Adams Family Correspondence, volume 13
I received a few days ago your kind favour of 14 July, forwarded by
the Secretary of State, and at the same time a letter for my wife, from Mrs. Johnson.—1
The accounts from home continue to discover a spirit truly worthy of the American name;
a spirit which I earnestly hope may support itself in all the vigour through the severe
trial which it must undergo, and which if thus supported, will beyond all doubt carry us
triumphantly through all the dangers and difficulties which weak and wicked men have
brought upon us.
You cannot well imagine how much the attitude which our Government
and People have taken has raised them in the opinion of the European world; out of
France, and the circle of french fanaticism, the clear and unequivocal voice of Europe
declares that in this contest we are right, and France is wrong. Our forbearance and
long-suffering under accumulated injuries and insults were well known, and had in some
degree countenanced an idea that was gaining ground, that we too should sink unresisting
and submissive to that yoke of tyranny and oppression which bears so heavily upon the
greatest part of Europe— That we too should receive Constitutions ready made from Paris,
under the name of the rights of Man—should have the members of our Directory prescribed
to us, and appointed, dismissed, replaced, and again turned off, as the paroxysms of
Rewbell’s infirmities should increase or abate—should have french 234 Generals to dictate our laws, and french agents to dispose of our public treasures,
and amidst the most burthensome contributions, and insupportable depredations, sing
Paeans of gratitude to the great Nation and her glorious warriors.— The french
newspapers made no scruple of announcing that a Revolution would soon overthrow the
American Government and place the affairs of the United States in the hands of patriots
devoted to France, and as it was freely intimated that the influence of France would be
liberally employed to promote this desirable effect, the arguments were doubtless
preparing which have been publicly avowed to justify the robbery of the public treasures
of Switzerland, for application in America.— But the tone is now totally changed, and
the signal of the change, was the first shew of firmness and a determination to resist
on the part of our Government— Dupont the ex-consul arrived at Paris— The newspapers,
not having yet received their cue, announced that Dupont had said the American People
were as decided in favour of France as the American Government was against her, and that
this Government would fall at the first instant of hostility from France against it.—
Dupont soon contradicted this paragraph, and gave it as his opinion that a rupture would
only strengthen the English party, and english influence in America, and that the true
patriots french and American wished rather for conciliatory measures on the part of
France.— From that moment the french Government have affected a friendly disposition
towards the United States; as long as Mr: Gerry continued in
France every letter of Talleyrand to him sunk more and more of its pretensions, and
since his departure every opportunity has been seized to spread the opinion that the
differences between the United States would soon be amicably settled.—2 At the same time it is true the strongest proofs
have appeared that the system is not changed, but only the course of manoeuvres; that
the deadliest enmity still rages, but only involved in a deeper mask of dissimulation
and perfidy. These proofs however are not immediately discerned by the world— The public
here only perceive the immense alteration of Talleyrand’s notes from brutal insolence,
and rapacious extortion, to courtly complaisance, and even humble sollicitations: they
generally believe that France will now yield every point of the controversy, and court a
reconciliation as zealously strongly as she before
rejected it.
I have said that all this is dissimulation and perfidy, not only
because these characters appear evident even in Talleyrand’s last 235 Letters to Gerry, but because they are yet more unequivocal in the reception and
treatment of Doctor Logan, a man, who publicly gives himself out as an Envoy from the
party in America, opposed to its Government.— Logan
arrived at Hamburg, and applied for a Passport to the french Consul— the Passport was at
first refused but afterwards upon his exhibiting his Letters from certain American
characters was granted.— He went through Holland announcing himself every where as
bearing a public mission from the United States, but avoided seeing both Mr: Pitcairn at Hamburg and Mr:
Murray at the Hague.— After arriving at Paris, he had several interviews with Talleyrand
and with Merlin then President of the Directory. He dined with Merlin, and all these
circumstances were formally published in the newspapers, which added that at his request the Directory had raised the embargo, upon almost
all the American vessels in the Ports of France. But at the same time Talleyrand in an
underhand manner intimated to an American public character not far from France, and
known to be warmly attached to his own Government, that he (Talleyrand) was sorry for
Logan’s mission, and had given no encouragement to it— That he wished him to return to
America, and was disposed to negotiate only with the American Government.3
The Embargo, is certainly raised upon all the American vessels, for the arreté of the Directory raising it is
