Adams Family Correspondence, volume 12
d.1798
Some lover of your nephews happiness, last thursday added
something to the fragment of life, by placing in my hands your agreeable favor of
March 20th. The pamphlet sent me, I give you my sincere
thanks. Is not Mr. Pickering the author. As soon as I read it, I thought I could see
in it his simple style and forcible reasoning. I had read both Scipio and Munroes
view, before I received your letter, and think that the latter ought to be hung, even
if he were guilty of no other crime than, that of thus betraying the secrets of our
government.
I am sorry that my dear aunt should have so poor an opinion of
the goodness of her nephews heart— I regret that she should think me so much of the
Frenchman, as to suppose it were possible I could throw any sarcasm against the
married state—a state which I have ever considered, as the foundation of community and the chief band of
society, without which I sincerely believe there is no true solid happiness. I wanted to tell you, that my sister M was soon to be
maried, the metaphor, to which you refer, came into my head— I was rather in a hurry,
and immediately wrote it down, with out considering its propriety. I have since
thought of it, and acknowledge it improper, but must beg of you to believe, that
nothing was more opposite or distant from the sentiments of my heart, than any sarcasm
against so holy, so sacred an institution.
Monday I went to the town meeting, called to take into consideration the allarming situation of publick affairs &c. You may easily believe that I was not a little provoked to see upwards of an hundred assembled, the most ignorant, unpricipled crew under Gods earth, to decide an interesting national question. I there heard men arraigning the administration of government, whom I knew did not understand half of the terms they used. Very few of the voters knew but little more than the boy of the jacobin, who after waiting on an entertainment of that society, & hearing their execrations against 477 Mr. Jays treaty being ordered in the evening to bring their carriages, burst into tears, begged of his master to excuse him from going, for he was afraid the treaty would catch him. There were lies there told which, would have ashamed even the devil himself. Dr. Hill, little in body and mind, and Judge Dana were the principle speakers. The latter spoke near an hour with elegance and energy. The former was very voluble in words, but as for his ideas, they were like needles hid in the hay. You may search all the day before you find them, & when you have them, they are not worth the search.1
Congress, as usual, seem to be doing little or nothing. They seem
to forget that they are not the representatives of sansculotte
Frenchmen, but of indepenent Americans. Why do
they not put themselves in a defensive state? I believe the French would never have
been such ravenous wolves, had they not seen so many of
the Americans mere passive sheep. How can congress quetly
set and see their country calumniated—their ministers insulted by an unprincipled, plundering, ferocious, bloody and tyranical nation,—a nation, whose government is anarchy, whose religion is atheism? This passive spirit is not confined to congress
alone. The whole country seem to forget that they are
men—that they have rights, which they ought to assert— which should not be violated with impunity. Every one ought to rise, indignant at the insults we have received. I should glory this moment, lame and weak as I am; in shouldering my firelock & swearing on the alter of my country, to fight the
enemy, as long, as there was a particle of me left or a drop of blood to
shed.
The federalists here do not sufficiently exert themselves to inform the people. We have very few good political pices in the Mercury or Centinel. We have not even the debates of congress. The chronicle, that speaking trumphet of the devel, is always filled with inflaming pieces, calculated to deceive ignorant people. Men of abilities ought not at the present time to live in retirement. I am an uninformed— unexperienced youth, but were “I a Fisher Ames or a Hamilton I should think myself almost a traitor to my country if I remained buried in my farm or spending my time pleading at the bar.”2
I suspect there are some jacobinical villains, postmasters
between Boston & N.C. Williams from N.C. an intimate friend and classmate of mine,
anxious that his father should read some of our Nothern papers, subscribed for the
Mery. & Cenl. His father
has written to him repeatedly, that the chronle. comes
regularly twice a week, but that he does not receive more than a third of his papers.
Russell & Minns botho say they send them regularly twice a week.3
Our frigate constitution, though crushed, like Hercules of old, in infancy in its cradle, is I am told almost ready for sail, and for strength & elegance is almost unequalled.4
I am very anxious to see the letters from our commissioners I suspect
Have you heard from my cousins abroad lately. How does Cousin John’s wife do? Where is Johnson? I sincerely pitty the poor fellow? He is very poorly calculated for his situation. His ideas were always too aristocratical, to please even me & I have told him so repeatedly.
We have now completed our college studies & are excused from
all college exercises. The day (21st of June) will soon be
present, when I shall leave this seat of science.6 To me that day will be a day of sorrow. To
leave the tender and affectionate smiles of some of my worthy classmates is my aunt,
melancholy in the extreme. The idea I love not to cherish, but it is an idea which
often obtrudes on the social hour—which makes its appearance when unlooked for, &
when combined with the future prospects of my life, makes me miserable indeed. It was
not for man to anticipate evil, but it impossible to prevent it. I have been pecularly
happy, during my college life, in selecting a worthy few
for my particular friends. & the tie is now drawn so
close, that to dissever it, will be like dissevering a limb. We have lived, my aunt,
like a band of brothers and the only point we ever
contended was, who loved the most.
