–377).
3. The Democratic-Republicans considered several individuals to stand for vice president
alongside Thomas Jefferson in the 1796 election, including Robert R. Livingston, John
Langdon, and Pierce Butler. In the end, however, Aaron Burr became the candidate (Wood, Empire of Liberty, p. 211–212).
4. Joseph Priestley presented a series of lectures on revealed religion at the Universalists’
church in Philadelphia throughout the spring. The sermon JA describes here may have been one entitled “A View of Heathen Worship,” in which Priestley
discusses religion “in the heathen world, especially in the early ages of mankind,
about the time of Moses. … Very few, I am persuaded, of the modern unbelievers have
a just knowledge of this subject. If they had, it would, I hope, be impossible for
them to treat the religion of the Hebrews with so much contempt.” Priestley eventually
published the sermons together as Discourses Relating to the Evidences of Revealed Religion, Phila., 1796, Evans, No. 31051, dedicating the volume to JA, for which see AA to TBA, 8 Nov., and note 10, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0106
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-07
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia March 7. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I have made the necessary Inquiry concerning Seeds And have found the Price so extravagant
that I have concluded it imprudent to purchase any for Captn Beal, Dr Welsh Mr Dexter Dr Tufts or
{ 207 }
myself. And I desire you to purchase or request Dr Tufts to purchase for me one hundred and twenty Pounds of Clover Seed. The Second
Crop of Clover, from which alone they thresh the Seeds in Pensilvania, fell short
the last Season in Such a manner, that there is little at Market and none under a
Price so exorbitant that it would be folly to purchase it—from 20 to 24 dollars a
Bushell of about 60 pound Weight. The Traders have written to New England, and a great
deal of trash will be imported here from thence: but We may as well purchase at home,
as purchase our own seeds here and send them home.
My Health has been better this Winter than in any one since I had the Fever and Ague.
This Happiness I attribute to the free Use of my Horse, the last Summer. But I begin
to feel the Want of Exercise, and to fear that the Spring will incommode me. A dreary
Prospect of three months more to be wasted here, in doing little or nothing, vexes
me sore, but what cannot be cur’d must be endur’d.
I Sometimes think that I am labouring in vain and Spending my Life for nought, in
a fruitless Endeavour to preserve a Union that being detested on both Sides cannot
long last. But I shall persevere, as long as I can to do all I can to preserve a Compact
which is useful and might be more so, if the Pride of Aristocracy, and its Malice
against all Superiority did not Stand in its own Light as it always did and always
will. Bodies of Gentlemen Act with as little Union and as little Wisdom as Bodies
of Ladies or Bodies of Simplemen or Bodies of Mob. The Spark, whether it be in the
flint or the Steel, never comes out but by Collision. indeed a Spark is a drop or
Particle of melted, red hot iron. The Spark is in the Iron then but it can be Striken
out only by the blows of the flynt. Let the Wisdom then be in the Gentlemen if you
will—it will never fly out—it will never give light till it be Smitten by the flint,
or the Mass. But why do I write Pedantical Lectures to you? because I have nothing
else to say.
So farewell
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “March 7th 1796.”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0107
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-09
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia March 9. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I recd on Monday your two favours of 28. Feb. I am very glad you employed Pratt to cutt
the Timber, for it is high time I had a Barn to shelter my Hay that the Cattle may
not complain of it so much, as
{ 208 }
they do this Year, with Justice. I shall build only the shell this Year—Raise the
Barn & Board & shingle it.
The limed Manure upon the Hill I mean to have Spread upon the Grass Ground where it
lies.
I join Copland in his Request that the Thatch Bank may be let; to either French or
Burrell.
Priestley preaches once on a Sunday to a crouded Congregation, on the Evidences of
Religion and is much Admired.
I sent your Message to Mrs Green
Alass! Poor John! But his Father and his Mother too know what it is, to be cooped
up in Taverns Waiting for Winds— Aye and the Boy too has had more Experience of it
than a Million of old Men. Many a Week and many a Month as he been detained with me
waiting for Winds & Waves & ships both political and Physical.— He has resources within
to amuse and employ him.
I dont believe All the Points of Rochefaucaults Thought. Ambition and Love live together
very well. a Man may be mad with both at once. Witness Cæsar & Anthony with Cleopatra
& many others.
If the Young Man really loves, I will not thwart him— I have been anxious lest my
sons by early and indiscreet connections should embarrass themselves and Companions
in Poverty Distress & Misery from which it would not be in my Power to relieve them.
I have Seen Instances enough to Ruin from early Marriage. Azariah Faxon & sam Quincy
were two among many.1
The Birth Day has been celebrated very sufficiently. I have much doubt of the Propriety
of these Celebrations. In Countries where Birth is respected and where Authority goes
with it, there is congruity enough in such Feasts: But in Elective Governments the
Question is more doubtful. Probably the Practice will not be continued after another
Year.
In the Case you Suppose, Blair McClenican Swears with great Oaths before Giles and all of them that he will vote for
no Jeffersons & no other Man, but his old Friend of 1775.2 But there is no Certainty of any Change more than there has been for six months.
Every Body takes it for granted there will be— But my Opinion is it will kill the
Resigner.—
Affectionately
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “March 9 1796.”
1. Presumably Azariah Faxon, who married Dorcas Penniman at the age of 22, and Samuel
Quincy (1735–1789), who married Hannah Hill at age 26. Despite JA’s comments here, Faxon had a comfortable life as a farmer and schoolmaster in Braintree.
Quincy, a
{ 209 }
noted lawyer and friend of JA’s, became a loyalist and was separated from his wife for the latter years of their
marriage due to their competing political beliefs. But he was professionally quite
successful, and the couple had just reunited when Hannah Quincy died in 1782 (Sprague, Braintree Families; Sibley’s Harvard Graduates, 13:229, 479–486).
2. Blair McClenachan may have supported JA for president, but McClenachan, who was a former president of the Democratic Society
of Pennsylvania, was elected to Congress in 1796 as a staunch Democratic-Republican
and opponent of the Jay Treaty (Harry Marlin Tinkcom, The Republicans and Federalists in Pennsylvania, 1790–1801, Harrisburg, Penn., 1950, p. 89, 159–161).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0108
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1796-03-10
Abigail Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] Quincy March 10th 1796
[salute] my Dear Thomas.
I never feel so great a propensity to write as when I have just received a Letter.
Yours of Novbr 10th reach’d me on the 28th of Feb’y, and gave me a flow of Spirits which I have not experienced for a long time
before.1 I had been mourning and sighing to hear, from my Dear sons in vain. The Letters by
Mr Lamb were lost, together with the vessel captain, and all but one of his Hands
and mr Lamb, who like the Messengers of Jobe, were alone left to relate the Dismall
Catastrophe; the last Letters received from You prior to this came by Captain Gardner,2 and brought me the Miniatures and I can say with as much truth as the Lady of old,
[“]Here are My Jewells”3 the likenesses are so strong, the Eceution so admirable, that they are invaluable
to me. I have written to you often, but the communication is so obstructed Since the
War, between England and Holland, that we do not hear half as often. our Letters too
are liable to Capture so that the freedom of communication is much barred.
Your Letter of December the 1st has followd so soon after that of Nov’br that I had but just taken My pen to acknowledge the former, when the latter arrived.
You know how good and how Sweet it is to receive good tidings from a far Country,
but you do not know the lively sensations, or the glow of pleasure which a Parent
feels at hearing from a Dear and long absent child.
My last Letters to you, and to Your Brother were written the beginning of winter,4 and at a time when our publick affairs wore an unpleasent aspect. the ferment occasiond
by the Ratification of the Treaty with great Britain, was at its height. The Jacobins,
aided by foreign influence, and foreign Gold made a bold push, first attacked mr Jay,
and then the President in a voilent, base low and virulent manner in Anonymous publications;
but Atlas stood unmoved, not a
{ 210 }
shaft but fell blunted to the ground. The people of our Country have a Characteristic
trait. tho sometimes mislead and Deceived, they wish to know what is just and Right,
and to conduct accordingly. in the 30 years of my Life, in which I have attentively
observed them, I have always found them return to the Right path, as soon as they
have had time to weigh consider and reflect.
The Legislatures of all the States from New Hampshire to Maryland, in their Severel
Sessions have most of them declared their full & undiminished confidence in the President,
and in the constituded Authoritys of our Goverment Seven stats explicitly avow it,
three are silent, as supposing they ought not to meddle.5 The defection of Randolph not a little contributed to open the Eyes of the people.
his vindacation, proved his crimination, and as Peter Porcupine expresses it,
“And Midas now neglected Stands
With Asses Ears, and Dirty Hands.[”]
I send you Peter, the Vindication being a Coppy Right is out of Print, and one which
I had I sent to your Brother. I send you an address of Mr Harper to his Constitunts
I wish’d to have procured the best written performance upon the subject of the Treaty,
which is Camillus, only a part of which is publishd yet in Boston.6
our Country flourishes beyond any former period Cannals Bridges Roads, and Buildings
are daily increasing and improveing. there is one evil which calls loudly for a remedy
I Mean the Multiplicity of Banks, which opperate very injuriously by raising the price
of the necessaries of Life, which affects the most defencless part of the community,
the Clergy, the widow and the orphan7 the Day Labourer does not feel it so much as he rises in proportion in his Labour,
but whatever oppresses any part of the community is an evil.
I had Letters from your sister last week.8 she was well and her Family. Charles went on to Philadelphia to carry the Algerine
Treaty, and the Sword which the Dey sent as a present to the President. Col John Smith
brought it from Lisbon having put in there by stress of weather, on his Passage to
America—
From Your Father I hear every week he was impatient to hear from Europe by his last
Letters 24 Febry the Spanish Treaty was arrived, but the British tho exchanged in October, was not
officially Receivd. we have received it in the English papers. Congress have been
more than three Months in Sessions but no undue warmth, or very interesting Debates
had occurd
{ 211 } There is an Event in contemplation which will put this people to a trial. I am not at liberty to say what it is, as yet. I dare say you will conjecture, and
in less than Six Months you will know.
our Family, and those with which we are connected are well. Your aged Grandmother
desires to be rememberd to you. for her Years, she is as well this Winter as for several
past Louiss thanks You for your mention of her, and request me to present her Love
to you, as do both her sisters who are here on a visit.—
Polly H. says pray let mr T B A know that I remember his last words. She thinks Tilly
ought to write to her if he means to return in due time. She has had some offers,
which have been good, but she has rejected them, and I know on his account. Your Friend
Quincy has made a Tour to Philadelphia this winter. he was highly delighted with the
Ladies, particularly Miss Wescot. I told him she was a favorite of Yours. Mr sam’ll Breck married one of the Miss Ross’s9 Mr Law the East Indian Nabob, is going to marry Miss Betsy Custos, 45 to 18. I believe
You know Law. he made large purchases in the city of washington Plutus may Join Hands,
but the Loves and the Graces preside over Hearts.10 I have not yet attaind to the Years of Avarice, nor would I wish my Children to sacrifice
to it.
a vessel belonging to mr Parsons is to take this Letter. she is going to Amsterdam.11 let me hear from You by her return. I am my Dear son with every Sentiment / of Love
Your affectionate / Mother
[signed] Abigail Adams
[signed] March 12
by Letters from your Father of March 1 the British Treaty was that Day laid before
Congress.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs: A Adams / 10. 12 March 1796 / 3d May recd: / 29 June And.”
