Adams Family Correspondence, volume 12
13 April 1798]
in Porcupines paper of last Evening I read a Letter Said to be Written by Mr Findley to his Friends in the Western Country.1
Is it to be wonderd at that the people are disunited in sentiment When such grose Misrepresentation are made them respecting the Veiws and designs of the Government, and its Representitives? it is rather a subject of surprize that So little Effect is produced by them.
I hope that Letter will not be permitted to pass Without a due
comment & refutation for Such a texture of lies and falshood are woven into it, as
none honest Man but a Knave could fabricate.
it cannot have escaped your notice sir, that a part of the French
System is to render as much as possible the Chief Majestrate unpopular With the People
by asscribing to him views and designs as foreign to his Heart and mind as honesty and
truth are to the Heart and mind of mr Findley for to effect this purpose their
Emisaries here have Seizd With avidity the
Removal as one object to accomplish their designs the appointment of Mr Adams
to Berlin, which tho no promotion of him by his Father either of Rank or Emolument,
has given to his Enemies an opportunity a
plausible pretence to deceive by misrepresentation the appointment tho made With the
purest intentions, has not met With the approbation of mr Adams himself, as you will
see by a Letter Which I inclose to you from him in perfect confidence, Which I
received last November.2 Mr Findley
“asserts that before ever the President met Congress he appointed his own Son
Plenipotentiary to Prussia” the journals of Senate Will prove this falshood. Congress
met the 15 of May, and the 503 Nomination Was the
last of June, I think, but the Journals will shew the exact time. he also asserts that
he has had an outfit every Year Since his first appointment, one to Holland, one to
Lisbon and one to Portugal. not having Scrupled to assert this untruth in the true
stile of his oration, he adds 18 thousand dollars more advanced for out fit and first
years Sallery—in order to accumulate the sum by his statement. The inclosed Letter
will show the falshood of the assertion which I presume may be proved to demonstration
from the Secretary of the Treasury & Secretary of States office—
So cautious has mr Adams been in Pecuniary matters, that he says in a Letter of 24 June 1797
“You will find from my correspondence With the Secretary of state that I did not conceive myself at Liberty to accept the customary present of a Medal & chain Which Was offerd me at taking leave, and that tho urged to request the permission of Congress, I shall not do it”3
The inclosed Letter you will be kind enough to return to me When you see me, and excuse the trouble I give you. the integrity and honour of an absent son is precious to me. he has it not in his power to defend himself
I am sir With Sentiment / of Confidence and Esteem / Your Humble / Servant
a Life Wholy devoted to the service of his Country, Without one Wish or Idea of accumulating Property will leave to the President of the united states and his family a bare compentancy the remainder of his Life
Dft (Adams
Papers); docketed: “A. A.” Filmed at [1798].
The Philadelphia Porcupine’s
Gazette, 12 April, printed a 21 Feb. letter attributed to William Findley and
directed to one of his constituents in western Pennsylvania, in which Findley claimed
that republicanism within the current administration was “pronounced to be a Leprosy,
the greatest evil that can befal a people” and that some “who figure in our public
councils declare that the restoration of royalty and its appendages would the greatest
good that would happen to France.” Findley further reported that while JA
may have news from the envoys, “secrecy has been the order of the day, and we have no
official information of foreign correspondence.” He also castigated JA’s
diplomatic appointments—including the barbs lobbed at JQA described by
AA in this letter— and believed the House of Representatives was within
its rights to limit appropriations for foreign offices.
AA likely enclosed JQA’s letter to her of 29 July 1797, above.
JQA to JA, 29 June (Adams Papers).
Harper replied to AA on [13] April 1798 that “it was not my purpose to let Mr. Findleys letter pass without personal & public animadversion. My share
in his slanders is small; but were it larger, it would give me more uneasiness. Not so
when my friends are abused; friends too, who either from their station, absence, or
other circumstances, are prevented from defending themselves” (Adams Papers). That same day he announced 504 to the House of Representatives his intention to
submit a motion to reprimand Findley “for the most vile and unfounded slanders …
contained in a letter which I have read in the public prints of this city” and
targeting “members of this House, and of the Government.” Harper had not presented the
motion when Findley obtained leave for the remainder of the session on 14 May (
Annals of
Congress
, 5th Cong., 2d sess., p. 1415, 1701).
I sent you a pamphlet containing the instructions to our Envoys,
and I now inclose the dispatches from them.1 no Event Since our unhappy controversey with
France, has so throughly awakend the people to a sense of their danger as these
dispatches; nor any imprest them with such strong conviction of the sincerity and
candour, with which our Government has sought peace upon fair and honorable terms, as
the publication of the instructions. it has for the present stoped the Current of
Jacobinism, and no one is now heard hardy enough to espouse the cause of France,
against our own Country; Holland is compleatly Revolutionized in the true French
Stile. Charles de la Croix is sovereign he has turnd out of their Assembly &
imprissoned every Man of worth and Merrit, every Moderate Man as they have been calld
and has now given them a directory intirely devoted to France under his own Authority,
which has been sanctioned by the Military directory in France; the last step of national degradation it is worthy of remark, that France
excepted, no Kingly power has been entirely destroyd, or kingdom overturnd, but the
Republicks have been swallow’d up—2
Great Brittain & America must now make a stand. Britain is able & powerfull
united and determined. her Government is strong, and common danger has calld forth all
the Aids and resources of the Country. America too may be strong if she will use the
means in her power. She has this advantage, a great distance, and a numerous People—
You will see Sir by the movements in this city, that the people are throughly
allarmed. this morning is to be presented by the grand Ju an address to the
President, approbating the measures he has persued an other address is comeing from
the merchants of the city.3
every Man countanance appears alterd in stead of the Gloom and Suspision which hung upon them, light seems to have broken in, and one would Suppose that Some good News had arrived, instead of the prospect of War—but War with union, war in defence of all we hold dear, is not So allarming as the secreet plots which were diging mines for our destruction whilst we believed ourselves 505 secure. amidst the universal satisfaction which seems to have succeeded a painfull state of anxiety and Suspence, one Man appears misirable, pevish and overthrown.
