Adams Family Correspondence, volume 14
I wrote to you not long since, and inclosed a Bill of a
hundred dollors which I hope you received.1 I inclose in this a Bill of ten
Dollors—out of which You will please to pay two pounds 12 shillings to Zube
Harman which will be due to her in Jan’ry for a
quarters wages— I could wish my dear sir that every Bill due might be
discharged as You have the Means; We shall then know What our income is, and
I am very Sensible a great overturn and retrenchment must be made in our
expences, so great that I know, on one hand we shall be stigintized as called narrow &c on
the other it will be sometime before we can ourselves credit how near We
Must calculate, to preserve that independance which I always hope to Mantain
by living within our income. it will be urksome at first, but we can bring
our minds to it— I wish however My best friend had an income Sufficient to
improve his Farms, which now must be his favorite amusement, and Recreation.
private troubles and public cares reconcile us to the thought of retirement;
I hope the remainder of our days may not be disturbed by public commotions.
what is before us God only knows— My sincere Wish and desire is, that the
Country may enjoy an equal degree of prosperity and happiness under the new
administration, as it has possesst under the two former; but if it should
prove that the people have ungratefully, and Wantonly abused the blessing
which they possesst, and have cast them from them; they only have been the
instruments of their own overthrow— You will have learnt before this of the
Death of My poor unhappy Charles—cut off in the Midst of his years, and in
the prime of life a victim to ——— poor unhappy child. My Heart bleads at the
retrospection; his Sickness was not long tho painfull and distressing a
dropsy of the breast in about three Weeks terminated his days— You sir I
know Sympathize with Your Friends under this afflicting providence, in the
keenest Manner painfull to Parents, and relatives painfull living, and
distressing in every view. I hope we may So humble ourselves, that the
Sovereign of the universe who has seen fit to wound us, may also mercifully
heal us—
I propose to leave this city in Jan’ry and get on by slow degrees, to take such
weather as shall be propitious. Such arrangments as may be necessary at
Quincy previous to My getting home I will request 484 you to speak to Mrs Porter to make,
by having the House opened and aired. I shall write to You again when I Sit
out—
Gov’r davie arrived with the
treaty last week. it was Yesterday laid before the Senate I presume You will
hear enough about it before long—2
I was very particuliar with mr Porter about the cider. I hope he has not omitted drawing it off before now—
Present Me affectionatly to mrs Tufts Norten and family— I am My Dear sir / Your affectionate
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed:
“Washington Dec. 15. 1800 / Mrs. Adams”;
notation: “30.”
See AA to Tufts, 28 Nov., and note 3, above.
JA submitted the Convention of 1800 to
the Senate for ratification on 16 December. The Senate agreed to its
adoption, but only if Art. 2 was removed and a clause was included that
terminated the convention in eight years. Art. 2 stipulated that the
treaties of 1778 and the convention of 1788 would remain inoperative
until both parties agreed to a procedure for the settlement of
indemnities. The Senate considered the earlier treaties to be abrogated
and refused to include an article that suggested otherwise. After weeks
of debate, during which critics claimed the convention “makes us the
dupes of France,” the public popularity of the agreement resulted in the
Senate’s consent to the modified convention on 3 Feb. 1801 and its
ratification by the United States on 18 February. On 31 July France
agreed to the changes with the inclusion of a new clause that expressly
renounced Art. 2, both its suggestion that the former treaties were no
longer in effect and its allusion to future negotiation of spoliation
claims. The convention was resubmitted to the U.S. Senate on 11 Dec.,
which consented to it on the 19th. Two days later, the convention was
proclaimed by Thomas Jefferson (Miller, Treaties
, 2:457, 482–487; Jefferson, Papers
, 33:22; DeConde, The
Quasi-War
, p. 288–293).
th.1800.
Not one word have I heard from my Dear Sister, since I
left Boston, nor have I had any intelligence from Washington excepting what
we have gathered by the News Papers, & those we have read with a
peculiar degree of anxiety. My mind as well as the publicks, has been long
held in painful suspense, nor do we yet know but that he, who has been the stability of Our Times,
may again preside, & guide the mommentous affairs of the Nation, that
Truth, Peace, & Righteousness may still prevail. Heaven grant that we
may not become a Prey to foreign Enemies, nor given up to intestine Broils,
& that ever dreaded scourge a civil War.—
Most sincerely do I sympathize with the President, &
you my Sister, on the Death of your Son—my once dear Charles. In the 485 multitude of your thoughts upon this
bereavement, may the consolations derived from the Christian religion have
an happy effect upon your Minds, & infuse a balm peculiarly suited to
the mournful occasion, healing to the wounds of
a Parents Heart.