1. Not found.
2. Probably TBA to AA, 5 Aug. 1795, above. For Capt. Gardner’s arrival, see JQA to AA, 30 July, and note 2, above.
3. A reference to the story of Cornelia, daughter of Scipio and mother of the Gracchi,
who, when asked to display her jewels, presented her children, saying, “See here my
ornaments, and my jewels” (Jean Rodolphe d’Arnay, The Private Life of the Romans, Edinburgh, 1761, p. 261–262).
5. The Rhode Island assembly responded to attempts “to deprive the President of the well-earned
Esteem and Affection of his Fellow-Citizens” by resolving to support the implementation
of the Jay Treaty and to pronounce, “That we conceive it to be our Duty, as the Organ
of the People of this State, to declare, that the President of the United States has not ceased to deserve well of his Country.” Likewise, in Delaware, both houses of the legislature agreed to a resolution stating
“their entire approbation of the measures
{ 212 }
adopted by the President of the United States in the administration of the General
Government, and their undiminished confidence in his integrity, judgment, and patriotism”
(February, 1796. At the General Assembly of the Governor and Company of the State of
Rhode-Island, and Providence-Plantations, Warren, R.I., 1796, p. 24–25, Evans, No. 31089; Journal of the House of Representatives of the State of Delaware, at a Session Commenced
at Dover, on Tuesday, the Fifth Day of January, in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand
Seven Hundred and Ninety-Six, Wilmington, Del., 1796, p. 47, Evans, No. 30327). Connecticut, New Jersey, and Vermont all chose not to debate the matter
in their respective legislatures.
6. Not found.
7. Two factors contributed to a 72 percent rise in wholesale prices between 1791 and
1796: the issuing by the Bank of the United States of millions of dollars in paper
money and $6.2 million in temporary loans to the government, and the creation of eighteen
new commercial banks in America (Murray N. Rothbard, A History of Money and Banking in the United States: The Colonial Era to World War
II, Auburn, Ala., 2002, p. 68–70).
8. Not found.
9. On 24 Dec. 1795 Samuel Breck Jr. married Jean Ross, daughter of Philadelphia merchant
John Ross (Harold Donaldson Eberlein and Cortlandt Van Dyke Hubbard, Portrait of a Colonial City, Philadelphia, 1670–1838, Phila., 1939, p. 50, 486).
10. Plutus was the Greek personification of wealth (Oxford Classical Dicy.).
11. The brig Camilla, Capt. Thomas Dissmore, sailing for Amsterdam and Hamburg, was owned by Eben Parsons
and his son Gorham. Eben Parsons (1746–1819), originally of Newbury, was a successful
Boston merchant (Boston Price-Current, 7 March; Boston and Charlestown Ship Registers, p. 28; Susan E. P. Forbes, “Eben Parsons and Fatherland Farm,” NEHGR, 50:61, 63 [1896]).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0109
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-11
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia March 11. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
Why! this is very clever— Every Monday and every Thursday brings me regularly a Letter,
which Softens the Tædium Vitæ The Ennui of Life, in this Wrangling disputacious Metropolis.
So! We are to have a Quincy Academy! With all my Heart—I am willing to pay my Quota
of the Expence. But Something more than a School House will be wanting for so desirable
a Purpose.
Oh that I had a Bosom to lean my Head upon! But how dare you hint or Lisp a Word about
Sixty Years of Age If I were near, I would soon convince you that I am not above forty.—
I allow in full, all your Claim to Merit Sufferings and Sacrifices, and if it would
not be ridiculed would set up mine as high, and vow that no Man in America not even
W. has Suffered half so much, or done more. Thus you and I have equal Vanity and Vanity
is as good a Pretension as any that prevails. Why says Johnson should not Truth be
believed by a Man concerning himself, since the Mind loves truth. He would call it
conscious Dignity and self Esteem.1 Candid Minds who admit the Truth will make the Excuse. But greater Numbers will deny
the Truth and make it not only a folly but a Crime— therefore Let Us hold our Tongues.
{ 213 } The House of Representatives have fastened on the British Treaty with all their Teeth
and all their Nails. Individuals will bite like savages, and tear like Lions. There
will be a desperate Effort of a Party which seems to think and perhaps justly that
their Power depends entirely on the Destruction of that Instrument.
The Business of the Country in many important Departments stands still and suffers
for Want of attention, which is all Absorbed by the Debates on the Treaty and will
continue to be so for several Weeks. Many Persons are very anxious, and forebode a
Majority unfavourable, and the most pernicious and destructive Results. I cannot yet
believe that they will be so desperate and unreasonable. If they should be, what is
to come next I know not. it will be then evident that this Constitution cannot Stand.
I pray you to shew no Mercy to the Canker Worm. Engage another hand as soon as you
please.
I hope you will take good Care of your Health, for the sake of your Husband your Children,
your other Friends and I will add of your Country. there’s Gallantry for you. As to
the Country however, if the H. of R.s condemn the Treaty and defeat its operation, I see nothing but a Dissolution of Government
and immediate War. President senate and House all dissolve, and an old Congress revives
Debts are all cancelled Paper Money issued and forced into Circulation by the Bayonette
and in short Heaven and Earth set at Defyance. I envy the tranquil Lives of a Cranch
& a Tufts and an Unkle Norton—yet I am merry enough. “Ise never lays any Thing to
heart” Said my Whistleing shoe make in Hanover street with 9 Children in one Room.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “March 11th / 1796.”
1. “It is assuming a superiority, and it is particularly wrong to question a man concerning
himself” (James Boswell, Life of Samuel Johnson, LL.D., 2 vols., London, 1791, 2:41).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0110
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-03-12
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy March 12 1796
[salute] my Dearest Friend
Yours of Febry 27. March 1st came to hand on Thursday. I regreet that Congress are like to Sit so long, for tho
my Neighbours are Some of them pleasd to flatter My Vanity, by asscribing to me a
knowledge of Farming. I have really very little pretentions to their enconiums. I
find myself embarresed in the terms of leasing the Farms. I have endeavourd to abide
as near as I could by Your
{ 214 }
directions. With Burrel I meet with no difficulty, except a trial to get Team work.
French appears a fair open honorable Man. he had brought with him a Brother in Law,
a mr Bowditch of who I had a good Character. I enterd into the terms with them, and
after adjusting some matters supposed we were quite agreed, when all at once French
appears very much disconcerted, and Mortified, and tells me that Bowditch was discouraged
from comeing on & had given up the Idea, that if he was capable of going through the
whole by himself he would, but the expence of hireing help would take away all his
Profits, but if I would not engage it for a few Days he would see if he could find
some other partner. at the Time Sit, he came and brought an other Brother in Law,
a Mr Vinton. I know you will not like the Name any more than I did. I told Mr French,
that altho I knew his Father, mr Vinton was a stranger to me, but I trusted for his
own Sake he would not take with him any person of whose honour and honesty he was
not well satisfied with, and that I should consider him as the Principle.1 I have since Seen and conversed with them Several Times. I cannot say that I like
vinton as well as I do French, which make Me wish more that you were here to judge
for yourself. they are not willing to have any thing to Do with the bogg Meddow. I
do not recollect that you left any direction respecting that. they will not be obliged
to take the medow bought of Penniman. they do not like to be restricted with regard
to the Team unless you will engage to employ it at all times when they can use it.
I shall bind them to this, to work for you when ever call’d upon, and for no other
without your consent. the Steers which are to be broken they look upon as a trouble,
particularly those which have neither been yoked or tied up. Deacon French says he
has given the use of a pr. this Winter to get them broke—
I have consented that they bring on a Horse. when I considerd that we should both
want the Farm Horse at the same time, that one of ours would be useless this Summer,
I thought you would have none at times for yourself and that I had better consent
to their bringing one, than that you Should have to purchase. I shall do the best
I can, but I know and fear you will not be satisfied;
our people at both places make bitter complaints of their Hay and say the cattle will
not eat it I must purchase immediatly for the Horses.
You sit up your carriage when you enterd into office. I shall make no difficulty at
laying it Down when you become a private citizen. altho I see My Neighbours on both
sides enjoying them, it would be
{ 215 }
no enjoyment to me to continue an expence that I could not afford. I should wish
“To rise with Dignity, and fall with ease”2
and as I never placed my happiness in Equipage, I do not expect to have it greatly
diminished by the want of it, any more than Col Hamilton whose ambition I dare say
is not in the least diminished by the Sacrifice.
I inclosed you in my last a Letter from Thomas. I have just closed Letters to him
by a vessel going to Amsterdam. I wrote to the Minister last week.3
are we to expect any heat as the Spring approaches? I am glad the Treaties are all
met together. they may serve to keep each other in countanance
adieu / Yours as ever
[signed] Abigail Adams—
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. March 12 / ansd 23. 1796.”
1. Probably John Vinton (1765–1826), eldest son of Capt. John Vinton (1735–1803), both
of Braintree. The younger Vinton had been surveyor of highways and eventually relocated
to Braintree, Vt. (Sprague, Braintree Families). For Captain Vinton’s role in trying to unseat Braintree representative Ebenezer
Thayer Jr. in a dispute over the Mass. General Court’s response to Shays’ Rebellion,
see vol. 8:62–63, 65.
2. “And while the Muse now stoops, or now ascends, / To man’s low passions, or their
glorious ends, / Teach me, like thee, in various nature wise, / To fall with dignity,
with temper rise: / Form’d by thy converse, happily to steer / From grave to gay,
from lively to severe; / Correct with spirit, eloquent with ease, / Intent to reason,
or polite to please” (Alexander Pope, “Essay on Man,” Epistle IV, lines 375–382).
3. See AA to JA, 5 March, above. The letter to TBA is of 10 March, but the most recent letter from AA to JQA is of 29 Feb., both above.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0111
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-12
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia March 12. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I dined Yesterday with Mr Burr, who lives here in Style. A Number of Members of the House The Speaker Mr Dayton among the Rest.1
It Seems to be the general Opinion that the House will express some Opinions unfavourable
to the Treaty: but finally carry it into Effect. There is a good deal of Apprehension
expressed for the Union, in Conversation. Some think and Say it cannot last. Such
is the Repugnance between the East and the West.
