Adams Family Correspondence, volume 12
I have not written to you, since receiving your very kind Letter of
3d: March. though I received it almost a month ago. I have
determined finally to go by the way of England; you will readily conceive that this
circumstance together with the necessary attention to the preparations for my departure
from this Country, and since the arrival of Mr: Murray, the
arrangements for introducing him to the course of our affairs here, have so thoroughly
engrossed my time as to leave me little even for the pleasing employment of writing to
you.
I shall quit this Country with some regret. The mission here is not indeed a station of splendor either in the line of profit or of reputation. Yet upon the whole it has been rendered very agreeable to me, both by the good dispositions of the Government here, and by the indulgence, and approbation of my own Government, particularly of the late President.— I know with what delight your truly maternal heart has received every testimonial of his favourable voice, and it is among the most precious gratifications of my life to reflect upon the pleasure which my conduct has given to my Parents.— The terms indeed, in which such a character as Washington has repeatedly expressed himself concerning me, could have left me nothing to wish, if they did not alarm me, by their very strength. How much my Dear mother, is required of me, to support and justify such a judgment as that which you have copied into your Letter.
With respect to the strong hope which
he intimates, I have thought it required an explicit Declaration to my father from me. I
wish not to discuss or even to dispute the propriety of the distinction suggested, to
exempt me from the exclusion which the writer gave to all his own relations.— However
the matter may stand as it respects my father, I know and feel how my duty operates, and you 174 may rest assured
that I never shall hold a public office under the nomination of my father.
But where is my Independence?— for this question has been made me; and I am sensible that when upon the point of assuming the weighty charge of a family, it is a most serious question to me. Still however I can answer— It is in the moderation of my wishes; and in my industry.— Far as I am from bearing an affection to the practice of the Law, I will most certainly return to it in all the humility of its first outset rather than forfeit my independence; but it must have changed essentially its character upon the score of liberality in Massachusetts, if I cannot upon my return find any mode of private employment as honest and much more productive.
We have just received the speech of the President upon the 16th: of May, at the opening of the Session of Congress. It has
given us great satisfaction, and we hope that the line of policy marked out by it, will
succeed in terminating our differences with France.— The Legislative Councils and even
the Directory have assumed quite a different complexion since the introduction of the
new third into the Legislature, and of your old acquaintance Barthelemi into the
Directory.1 It is probable however that
there will be a great struggle by the party who have hitherto governed with so much
injustice and oppression, both at home and abroad. New conspiracies or new Revolutions
are apparently forming, and whatever party prevails will hold its power by no other
tenure than that of violence.
The negotiations for Peace between France and Britain are resuming.
They are to be conducted it is said at Lille in Flanders.2 I still doubt very much whether they will
terminate successfully. There is yet too much Ambition and too much of the disorganizing
Spirit in the french Government to allow them a disposition sincerely pacific.— Their
treatment of Venice and Genoa, both neutral states, which had never been engaged in the
Coalition, has been in open defiance, not only of all Justice and Honour, but of all
shame. They have not been satisfied with dissolving the Governments of those Republics,
but are dismembering them, and taking parts of their Territories to give them for
indemnity to the Emperor and the king of Sardinia, instead of the dominions they have
sacrificed to the conquering Genius of France.3 Buonaparte, not only wages but formally declares
War, makes Peace, dissolves Governments, orders the
adoption of others, sets up or pulls down the Sovereign People just as suits his own
caprice, or that of his employers, and in the midst of the deep Tragedy of massacre,
pillage, Assassination, and 175 crimes of every dye,
that attends these Revolutions, the farce, of Liberty, of Equality, of Fraternity, of
the Rights of Man, with its whole Babylonish Dialect4 of imposture and hypocrisy is assiduously kept
up, and I verily believe still finds its dupes.
You will excuse the shortness of my letter. I expect to sail from Rotterdam for London by the last of the month, having already engaged my passage, and taken leave of the Government here.5
I remain with the tenderest affection and duty, your son
RC (Adams
Papers); internal address: “Mrs: Adams.”;
endorsed: “J Q Adams 26 June / 1797 N 28”; notation by TBA: “No 28.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 130.
During March and April, 216 members of the French legislature
were retired by ballot. All were former members of the National Convention, and
although most stood for reelection to the legislature, only eleven were chosen. The
election gave the majority in both chambers to the Constitutionalists, who were openly
hostile to the Directory. On 20 May the new members took their seats. On the 27th
François Barthélemy was elected to the Directory in the place of Charles Louis
François Honoré Le Tourneur, who was also retired by ballot (
Cambridge Modern Hist.
,
8:506). For the Adamses’ previous acquaintance with Barthélemy, see vol. 6:303, 305, 472; 7:40, 153.
The Anglo-French negotiations at Lille lasted from June to
October. France’s demand that all colonial possessions seized by Britain from France,
Spain, and the Netherlands be returned nearly ended the negotiations in late June. But
when Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord became the new French foreign minister in
July, he began to work with Sir James Harris, Earl of Malmesbury, to achieve a true
peace. Negotiations collapsed, however, after the 4 Sept. (An. V, 18 fructidor)
political coup returned the pro-war party to power in France (Paul W. Schroeder, The Transformation of European Politics 1763–1848, Oxford,
1994, p. 173–174). For the previous negotiations between Great Britain and France in
the fall of 1796, see vol. 11:392.
