Adams Family Correspondence, volume 13
ry27
th1799— Quincy
yesterday afternoon mr Greenleaf returnd from Boston, and as he,
as well as my others Neighbours, are particuliarly attentive and kind, in bringing
Letters and papers to me as well; as of communicating all New’s, he came full fraught,
with the appointment of Mr Murrey Minister Plenipo to France, a measure which had
astonishd all the Federilist; and was a subject of great speculation, in Boston. Soon
after Thomas returnd from Boston, thinking to bring me great New’s but found himself
forestall’d. he however got a Good story in Boston. some of the Feds who did not like
being taken so by surprize, said they wisht the old woman had been there; they did not
believe it would have taken place; this was pretty sausy, but the old woman can tell
them they are mistaken, for she considers the measure as a master stroke of policy;
knowing as she did that the pulse had been feeling through that minister for a long
time. beside’s the appointment, shows that the disposition of the Government is still
pacific, and puts to the test the sincerity of the Directory, who if they are really
inclined to accommodate, have the door held open to them; and upon them rests in the
Eyes of all the World, the responsibility. it is a measure which, strikes in the Head
Jacobinism. it come as unexpected to them, as to the Federilists— it will also prevent
the directory sending a French minister here which was not desirable, knowing the
Nature of the animal. it cannot be considerd as a degradation restricted as I lean the
appointment is, that no negotiation shall commence—but with a minister of equal Rank
specially appointed to treat; I have not heard an opinion upon it, but revoleving the
subject upon my pillow, I call it a master stroke of polocy, even tho it should
terminate in a buble it brings the Nation
directory, to the touch stone—
I was vext however to see our House of Rep’s stop in the midst of a wise measure, and take for granted, what they had no buisness to consider; not a cord should be relaxed in concequence of the appointment— to ensure any kind of success to the negotiation, they should be prepared at all points for War, if it fails—1
Pray am I a good politician?
we have had for the last ten days winter as severe as any before. it has frozen the Rivers & bay more than any time before, and it is now snowing with voilence as to my own Health, it has its up’s & down’s. as soon as I feel any thing tolerable, I get out, and will not lose the air then. I get housed a day or two; but I endeavour to keep up my spirits, and take what comfort I can; as I go along comforting myself, that it will be better by & by—
In my last I mentiond to you leaving clinker for Thomas but I did not calculate that he was the only saddle Horse you had, untill afterwards—when I recollected the loss of one, and that I had two here;
you mention that dr Tufts might draw upon you for any sum within Reason. the sum which he will draw for will be 500 dollors—unless you should give orders that any further sum should be laid out in public Securities; I know not the reason, but the funds are allways a shilling in a pound higher here than at Philadelphia. they are now 6 pr cents, at 16. & 4 pencee, fallen a shilling in a pound since the new loan— as to defered stock, there is not any to be had the 6 pr cents are the most advantages, only that two pr cent is annully paid off—
I wrote you that French would give with Belchers place—, 52 pound ten shilling—
It looks so like the depdth of winter, that spring appears far off. I hope you will be at home before much is wanted to be done.
I am my dear Friend / affectionatly / Your
th
I forgot to mention to you that the Lot of mrs Veseys sold at Auction for 4 hundred and 90 dollors. prat has bought it as he did the pew I suppose2
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Feb. 25. 1799”;
docketed: “1798 & 1799”; and by JA: “Family Letters.”
On 20 Feb., two days after the announcement of the second mission
to France, the House of Representatives renewed debate on a bill to encourage American
privateers to attack their French counterparts by paying a bounty on captured guns.
Congressmen in opposition argued that the bill should be rejected to avoid derailing
the upcoming peace talks. Those in favor argued that the House should approve the
bounty as 423 an example of “the good effects of buckling on
our armor, at the same time that we hold out the olive branch.” The bill was
ultimately defeated (
Annals of Congress
, 5th Cong., 3d sess., p.
2935–2954).
The sale of land to Thomas Pratt was not recorded. Instead Mary, Ebenezer, and Mottram Veasey on 30 May sold the four acres bordering JA’s land to John Newcomb of Quincy for $480 (Norfolk County Deeds, 12:27).
st:1799.