The Death of my Aunt Hunt, for by that Name it is most natural for me to call her,
is an Event that was every Day to be expected, and as her days of Usefullness and
satisfaction were past can be no Cause of rational Grief to her nearest Relations:
it has not however
{ 216 }
failed to revive the Remembrance of the Scænes of my Youth, of my Father, my Unkles,
my Aunts, and my Cousins many of whom were gone before her, and to affect me with
many tender sentiments and serious Reflections.
Alass she was little more than thirty Years older than myself. I shall never see her
Years. But why should I regret such a Prospect as that. Although I am convinced that
human Life is an happy and agreable Scæne, a charming delightful state, upon the whole,
and although my share of it has been checquered with Perplexities Difficulties Dangers
and Distresses which fall to the Lott of but few, yet it has been Sweet and happy
on the whole, and calls for Gratitude to my maker & Preserver; Yet every Year according
to my opinions and Persuasions and Expectations brings me nearer to a State of Superiour
Excellence and more unmixed Enjoyment, where I hope to meet all my Relations and other
Friends who may have done their Duty in this. There my Dearest Friend may We meet
and never be again seperated by any Necessities to go to Europe or Philadelphia or
else where.
My Duty to my Mother and congratulate her on the Recovery of her Arm— I hope to see
her again in June. But the H. of R. will keep me here as long as possible.
Your Emanuensis improves in her Hand Writing she superscribes your Letters elegantly.
My Love to her. I am not sorry that John went to England. He will have Opportunities
of Improvement and gaining Information there. I am
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs. A”; endorsed: “March 12 1796.”
1. Jonathan Dayton (1760–1824), Princeton 1776, represented New Jersey in the Continental
Congress from 1787 to 1788 and in the federal Constitutional Convention. He served
as a representative in Congress from 1791 to 1799, when he was elected senator. He
was Speaker of the House for the 4th and 5th Congresses (Biog. Dir. Cong.).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0112
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-15
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia March 15. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
Your delicious Letter of the 5th. came to my hand Yesterday. Your beautiful and pathetic Reflections on the Match in
our Presidential Family are such as I expected. It is to me, one of the most delightful
Ideas that is treasured in my Mind, that my Children have no Brothers nor sisters
of the half or quarter Blood. one such Consciousness would poison all the Happiness
of my Life.—
{ 217 }
“Remembered Follies, Sting,”1 and none could pierce my heart with such corrosive & deleterious Poison as this.
I am So disgusted with this kind of Life that I am Sometimes disposed to take rash
Resolutions that I never will live another Winter out of my family. Pray what is become
of your new Charriot? Is it possible to afford to have it built?
Is it not vexatious? have We not plagues enough? Must our own Friends conspire to
torment Us? Is Imprudence and Turbulence so entailed upon Us, that Members of the
wisest Bodies must conspire with their own Ennemies? Here is a Folly complained of
in the House by Baldwin. The Georgia Speculation is in a fair Way to rid the World
for what I know of some of the Hairbrains— But why should wise honest & independent
Men run wild.?
Jackson has had a Rencontre, and Gun has sought one. The Bostonians have been the
Dupes.2
Sobrius esto. Be Sober. Be calm, Oh my heart and let your Temperance and moderation
be known to all Men. But it requires a great command of ones Passions to be Serene
amidst Such Indiscretions and Irregularties of wise Men when We have so much Extravagance
of the Unwise and so much Malice of the wicked to contend with at the Same time.
I believe I told you that Thomas was become quite a Negotiator at the Hague, and his
Brother in London. The latter however will return, I suppose to Holland upon the Return
of Mr Pinckney to England.
Mr Gore and Mr short I conjecture will be appointed Commissioners to estimate depredations & Damages
and perhaps J. Q. A may be named one of the two who are to be by Lot converted into
a 3d.3 But all this must be Secret. I am trying your Capacity to keep secrets, you see.
RC (Adams Papers).
1. “Grief aids Disease, remember’d Folly stings, / And his last Sighs reproach the Faith
of Kings” (Samuel Johnson, “The Vanity of Human Wishes: The Tenth Satire of Juvenal,”
lines 119–120).
2. In January the Ga. house of representatives had appointed James Jackson to chair the
committee investigating the Yazoo Act. The findings of the committee led the Georgia
legislature to rescind the act on 13 Feb.; meanwhile, James Greenleaf continued to
sell land to Boston investors. Jackson, who was known as the “prince of duelists,”
fought at least four duels with Yazooists. On 2 March Abraham Baldwin gave a speech
in the House of Representatives attacking land speculators, noting that “persons whom
we have supposed worthy of our confidence and esteem” have been “publicly practising
the meanest and most disgraceful arts and tricks of swindling.” James Gunn demanded
to see the written proof Baldwin had against speculators, and when Baldwin refused
to turn over his evidence, Gunn challenged him to a duel. They
{ 218 }
never fought, and Gunn eventually apologized for his conduct (Abernethy, The South in the New Nation, p. 151, 152; James F. Cook, The Governors of Georgia, 1754–2004, Macon, Ga., 2005, p. 73–74; Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 402–403; George R. Lamplugh, Politics on the Periphery: Factions and Parties in Georgia, 1783–1806, Newark, Del., 1986, p. 135).
3. Christopher Gore did receive an appointment, but William Short and JQA did not. For the final composition of the commission, see Joshua Johnson to JQA, 30 Sept., and note 4, below.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0113
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-19
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia March 19. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
We have a Turn of Weather as cold as any We have had through the whole Winter. The
Violence of the North West Wind which has thrown down Chimneys and blown off Roofs
in this City, We suppose has prevented the Eastern Mail from crossing the North River
and deprived me of my Thursdays Letter as yet. I hope it will come to day.
A Thousand and one Speeches have been made in the H. of Reps. upon the Motion for petitioning the P. for Papers. Twenty complete Demonstrations
have been made of the Constitutionality of it, and twenty more of its Unconstitutionality.
Ten of its Expediency and as many of its Inexpediency, five of its Utility and the
same number of its Inutility. After all they will ask and receive—and then lash and
maul a while and then do the needful.1 I dined on the 17th with the friendly sons of st. Patrick2 and to day I dine with Rush. Judge Cushing departs this Morning and Mrs Cushing will call upon you. Elsworth embarks in a day or two for S. C. & Georgia.3 We have a Party Business from Kentucky: a Strange Complaint as Mr Marshall—which
oblige is Us to sit to day a saturday4 I regret this, because it is too exhausting to me to sit so constantly. My Task is
pretty severe, especially in cold Weather.—
This Wind will delay Intelligence from Europe for ten days or a fortnight.
Liancourt is going with Elsworth and Tallerand talks of embarking for Hambourgh.5
Having no Horse and reading more & walking less than Usual I am solicitous about my
health.—
The Birds in Numbers and Vanity began to sing and the grass to grow green before this
last Gripe of Queen Mab. The poor Birds have hard times now.—
The two Miss Daltons have been here all Winter. I delivered Your Message to Mrs Green & General Wayne.
{ 219 } I cannot see a ray of Hope, before June— If the House should be frenzical We must
sit till next March and leave it to the People to decide by choosing a new President
senate & House, who will harmoniously go all lengths, call George a Tyrant to his
face the English Nation Pyrates break the Treaty enter into an alliance offensive
with France & go to War, with spirit, Consistency & Dignity.
But I believe the House will adopt the Language which says that the Just keep their
Promisiss though they have made them to [this trust?] and that they must make the
best of a bad bargain and come off thus as well as they can by abusing Jay President
& senate and Treaty without pretending to annul it.—
Hi! Ho! Oh Dear! I am most / tenderly
[signed] J. A.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “March 19 1796.”
1. On 2 March Edward Livingston presented a resolution to the House of Representatives
“That the President of the United States be requested to lay before this House a copy
of the instructions given to the Minister of the United States who negotiated the
Treaty with Great Britain … together with the correspondence and other documents relative
to the said Treaty.” Debate on the resolution began on 7 March with numerous members
speaking at great length on the subject. On 24 March the House finally approved the
resolution, and it was sent to George Washington the following day. On 30 March Washington
presented a written response to the House arguing that such foreign negotiations required
secrecy, and that “a just regard to the Constitution and to the duty of my office
… forbid a compliance with your request.” The House began debating a response to Washington’s
message on 6 April; the next day it approved a resolution reiterating its right “to
deliberate on the expediency or inexpediency of carrying such Treaty into effect”
(Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 400–401, 426, 759–762, 769, 771, 782–783). For the entirety
of the debate, see Annals, p. 424–783.
2. The Friendly Sons of St. Patrick had been established in 1771 in Philadelphia but
by the 1790s had begun to fade as an organization. It was gradually replaced by the
Hibernian Society for the Relief of Emigrants from Ireland, founded in 1790. JA likely attended the anniversary dinner of this latter organization, which took place
on 17 March 1796 at the Harp and Crown Tavern. The Sons of St. Patrick did have a
small gathering on the same date at a private home, but no guests were recorded as
having attended (John H. Campbell, History of the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick and of the Hibernian Society for the Relief
of Emigrants from Ireland, Phila., 1892, p. 33, 60–61; Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, 26 March).
3. Oliver Ellsworth was setting out to attend the southern circuit of the federal courts
in his new position as chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court (William Garrott Brown,
The Life of Oliver Ellsworth, N.Y., 1905, p. 238).
4. On 26 Feb. the Senate received material requesting that it investigate Sen. Humphrey
Marshall of Kentucky for charges of perjury. A memorial printed in Kentucky in Feb.
1795 had made the original accusation against Marshall, but a case was never formally
brought against him. The governor and representatives of Kentucky thus requested that
the Senate pursue it. Marshall concurred in the request, presumably to allow for his
name to be cleared of the accusation, which had circulated publicly but never been
adjudicated. The matter, initially referred to a senatorial committee, was taken up
by the whole Senate on 14 March 1796. Debate continued over several days, including
Saturday, 19 March. On 22 March the Senate adopted a report arguing that in the absence
of any formal charge, prosecutor, or evidence, and lacking jurisdiction, “any further
inquiry by the Senate would be improper” (Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 47–49, 51–60).
5. François Alexandre Frédéric, Duc de La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, was traveling
{ 220 }
throughout the United States for his eventual publication, Travels through the United States of North America, 2 vols., London, 1799. He and Ellsworth took the same ship from Philadelphia to
Charleston, leaving on 24 March and arriving six days later. The duke spent three
weeks in South Carolina, then moved on to Georgia before returning to Charleston in
early May (Travels, 1:552–553, 593, 618).
Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord had decided to leave the United States for
Hamburg by March but did not actually embark, on the Danish ship Den Nye Prove, until mid-June. He reached Hamburg at the end of July (David Lawday, Napoleon’s Master: A Life of Prince Talleyrand, London, 2006, p. 87; Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 13 June).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0114
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-03-20
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy March 20 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I received Your kind favours of March 3. 5 7 & 9th by the Thursday post. we have as great a famine here of News as their is of Bread
in Europe. the chief Topick of conversation is the Georgia Lands. their Present Legislature
have displayd state Sovereignty in its fullest extent; our wise Men were never before
so Bubbled. our Wealthyest citizens are taken in to a vast amount, Mr Russel Barrel
Craggy, in short by what I hear, every Man of any considerable property far and near.1 What redress they can obtain, I know not, nor do I know sufficient of the Merrits
or demerrits of the Subject to decide upon it. I hope however it will produce one
good effect in stoping that Rage for speculation, which like an influenza has pervaded
all ages and degrees of persons.
I yesterday received a Letter from our son in England of 24 Nov’br by way N york. he foresaw his Letter would be opened, as it appeard by the total
defaceing of the Initials of his Name, it had been. so he wrote no politicks of concequence.
The whole Substance of European affairs amount only to this, [“]That they are very
Much exhausted, and very hungry. Peace is the great object of their wishes on all
Sides.”
The remainder of his Letters is taken up in relating to me the discovery lately made
of some Manuscripts, being originals of the hand of Shakespear. amongst Several of
trifling importance, there is a compleat fair coppy of King Lear, three or four Sheets,
being part of an Hamlet, and an whole Tragedy heretofore unknown, intitled Vortigern
& Rowena.
You know how passionately fond our Son has ever been of that great master of humane
nature. he may truly be said to have inherited this from his parents.2 He observes that he had enough of the Catholic superstition about him to pay his
Devotion to these
{ 221 }
venerable relics. they were in possession of a private Gentleman by the Name of Ireland
to whom he got introduced, and had an opportunity to see all, except the new play,
which was purchased by the manager of Drurry lane Theater, Mr Sheridan for five hundred
pounds, and is to appear upon that Stage the present Season. mr Ireland does not hessitate
to affirm that the Vortigern will be rank’d among the very best plays of the Author.
among the loose papers, are a short Letter from Queen Elizabeth, commanding him to
play before her on a certain Day, a Coppy of a Letter from him to Lord Southampton
and his answer, a Deed from him or rather a will to a Man by the Name of Ireland,
giving him several of his plays and a Sum of Money, in consideration of his having
saved his Life from Drowing in the Thames, a Love Letter to Anna Hatherrewaye, with
a lock of Hair, together with some fugitive peices, and several designs Drawn with
a pen. all these are to make their appearence within a few Days. You my Dear Mother
have long known My partiality for the Swan of Avon, and will not be surprizd at the
interest I take in all his productions.
I may as well quit here or go on to transcribe his whole Letter, not a syllable of
which is uninteresting. he complains of the craveing void of solitude even in the
city of London. I can easily enter into his sensations, and most readily believe him.
Solitude is every where, when you feel not any particular interest in any one & no
one has an interest in you. “I left he says, my Brother at the Hague, and I feel very
sensibly the want of his company. while I had it, I could not consider myself as seperated
from every object of my attachment.”
Poor fellow I know he feels like a banishd Man, condemnd in foreign climes to Roam.
he will feel mortifid too, if he should fail in the object of his embassy.
I both rejoicd and mournd at the Appointment of Mr Elsworth as chief Justice, but
what the Senate lose, the Bench will acquire. I rejoice that they have obtaind a Man
of a fair Fame distinguishd abilities and integrity. Ceasars wife ought not to be
suspected. this will apply equally to that office.
We have had this week the most voilent snow storm which we have experienced for these
two years when I thought spring was opening, as the Singing of Birds was come a heavy
Equinoxial gale came on accompanied by rain frost and then Snow & cold. for 48 hours,
it was very voilent I had begun tarring the Trees, and Copeland was going to plow
the Hill. we are all aback, but the remainder
{ 222 }
of the Timber will be got home by tomorrow night. I must buy Hay as I wrote you but
cannot get any under 5 pounds pr Ton. the snow prevented my having a load this week.
the Dr tells me he could have bought Seed at a shilling Some time ago, but he finds
it has risen very large orders having been received for the exportation of it. as
soon as you conveniently can I should be glad you would Send me a post Note. the collector
is very earnest to get his Rates the beginning of April. I Suppose the School house
cannot go on there are so many Town orders that they cannot get any money into the
treasury. in the Spring there are allways new arrangments to make, and we have not
a whole Tool upon the place neither Spade Shovel hoe Sythe or any other thing but
an ax
I hope We shall have no Sampsons this year.
I wish you would write Me of what Dimensions you mean to have the Barn & whether you
would not make an L. of it. some advise to that as G. Gills Barn was if you recollect.3 they say it make a better yard. I shall make inquirys to find how I can get the Frame
hued.
Yours as ever
[signed] A Adams—
Mrs Brislers Brother Baxter lost a Boy of 2 years old the week after his wife with
the Throat Distemper which proves as mortal here as the yellow fever. we had 5 Deaths
in a week.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. March 20. Ansd. 29 / 1796.”
2. AA’s fascination with this material led her to research the history behind Shakespeare’s
alleged lost play. She wrote to JA on 15 April what she had learned of the story of Vortigern, concluding, “Shakespear
has ample Scope for his imagination, and if the play is Genuine much pleasure and
entertainment may be expected from the discovery to all Lovers of the Drama” (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0115
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-20
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] London March 20. 1796.
[salute] My Dear Mother
Your favour of January 23d. by Captain Barnard reached me two or three days ago. I am a little surprized that
you had not at that date received any letters from me later than July. But indeed
the intercourse between America and Holland is so precarious and interrupted that
it is scarcely possible that a letter should pass from the one to the other in a shorter
time than four or five months. The
{ 223 }
case is very different here, and the opportunities are so frequent that it is scarcely
possible to write by all of them. I believe however you will think I have been tolerably
punctual since my arrival in England, as no vessel has sailed from hence to Boston
without letters to you, but the Galen, for which my packet happened to be too late.—
About ten days since I wrote you by my friend Gardner who went with Scott, and enclosed
by him some newspapers and pamphlets, as well as the cloaks for yourself and Louisa,
for which you had written to my brother.—1 I am now just informed that Mr: White goes for Boston to-morrow morning, and shall request him to take charge of
this letter2
I return you many thanks for Mr: Randolph’s pamphlet, and that containing the first numbers of Camillus in defence
of the Treaty; I had previously received the former from Philadelphia, and have expressed
my opinion of it in my last Letter to you.3 I have since had an opportunity to read Porcupine’s observations upon it, which like
the other publications of the same writer have some ingenuity, with much vulgarity
and impudence.
It is possible that the detection of this Man, and the partial exposure of the party
with which he was connected, may produce good effects in America, and God grant that
it may; for I am sure it produces effects bad enough upon our national reputation
in Europe.
“So! the pretended patriots have their prices in America too!—and such paltry prices!
But a few thousand dollars for a Secretary of State, and a ——— and a ——— and others
unknown— The tariff is indeed upon a very moderate scale— What an eulogium upon democracy
and democratic principles! what an honour to Republican Governments! what a confirmation
of the boasted American purity of principle! what a glorious encomium upon a Nation;
to have such men in its most important offices.”4 This is the style of argument upon the subject here, and the attempt to reflect some
of the infamy of the man, upon the Nation which had honoured him has but too much
success.
Our national character in point of reputation is indeed rising throughout all Europe,
with a rapidity which must give the most cordial delight to every person that has
the feelings of real patriotism about him. It is rising at least in fair and equal
proportion with the increase of our importance and power. The system of the American
Government is compared by the people of the European Nations, with that which their
own rulers have pursued. The systems
{ 224 }
are compared not only in consideration of principles but of their effects; nothing
in Nature can exhibit a more powerful contrast; and it is not surprizing if the European
rulers seize with avidity every occurrence that can weaken the effect of such an example
in the minds of their People.
The papers enclosed will give you the news, which have nothing interesting.— Mrs: Copley and her family are well. Perhaps you will hear of another family that has
been still more attractive to me; but of this I may write more on a future occasion;
remaining in the mean time, with my cordial regard and remembrance for all our friends
at Quincy and Weymouth, your affectionate Son
[signed] John Q. Adams.
2. James White left London on 21 March 1796 and arrived in Boston on 17 May aboard the
ship Merchant (Massachusetts Mercury, 20 May).
4. In his Vindication of Mr. Randolph’s Resignation, Randolph quotes Jean Antoine Joseph Fauchet’s dispatch: “Thus the consciences of
the pretended patriots of America have already their prices” (p. 80).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0116
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-03-21
Charles Adams to John Adams
[dateline] New York March 21. 1796
[salute] Dear Sir
I am clearly of opinion with you that we stand in need of some magic equally powerful
as the Lyre of Amphion to quell the rage of the political elements and yet I have
my doubts whether the power of music or eloquence could instil sentiments of Justice
or integrity into the minds of some of our Legislators. My dictionaire Historique
tells me that Amphion was the son of Jupiter and Antiope that he played with such
grace that the rocks followed him. that at the sound of his instrument the stones
ranged themselves in perfect order and formed the walls of Thebes.1 Those who wish to give a reasonable interpretation to the absurdities of Paganism
suppose he gained every heart by the power of his eloquence We have lately had occasion
for this wonderful instrument to keep the people from revolting against themselves.
We have seen a striking example of the rage to imitate Frenchmen We have been witnesses
to an insult offered To our house of Assembly as gross as a Parisian mob could have
given. I do not like these beginnings. It is true The Assembly
{ 225 }
acted with some spirit on the occasion but such examp[les] are too catching and I
know of no puni[shment] too severe for such conduct towards a legislat[ive] assembly.2
Mrs Adams and myself are well We keep ourselves very much at home as prudent people in
our circumstances ought to do She is a good prudent affectionate wife. Mrs Smith and her family have been very much distressed. Mr de St Hilaire has turned out to be as errant a Chevalier D’industrie as France ever produced
and after swindling as many people as he possibly could and his greatest benefactor
the most he attempted to run off but was taken by some of his Creditors at Poughkeepsie
and confined in jail Amen. Such is the imprudence and folly of trusting and being
the dupes to the acts and flattery of Strangers. I have known the vilain from the
fourth day after his marriage but had I had the Lyre of Amphion I could not have persuaded
that family that he was capable of a meaness.
with sincere affection I am y[our] / son
[signed] Chas Adams
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “The Vice President of The United States / Philadelphia”; endorsed:
“C. A. March 21. / 1796.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.
1. On 13 March JA had written to CA at length about JA’s need for the harp of Amphion, not only to build walls on his property but also
to bring harmony to the contending European powers and to the factions within Congress.
JA quoted from an alternate version of Alexander Pope’s “Ode on St. Cecilia’s Day”:
“Amphion thus bade wild dissension cease, / And softened mortals learned the arts
of peace. / Amphion taught contending kings / From varying discords to create, / The
music of a well-tuned state.” He concluded the letter by asking CA to “write me your Discoveries about Amphion” (MHi:Seymour Coll.).