Genoese attempts at neutrality were unsuccessful, and internal
feuds between pro-French and pro-Austrian factions were exacerbated by Napoleon’s
interference. On 6 July 1796 Napoleon instructed the French envoy at Genoa to banish
the ruling Genoese families that supported Austria. Feuds arose in the city between
the supporters of France and Austria, and when a few French subjects were killed in
the melee Napoleon sent two French divisions to the city. The Genoese senate,
realizing it could not resist the French forces, agreed to send envoys to treat with
Napoleon, and on 6 June 1797 a provisional treaty was signed at Mombello that created
a moderate democracy and renamed Genoa the Ligurian Republic (
Cambridge Modern Hist.
,
8:587–588). For France’s earlier armistice with Sardinia, see vol. 11:287.
“But, when he pleased to show’t, his speech / In loftiness of
sound was rich; / A Babylonish dialect, / Which learned pedants much affect” (Samuel
Butler, Hudibras, Part I, canto i, lines 91–94).
On 20 June JQA delivered his letters of recall to
the Batavian National Assembly. On the 28th he and TBA left The Hague and
arrived in Rotterdam in preparation for their voyage to London; two days later they
boarded the Alexander & Alexander but made it only as
far as Maassluis, where they were detained by bad winds for nine days. Finally on 9
July, they boarded another ship, the Alexander, Capt. de
Vries, and reached Gravesend early on the morning of the 12th. Traveling by coach from
Gravesend to London, they arrived at Osborne’s Hotel in the Adelphi Buildings that
afternoon (D/JQA/24, APM Reel 27).
JQA also wrote to JA twice in June. On 7 June he noted that he intended to go to London and marry but that he was still waiting on the arrival of William Vans Murray. He also reported that the Abbé Arnoux had been helpful to TBA in France, and he commented on the changes within the Directory. 176 JQA continued the letter on 19 June, noting Murray’s arrival. JQA also wrote to JA on 29 June reporting his departure from The Hague, where he “did not conceive myself at Liberty to accept the customary present of a medal & chain which was offered me.” He commented on Napoleon’s treatment of the Italian states and reported that he would send the secretary of state copies of the Batavian National Assembly’s new constitution (both Adams Papers).
th.1797
I have no doubt that you retain such an Interest in my happiness as to rejoice with me in the birth of another son.1 The boy appears strong and healthy and the mother seems very well.— The feelings of a Parent will easily account for such an Event being uppermost in my mind at this time.—
When I wrote last to my friends at Quincy, it was my determination
to have enter’d again into the Profession of the law in this place, and gradually to
have withdrawn myself from the business of Mr. Morris in
proportion as my own should increase. For this purpose, Mr.
Morris had engaged to send me a law library from Philada.
2—but since that time I have
received a letter from my brother Webster in NYork in which he proposes to me to join
him in publishing a dayly paper in Boston similar to the Minerva, and a Country Gazette
like the Herald—of which it is intended that I shall become the Editor—the proceeds of
Mr. Webster’s share of the Stock to be applied to the
relief of my father Greenleaf’s family— The facts stated by Mr. Webster are, that his Stock at N York does not exceed 2,000 Dols. the net produce of which is at least 5,000 Dols. per Annum, vizt. 250 per Cent.—
This he assures me is the fact, and that he has no doubt but that a similar and equally
profitable establishment may be made at Boston in the Course of 18 months or two years.—
To this proposal I have given my assent provided I can get clear of the business at
Washington and raise my proportion of stock; both which I think I shall be able to
accomplish.—3
The principal objection to my becoming an Editor of a Gazette, is,
that I am the Nephew of the President—for I could not exercise my own judgement and at
the same time prove myself not under influence—and whatever sentiments the Nephew might
express would not fail to be attributed to the Uncle.— In fact, we should never hear the
last of “Uncle & Nevvy”. But the theme would soon
become as threadbare and disgusting as the Epithets and phrases with which Bache every
day so fastidiously blots his paper.— I shall 177
178 have little regret in bearing my part of the abuse;
but I hesitate when I think what new slanders it may call forth against a Character I so
much venerate.—
Nancy joins in respectful remembrance of yourself and Mr. Adams with your truely affectionate and obliged
RC (Adams Papers).
For the birth of Richard Cranch, see Descriptive List of Illustrations, Nos. 2 and 3, above.
In his letter to JA of 18 April, William Cranch similarly reported his intentions, describing the law as the only means “of geting bread for my family.” He also explained the housing situation of Gustavus Scott, a Washington, D.C., commissioner, and discussed the navigation of the different branches of the Potomac River and their impact on the capital’s development (Adams Papers).
Noah Webster and William Cranch were brothers-in-law; Anna
Greenleaf Cranch’s sister, Rebecca, had married Webster in 1789. It does not appear
that Webster ever produced a Boston daily newspaper; in April 1798 he moved to New
Haven and gave up active editorship of his two New York newspapers (Greenleaf, Greenleaf
Family
, p. 218; John S. Morgan, Noah
Webster, N.Y., 1975, p. 137).