My time has been so occupied between going to Boston to get my
dinner and coming back to Quincy again, that I have written to you but once since my
arrival. I should have considered these frequent visits as time lost to improvement, but
that they have enabled me to attend the Session of the Supreme Court, which commenced on
the 19th: ulto.. Having now
complied with all the necessary forms of a first arrival in the center of ones friends
& relations, I hope to be spared any further material interruption from the pursuits
of my inclination.
The charge of Chief Justice Dana, to the Grand Jury of Suffolk,
which I had the satisfaction to hear from the Bench, was fraught with wisdom, both legal
& political. It took a concise but very intelligent view of the distribution of
powers in the State & National Governments, of the checks & balances in each of
them, and pointed out the superiority of these forms over any others of which
experiments had been made. The independence of the Judiciary, he maintained to be, not
only, the chief corner stone of the political edifice, but its most ornamental pillar.
The examination of and animadversion upon, the interference of some State legislatures,
with laws passed by the National Government, of whose constitutional validity they
assumed to be the Judges, produced many spirited remarks, and when he noticed the two
laws, which gave rise to their resolves, he gave them his cordial and unequivocal
approbation. He called the attention of the Jury in a very pointed manner to the
Chronicle, a number of which he held in his hand; this contained a piece, which the
Judge declared to be of a mischievous & seditious
tendency, as it was clearly meant thereby to alienate the confidence of the good people
of this State from their lawful Representatives & Government, by spreading false,
scandalous & wicked slander against their characters; accusing them not only of a
want of honor & integrity, but with the actual commission of crimes &
misdemeanours, which were in themselves indictable offenses.
As the charge was delivered in a great measure ex-tempore from the
bench, and it is doubtful whether it will be published, I have been thus particular in
noticing it, and I am happy to add that it was generally
received by those who heard it with unequivocal satisfaction.1 I have felt myself highly flattered by the
cordial reception I have met with upon my first interview with the chief Magistrates of
this State. I esteem their notice as very precious & honorable.
I was present at the celebration of Washington’s birth day Ball
& Dinner, and felt animated by the glow of patriotism, which distinguished the
occasion. As a respectful tribute to the family of the General, I thought it decorous to
remember in our toasts, one member of it, who, as I had been informed, was to undergo an
interesting change of situation on this anniversary. I accordingly gave as a volunteer
in a bumper, “Miss Nelly
Custis;—may her nuptials, on this day, lay the foundation for a numerous race of
heroes & of patriots.” It was received with boisterous
applause.2
We Boston Yankees were sadly confounded the other day, by the news from Philadelphia, announcing the
nomination of a Minister to treat with the french Republic. To use the true cant &
drawl of our yankee tone, they could-n-’t make nothing at all on
’t,—fact If we don’t see into every thing done or to
be done by our Government, and know the reasons & motives & principles
whole-sale & retail, that led to Executive measures, why there’s not one man in ten,
among us, but what thinks all’s a going wrong. I have been highly diverted at the
operation of this late news, upon all parties, federalists, french or English. The first
& last no sooner heard it than they exclaimed “A Minister nominated to France! No
sure! Impossible! It cannot be!” With the Jacobins, the President of the U. S. was “the
first character that ever lived as a Statesman. Glorious news! An Envoy nominated to the
french Republic, where live those virtuous & energetic republicans! We see a treaty
concluded already, no more need of defence, no Army—no Navy—no direct taxation”!!! Such
is Chronicle language. The federalists hung their nether
lip at first, but the Jacobin crow, roused their rage and turned it to its natural
attraction. “The Administration had its reasons, no doubt, for such a step; it might be
necessary— we don’t know what intelligence has been received, but something recent must.
