Adams Family Correspondence, volume 13
45.
I received not untill last Evening your kind favour of Feby: 10. which however is the latest date that I have from you,
and this circumstance is of itself sufficient to give me great concern respecting the
state of your health— The Boston Newspapers in April, mention likewise that you were
again ill; but I have some comfort in hearing by a letter from Dr: Welsh to his son, that you were again tolerably well at the last of April— I
have likewise a few lines from my brother Thomas dated May 11. at Baltimore1
From the accounts we receive of the turn which the elections have
taken in Virginia, we are induced to hope that the politics of that state are becoming
more correct than they have been for some time past.—2 I have seen however a publication by Mr: Giles, in which he avows the opinion that a separation from
the union would be better than submission to the alien and sedition laws; the navy and
the army.—3 Such an opinion, acknowledged
by any citizen of the United States is alarming— The
example of talking about a separation rather than submit to this, that, or the other
law, which may be obnoxious in particular districts or States is dangerous— A separation
is the greatest calamity that can befall us, and is alike to be deprecated by us all.—
Nothing could make it excusable, and we can never be safe so long as any attempt for it
shall not be considered as treason— But of all follies, that would be the weakest which
should withdraw from the union to avoid taking a share in a navy and an army.— For in
such case the union would be divided into two nations; the one having a considerable
armed force, and the other none.— The shallowest understanding must see, that the
existence of the weak party would be forever at the mercy of the strong one, and that it
would instantly and forcibly be perceived.— Such a condition would so little suit a
Virginian spirit, that they would infallibly raise very shortly army against army, navy
against navy, and the separated part alone would be oppressed, with a burthen, heavier
than the whole of that, which it would now refuse to share.— So that the question for
Virginia, and every other State, or parcel of the union is, not whether they shall chuse
an army and navy, or a separation without them; but whether, they shall maintain an army
and navy in common with the 502 rest of the union,
or by themselves apart and alone. whether they shall bear in common the burthen of
common defensive protection against foreign nations, or the same burthen wholly to
themselves; and for protection not only against foreigners, but against that part of the
union from which they shall have withdrawn.
I find likewise that there was brought forward as a candidate for the office of Governor of Pennsylvania, a man whose name, if it should ever reach future times, will only be quoted with those of Jeffreys and Page; Jeffreys, the independent-spirited chancellor of James the second; and Page, the no less-independent spirited judge, who treated the poet Savage, much as the candidate treated Peter Porcupine— Peter has chastised the candidate more severely still than the poet chastised Page.—4 Yet such is the purity of some of our elections, (as the annals of Pennsylvania, at least as much as those of any other State, can show) that I shall not be at all surprized to hear that the independent-spirited candidate was chosen.
Peter himself is indeed not always correct either in his facts, his
opinions, or his principles; and I am sorry to observe that with all his good qualities
he is rather intolerant, and not sufficiently careful to confine his censure within the
limits of Justice— Peter says and swears that a century consists of ninety-nine
years.—5 Now although Peter may if he
thinks proper square all his chronological calculations upon this system, I think it
rather hard, that every man must be set down irrevocably for a fool or a knave, who
prefers the round number for the amount of a century.— Peter tells us further that when
he commenced news-paper editor, in order to avoid prosecution, the principle that he
adopted was, that he might go as great lengths in attacking
the enemies of the Government as certain other editors, went in attacking its
friends—6 A learned casuist of the last
century says
But Peter’s argument is an improvement even upon this ingenious
logic— His reasoning is, that the Saints may swear and lye, to serve their turn, not
because the devil sometimes tells truth, but because he generally swears and lies, to
serve his— He is for imitating the devil’s general rule, rather than his exceptions, and
of course claims a much more large and liberal privilege of falsehood and profanity 503 than the Saints of Butler’s time— Peter has found
that his principle would not even answer to protect him from prosecution; but what ought
to be a much more useful discovery to him is, that the principle itself is bad— That
however the Aurora or the Argus may have poured forth streams of filth and of calumny
against the cause of order and the friends of virtue, he should not have thought himself
therefore justified in uttering filth or calumny even against the worst of causes or of
men; much less against every measure and every person, that happened to vary in single
points from Peters opinion of good policy.— I am convinced that his publications have
done much good in our country; and I heartily wish that many of our well-meaning
printer’s, instead of engaging themselves in silly and unequal contests with him, would
catch a little of his wit, and humour.— Young Fenno appears to have taken him for his
model; but not being blessed with so strong nerves, he gets discouraged, at the first
public measure which happens not to coincide with his ideas, and I observe has given up
his paper, with an address, discovering very considerable abilities, as well as some
useless peevishness, and some youthful petulance— I have seen this performance in the
English Anti-Jacobin Review, at full length, under the title of “Fenno’s View of the United States of America”—8 The English editor seized it with avidity,
because it contained a libel upon our country and its Government— To such things from
the pen of Peter Porcupine, I know not what can be objected, while he avows himself an
Englishman, and keeps within the bounds of law— We ought to derive benefit from being
told of our faults, and we know what allowances to make for the prejudices of a
foreigner— But an American, ought to treat his country with more delicacy and more
respect.— He may censure with severity, wherever he thinks he can contribute, to reform,
but his censure should always be attended by the tenderness of friendship— He may be a
satyrist, but ought not to be a lampooner.
