Adams Family Correspondence, volume 12
th:August 1797.
I have at length made up my mind to accompany my brother and his lady to Berlin. In justification of this resolution I shall only observe, that it was formed after full and mature consideration, in which both sides of the question, to go or not to go, were deliberately examined, but I may also add, that compliance with the earnest desires of my brother, had a greater share in producing this determination, than any personal gratification of my own. I shall not therefore meet my family and friends, this year, as I fondly anticipated would be the case, for I had resolved, upon leaving Holland, to return home in the course of this fall. Since then, I have been induced to postpone the execution of that purpose, though I hope not for any length of time. Let me entreat you however, to regotiate a Successor to me, in my present office—some good-natured confidential lad, who will be willing to undertake a voyage across the Atlantic, and pass a few years in the humble capacity in which I have served. To such an one you may say, that the service is not difficult or laborious, though unremitting; that the opportunity it gives of seeing Europe in various parts, is valuable, and that with prudence & oeconomy, the appointments annexed to the service will enable him to live decently and independantly, though very little more.
My Brother has mentioned this subject to you, and proposed the
person whom he should be fond of taking into his family. I join to his my solicitations
that the offer may be made, and if not accepted there, that some other may be attempted,
for I plainly see, that until some arrangement of this kind be made, I shall not be released. I hope to turn this new expedition
to my profit in acquiring the German language, an object which I have much at heart, and
which I 239 shall take pains to accomplish. I never gave myself
much trouble to obtain the Dutch, though some of it has
intruded itself upon me. My chief attention was to the French, while in Holland, and I
began to speak it with fluency & tolerable accuracy. Want of practice however, would
soon make me a bungler again.
Since I wrote you on the 24th: ulto: my brother has been married, and has given me an amiable
and accomplished Sister. He is very happy at present, and I doubt not will continue so,
for the young lady has much softness of temper and seems to love as she ought. Her
family have laid me under great personal obligations to them, by the kindness and
hospitality with which they have treated me, since I have been here. I feel proud of an
alliance with such worthy people. They are all to embark in the course of next month for
America, and will prove a great acquisition to the City of Washington, where Mr: Johnson intends to establish himself.
Your last letter of 20 June informs me of the marriage of my friend
Quincy, to a young lady of New York. I rejoice in every accession to his happiness,
because I bear him a sincere friendship, and I dare say that his choice in a wife has
done him equal credit with the rest of his conduct, since I have known him.— He does not
write me so often as I could wish, though I endeavor to find an apology for his neglect
in the importance and magnitude of his late operations. Now
that he is settled for life, I may expect more punctuality for the future. But I intend
shortly to refresh his memory by a direct remonstrance.
My father’s choice, you tell me, is not
If I rightly
divine the person who is the object of it, it is a very flattering one to me, and such
as I might think engaged.
seriously of making my own, if the
opportunity should ever offer for an experiment. This however seems little probable, and
if the celestial record has coupled my name with that of
any female, I am strongly disposed to think, that I have not yet fallen in with her. I have visited so many strange lands without being tempted
to turn a deaf ear to my Mentor, that I hope his influence may continue until I reach
that of my nativity.
We expect every day to hear of the arrival of the new Commissioners to France. The men are well chosen, according to general estimation, but the success to be looked for from their mission, is very problematical. Ours are claims upon the justice & rectitude of the French government and I hope they will not be fruitless. We shall see whether they will make a treaty that shall be more 240 beneficial to our Commercial interests than the British Treaty, of which they have so bitterly complained. I venture to predict, that if they consent to any treaty at all, it will be much less favorable & less satisfactory than the treaty with this Country, at least so far as respects indemnity for captures. This is my opinion, but I sincerely wish that the result may falsify my prophesy.
The debates in Congress upon the important subjects which were brought before them in their extraordinary Session, fall far short of the manly and vigorous spirit, which discovered itself in the reply of the house of Representatives to the President’s speech. If their deeds had corresponded with the language of that answer, our negotiators would have come out with a favorable prospect of succeeding in their mission. They will arrive at a time when negotiation is going forward in all quarters, and attempts will doubtless be made to confound & influence one with the other, though our pretentions have nothing in common with any other nation.