I have read all the debates on foreign intercouse, except Mr. Harper’s, of which I have heard much said. If you have the paper by you, which contains it or any of Porcupines & it is not too much trouble I wish you would send them to me7
I wish my Aunt would write to me more frequently, I am sure she would, if she knew how much pleasure, her letters always give me.
Please to me remember me affectionately to Uncle & cousin.
I have written you a long unconnected letter—I feel almost ashamed to send it.
You must, my dear aunt, accept the little
all I have to offer, as freely as I give it; my love, esteem & gratitude
which are indeed sincerely yours.
mS Shaw8
I have just received a letter from my mother, all are well but my dear sister & she continues unwell yet.
479RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “William S Shaw / April 2. 1798.”
On 2 April a town meeting was convened in Cambridge “to take into consideration the alarming situation of Public
Affairs.” The outcome was the adoption of several resolutions and a petition to
Congress declaring that “the National Neutrality ought to be preserved inviolate; and
that to this end, no merchant vessels ought to sail armed” because doing so would be
viewed by the constituents as “tantamount to War.” Dr. Aaron Hill (1757–1830), Harvard
1776, was a former selectman for Cambridge and a current representative for Middlesex
County in the Mass. General Court (Boston Independent
Chronicle, 2–5 April;
Harvard Quinquennial Cat.
; Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630–1877, Boston,
1877, p. 461, 466; Mass., Acts and Laws
, 1796–1797, p. 490).
Shaw quoted from the Philadelphia Porcupine’s Gazette, 6 March 1798, which noted that “the French are at this
moment busied in accomplishing the prostration of the Federal Government,” and that
“every man of talents should contribute his mite” to prevent “another revolution.”
William Williams (1776–1862), Harvard 1798, was the son of Elisha
Williams of Scotland Neck, Halifax County, N.C. (Alexander Mackay-Smith, The Colonial Quarter Race Horse: America’s First Breed of
Horses, [Middleburg, Va.], 1983, p. 276; “Recollections of Eclipse and Coeur-De
Lion,” American Turf Register and Sporting Magazine,
1:274 [Feb. 1830]).
For the successful launch of the frigate Constitution on 21 Oct. 1797 and its eventual sailing on 22 July 1798, see
Descriptive List of
Illustrations, No. 10, above. Two earlier attempts to launch the vessel had
been unsuccessful. JA attended the initial launch on 20 Sept. 1797, when
the frigate advanced 27 feet toward the water before becoming mired in mud. The entry
ramp was raised, and two days later a second attempt was made, resulting in the
vessel’s sliding only another 31 feet (Massachusetts
Mercury, 22 Sept.; Charles E. Brodine, Michael J. Crawford, and Christine F.
Hughes, Interpreting Old Ironsides: An Illustrated Guide to
USS Constitution, Washington, D.C., 2007, p. 7).
Shakespeare, Hamlet, Act I, scene v,
lines 15–16.
Shaw was referring to the last meeting of the Harvard senior
class prior to vacation and the 18 July 1798 commencement. Seniors gathered in the
college chapel to hear valedictory exercises before retiring to the president’s house
for refreshments with the faculty (“Class Day,” The Harvard
Magazine, 4:313–317 [Oct. 1858]; Boston Russell’s
Gazette, 19 July).
The Philadelphia Porcupine’s
Gazette, 19, 29 March, 2 April, printed Robert Goodloe Harper’s 2 March speech on
the foreign intercourse bill.
On 9 April AA wrote a brief letter to Shaw enclosing a pamphlet by Joseph Hopkinson and commenting on the literary achievements of Francis Hopkinson (DLC: Shaw Family Papers).
I embrace this opportunity by mr Thornton Secretary to mr Liston the British Minister to write too you, and to Send you two Speeches upon the Foreign intercourse Bill, one by mr Gallatin, and one in reply, by mr Harper.1
I wrote to you last week by Way of Hamburgh:2 but we are still without a line from you of a private Nature; and have only learnt of your arrival at Berlin from your Letters to the secretary of state of Novbr 10 & 17th.
At this Eventfull period you must be greatly anxious for the 481 welfare of your Country; I wish it was in my power to remove your solisitude; but the present Rulers of Franc appear determined to drive us into War, or oblige us to submit to all their unjust and iniquitious depredations upon our commerce; and to all their evil machinations, against the Peace order and happiness of our Government.