The new Commission appointed to treat with France, appears not to
have had at first the approbation of many persons in America, the most friendly to our
Government— Although there is much reason to doubt whether it will be successful in
making such an arrangement as we could wish, and as we should in Justice be entitled to,
I am satisfied that the measure was wise and conformable to the best interests of our
country— The commission will find a change almost total of the men at the head of the
french Government, since the former negotiation.— One of the Directors, Rewbell, is gone
out by the constitutional yearly rotation; one, (Treilhard) had been dismissed, 504 as unconstitutionally elected; and two, (Merlin,
and La Reveillère) have resigned, to avoid being turned out; or used still more harshly—
The Legislative councils have just discovered, that these Directors have been for
eighteen months the tyrants of France, and have supplied their places with four new
Directors (Sieyes, Roger Ducos, Gohier, and Moulins,) who are to repair all the mischief
done by their predecessors, and to bring forth golden days,
fruitful of golden deeds, to help them in which work the
Director Barras, is the only one deemed sufficiently virtuous to keep his place.9
This new cast of characters for performing the tragical farce of
french revolutions took place on the 17th: 18th: and 19th: of the last month;
and on the same three days, a succession of battles were fought in Italy, by the
Austrian and Russian armies under Marshall Suworow, against the french forces under
General Macdonald, in the result of which the french were defeated, and lost in killed
wounded and prisoners about 8000 men.10
My wife is now in tolerably good health, and desires me to present her duty to you. We propose to make a little tour into the country to spend part of the summer; and shall probably leave this place in a fortnight or three weeks.
I am in all duty and affection, your Son
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A.
Adams.”; docketed: “July 1799.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 133. Tr (Adams Papers).
The Boston Russell’s Gazette, 25
March, and the Massachusetts Mercury, 26 March, reported
“the renewed indisposition” of AA. The news was reprinted on 1 April in
the Philadelphia Gazette of the United States and the New-York Gazette.
TBA’s 11 May letter to JQA has not been found.
The 1799 Virginia congressional elections resulted in the
election of thirteen Democratic-Republicans and six Federalists, a gain of two
Federalist seats in the 6th Congress (
Biog. Dir. Cong.
).
For William Branch Giles’ publication, see William Smith Shaw to AA, 5 Feb., and note 1, above.
George Jeffreys, 1st Baron Jeffreys (1645–1689), lord chancellor
of England during the reign of James II, was known for disregarding constitutional
norms and having a forthright style of cross-examination. Sir Francis Page (ca.
1661–1741) was a justice of the Court of the King’s Bench and known as “the hanging
judge.” On 11 Dec. 1727 Page condemned the poet Richard Savage (ca. 1697–1743) to
death for murder. Following several interventions, however, he was freed on 28 Feb.
1728, leading Savage to write a satirical poem criticizing Page’s character and
judicial abilities (
DNB
; [Samuel Johnson], An
Account of the Life of Mr Richard Savage, Son of the Earl Rivers, London, 1744,
p. 49).