2. In early Nov. 1795 two Irish immigrant ferrymen, Thomas Burk and Timothy Crady, insulted
a Federalist alderman in New York City, for which they were put on trial, found guilty,
and sentenced to two months in prison. William Keteltas, a journalist and Democratic-Republican
lawyer, attended their trial, and when the two men escaped to Pennsylvania after one
month of incarceration, Keteltas wrote an article on them for the New York Journal. He also petitioned the N.Y. assembly to impeach the magistrates who tried the case,
and when his petition was dismissed he published a newspaper article attacking the
assembly. The assembly responded with a resolution to censure Keteltas, who answered
with another harassing article. At that point Keteltas was summoned before the assembly,
and he appeared on 9 March 1796 accompanied by a crowd of almost 2,000 New Yorkers.
When the assembly found him guilty of “contempt of the authority of this house,” he
refused to ask for a pardon, and the crowd “gave three huzzas and made a great deal
of clamor and noise, which for some time interrupted the business of the house.” Keteltas
was ordered to jail, and while imprisoned he wrote five articles for the New York Journal defending his actions. When the assembly adjourned Keteltas’ friends obtained his
release on a writ of habeas corpus. Three days later Democratic-Republican leaders
nominated Keteltas for the N.Y. assembly, but he failed to win a seat (Young, Democratic Republicans, p. 476–477, 481–490; N.Y. Assembly, Jour., 19th sess., 1796, p. 123, Evans, No. 47862).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0117
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1796-03-24
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] London March 24. 1796.
[salute] My Dear Brother.
Mr: Clagett has this moment delivered me your favour of the 29th: ulto: and informs me that he goes again for Holland to-morrow morning.1 I have therefore only time to tell you that I am still waiting for that permission
to return which I have been more than two months in hourly expectation of receiving.
My detention here is doubly mortifying from the consideration that as my presence
is wanted at the Hague; it is totally without any object here; and accordingly I have
been for some time past as idle as a Prince.— This situation you will readily judge
does not entirely suit my reason or my sense of right; but I derive one source of
consolation from it: the relaxation and exemption from continual cares, together with
much time spent in exercise, and the charms of a most attractive Society have produced an essential improvement of my health which I think is better than
it has been at any time since I have been in Europe: so that I flatter myself with
the hope that I shall be better prepared for future exertion by my present repose
from it.
I had apprehended from your former letter that your rheumatic attack was more serious
than you mentioned, and was extremely anxious to hear from you again. Although your
letter confirms my fears it has partly relieved me by the assurance that you had nearly
recovered.2
I sent you about ten days ago the box of articles and the breeches which you had previously
ordered.3 I now enclose you a few newspapers
My letters from Boston are as late as January 26.4 there are accounts here as late as Feby: 20. Our friends in general were well, and in pretty good Spirits. Political affairs
had assumed a calmer and more rational aspect. Randolph by publishing what he calls
a vindication of his resignation has heaped coals of fire upon his own head.
Crafts, Frazier and Gardner are all gone. The former to Charleston the two latter
to Boston. There are yet a number of Americans here.
No news. The price of wheat is falling, and John is like to get off without absolutely
starving this time.
Your affectionate brother
[signed] John Q. Adams.
1. The letter has not been found but was probably delivered by Horatio Clagett (1756–1815),
an army officer during the American Revolution originally from Maryland who became
a merchant in London after the war (Effie Gwynn Bowie, Across the Years in Prince George’s County: A Genealogical and Biographical History
of Some Prince George’s County, Maryland and Allied Families, Baltimore, 1975, p. 126–127).
2. Not found.
3. On 13 March JQA wrote to TBA, “I send you by the present opportunity the articles of which you formerly enclosed
to me a list, and a pair of Cassimere breeches. The bill for the pocket books &c amounts
to £6:0:6.” JQA also apologized for his continued absence from the Netherlands (FC-Pr, APM Reel 131). TBA had originally requested the items in Dec. 1795, for which see TBA to JQA, 23 Dec., and note 7, above.
4. See AA to JQA, 23 Jan. 1796, above.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0118
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-03-25
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy March 25th 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
I was sadly dissapointed to Day when James returnd from the Post office without one
Single Letter the Newspapers to the 14th but not a Line. Post office or Post or Roads share the blame; I am more unfortunate
than you when dissapointed, for you have two chances in a week, but I must wait untill
Thursday returns before I can get any Letters, tho Saturdays post should bring them.
I see by the Papers the old Leven at work The President knows what is Right, and they
will not get any thing else from him. it is a snare to entangle him if they can. he
will not be taken by surprize for he must have foreseen this.1
The latest intelligence from France which is 26 of Jan’ry wears some appearence of Peace, and the British King has equal need of Peace. the
cessation of Arms between the French and Austerians has the same appearence.2 I hope at a time when other Powers are thirsting after quiet and repose, We shall
not be driven into Hostilities by the rash and firery Tember of our Jacobines and
that at a Period when they appeard to be divested of their Power, tho not of their
inclination to hurt.
The Weather has been very unpropitious for any kind of Buisness for these 8 Days past
the Snow came in abundance. it Drifted into Banks, and for two Years past we have
not had so much at once. we have tar’d but have not met with any canker worms. this
Day the leases have been compleated and Sign’d Braintree Farm is leased to Burrell
Quincy to French and Vinton and on fryday they take possession. I have setled with
Joy & payd him and his wife their last quarters wages, about half of which remaind
Due to them upon our Settlement. I have purchased two loads of hay. Cleopatra will
have an increase. I am much affraid I shall be obliged to purchase what I do not remember
we ever Did a Load or two of salt Hay; whilst we
{ 228 }
have many Tons of Salt, and fresh so Rotten, that the cattle will not touch it, our
people Say it was not sufficiently Made and that it was stackd Wet. I Scold and insist
upon their feeding with it, but the concequence will be that they will consume all
the English. we have Six calves already. When My new Tennants come, I shall hear what
they Say. the Sheep have eat near all the clover Hay at the little Barn. Copeland
will have enough here but he has not any to part with, he says. we have had here our
four Horses an equal number of oxen & half the Young stock beside the Sheep. Clover
Seed may be had at 20 cents pr pound which is the lowest. the Dr has been on the lookout
ever since you wrote me, but you was not early enough with your intelligence Mr Bracket
will spair a hundred & 20 weight at that price. the Dr advises me to secure it as,
it will be higher immediatly
I Shall be obliged to borrow of the Dr 30 pounds till I receive some from you. the
collectors Dun me as from the first of March they are obliged to pay interest upon
a part of what is not collected. I pay’d 50 Dollors the beginning of March for mr
Wibird.
adieu I am as ever most / affectionatly Your
[signed] Abigail Adams—
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs. A. March 25 / Ansd April 6. 1795.”
1. “Purge out therefore the old leaven, that ye may be a new lump, as ye are unleavened.
… Therefore let us keep the feast, not with old leaven, neither with the leaven of
malice and wickedness; but with the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth” (1 Corinthians,
5:7–8). AA presumably refers to the ongoing debates in Congress over the release of papers related
to the Jay Treaty, which was heavily covered in the Philadelphia newspapers. See,
for example, Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 14 March.
2. On 23 March the Boston Columbian Centinel reported a cessation of hostilities between France and Austria, though France stated
that while it “is ready to consent to a peace worthy of her; but she is still equal
to contend with their enemies, if they wish to prolong a disastrous war.” The same
paper, which contained additional French news as late as 25 Jan., also reprinted George
III’s 8 Dec. 1795 message to the House of Commons, in which he stated that he had
“an earnest desire … to conclude a Treaty for General Peace whenever it can be effected
on just and suitable terms for himself and his allies.”
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0119
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-25
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia March 25. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
on Wednesday I dined with Mr Russell the Friend of Dr Priestley1 and while We were at Table, in came large Packets of Letters and Newspapers from
England. The Ladies at Table had Letters from their friends and the Scæne was so lively
so much like what I had
{ 229 }
often felt that it put me into very good humour. The News was what you will see in
Fennos Paper.
Yesterday I dined at the Presidents with Ministers of State and their Ladies foreign
and Domestic. After dinner the Gentlemen drew off after the Ladies and left me alone
with the President in close Conversation. He detained me there till Nine o Clock and
was never more frank and open upon Politicks. I find his Opinions and sentiments are
more exactly like mine than I ever knew before, respecting England and France and
our American Parties. He gave me Intimations enough that his Reign would be very short.
He repeated it three times at least, that this and that was of no Consequence to him
personally, as he had but a very litle while to Stay in his present situation. This
must be a confidential secret. I have hinted it to no one here.
The P. told me he had that day recd three or four Letters from his new Minister in London, one of them as late as 29
of December. Mr Pickering informs me, that Mr Adams modestly declined a Presentation at Court but it was insisted on by Lord Grenville:
and accordingly he was presented to the King and I think the Queen and made his Harrangues
and recd his answers.2 By the Papers I find that Mr Pinkney appeared at Court on the 28th. of January:3 after which I presume Mr Adams had nothing to do but return to Holland.
The Appearances of Peace are as yet but faint.
The H. of R.s have applied for Papers and the P. has their Request under Consideration. He is not
at all pleased with this. a Motion is now before the H. made by Mr Harper that it be resolved that Provision be made to carry into Execution all the
Treaties yet published. How long this will be debated I know not.4 There is danger that the Delay on our Part will occasion delays on the Part of Britain.
but I hope not. Three of our Reps, Lyman Dearborne and Varnum voted against all New
England except one I believe in Vermont.5 The Loss of Mr Ames and Mr Dexter has been much lamented. Varnum and Lyman and Dearborne are as inveterate as
Giles, by all that I hear.
I have not yet seen my sons public Letters.
There is such Rancour of Party that the Prospect of a Change in Administration quite
cures me of all Desire to have a share in it.— Repose and Poverty I say.— Yet I am
not intimidated. Renegadoes and Adventurers from foreign Countries acquire such an
influence among the People although there is no Attachment in their Nature
{ 230 }
to Us or our Country and there is every Reason to suspect the worst Influence over
them: and sensible People are so fearful of provoking their Wrath and Impudence by
exposing them that it is really disgusting to enter on any public stage. The People
are so abused and deceived And there is so little Care or Pains taken to undeceive
& disabuse them that the Consequences must be very disagreable.
I am with undiminished Attach / ment your Affectionate
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A.”; endorsed: “March 25th 1796.”
2. For JQA’s dispatches from London, including his 15 Dec. 1795 letter to Timothy Pickering
describing his 9 Dec. presentation to George III, see JA to AA, 9 April 1796, and note 2, below. JQA recorded a fuller, personal account of the meeting in his Diary: after presenting
his credential letter, the king asked JQA “to which of the States I belonged, and on my answering Massachusetts, He turned
to Lord Grenville, and said, ‘All the Adams’s belong to Massachusetts? to which Lord
Grenville answered, they did. He enquired whether my father was now Governor of Massachusetts?