The President received your Letter4 if he can possily get time he will write to you, but he is overwhelmd with buisness, dispatches arriving from England from Holland and from France, officers to appoint Naval & military, Recommendatory Letters to read weigh and examine that he may be enabled to make his appointments judiciously, and now addresses that he cannot get time once a week to Ride or walk, upon which his Health greatly depends but labour with support, is a pleasure to what it is to be for ever tuging against the stream. I presume tho some of our Towns have been guilty of folly, and indiscretion. when our General court meet, they will wipe it of by a declaration to support the General Government5
I do not despair of seeing you sometime in the month of June I do not think it will be earlier.
I am dear sir with sincere / affection your Neice
altho the President has been censured for not at first communicating the dispatches, I believe it will be found that he acted right whilst he used only the power vested in him by the constitution he was attentive to the safety of our Envoys, and dispatches went to them by various ways. before the papers were communicated, he had in a Message fully exprest his own sense of our danger and urgd to means of defence. for this he was reviled, and abused, distrusted and scofft at. my fears began to be awakend for his personal safety, but when in compliance with the request of the House the papers were deliverd promptly and without delay, together with the instruction. “Abashd the devil stood” many of the minority declared that the Instructions were all they ought to have been they could not have given more candid and liberal ones, and it is said Giles declared that he believd he should not himself have gone so far—
what becomes of mr Hitchbourn love of the french for us? it is like the Love of a Man, who kills his Friend, and then marries his widow— they would kill all who oppose them & then possess themselves of all we possess6
RC (Adams
Papers); addressed: “Hon’lll Cotton Tufts /
Weymouth”; endorsed: “1798 / Mrs. Adams’s / April 14.
recd the 25—”; notation: “11.”
Enclosure not found.
On 2 Jan. Charles Delacroix de Constant (1740–1805), the former
French minister of foreign affairs, replaced François Noël as 506 minister to the Batavian Republic. On 22 Jan.
members of the Batavian Assembly, supported by Delacroix, declared themselves a
constituent assembly representing the Batavian people and proclaiming their
“unalterable aversion” to the stadholder. Delacroix took a leading role in drafting a
new constitution, which vested executive power in a five-member directory. Presented
on 6 March, the constitution was approved by the legislature eleven days later. The
Philadelphia Gazette, 12 April, reported that “six
members of the committee for foreign affairs, and 22 deputies of the Batavian
republic” were arrested during the events and that the new assembly “sanctioned this
act of violence, and have taken from the provinces all right of sovereignty, which
they have vested in themselves It is scarcely necessary to add that the French
minister at the Hague is supposed to have concerted this act” (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale
;
Repertorium
, 3:126; George Edmundson, History of
Holland, Cambridge, Eng., 1922, p. 350, 351).
The Philadelphia Gazette of the United
States, 14 April, printed the Pennsylvania grand jury’s 13 April address to
JA supporting his decision to make public the instructions and
dispatches of the envoys and showing “a strong determination to promote and preserve a
good understanding with the French Republic, provided it could be accomplished without
affecting our national character and the Independence of the United States.”
JA’s response, printed at the same time, noted, “The conviction you
express, that the conduct of our government to all nations, has been just and
honorable, affords me the highest satisfaction.”
On 31 March Tufts wrote to JA expressing his
approbation of JA’s 19 March message to Congress and his concern over
local and national factions. He also offered a recommendation of Edmund Soper of
Braintree to the office of purser for the frigate Constitution (Adams Papers).
On 7 June the Mass. General Court would draft an address to
JA “as a native citizen of our Commonwealth, and as the supreme
Executive of the government of our deliberate choice.” The legislature, “with a
mixture of indignation and regret,” noted “the state of our negociations with the
French Republick” and declared, “Should any further attempts, either to controul the
government, or subjugate the people of the United States, be the result of her
inordinate ambition, the citizens of Massachusetts, will meet them with the firm and
determined spirit of Freemen” (Mass., Acts and Laws
, 1798–1799, p. 164–165).
AA was referring to the scandal arising from
Benjamin Hichborn’s involvement in the shooting death of his friend Benjamin Andrews
in Jan. 1779 and his subsequent marriage to Andrews’ widow, Hannah Gardner Andrews, in
Feb. 1780 (
Sibley’s
Harvard Graduates
, 17:39; The Papers of Robert
Treat Paine, ed. Stephen T. Riley and Edward W. Hanson, 3 vols., MHS, Colls., 89:46 [2005]). For the Adamses’ previous comments regarding
Hichborn’s pro-French beliefs, see vol. 10:454 and 11:445, 459.