The Philadelphia Porcupine’s
Gazette, 31 Dec. 1798, weighed in on a discussion regarding whether the
eighteenth century ended in 1800 or 1801, and on 2 Jan. 1799 stated, “We are now in
the last year of the 18th Century, and whoever denies this has no more brains than an
oyster.”
Here, JQA quoted from Peter Porcupine’s The Democratic Judge; or, The Equal Liberty of the Press, as
Exhibited, Explained, and Exposed, in the Prosecution of William Cobbett,
Phila., 1798, p. 22, Evans,
No. 33523.
Samuel Butler, Hudibras, Part II,
canto ii, lines 123–126.
John Ward (Jack) Fenno’s Philadelphia 505
Gazette of the United States, 4 March, printed an essay
in which Fenno identified four problems with the United States: its political system,
the “general depravation of morals,” the negative influence of print culture, and a
lack of nationalism. The essay was reprinted in the London Anti-Jacobin Review and Magazine, 2:563–576 [April 1799], along with extracts
from the Philadelphia Porcupine’s Gazette, 9 March, which
endorsed Fenno’s piece.
On 16 May Abbè Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès replaced Jean François
Rewbell (Reubell) as a director of France. Sieyès arrived in Paris on 7 June with
plans to remove three directors from office: Louis Marie de Larevellière-Lèpeaux,
Philippe Antoine Merlin, and Jean Baptiste Treilhard. Shortly thereafter the Council
of Five Hundred ruled that Treilhard’s election in 1798 was illegal, and he was
removed from office on 16 June 1799. On 18 June (An. VII, 30 prairial), under pressure
from Paul Barras and the legislature, Merlin and Larevellière-Lèpeaux resigned. Three
new directors were appointed, Roger Ducos (1754–1816), Louis Jérôme Gohier
(1746–1830), and Jean François Auguste Moulins (1752–1810), all of whom were selected
by Sieyès or Barras. The move signaled a transfer of power from the Directory to the
legislature, a consequence of which was the resignation of Talleyrand as foreign
minister on 20 July (
Cambridge Modern Hist.
, 8:667–671; Hoefer, Nouv.
biog. générale
). See also JQA to TBA, 17 April, and note 10, above.
Gen. Étienne Jacques Joseph Alexandre Macdonald (1765–1840)
joined the French Army in the early stages of the French Revolution. Following orders
to move north to Genoa, Macdonald left Naples on 7 May precipitating the collapse of
the Parthenopean Republic. Between 17 and 19 June, Macdonald’s Army of Naples was
defeated by Marshal Aleksandr Suvorov’s Austro-Russian Army at the Battle of Trebbia.
Macdonald lost 2,000 men, while 7,000 were captured (Hoefer, Nouv. biog.
générale
; Ross, Quest for Victory
, p. 243–246; Smith, Napoleonic Wars Data Book
, p. 159–160).
th:July 1799.
I have your favor of the 30th: ulto before me, and thank you for your tender solicitude on
account of my health, for which however I think you need not be particularly solicitous,
since I am, excepting a few sensations peculiar to the climate of this City at this
season, as well as usual; in addition to which I am on the point of leaving town for
some weeks to reside at Germantown in the same family that I board with in town. My
fellow lodgers have agreed to go there in preference to the risk of remaining longer in
town, especially in our quarter, which is at present far from being the healthiest part.
In fact there have been already several indubitable cases of a malignant inflamatory
billious fever which have proved generally fatal and were reported to the College of
physicians & the board of health, as cases of the yellow fever. It has not yet
reached any considerable degree of contagion, but Dr: Rush
in compliance with his promise to you waited upon me on the 1st: instt: to advise me either to change my lodgings
or remove to some other quarter. I can leave town at present without much inconvenience,
and as I am confident every body must do so, that have the means in a month’s time, I
prefer 506 being among the earliest. The heat is intollerably
severe and I am the more sensible of it, from having been so long disused to such an
excess of it.
I have used & shall continue to use the cold bath, which seems to have a favorable effect with me, and as our situation in the Country is rural & retired I hope to pass a profitable summer in point of health & study.