Portugal has just made its separate peace, by which another ally of
this Country is taken off without its consent.1 The terms are yet unknown, but the Times says, “that the conclusion of this treaty was one
of the last events, that our Court could have
expected.”2 Of the famous coalition it
may be said, that it was joint & several; they began all together and concluded all alone.3
I am glad to hear that you received the watch in good order and are satisfied with it. You thank the wrong person for it however, because my brother was the purchasor and sender also. He executes all the Commissions, which you charge me with, and thinks himself justly entitled to the credit. He has lately sent you the silk your ordered
I am, with love and duty your Son
RC (Adams
Papers); addressed: “Mrs: A Adams / Philadelphia”;
internal address: “Mrs: A Adams.”; endorsed: “T B Adams. /
17 August / 1797.”
A Franco-Portuguese peace treaty was signed on 10 Aug. by Antonio
de Araujo de Azevedo and Charles Delacroix de Constant, under the terms of which
Portugal granted France most favored nation status in its ports. France ratified the
treaty on 12 Sept., but British opposition resulting from its alliance with Portugal
led to delays in the Portuguese ratification. On 26 Oct. the Directory issued a decree
nullifying the treaty on the grounds that the queen of Portugal had exceeded the two
months stipulated for ratification. Ordered to leave France in early November, Araujo
de Azevedo remained and submitted the Portuguese ratification on 1 December. This was
refused, and the minister was confined in the Temple Prison from January to March 1798
(Hamilton, Papers
, 21:378; Georg Friedrich de Martens, Recueil de traités d’alliance, de paix, de trêve … depuis 1761 jusqu’à
présent, 2d edn., 8 vols., Gottingen, 1817–1835, 6:413–419; William 241 Vans Murray to JQA, 4 Nov. 1797,
Adams Papers). For Araujo de Azevedo’s
previous peace negotiations with France, see
JQA to LCA, 6 May, and
note 4, above.
TBA was quoting from the London Times, 17 August.
Between 1 Feb. and 26 Sept. 1793, Great Britain established
alliances against France with Russia, Sardinia, Spain, Prussia, Austria, Portugal, and
the Bourbons of Naples (Georges Lefebvre, The French
Revolution, transl. Elizabeth Moss Evanson, 2 vols., N.Y., 1962–1964, 2:4). See
also, vols. 9:420 and 11:6–7, 8, 457.
th1797
I this Day Received your kind Letter and we are all Happy to hear of your Safe arivall at Quincy1 we are all in the Dumps the yellow fever has again found its way in to this City and threatens Great mortality the hoal City is in Confusion and mooving out of town it first Broke out in Spruce and Pen Street and thair Seems to be Confined at Present But how fare it will go God only knows if it Should Continue to spread2 Advicce from you madam and the President would give us Great Relief we are all well Except The Two Children which I hope will Soon be Better we have had hear the greatest Rains that Ever was known our Cellar was filed Over Shoes but we have taken it allmost all out with Pails and Tubs I hope to hear again from you by the first Opportunity
we all Remain with Love and Respect your / most humble Servants—
RC (MHi:Adams-Hull Collection); addressed: “Mrs. / A.
Adams— / Quincy”; endorsed: “Brisler August / 17th /
1797.”
Not found.
The Philadelphia yellow fever epidemic lasted from late July to
late October. Many residents fled upon learning of the reappearance of the disease,
and on 13 Oct. health inspectors cautioned residents that it was not “advisable to
return at so early a period” even though the yellow fever appeared to be subsiding.
They also suggested that citizens should particularly avoid “entering Southwark, and
the lower parts of the city.” The fact that so many Philadelphians left the city
during the summer helped account for the lower mortality rates: approximately 1,000
residents died during the outbreak compared to the 5,000 deaths recorded in 1793 (vol.
9:447; Richard Folwell, Short History of the Yellow Fever, that Broke Out in the City of
Philadelphia, in July, 1797, Phila., 1797, p. 3, 22, 64, Evans, No. 32138).
th:1797.