I answered No Sir, he is Vice-President of the United States. Ay said he, and he cannot
hold both offices at the same time?’ ‘No Sir.’— He asked where my father is now? At
Philadelphia, Sir, I presume, the Congress being now in Session.” JQA also recounted in his Diary his presentation to Queen Charlotte on 17 Dec. 1795,
who asked him if he “was any relation to the Mr. Adams that was here some years ago” (D/JQA/24, APM Reel 27).
3. See, for instance, Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 24 March 1796.
4. On 24 March, at the conclusion of the debate over the request for the papers on the
Jay Treaty, Robert Goodloe Harper introduced a resolution as JA describes. Before the House took any action on it, however, Harper withdrew the resolution
on 8 April in favor of one with somewhat different wording, which was tabled. Instead,
on 13 April Theodore Sedgwick offered a similar resolution, which the House debated
for two days. The discussion focused primarily on whether it was appropriate to combine
consideration of appropriations for all of the treaties into a single debate or whether
the treaties ought to be considered separately. On 14 April the House separately passed
motions approving appropriations for the treaties with Spain, Algiers, and the Native
American nations (Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 801, 886, 940–969).
5. In addition to the New England representatives named by JA, John S. Sherburne of New Hampshire and Israel Smith of Vermont voted with the House
majority to request papers from Washington (U.S. House, Jour., 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 480–481).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0120
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1796-03-25
John Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia March 25. 1796
[salute] My Dear son
Mr Hindman of Maryland has requested a Letter from me, for Mr Richard Cook of Anapolis, who will tell you our News.1
I have read your public Dispatches with great Pleasure.2 I find your Situation has led you to an Attentive Observation of the Events of the
War and the Maneuvres of Politicks and your curious felicity of Expression enables
you to represent both to great Advantage.
{ 231 } Your Mother has had Letters from you but I have none for a long time. I fear I have
not written to you as often as I ought: but my Mind and time are very much occupied.
What is worse I dare not write freely upon Public Affairs foreign or domestic and
to write in shackles is worse than not writing at all.
Notwithstanding our long deliberations & discussions I believe the Treaty will be
executed and all will be well
You have not hinted your Intentions of remaining in Europe or returning home.— Your
own Good, Happiness & Advantage are to be first consulted— To me it would be a great
Pleasure to have you near me. It is very hard upon your Mother as well as me to be
seperated as We are from all our Children but We hope it will not be always so. Yet
our Family will always be scattered. Such is our Destiny and I must Submit, believing
that all is for the best. I am my / Dear Child, with the tenderest Affection / your
Father
[signed] John Adams
1. For William Hindman, see vol. 8:269. Richard Cooke (1772–1853) took the last name of Tilghman in 1810 to comply with
the will of his uncle, Richard Tilghman of the Hermitage in Queen Anne’s Co., Md.,
which Cooke inherited. JA also wrote to JQA on 25 March 1796 introducing Cooke and discussing the House debate over the Jay Treaty
(Hagers-Town [Md.] Gazette, 15 Jan. 1811; Swepson Earle, ed., Maryland’s Colonial Eastern Shore: Historical Sketches of Counties and of Some Notable
Structures, Baltimore, 1916, p. 117, 118; Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0121
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-03-28
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy March 28th 1796—
[salute] my Dearest Friend
Captain Beal was in Boston on Saturday and he prevaild on the post master to let him
take up the Saturday Mail by which means I got those Letters which ought to have come
on thursday Letters of the 11th 12th 13 15 & 16th. the greatest comfort which I derived from them, was hearing that you were well.
the prospect of sitting till June is not a very agreable one, and the cause less so.1 What ever the Jacobinical party may think, if they should be so Head Strong & Wicked
as to carry their measures; they will find a ten fold clamour excited against them.
I have heard it said, that those of them who belong to this state, would be torn to
peices. the Warmth excited by the debates is greater here, than I believe it is in
congress. even your B. who you know never was reconciled to the Treaty, Says that
{ 232 }
it should be complied with. there is not any circulation of the Debates in any paper printed
in Boston, but the Chronical, and that You may be sure will hold up, but one side
of the Question.2 I cannot suppose that there will be a Majority in Congress hardy enough to overturn
the constitution, tho there is a party who dare what ever they think May Succeed.
My last Letter containd Some foreign intelligence which look’d like peace, but the
last arrival brings us no News of the kind. all Breathe War and Hostility. the powers
must be exhausted e’er long. I am no Friend to Club Law. yet I cannot but own that
I have been gratified with the behaviour of our American Seamen, in repelling the
Lawless insolence of British Tyranny. nor can the Britains be displeasd with a spirit
and valour which proves the Legitimate descent of their opposers. the loss of so Many
Seamen renders them more eager to Supply their place at any rate.3
I rejoice at the opportunity Thomas has of shewing that he is equal to the trust reposed
in him. as Private Secretary he could only be a coppyest. I think we have great cause
of pleasure and satisfaction in our Children. I hope You feel very proud of them;
I do I assure You
The Georgia purchaser or rather the repurchasers are giving up all their Notes, and
part with their Ideal gains with much composure. Serious concequences may however
be experienced by some of the Hot Spurs of Gorgia from whose proximity to their Savage
Neighbours, they appear to have derived a portion of their ferocity, and infidelity:
I have not yet engaged any Hand Billings has been at work for your Brother. I desired
him to talk to him for me. he told me last Evening that he held himself very high
& talkd quite wild about price, that he would not let himself but for a few Months
at a Time. I cannot hear of any body yet. it is scarcly time of year. I expect Copeland
to top himself as he has become a Teams Man he thinks. one hundred Dollors is like
a Drop in the Bucket 33 for two loads Hay 25 for clover Seed 20 & 65 cents for Braintree
Taxes, and 15 to Joy and his wife. Herds Grass Seed the Doctor has bought. We have
Tard but do not find any Woorms or Millars yet.
those certainly get through the World best, who trouble themselves least, but a foresight
prevents many evils & vexations.
as to the wall upon the Hill: Amphions harp Must be sit to a Golden cord before the
Sound will compose the Walls of Pens Hill. I sent to the undertakers three weeks ago
to request them to go
{ 233 }
about it, but they say they were not engaged to compleat it untill the first of June.
I do not know whether the Dr is like to get the other Done.4 I think it fortunate that we are like to get the places out. I am sure I know not
where we could have procured help without paying three times the value of the produce.
I shall be obliged to purchase Burrel a load of English Hay for His cows. I did not
bring away all from there, tho more than I wish I had. I hope his Salt & fresh will
answer for the young Stock, tho he says it is not good. I am Sure we never had so
much English Hay as last year, but our salt was damaged, and the creek thatch they
use only for to litter the horses with. the fresh, Tons of it, will go to make manure.
I cannot answer for the use of it. the cattle they Say are in much better order than
last year, and so indeed they ought to be for they have not workd half so hard, and
have been fed with English Hay in lieu of corn. When I talk to Copeland, he says Sir
likes to have his cattle look well, and So Does Mam, but not to have to purchase Hay
for such a Stock— well why should I torment You. why because when one feels fretted,
it is an ease to the mind when it has cast it of.
adieu adieu. When the wheels get in Motion I shall be in a better Humour, but chopping
& changing makes a bustling world. I detest still life—and had rather be jostled,
than inanimate. yours for aya
[signed] A Adams
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. March 28 / Ansd April 9. 1796.”
1. For JA’s letter to AA of 13 March, see note 4, below. On 16 March JA again wrote to AA warning that Congress would likely sit until June debating the Jay Treaty, but that
he hoped the “Speeches and Writings” to explain the constitutional issues would lead
to a better understanding of the Constitution (Adams Papers).
2. The Boston Independent Chronicle, 24 March, noted that it had previously given abridged versions of speeches made
by several members of the House on Edward Livingston’s motion regarding the Jay Treaty.
While the Chronicle stated that it selected “from both sides, such speeches, as we conceive contain the
most general observations,” the editors made a point of beginning that issue “with
the remarks of the celebrated Madison.” The Independent Chronicle, 28 March, included most of Democratic-Republican William Branch Giles’ speech, portions
of speeches by fellow Democratic-Republicans Abraham Baldwin and John Page, and parts
of speeches by Federalists Nathaniel Freeman Jr. and Samuel Lyman. The editors ended
the congressional news section with a “Political Summary” in which they argued that
“the question is unfairly stated, when it is pretended, that the House is invading
the President’s prerogative” and that the editors “are clearly of opinion … that if
the treaty is carried into effect, the House will have no power left.”
3. The Boston Federal Orrery and Independent Chronicle, both 28 March, reported the seizure of U.S. ships and the impressment of American
sailors by the British Navy in the Caribbean in late 1795. Impressment was a problem
throughout the 1790s, as British sailors
{ 234 }
deserted the navy for higher wages on American commercial vessels, thus leaving the
British Navy constantly undermanned. This issue, however, was not addressed under
the provisions of the Jay Treaty. On 18 Feb. 1796 Livingston introduced a resolution
to protect American seaman; he presented a bill on 14 March, which passed the House
on 28 March and was signed by George Washington on 28 May. The bill authorized port
collectors to issue protection papers to American sailors and appointed two agents
to reside abroad and report to the treasury secretary on the fate of impressed Americans
(Cambridge Modern Hist., 7:238, 239; Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 344, 786, 820; U.S. Senate, Jour., 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 278). For more on British spoliations of American merchant vessels
during this period, see TBA to JQA, 17 April, note 5, below.
4. In his letter of 13 March JA joked that if he had the harp of Amphion, he would be able to make the rocks of Penn’s
Hill “dance after me, and reel into Walls. This would be to me a very pleasant and
profitable private Amusement.” He also inquired whether Cotton Tufts had begun the
work of building a wall to separate the Adams properties from their neighbors in order
to protect the cornfields (Adams Papers).
5. Not found.
6. Frederick Hardwick (1766–1849) was a cordwainer in Quincy. His eldest child, George
Mears Hardwick, had been baptized in Aug. 1795 (Sprague, Braintree Families).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0122
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-29
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia March 29. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
On Monday I recd your favour of the 20th Nothing will damp the Rage for Speculation but a Peace which may break a few hundreds
or thousands of speculators.
The Georgia Business is Impudence of uncommon hardness. The Rage of Party is there
unrestrained by Policy or Delicacy.
Our sons Account of shakespears Relicks Fenno has printed without Names.1
He must early learn to bear Mortifications. He will never have more to bear than his
Father has borne. He is in a state of honourable Banishment. I wish he would come
home, with leave, and have Courage enough to set down again in his office and go before
Justices of the Peace & Quarter sessions in Defence of the Rights of Man, after marrying
his Girl if she is still disengaged if he likes it.— Upon the whole however I think
he had better stay another Year, which will make great Changes in this as well as
other Countries.