published in the Rédacteur; but even this measure still proceeds from the old system of
dividing the People from the Government, and the arreté itself, while it professes
friendship for the people of the United States, is grossly insulting to the
Government.4
But this raising of the embargo, and all Mr: Gerry’s anodynes with which he will probably soon reach home are nothing
satisfactory to us.— The demand of tribute is abandoned; that for an explanation or
recantation of the President’s speeches is given up—those insolent preliminaries to
negotiation are renounced and Talleyrand tells Mr: Gerry
that any person uniting his advantages will be well
received from the United States—which is reserving the pretence to dismiss and reject
again any person who may not exactly suit the Directory.— The decree for restraining
their privateers in the West Indies within the limits of the laws is in fact tantamount
to nothing—if it means any thing it must be a confession that heretofore they have
countenanced those privateers in depredations contrary to the Laws; which I have no
doubt is true; but which is among the smallest of our numerous injuries.— The laws
themselves, and the decrees of the 236 Directory which have
the force of laws, are the greatest of those injuries: and that of 18 Jany. or 29 nivose last is altogether incompatible with a state
of Peace between France and America.5
A very recent attempt has been made in the Council of 500, to
obtain the repeal of this Law.— It was on the 31st: of last
month or 14. fructidor.— A member of the council at great length stated its injustice,
its impolicy, and its pernicious tendency even to France itself.— He stated as a certain
fact that of the whole number of captures made by the french privateers seven eighths at
least were neutral property— He complained that it was contrary to the most indisputable
laws of nations, that it far exceeded any thing that England had ever done, and that its
consequences could only enrich a few privateersmen, by the plunder of inoffensive
neutrals, while it drew down upon France the universal detestation of all nations. He
added that it was upon the point of producing a rupture with America, and that Denmark
had declared she would protect her commerce against it by military naval force— Nothing
of all this was denied—but one or two members answered that the repeal of the law would
discourage privateering, that the English purchased neutral
papers by the bale, and upon such arguments as these, the Council passed to the order of
the day, and left the Law in full force.6
The situation of the Directory in Europe is at this period such as makes dissimulation and delay, with regard to their differences with the United States highly politic— They are threatened with a new combination against them of Austria, Russia, Turkey and Naples, which together with the War they have now upon their hands will furnish them as much employment as they wish.7
Since I began this letter, I have received yours of 20 July, by Thomas Welsh, who arrived at Hamburg after a passage of 38 days from Boston—8 He forwarded your letters immediately, and I now expect him here from day to day.— My brother has determined to sail with the first good opportunity from Hamburg. I need not tell you how reluctantly I shall part with him— His loss to me is irreparable.— I can only comfort myself with the hope that his return will be for his own advantage.
My wife wrote two days ago to her mother; a letter which I have already forwarded, but which perhaps may go by the same occasion as this—9 She has again been ill, as upon our first arrival, but with less violence, and is now in good health and spirits.— Her lovely disposition and affectionate heart, afford me constant consolation amidst all the distresses, cares and vexations, which the public 237 concerns as well as my private affairs so thickly strew in my way.— But I find myself sliding into a strain equally unprofitable and unbecoming— I shall close it at once with the assurance that I am ever affectionately and dutifully your’s.10
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A.
Adams.”; endorsed: “J Q A Sepbr / 4 / 1798”; notation by
TBA: “No 42 / 41 July 25th:.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 133.
See AA to JQA, 20 July, and note 3, above.
Gen. Victor Marie Dupont’s 3 July return to France prompted a
lessening of tensions with the United States when Talleyrand used the consul’s return
as a pretext to urge the Directory to rein in French privateers. Talleyrand presented
the Directory with a report, ostensibly written by Dupont but heavily influenced by
Talleyrand, that portrayed the actions of the privateers as damaging to French
interests. The report prompted the Directory to issue decrees favorable to U.S.
interests, for which see notes 4 and 5, below. Between the arrival of Dupont and
Elbridge Gerry’s departure on 8 Aug., Talleyrand wrote Gerry four letters, finally
reporting that owing to “information which it has just received” the Directory had
acted to restrain French privateers. Gerry pledged to convey the developments to the
U.S. government, and this change in tone eventually convinced JA to renew
efforts for a diplomatic solution (Elkins and McKitrick, Age of Federalism
, p.
665–668; Samuel Eliot Morison, “Du Pont, Talleyrand, and the French Spoliations,” MHS, Procs.
, 3d ser., 49:63–79 [Nov. 1915];
Amer.
State Papers, Foreign Relations
, 2:216–222; Paris Gazette nationale ou le moniteur universel, 22, 26 July, 26
Aug.).