Mr: Fitch Hall being about to embark
for New York I have entrusted to his care a trifling present, which I beg you to accept
from 242 me.1
I intended to have sent you a profile of myself by Mrs:
Johnson, but was prevented by the suddenness of her departure, which took place a week
sooner than it had been previously fixed. The whole family left this place yesterday
morning with the intention of joining their vessel at Gravesend and embarking
immediately for Georgetown. The separation, you will easily conceive to have been
painful to fond & affectionate parents, & tender sisters, who were taking leave
for the first time of a much loved daughter and Sister, though they are well assured
that she is left to the care of an husband & a brother who will shew her every
tenderness and attention that her situation can claim. She is indeed a most lovely
woman, & in my opinion worthy in every respect of the man for whom she has with so
much apparent cheerfulness, renounced father & mother, kindred & Country to
unite her destinies with his.
It would have been less unpleasant for us to have parted from this
family, had we been ready & free to depart hence ourselves; but no orders have yet
arrived, and we are apprehensive of their being so long deferred as to occasion us a
disagreeable & uncomfortable journey & voyage in the severest season of the
year, which is fast approaching. It is hoped however, that Mr: Smith, or our Commissioners to France, will be the bearers of instructions by
which our movements may be regulated. Our actual position is disagreeable.
The latest news from America is of the 23d or 4th: of July. As there is nothing comfortable
in it, I forbear making any remarks upon it, further than that I am heartily ashamed
& mortified at the depravity & wickedness of some of our native fellow-citizens.
I feel angry rather than humiliated at the injurious language of which the diplomatic
body in America, are the organs to our Government; but I hope their communications will
be carefully preserved, for ere long they will make a novel & curious collection,
worthy to be baptised by the name of impudent tracts, being
a specimen of modern negociation, with a neutral nation.
You will see the newspapers, which I send by this occasion to my father. Those of the day contain important statements of french affairs, but the intelligence is so recent that I know not how far it can be credited. I shall therefore hazard no remarks upon it.2
Present me kindly to my father & to our friends in general & accept the / love & duty of your Son
RC (Adams
Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A Adams.”
Fitch Hall (1759–1841) was a merchant and distiller in Medford,
Mass. (David Brainerd Hall, The Halls of New England:
Genealogical and Biographical, Albany, N.Y., 1883, p. 322; Helen Tilden Wild,
Medford in the Revolution: Military History of Medford,
Massachusetts, 1765–1783, Medford, Mass., 1903, P. 59).
News of the 4 Sept. (An. V, 18 fructidor) coup reached London by
9 Sept.; however, the London Evening Post, 9–12 Sept.,
cautioned readers that the latest Parisian paper they had received, dated 4 Sept., was
“evidently hostile to the Directors” and “was probably printed on the evening of the
preceding day.” On 10 Aug. JQA had written to JA (Adams Papers) about the growing rift between
the Council of Five Hundred and the Directory, which itself was “almost at open War
against each other.” He noted that a triumvirate of directors was “preparing to call
military force. … Their negotiations with the army of Buonaparte, have been very
public.” On the morning of 4 Sept. Gen. Pierre François Charles Augereau and 2,000
troops advanced on the Tuileries and denied the legislative councils access to their
chambers. That same day directors Paul Barras, Jean François Rewbell, and Louis Marie
de Larevellière-Lépeaux declared the emergence of a royalist conspiracy composed of
directors Lazare Nicolas Marguerite Carnot and François Barthélemy, members of the
legislative councils, journalists, émigrés, and priests. The following day the
triumvirate passed the law of 5 Sept. (19 fructidor), annulling the elections in 49
departments, condemning 53 citizens to transportation, forcing all émigrés to leave
France within two weeks, abolishing religion, and restricting freedom of the press.
Carnot escaped to Switzerland, while Barthélemy and fifteen others condemned to
transportation were sent to Sinnamary, French Guiana. On 6 Sept. Philippe Antoine
Merlin and Nicolas François de Neufchâteau filled the two vacant seats in the
Directory (
Cambridge Modern Hist.
, 8:507–512).