However, go on with your preparations for defence, dont relax a fibre or a muscle in
your hostile countenance—such is the language of the President & such the public
interest.” So much for the awakened federalists. The English party adhere to their original text. “We are mortified, say they, at 425 the weakness & hastiness of this measure of the
Executive; Can it be presumed that france will treat with us, and is not every
probability against it? What will England and the rest of Europe think of us when they
hear of it; ten chances to one, that England renews her depredations on our Commerce in
consequence of it. It paralizes the arm of Government;
damps & discourages hostile enterprize and deafens the ear of the public to the
voice of our Country’s defence.— In short it seems to us an ill-timed & unadvised measure, and we heartily
wish THE OLD WOMAN had been with the President to prevent
it.”3
Such is a brief account of the purport of all the conversation I
have heard since this news arrived; a great portion of this is hearsay with me, but my sources are authentic. It is further to be
remarked that this intelligence has been the theme of many letters from the fountain
head, since it issued thence. These indite that the Secretaries or heads of departments
had no share or portion in this nomination;—and why? Because the President did not
consult them. And why did he not???— Some have answered—because he did not think fit,
and was not bound to do it. All wrong again— Washington did not do so. All right &
proper, say others, if Adams likes the responsibility, and if he dont, he cant help
himself, for the heads of departments, consulted or not, do not share the burden with
him in any such measures. So we go on Sir, questioning & answering, quarreling &
wrangling, happy if from the collision any spark of comprehension should kindle an
attachment & respect for the measures of our Government.
I am in duty bound your Son
P.S. I am directed to add, that one letter in particular, from
Philadelphia observes—“This is the first great measure in
which I have not been consulted.”4
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “President U. S.”; endorsed: “T. B. Adams / March 1. 1799”; docketed: “Family Letters.”
The Mass. Supreme Judicial Court convened in Boston on 19
February. In his charge to the grand jury of Suffolk County, Francis Dana commented on
the “traiterous enmity to the Government” expressed by the Boston Independent Chronicle, 14–18 Feb., which suggested that the
refusal of Massachusetts politicians to “decide on the
constitutionality of any acts of Congress” undermined the sovereignty of the
General Court. The newspaper also raised the hope that “some gentleman skilled in
federal logic” would show future politicians “how the oath of allegiance is to be
understood.” Dana’s charge was not published; however, TBA approved of
Dana’s comments on the “seditious publication,” believing them delivered “with great
energy and impressed conviction” (Massachusetts Mercury,
22 Feb.; TBA, Diary, 1798–1799, 19
Feb.).
On 21 Feb. TBA and Louisa Catharine Smith attended
the Boston ball held in George Washington’s honor. Reporting that 426 he met several old acquaintances and was
introduced to Gov. Increase Sumner, Lt. Gov. Moses Gill, and Boston sheriff Jeremiah
Allen, TBA claimed, “Mirth, good fellowship and patriotism were the
conspicuous emblems of the Evg.” The following day he accompanied William Smith to the
Boston Concert Hall to again “celebrate with a numerous and Patriot band” Washington’s
birthday. Although a number of the proffered toasts were recorded by the Boston press,
TBA’s to Eleanor Parke Custis was not among them (TBA, Diary, 1798–1799, 21, 22 Feb.; Boston Columbian Centinel, 23 Feb.; Massachusetts Mercury, 26 Feb.).
The initial response in the Boston press to the nomination of
William Vans Murray as minister to France was varied. Under the heading “Better LATE
than NEVER,” the Independent Chronicle, 25–28 Feb.,
celebrated the nomination and stated, “We sincerely hope that no articles of a
political nature will clogg the negociation.” The Columbian
Centinel, 27 Feb., applauded JA’s “wisdom” and “firmness” in
nominating Murray, although it questioned France’s sincerity and advocated for
continued defensive measures. The Russell’s Gazette, 28
Feb., reported the news without comment, and the Massachusetts
Mercury, 1 March, questioned the veracity of the news. See also JA to AA, 22 Feb., and notes 3 and
4, above.
TBA was probably referring to Timothy Pickering,
whose letters on the topic of Murray’s nomination repeatedly noted that
JA had acted alone (Hamilton, Papers
, 22:500; Henry Cabot Lodge, Life and Letters of George Cabot, Boston, 1878, p. 221;
Washington, Papers, Retirement Series
, 3:389).