Dr. George Logan (1753–1821), a Philadelphia Quaker and
Democratic-Republican, undertook an unauthorized diplomatic mission to Paris from 7 to
29 August. Letters of introduction from Thomas Jefferson, Thomas McKean, and Philippe
André Joseph de Létombe afforded him access to French officials. William Vans Murray
reported to JQA on 6 Sept. (Adams Papers) that Talleyrand assured him the French did not engage Logan and
advised him to depart. The coincidence of Logan’s visit and the lifting of the 9 July
embargo resulted in his lionization in the French press. The Paris Gazette nationale ou le moniteur universel, 28 Aug., for
instance, said that it was certain that Logan, a member of “le parti patriote,” had
obtained the raising of the embargo from the Directory. In the United States he was
guardedly supported by Democratic-Republicans and scorned by Federalists. A lasting
legacy of the mission was the Jan. 1799 Logan Act, prohibiting American citizens from
negotiating with foreign nations without authorization, for which see William Smith Shaw to AA, 28 Dec.
1798, and note 1, below (
ANB
; Tolles, George Logan
,
p. 153–173, 179, 202). For Logan’s 26 Nov. debriefing by JA, see Shaw to AA, 18 Dec., and note 1,
below.
The Directory’s decree of 16 Aug. (An. VI, 29 thermidor) lifting
the embargo barring American ships from French ports claimed the action was being
taken as a mark of France’s affection “towards a people whose liberty it defended” and
“notwithstanding the hostile manifestations of the Government of the United States”
(
Amer.
State Papers, Foreign Relations
, 2:229).
In a decree of 31 July (An. VI, 13 thermidor), the Directory
acknowledged that recent reports from the West Indies left “no room to doubt that
French cruisers, or such as call themselves French, have infringed the laws of the
republic.” Henceforth, the Directory declared, cruisers would be authorized only by
special agents of the Directory and privateers would be expected to “conform
themselves to all the laws relative to cruising and prizes” and ensure that “the
interests and property of vessels belonging to neutrals or allies, be scrupulously
respected” (
Amer. State Papers, Foreign Relations
, 2:222–223). For the 18 Jan.
(An. VI, 29 nivôse) decree declaring all ships carrying British goods lawful prize and
barring from French ports any vessel that had visited a British port, see vol. 12:354, 355–356.
On 31 Aug. Denis Couzard unsuccessfully argued in the Council of
Five Hundred that the decree of 18 Jan. should be rescinded. Jacques Charles Bailleul
and Jean Joseph Victor Genissieu spoke in favor of keeping the law in place (Paris Gazette nationale ou le moniteur universel, 3 Sept.).
A series of seven treaties of alliance 238 signed between 19 May 1798 and 20 Sept. 1799
united Austria, Russia, Naples, the Ottoman Empire, Great Britain, Portugal, and
Bavaria against France. The War of the Second Coalition began in Dec. 1798 and ended
in March 1802 with France’s victory over splintered allied forces (Douglas M. Gibler,
International Military Alliances, 1648–2008, 2 vols.,
Washington, D.C., 2009, 2:103–105; Raymond Pearson, The
Longman Companion to European Nationalism, 1789–1920, N.Y., 1994, p. 5).
For Thomas Welsh Jr.’s voyage, see Thomas Welsh to AA, 15 July 1798, note 3, above.
Not found.
For the publication of extracts of this letter at AA’s behest, see John Russell to AA, 6 Dec., below.
th:of September 1798.
Your kind favor of July 19th. was
transmitted from Hamburg by our cousin Welsh & came to hand last evening.1 He had a pleasant passage of 38 days and will
come on here as soon as he is a little recruited.
We had already received your letter of the 14th: informing of his intended embarkment in a short time, and I have made my
arrangements in consequence to be off as soon as the Elizabeth letter of Marque shall be
ready for sea, having written to Mr: Pitcairn to take
passage for me on board of her.2 By my
last letter to you, (towards the last of July) perhaps you may be led to expect me
rather sooner than I shall actually arrive.3 When that was written I had thoughts of taking
passage on board a neutral vessel, then nearly ready for sea, but the news we received
from home in the interval determined me to renounce this project & wait for an armed
vessel of our own nation. It seemed, with me, to be even a point of honour, not to
desert my Country’s flag, because it was in danger; but even a submissive & tame
neutral appeared preferable to the defenceless merchantment under our Colours. At length
however an occasion presents itself, such as I should chuse, except that our force is
rather less than one could wish. The Elizabeth carries 12 Guns & 40 Men, but if the
Captain is hearty in the cause—equal force will not take us.4
I am sorry to find by your account, that N. York proves deficient in public spirit or even inferior to its neighbours. I had calculated otherwise— But if we must have french tories as formerly we had british, New York, has certainly a prior right to the honor of containing them—if precedent in this respect confers a title.