I felt exceedingly hurt to return to Atkinson without seeing my Sister Cranch. If I had not been so lame, that I should have been an additional trouble rather than of service, I certainly should not have let the fear of catching the fever, prevented my visiting her, & affording all the assistance in my power, soothing her friendly, affectionate heart, by every Sisterly attention. But it was a great releif to me, to hear that they were all recovered, & recovering—
Cousin William rode Mr Peabody’s horse to Boston on
Saturday, we set our faces northward on monday & got home Tuesday
Evening—& had the pleasure of finding all well. Leaving my family in the
vacation, instead of setting it in Order, made I found a wide difference in
its Œconomy, & the winter pressing hard at that time, required immediate
attention, to lay up providently, like the Ant, for the ensuing season;
thinking every day, tomorrow I should have more leisure to set down &
write to my Sister— But that time seldom comes in such a family as mine, so
I will seize the moments as they fly, & tell you, we have had a very sick
house, but none very ill, but Mr Peabody, & Mr Brown Mr Peabody has had
a large share of health, through life, which made me more alarmed at his
Complaints The Dr. was afraid of a nervous fever, but at last it terminated
in a sore, which broke, & ran out at his ear, through cloths several
times doubled in a day. He was never before detained from meeting his People
upon the Sabbath. He is much better now, though he yet looks very pale. Mr
Brown was seized suddenly with a voilent shaking, which was succeeded by a
distressing fever, that came on so rapid as to prevent his being carried
home, though it was no further off than Chester. The third day he lost his
reason, could sleep none & was really an Object truly humiliating to
human Pride. So late a sweet blooming youth, now loathsome to his nearest
connections. What a lesson for the young—the Gay! Through the goodness of
heaven, his fever came to a crisis the seventh day, (or to an human eye, he
must have burned up) & gave some pleasing hope, that an only Son, might
be restored to the wishes of doating Parents & Sisters—1 One, or the other, have been with
him through his sickness, which has releived my mind, and gave rest to my
ancle. I am sorry to tell you that notwithstanding I applied to Dr. Warren
& 486 Welsh when in Boston, yet I find no
Cure & very little releif from any application—2 Every One says give it rest—give
it rest, & I do as much as I can— I use cold water every morning, &
a bandage of cold vinegar all day to prevent a callous. I suppose some sinew
has wept by the injury, & I fear will form a bunch at the side of my
ancle bone, such as you have seen upon wrists. But I am thankful it is not
my arm, like Mrs Storer’s—for she cannot use hers even to dress &
undress herself, for I have not like her, three good Daugters to whom I can
look for every tender filial attention.
I long to hear how you do, & my good Nephew William
Cranch, & family. How delighted he must he be to have you so near him.
Be so kind as to give my love to them all. How do you like your new abode?
Have you things convenient? And can you purchase necessaries, without an
exorbitant price? I have but a faint Idea of the place. But above all, does
the President, You, my Son, & Louisa enjoy health. For without it, every
circumstance of felicity, is but pain, &
vanity is indelibly marked upon every Object—
My Abbys Journey to Boston was of service, & she has
enjoyed better health ever since. Cousin William & John are more fleshy
this winter than I have known them. They are charming well, & I consider
it as a great mercy, when especially their Parents are at such a distance
from them. We have a flock of fine Children, & John asked Lydia the
other day, if she did not think I was proud of them— he was sure he should
be, to have so fine a flock of Children round him, to take the care of— John
always takes heed care, & is Lydia
friend, he likes to hold the plate, & take Lydia’s Cakes—
I have written to you twice, to Mrs Smith, & my dear Son when in Boston, I hope you have reiceived them.3 I miss Sister Cranch’s narrative Pen—
Mrs Greenleaf hates to write, & it seems as if all communications were ceased—
Please to tell my Son, & mr Bartlet that all our Haverhill friends were well excepting Capt. Bartlet, who has a billious fever, & it is feared he will not recover.4 Mr Peabody presents his regards, Miss Palmer, & Abby respects, & with more love than I can express, I am your ever affectionate / Sister
RC (Adams Papers).
Francis Brown (1784–1820) of Chester, N.H., was a
student at Atkinson Academy and later served as president of Dartmouth
College. Brown was the only son of Benjamin Brown (1755–1818), a Chester
merchant. Mary Lunt Brown (1753–1838) was Benjamin’s second wife (Sprague, Annals Amer. Pulpit
, 2:516, 518;
Brown Thurston, Thurston
487
Genealogies, Portland, Maine, 1880, p.
90).
In addition to Thomas Welsh, Peabody consulted Dr. John Warren, Harvard’s Hersey Professor of Anatomy and Surgery (vol. 11:276–277).
Peabody’s letters to AA were those of 14
July, for which see
AA’s reply of 18 July, and note 1, above,
and 23 Sept.,
above. No letters from Peabody to AA2 from this time have
been found, but in a 2 Nov. letter to William Smith Shaw that was
written from Boston Peabody noted her disappointment that
AA and AA2 had not visited Atkinson over
the summer. She also lamented AA’s decision to go to the
federal city, admonishing Shaw: “The loss of your dear Aunts company
this winter, is your gain, my Son— I feel
that you must be greatly gratified by her support, & counsel— reward
her, as far as it is in your power, by your discreet deportment &
attentions, both towards her, & your President, & Patron Sooth
by filial regard, & alleviate as far as it is in your power possible his mighty
Cares—by exactness, & precission in conducting the buisness which
falls to your department” (DLC:Shaw Family Papers).
Capt. Israel Bartlett (1748–1838), a cousin of Bailey
Bartlett, was a Revolutionary War veteran and a goldsmith in Haverhill,
Mass. (JQA, Diary
, 1:367; Chase, History of Haverhill
, p. 621).