It rejoyces me much that our baggage came safe, and I am greatly
obliged to my father for paying the freight to Mr: Smith. I
shall remit a post note to Dr: Tufts to repay this money
& for some other purposes on my brother’s account.
If you have any immediate use for linnen, I beg you to take the
piece which bears my mark; in truth it belongs to you of right, since you made me a
present of a piece last winter and Louisa had the goodness to make it up for use—for
both which favors I am more indebted than I am able to repay. I cannot want linnen for
two years to come, therefore do what you please with mine, which can never be more so
than in being your’s. The chocolate colored coat with a
black cape, may be cut up without remorse, since I always disliked the color
& moreover it was always too small for me. The buttons are costly but out of
fashion. I can remember nothing that I want at present but the jeane coat & a pair
of dimmity pentaloons— they are now in season, for every thing like woolen is entirely
discarded, and I find my five year old dimmity Coat, which was the first any body
undertook to wear here, now quite the rage— a pair of very wide sailors trousers of gingum, a square brimmed hat, very light, a small single
breast waistcoat a dimmity coat & a short crop, render
your Thomas one of the oddest but most comfortably dressed young men in this City. Not
one of these peculiarities will remain such at the end of the season.
If you wish to appropriate any thing in my trunk to family uses, I beg you to make free with it. My brother & Whitcomb have a number of things, which may be readily distinguished either by marks or size. The linnen belonging to Whitcomb, he expected, had we gone to Lisbon, would have made his fortune. True yankee like, he meant to speculate on his purchase, but then he thought it was no harm to introduce a contraband article under the Envoy’s privilege, though the Envoy himself knew nothing of it, & which vexed him greatly when he first heard of it. As he has got it safe to this Country free of freight & duties, I presume he would be satisfied with a reasonable profit for a part of it. My brother’s piece of linnen, save that unmade though 507 cut out, you will do as you think best with & the piece of black cloth, which is also his. When you come on in the fall, I should like to have my trunk sent round as it contains chiefly winter cloathing.
I am glad your journey was of benefit to your health, and that you left my good Aunt so cleverly— I could not have visited her consistent with my engagements, though it would have given me great pleasure. No body delights more in visiting their relations than myself, but I begin to be very much of a selfish calculator and of course an unprofitable acquaintance.
Dont you think that I write family
letters—after looking over mine it smells very much
to me like old cloaths & a buck basket, though I believe the linnen is not foul;
(pardon the allusion)—but after all, what better have I to serve up—? In the occurrences
of the day’s & weeks there is little either various or novel; it is only when I am
journeying that I feel a scribling propensity. The birth day of our nation, which has
been more aptly stiled our national Sabath, was observed with great decorum &
rational festivity among all ranks deserving a participation in its solemnities.1 I never could consent to labor on that
day, wherever I might be, for the impression I have of it is, that the labors of July
4th: 1776 sanctioned an eternal Jubilee of mirth,
festivity & gladness, to all true born & full blooded Americans in commemorating
its anniversary. I claim this sentiment by inheritance, for— / I am, with the tenderest
love & affection / Your Son
PS. I wrote to my Sister by Mrs:
Otis, but have not heard from any body except Mr: Malcom
since I left New York— To him I have frequently written, on business, but he never
says a word of either family.2
The Secretary of State has I presume received communications from Berlin lately, though I know not of what date. I procured the publication of the political parts of my brother’s letter in Brown’s paper, to which I am a subscriber.3
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “T B A july 6th /
1799.”
The Philadelphia Gazette, 5 July,
commented on the Fourth of July celebration in that city. Militia were “early under
arms, and after firing, respectively, the occasional salutes, formed two lines of
march, and proceeded, by different routes, through the principal streets of the city.”
The Society of the Cincinnati held a dinner at Oeller’s Hotel, at which George
Washington and JA were toasted. The tributes began with a general salute
to the day: “May the spirit that atchieved our independence, watch over and perpetuate
the present constitution and government of the United States.”
Not found.
An extract from JQA’s 17 April letter to TBA, above, was printed in the Philadelphia Gazette, 26 June.