Our Envoys to France are not yet returnd but they have reported to
the Executive; that they have not any hopes of being received, tho they have waited five
months for the purpose. In concequence of their communications, the President has
thought fit to send the inclosed Message to both Houses.3 the purport of it, is considered in different
Lights by the different Parties in the House. on one side they call it; an ultimatum,
which is to decide the question, Peace or War. on the other; they contend that the measures recommended
are merely defensive, and such as the safety security and independane of our Country
loudly calls for: these are the subjects now in agitation. after what is past within
your view for these 5 years, you will readily believe that the Government is encompassed
with many dangers, and difficulties. wherever the Breath of French influence has been
blown, Kingdoms and Countries, have more or less been agitated by the centending
Huricane
The projected invasion of England is an attempt which I cannot
permit myself to consider in a Serious light, or rather the success of the undertaking,
for the benifit of Mankind. I believe we ought to wish it might be attempted, with every
hope and wish that it may prove as abortive in reality, as it appears Chimerical in
Idea. The House yesterday past a vote of call, for the Instructions to and dispatches
from our Envoys; and to day they will receive them. they
cannot therefore any longer complain that they are calld upon to Legislate in the
dark.4
It would be improper for me to make any remarks. I can only add a hope that we may be induced to act, as a wise free, prudent and united People, and then with the Blessing of Heaven, we need not fear What Man can do towards us.
we are at present in the enjoyment of Health and of Plenty, but too supine; too regardless of the future, we hug the blessing we possess; and are loth to believe them in jeopardy. we want those strong passions roused, which awaken the faculties, and which suffer not a particle of the Man to be lost. There is says an admired Author, a courageous wisdom there is also a “false reptile prudence, the result not of caution but of fear, An abject distrust of ourselves, an 482 extravagant admiration of the Enemy.”5 this has been too much the case of our Countrymen, nor has it yet been intirely eradicated, tho a great Change has been wrought within these 2 years past.
I shall write to you by every opportunity, and most ardently long to hear from you and from yours. Mr Johnson has not received any Letters from you as yet or I am sure he would have communicated the intelligence as I frequently write to, and receive Letters from mrs Johnson. I have been dissapointed in her not comeing this winter here, and have little hope of seeing her untill an other Season; my Love to Mrs Adams and to Your Brother Thomas. I had Letters fr[om] N york last week.6 our Friends there were all well. Your [Father] Send you his Blessing. you know the reason why he does not write more frequently. in that respect I feel that I have the advantage of him.
I pray Heaven my dear son to preserve your Life, and to increase and continue your usefullness, for Providence has destined you to the service of your Country
I am your ever affectionate / Mother
RC (Adams
Papers); addressed by Louisa Catharine Smith: “John Quincy Adams / Minister at
/ Berlin—”; endorsed by TBA: “Mrs: A Adams /
4 April 1798 / 11 June Recd / 11 Do Acknd & ansd.”
Tr (Adams Papers). Some loss
of text where the seal was removed.
Having served as George Hammond’s secretary during his mission to
the United States, Edward Thornton (1766–1852) was appointed secretary to the British
legation in March 1796 and served as its chargé d’affaires between 1800 and 1804 (
DNB
).
AA wrote to JQA on 29 March 1798 noting that American attitudes toward France were becoming “more disposed to repel insult with due energy” and that she believed Congress would enact defensive measures. She also noted that no news about the envoys’ departure from France or dispatches from Berlin had been received (Adams Papers).
Enclosure not found. Annals of
Congress
, 5th Cong., 2d sess., p. 535–536).
On 26 March William Branch Giles called for the House of
Representatives to consider JA’s 19 March message to Congress, noting
that “from the best judgment he could give it, it involved the question of peace or
war to this country, and he thought gentlemen must be prepared to say which of the two
States they wished.” The following day Richard Sprigg Jr. of Maryland proposed several
resolutions, the first of which declared that “under existing circumstances, it is not
expedient for the United States to resort to war against the French Republic.”
Subsequent debate of this resolution was interrupted when Giles noted that
JA had not disclosed the dispatches to Congress, and the House was
therefore “obliged to take up the subject in the dark.” A resolution requesting
JA to “communicate to this House, the instructions to, and despatches
from, the Envoys Extraordinary of the United States to the French Republic, mentioned
in the Message of the 19th instant” passed the House by a vote of 65 to 27 on 2 April.
JA complied with the request the following day but asked that Congress
keep the documents confidential until it had time to consider whether it was
appropriate to publish them (
Annals of Congress
, 5th Cong., 2d sess., p.
1313–1316, 1319–1367, 1370, 1371, 1374–1375).
Possibly a reference to WSS to AA, 21 March, above.
AA had also written a brief letter to JQA on [3] April commenting on the recent pamphlet by Joseph Hopkinson and reporting that the dispatches had been submitted to Congress. Enclosed with the letter was a copy of JA’s 23 March fast day proclamation (Adams Papers).