The Appointment of the C. J. was a wise Measure.— My Mind is quite at ease on that
subject—
Buy as much Hay as you please— I was afraid you would be obliged to give more than
five Pounds a load.
The Barn is to be forty five feet long or rather exactly of the Dimensions of my Fathers—
I think it must be in a line with that—if you make an Ell you cutt off all the Prospect.
I shall only raise board & shingle it this year—merely for a shelter to the Hay.
{ 235 } I send you a Post Note for 600 which I wish you to acknowledge by the first opportunity.
My Expences are so enormous that I can send no more.
The House consume all their Time upon Party Politicks and all the Great Business of
the Nation is suspended.
Mr Henry of Maryland exclaimed to me to day with great Pathos—“Pensilvania has passed
a Law to appoint Electors by a general or state Ticket— The Point will lay with Pensilvania—
they are a wrong and We shall be defeated.” Bingham answered “Oh No We shall have
every Man”— I held my Tongue and understood not a Word they said.2
Henry poor Man had not taken laudanum enough to raise his spirits to the Key.—
The Heart is deceitful and I do believe as well as suspect that I know not mine: But
I really and soberly feel as if I should be better pleased that Henry my sincere friend
should be defeated than that he should tryumph.—
Torment and Philadelphia are in one scale—Quiet and Quincy in the other. that is all
the Difference— I feel myself as fixed as fate. Our statesmen have Letters from John
which I have not seen: but which please entertain and interest them.3 I am my dearest friend / poor or sick, great or small yours / everlastingly
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “March 29th 1796.”
1. The Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 29 March, printed a summary of part of JQA’s 24 Nov. 1795 letter to AA, above, regarding the alleged discovery of a new play by Shakespeare.
2. Between 21 and 31 March 1796 the Pennsylvania legislature debated and ultimately approved
“An Act Directing the Manner, Time and Places, for Holding Elections for the Electors
of a President and Vice-President of the United States.” The new law allowed Pennsylvania
citizens to select electors through direct elections. Gov. Thomas Mifflin signed it
on 1 April (Acts of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Passed at a Session,
Which Was Begun … the First Day of December, in the Year One Thousand Seven Hundred
and Ninety-Five, Phila., 1796, p. 46–47, Evans, No. 30976).
3. For a summary of JQA’s letters to Timothy Pickering during his time in London, see JA to AA, 9 April, note 2, below. During the same period JQA wrote only one letter to Oliver Wolcott Jr., 21 Dec. 1795, commenting on the delays
in American interest payments to the Dutch bankers and suggesting that “some permanent
system” be established in the United States to pay off the interest “or the credit
of the nation for punctuality will materially suffer” (LbC, APM Reel 130).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0123
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-03-30
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] London March 30 1796.
[salute] My dear Mother.
The opportunities for writing occur so frequently at this time, and there is so little
to say that I am apprehensive some of them will
{ 236 }
escape without carrying any letters to you; for one is ashamed to write a short letter;
when it is to go so far; and like most correspondents I do not always remember that
to write little is better than not to write at all.
I send you by the present opportunity Miss Williams’s last Letters from France, and
an Answer to Paine’s theology by Bishop Watson. The first you have perhaps already
seen, but as they concern the same subject with the other publications which I have
lately sent to you and my father; you will perhaps be pleased to add them to the collection.—
The Bishop’s “Apology for the Bible” has just been published and it is to be hoped
will operate as oil upon Paine’s Arsenic.1
The Newspapers contain but little intelligence. There is much talk of Peace, but I
think very little prospect of it. The military campaign has not yet been opened but
the most formidable apparatus for the work of destruction has been collected on both
sides, and will probably soon be brought into action.
The scarcity of subsistence has much diminished in France and here. Grain and flour
have fallen considerably in their prices. The present complaint is of a scarcity of
money.
I have no letters from my father later than December. 13. The last from you is of
January 23.2 The vessels from Boston & Philadelphia are constantly arriving, and I wait for further
letters with all the Patience that my philosophy can command. I find my health much
improved by the relaxation (not to call it by an hard name,) that I have had for the
last two months. I hope therefore that the Time has not been wholly lost.— My intelligence
from my brother at the Hague is not later than the last of February; he had suffered
a severe attack from his old rheumatic complaint, but he says he had in a great measure
recovered from it. I am afraid he must have had a hard time of it, deprived of all
the alleviations to his pain which he had in former instances; alone, in a strange
country; though not altogether without friends; for he will find them wherever he
goes. His last Letter however is written in apparent good spirits: he was preparing
to attend at the ceremony of opening the National Convention, which took place on
the day after the date of his letter.3
Please to remember me in duty and affection to my Grandmother, and to all our friends
at Quincy, Weymouth and Boston. I am very happy to hear that my cousin W. Cranch has
a son; though I cannot help considering it as a sort of reflection upon me; for a
good example always contains a censure upon a bad practice.— I begin to think
{ 237 }
very seriously of the duty incumbent upon all good citizens to have a family.— If
you think this the language of a convert, perhaps you will enquire how he became so?—
I am not yet prepared to answer that.
I remain your ever affectionate Son
[signed] John Q. Adams.
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: Adams. Quincy.”; endorsed: “J Q A March 30 1796.” FC-Pr (Adams Papers); APM Reel 131.
1. Helen Maria Williams, Letters Containing a Sketch of the Politics of France, 2 vols., London, 1795, and Richard Watson, An Apology for the Bible: In a Series of Letters Addressed to Thomas Paine, London, 1796.
2. That is, JA to JQA, 12 Dec. 1795, above, JA wrote to TBA on 13 Dec., for which see JA to CA, 13 Dec., note 4, above.
3. TBA’s 29 Feb. 1796 letter to JQA has not been found, but see JQA to TBA, 24 March, above. At the end of 1795 the States General decided by majority vote to call for
a National Assembly, and on 18 Feb. 1796 a unanimous vote was passed for the Assembly
to convene on 1 March. Only 90 of the 126 representatives were present on that day,
and those who refused to take the oath of loyalty were excluded. The meeting took
place in the Binnenhof at The Hague, where the deputies elected Pieter Paulus as their
president. TBA “went in full Diplomatic Dress to assist at the ceremony” and noted that he “enjoyed
doubtless more than any Stranger present, this mockery of regeneration— I did feel
glad on the occasion, for I know an opportunity to try their luck, in a new form of
Govt cannot be for the publick a greater calamity than the continuance of the Old-régime”
(I. Leonard Leeb, The Ideological Origins of the Batavian Republic, The Hague, 1973, p. 262; George Edmundson, History of Holland, Cambridge, Eng., 1922, p. 348–349; M/TBA/2, 1 March 1796, APM Reel 282).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0124
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-04-01
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] April 1st Quincy 1796
[salute] my Dearest Friend
I yesterday received Yours of March 19 & 23d inclosing the Letter from our son, compareing Such events as have taken place in
Europe, with the Spirit, and Temper of the Parties in America, and the evident disposition
of foreign Powers towards the united States.1 I believe our Son will prove to be possesst of the Spirit, calld Prophesy which it
has been said, was the property of his Father. in other Words, I believe from the
observation which have occurd to me, that he Will be found to have made a just estimate
of men and measures. I observe his prudent caution in not nameing those of his Countrymen
who differ from him in opinion, but from Your reflection I presume it must be M. if
not P. as to Sieyes I have long had my eye upon him as the Cromwell of France.2 How little do our Countrymen understand humane Nature, & what Superlative Ignorance
Do they discover of History, and of the politicks of Nations, when they talk of a
Republicks having no Secreets. it is really a pitty Such Ignoramuses should be Sent
into a Legislative assembly. as
{ 238 }
there are always two sides to a question, I hope light will brake out in full Day
upon the combattants, and that Right, and justice will be established.
We May Soon expect to hear from abroad. Scott was to Sail in Feb’ry. I Suppose I must not ask how the 12 article is like to be Modified?3 or whether Success is probable?
I so frequently want advise, respecting our Home affairs that I wish you was here
to Make Some of the arrangements, or that I had been more particular in attending
to your plans. some of them must vary, oweing to the Letting the Farms. there are
three Yoke of Young steers. two of them are quiet to the yoke, but one pr & the likelyest
are wild never even been handled Dr Tufts wants a Yoke would you part with them? two
more Yoke are comeing on to be made use of an other Year. is your plan to fat two
Yoke this Year? I hope I shall be able to go on with some buisness which I would undertake,
if I was sure I should have it Done right. I mean the Wall talkd of upon the Hill.
I am weak very weak now. as soon as you enable me to be vallient I shall go on with
spirit. I should live a short life upon credit.
Copland Says his time is out to Day for which he engaged to you; I say not till the
25th. Whether I shall hire him again is uncertain as I hear from your Brother that he
talks of very high wages. I saw Billings to Day. he was engaged to Make a peice of
Stone wall for capt Beal which he thinks will take him three weeks. he then says he
will come if we can agree, but I could not find out what he intended to have. Your
Brother Says our lands must lye without cultivation for Laboures are for having all
the value of produe and money beside; I must keep Copeland for the present Month if
he will stay. I shall have some talk with him in the course of the Week & see what
his expectations are, but here are so few Labourers that we are obliged to give the
highest price and not always for the first hands. shaw bears all the blame of Spoiling
the Hay put into the Barns, by getting it in not Sufficiently Made—
our Tennants are moving. the Day is Spring like and the Birds Sing. our Worthy Brother
Cranch is laid up for this fortnight with his old Lung complaint, which will some
Day prove too hard for him I hope he is getting better. Mother has got through the
Month of March without being confined, and is comfortable.
Yours in Love and affection
[signed] Abigail Adams
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A / 1. April. ansd 13. 1795.”
1. In his letter of 23 March to AA, JA deferred to her decisions regarding their tenants and mentioned JQA’s situation in Europe and the weather. He also enclosed a
{ 239 }
17 Nov. 1795 letter from JQA (both Adams Papers), for which see JQA to JA, 21 Nov., note 1, above.
2. That is, JQA’s fellow diplomats, James Monroe and Thomas Pinckney, who, according to JQA, believed “the final and unqualified triumph of the french Republic over all her
enemies must be at hand.” JQA observed “with pain” that “Their accounts to their friends in America must differ
essentially from mine, and time alone will discover whether their statements will
be justified by the course of Events.” JQA considered the Abbé Sieyès to be “the main spring of the french external policy.
I believe further that his policy as respects the United States, is of a tendency
as pernicious to them, as if it had been invented in the councils of the Prince of
Darkness” (JQA to JA, 17 Nov., Adams Papers).