I have remarked with pleasure, that the thermometer of my feelings upon the subject of our national interests & concerns was not an incorrect indication of the degree of temper, which a full 239 knowledge of our wrongs would raise among our fellow citizens. I foretold also, that the general politics of Pennsylvania would eventually be right, though I confess, that since this prophecy was uttered, there has been abundant reason to think it desperate. A federal Governor & Chief Justice would keep that State invariably true in its politics— But perhaps “Tom the Tinker” does pretend to such a reputation, in these times— I give the credit of it, if it be so, to his son in law—a worthy & spirited lad, with whom I will be better acquainted, please God I get safe home. Of all the descendents & heirs of the old Pennsylvania Patriots, I have marked him out as one (I hope not the only one), in whom the father’s soul survives.5 There must be others, whom time and events will bring to light. They cannot conceal themselves in such times as these, for to distinguish them from the degenerate race who court & covet a foreign or a french master, is as easy as to distinguish truth & loyalty from deceit & hypocrisy, or an honest man from a Jacobin.
The farce is yet kept up by the french Directory relative to their
pacific and friendly dispositions towards us (our people)—they have most graciously
& condescendingly & gratuitously & lovingly, and abundance of more ly’s raised the Embargo upon our vessels. How many were there
& to whom did they belong? The number was hardly sufficient to warrant the name of
an embargo, & the vessels chiefly belong to their dearest friends in America. At
whose instance has it been raised? As a compliment to the mission of Dr: Logan—(a villain & a traitor to
his Country) patronized & recommended if not deputized, by a brother philosophical
letter writer, whom I once designated as “liable to be seized with the disorder so
common to his inmates & companions, that of betraying his Country’s trust.”6 In times like these open hatred, publicly
expressed, may be indulged with decency when such characters are the objects. This very
Extraordinary Envoy arrived a few days too late, for he missed meeting another
extraordinary Envoy, who had set sail before he could get to Paris. Miraculous
departure! Had an interview taken place, the sage of Cambridge might have been terrified
into a new negociation by a fresh menace of rupture. This said Doctor I am inclined to
suppose will need the benefit of an amnesty to restore him to his friends &
employers. Who knows, but that at this moment, like another Citizen Ochs, he is framing a new Constitution for the United States
and securing for himself a seat in the Directory?7
Since the date of my last letter, I have made a short & delightful excursion to Dresden and visited all the curiosities of that town & 240 its neighborhood, of which I shall be happy to give you an oral description. At present I shall only observe, that knowing the beauties of the place, I should have been mortified to have left the Country without seeing them.
In the hope of meeting you, my father & friends before another chistmas, I remain my dear mother with the warmest affection / Your Son
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs: A. Adams”;
internal address: “Mrs: A Adams.”; endorsed: “T. B A
Sepbr / 14 / 1798.”
That is, AA to
TBA, [21] July, above.
For AA’s letter to JQA of 14 July, see AA to JQA, 20 July, and note 3, above. TBA wrote to Joseph Pitcairn on 7 Sept., requesting that he book him passage to the United States, commenting on the French embargo, and introducing William Brown (OCHP:Joseph Pitcairn Letters).
TBA to AA, 26 July, above.
TBA did not travel aboard the Elizabeth. For his voyage home, see JQA to AA, 8 Oct., and note 1, below.
In 1795 William Cobbett had dubbed Pennsylvania governor Thomas
Mifflin “Tom the Tinker,” a nom de guerre popularized by the rebels of the Whiskey
Rebellion. Mifflin’s daughter Emily was wife of Joseph Hopkinson, whose father was
Revolutionary-era statesman Francis Hopkinson (vol. 12:486; Marcus Daniel, Scandal & Civility: Journalism and the Birth of American Democracy, N.Y.,
2009, p. 209, 356; Charles Ledyard Norton, Political
Americanisms, N.Y., 1890, p. 115; LCA, D&A
,
1:224).
TBA thus characterized James Monroe in a 12 Feb. 1798 letter to AA, for which see vol 12:394.
Peter Ochs (1741–1821), a French sympathizer of Basel,
Switzerland, drafted the constitution of the Helvetic Republic (Hoefer, Nouv.
biog. générale
).