3. For the Senate’s earlier debate and refusal to accept Art. 12 of the Jay Treaty, see
vol. 10:451, 462, 466, 471. JQA informed Timothy Pickering on 14 Nov. that “The additional Article suspending the
clause in the twelfth Article according to the ratification of the Senate was agreed
to without difficulty” (LbC, APM Reel 130).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0125
Recipient: Adams, Abigail
Date: 1796-04-01
John Adams to Abigail Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia April 1. 1796
[salute] My Dearest Friend
The Newspapers will inform you of our interminable Delays. The House have asked for
Papers and the President has refused them, with Reasons and the House are about to
record in their Journals their Reasons— meanwhile the Business is in suspence: and
I have no clear Prospect when I shall go home.
It is the general opinion of those I converse with that after they have passed the
Resolutions which they think will justify them to their Constituents, seven or Eight
of the Majority will vote for the appropriations necessary to carry the Treaties into
Execution.1
Next Wednesday is assigned for the House to take the P.’s Message into Consideration—
two Massachusetts Members Leonard & Freeman are gone home and three are among the
most inveterate of the Opposition Dearborne Varnum & Lyman. Our People are almost
as inconsistent in returning Such Men as the Pensilvanians are in Returning Adventurers
from Geneva, Britain & Ireland2 if the Constitution is to give Way under these contending Parties We shall see it
before long. If the House persevere in refusing to vote the appropriations We shall
sit here till next March for what I know and wait for the People, to determine the
Question for Us. One good Effect of a persevering Opposition in the House would be
that We should preserve the President for another four Years: for I presume He will
have sufficient Spiriti to hold the Helm till he has steered the ship through this
storm, unless the People should remove him which most certainly they will not.
I will Not sit here in summer in all Events— I would sooner resign my Office. I will
leave Philadelphia by the Sixth or seventh of June
{ 240 }
at farthest. Other Gentlemen of the senate and House are frequently asking Leave of
Absence: but my Attendance is perpetual and will if continued much longer disorder
my Health, which hitherto has been very good. But I want my Horse my farm my long
Wallks and more than all the Bosom of my friend—
Poor Lear has lost his second Wife.—3
I want to talk Politicks with my Brother and to know how his Patriotic Pulse beat
in these times.
Next Monday is your Election when I suppose there will be a Stir. Many Letters express
a clear opinion that there will be a Change. This would be the strongest Proof of
Fœderalism which Mass has ever given; because I suppose it will be from fœderal Principles
& Motives.4 But I expect no such Thing. I could fill a sheet with my Reasons but they would not
be new to you.
The Weather is very pleasant but rather dry— I suppose you have Scarcely got rid of
your snow.
I am anxious to hear whether the Throat Distemper has abated in Quincy— I thought
the Physicians had become Masters of that Complaint. Duty to my Mother and / Love
& Compts where due from your / ever Affectionate
[signed] J. A
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “April 1 1796.”
1. The political posturing over House appropriations for the Jay Treaty continued through
April. With their speeches, Democratic-Republican legislators tried to undermine both
the Jay Treaty and Federalist foreign policy and only secondarily used the issue to
solidify party support in Congress. Federalists countered by inciting citizens to
send petitions to Congress demanding the execution of the treaty. This public pressure
helped sway the 30 April decision, at which time the House voted 51 to 48 to fund
the treaty (Combs, Jay Treaty, p. 171–172, 178; Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 1291).
2. Pennsylvania elected two foreign-born members to the 4th Congress: William Findley
from Ireland and Albert Gallatin from Geneva, Switzerland. In the 3rd Congress, along
with Findley, four other foreign-born members represented the state: Robert Morris
from Liverpool, England, and Thomas Fitzsimons, William Irvine, and John Smilie, all
from Ireland (Biog. Dir. Cong.).
3. Tobias Lear’s second wife, Frances (Fanny) Bassett Washington Lear (b. 1767), whom
he had married on 22 Aug. 1795, died in late March 1796. She was the daughter of Martha
Washington’s sister and brother-in-law, Anna Marie Dandridge Bassett and Col. Burwell
Bassett of Eltham in New Kent County, Va. Frances was the widow of George Augustine
Washington, George Washington’s nephew, whom she had married in 1785 (Washington, Papers, Presidential Series, 1:93; ANB; Washington, Diaries, 6:252).
4. The Massachusetts election for governor and state senators was held on 4 April 1796.
Although the incumbent governor, Samuel Adams, defeated the Federalist candidate,
Increase Sumner, 15,195 votes to 10,184 votes, the Federalists gained seats in the
senate. This new Federalist majority was reflected in the legislature’s decision to
replace the Democratic-Republican Boston Independent Chronicle with the Federalist Massachusetts Mercury as the new state printer (Anson Ely Morse, The Federalist Party in Massachusetts to the Year 1800, Princeton, N.J., 1909, p. 160–161, 164; Massachusetts Mercury, 5 April, 3 June; Boston Independent Chronicle, 6 June).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0126
Recipient: Adams, John
Date: 1796-04-04
Abigail Adams to John Adams
[dateline] Quincy April 4th 1796
[salute] my Dearest Friend
I see by the papers brought by last nights Mail that the Question on Livingstones
Motion was carried by a great Magority. this May truly be calld a scramble after power.
what is to come next? dare they touch the Treaty with unhallowd Hands? Giles seems
all at once to have fallen in Love with Checks, and rings as many changes with them,
as has been asscribed to the Author of the Defence. I have read his flimsy speach
repleat with Sophistry, calculated to catch flies, but not a toil for Lions.1 I do not recollect being more pleasd with any speach than mr Bucks Simple, Manly,
and convincing,2 “plain Truth Dear Murry, needs no flowers of speach”3 it is curious to see these Geniuss quoting as an Authority a Nation & Government,
which on other occasions & from the opposite side, they would repobate in the severest
terms. but what cannot Party Spirit effect. it can see single & Double, Proteus like
assume all shapes, and forms. This said mr Giles, who appears to have some lose Ideas
borrowd from a work which I presume he never studied, or he might have learnt from
it, a true picture of himself and Party, and that the Love of power, like the Love
of fame, how ever disguised by art, Glows more or less, and burns in every Heart that
this tendency can never be eradicated, but ought to be so gaurded as not to prevail
over the Laws, and in the Words of the Defence, [“]putting the Executive power into
the Hands of the people is bribing them to their own destruction. putting it into
the Hands of their Representitives is Still worse as it gives more opportunity to
conceal the Knavery”4
Tomorrow is our Election Day, and after scolding and abuseing the Old Man some, their
Hearts relent towards him, and I am very certain from what I have read and what I
have heard, all of which will serve rather than injure his cause, he will again be
Reelected and I belive by a large proportion of the state. in the first place he lives
in the Town of Boston. that has its Weight with their Pride and Ambition in the next
place, they recollect his former Services his Age, and his Virtues. those take hold
of their gratitude, and they know not how to bring his grey Hairs with sorrow to the
Grave. there they have some merrit. they know there is not any other Man held up sufficiently
popular to unite the people. these are the considerations of the Patriots. the Antis
Support him, because they
{ 242 }
think him a spoke in their Wheel. I own for Myself, whilst I pitty his infirmities,
I should have been sorry to have had him dropt. there will be many Votes for sumner,
and his Election will not be so full as the last year.5
Tell mr Cabot that Mrs Cabot call’d on me on her return from Hingham, that she was
well and in good spirits. We compared Notes and mournd the absence of our Mates, more
particularly as the Spring approaches, that I sent My Love to him by her, and she
sent her Respects to you, which means just the same thing.
I have had a confinement for several Days Something of the prevailing Lung complaint.
I hope it will prove Slight, and that I shall be out again soon. our cold March east
Winds have been the cause of it. You will escape their voilence I hope.
present me affectionately to all Friends / Your
[signed] A Adams
P s Mr Cranch is rather better.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “The Vice President of / The United States / Philadelphia”; endorsed:
“Mrs A. April 4. ansd. 16 / 1796.”
1. On 11 March William Branch Giles spoke in the House of Representatives on the Jay
Treaty in general and specifically on the constitutional rights of the House in checking
the treaty-making power of the executive branch. Giles noted that with the treaty,
“never, I will venture to say, was there an instance of a more complete rout of so
complete a system of checks, within the term of six years, in any Government on earth.”
If the resolution requesting George Washington to hand over documents relating to
the treaty negotiations was not carried out, Giles declared that “the triumph of evasion
of checks is complete indeed, and little will be left hereafter to be evaded” (Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 500–514).
2. Daniel Buck (1753–1816), a lawyer, represented Vermont in the House from 1795 to 1797
and later served as the state’s attorney general. On 7 March 1796 Buck spoke against
the resolution requesting the president to turn over documents relating to the Jay
Treaty negotiation because he believed the documents would only “gratify feelings
of resentment” in the nation. “Are we to explain the Treaty by private and confidential
papers, or by anything extraneous to the instrument itself? I conclude not” (Biog. Dir. Cong.; Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 1st sess., p. 430–435).
3. Alexander Pope, “The Sixth Epistle of the First Book of Horace,” line 3.
4. See JA, Defence of the Const., 3:412.
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0127
Recipient: Adams, John Quincy
Date: 1796-04-05
John Adams to John Quincy Adams
[dateline] Philadelphia April 5. 1796
[salute] My Dear son
I have this morning received your favours of Jan. 7 and February the first with the
Newspapers for which I thank you—1 I recd some days ago a Letter with the Review and some other Papers.2 I thank you for all these Marks of your kind Attention. a few Lines from you
{ 243 }
are always acceptable as they are Information of your Health and Situation, but your
long Letters are fraught with such Information and Such Wisdom as always afords me
the highest Satisfaction. I have read your Public Dispatches and I know they have
given great Satisfaction both to The Minister & President.
The House of Representatives have been making Difficulties about The Treaty: But they
will probably in a few days do what is necessary to be done by them. I am not sorry
that you are not a favourite at Court or with the People of England. I would never
owe them Any Obligation and I hope my Children never will because I know that a cordial
Kindness & Friendship will never exist in their Bosoms towards <my> our Country. Their Jealousy and Envy will eternally generate Hatred. Their Generals
Admirals and Governers have no more discretion than peevish Boys in their Conversation
concerning this Country and in their Behaviour towards our Citizens. I will never
fail to do them Justice: but I know them full well.
Dont suffer their little Contemptible Passions and sordid Insolence to hurt your feelings.
our Family are all Well. I am my Dear son, with as much friendly Esteem and solid
/ Confidence as parental affection your / Father
[signed] John Adams
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “J. Q Adams.”
1. For JQA to JA, 7 Jan., see JQA to AA, 6 Jan., note 7, above. In his letter of 1 Feb. to JA, JQA wrote that he was still in London awaiting orders to return to The Hague, noted the
French-Austrian armistice and the return of the West Indian expedition, and forwarded
some newspapers (Adams Papers).
2. In his letter to JA of 1 Jan., JQA enclosed some papers and noted the scarcity of news in England due to the weather
and the French embargo (Adams Papers).
Docno: ADMS-04-11-02-0128
Recipient: Adams, Thomas Boylston
Date: 1796-04-07