Adams Family Correspondence, volume 14
I received yours of the 9th
and thank you for the excellent matter which it contained.1 Mr Shaw has not sent you any
papers from hence, because the papers have not been worth transmitting, a
torpor appears to have seized every person and the query what can be done?
what will be done? what ought to be done? seems to be the questions, amongst
the three parties, into which not only the Legislature but the Country is
divided. Some are for Jefferson, some for Burr, others for making no choice,
if the latter should be the case, the President will immediately refuse
being considered as a candidate, the spirit of party has arisen to such a
height, that it cannot be appeased by the wisest and best measures, which
might however for a time have arrested the progress of it, but the devision
of the federal party amongst themselves, produced the change in the
administration. And from being united in support of the Government & the
constitution, they became a faction in support of an individual, whom they
have failed in carrying. Division has caused all the mischiefs which
threaten us. Conscious that no part of this blame can justly be attached to
the President, who has conducted the affairs of the nation without
partiality, and without hopocricy, he retires, or rather is pushed off by a
combination of circumstances as little honorary to the Country, he has so
faithfully and successfully served, as I fear it will prove to their peace
tranquility or happiness. For myself I have but a few more short years to
remain, should my life be protracted to even three score years and ten, I
cannot therefore for myself regret the change, but instead of calmness, and
serenity in retirement I foresee strife and contention for my Country.
Should ever that unfortunate period arrise, the President will have the
satisfaction of knowing and feeling, that he did not
leave his Country, for surely no obligation remains upon him to be
again the 531 mark for calumny (intrigue), and
falshood, for the rage of party vengeance to shoot at, the Country and not
he, must be responsible for all that is to follow. The more genious,
industry, and spirit are employed to destroy, the harder the task of saving
the Country becomes; those who go about to destroy, are animated from the
first by ambition and avarice, the Love of power and of money, Fear often
makes them desperate at last they must be opposed by a spirit able to cope
with ambition, avarice and despair itself, where is this manly and
disinterested spirit to arise. is the service of our Country rendered either
honorable or pleasurable, is it rewarded by gratitude or respect? let the
present annals declare.
I learn that General Hamilton is opposed to the election of Burr & has written several letters to that effect, he is also opposed to the ratification of the convention, and as he is assuredly dictator over a certain part both of house and Senate, his influence will pervade both.2 He may however find himself out Generaled as it respects the convention. he thinks if Jefferson is elected, he may more easily be hunted down than Burr, at least I conceive that is his motive, united to feelings that revolt at the idea of Burrs exaltation over him, thus does ambition often over shoot the mark. I readily believe that all the candid Demos, would readily compound to have things as they were. I have heard that said here. I do not chuse to express an opinion with respect to either candidate. I hope they are not sent in wrath to rule over us.
I inclose you a Boston News Boy, in return for your N. York, tell the Coln that I received last week his letter by General Armstrong.3 General Gunn has been sick ever since his return from Philadelphia, so that nothing has been done though I trust all is safe.
I shall let you know when I leave this place and I shall get on as far as New York, where I will rest a few days. Susanna has got the hooping cough, she has had it near a month, it pulls her down, but she will not I hope, have it very bad, my love to Caroline.
Be assured my dear daughter that I am ever / Your affectionate Mother.
Tr in ABA’s hand (Adams Papers); internal address: “To Mrs W. S. Smith”; APM Reel 327.
Not found.
Once the tie between Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr
became accepted knowledge, Alexander Hamilton implored a handful of
Federalists to support Jefferson rather than Burr. On 16 Dec. 1800 he
wrote to Oliver Wolcott Jr., describing Burr as “bankrupt beyond
redemption,” adding, “His public principles have no other spring or aim
than his own aggrandisement.” Over the weeks that followed he wrote
similar letters to Theodore Sedgwick, Harrison Gray Otis, and 532 Gouverneur Morris, among others.
Hamilton was a pragmatic supporter of the Convention of 1800, arguing
that “the least evil is to ratify” it rather than to leave it to the
Jefferson administration to renegotiate (Hamilton, Papers
, 25:257–259, 271–273).
The enclosed news carriers’ address, not found,
appeared in the Boston Commercial Gazette,
1 Jan. 1801, and offered comment on JA: “In vain, a life,
with patriot labors worn; / A people sav’d, a federate nation born; / In
vain, pre-eminence mid Fame’s Compeers; / Or WISDOM, silver’d with illustrious
years; / Have claim’d affection from a realm deprav’d, / To Faction’s
’one or twenty gods’ enslav’d; / And
PATRIOT ADAMS, to a thankless state, / Resigns that power, which made
his country great! / Illustrious Sage! whose firm, capacious mind, /
Just to thy country, bland to human kind, / Could now from Faction’s
storm, its lightning draw, / Now wield its thunders in the cause of law;
/ Lo! in the evening of thy glorious day, / Thy life’s horizon shows its
brightest ray.” The poem also “forbid ‘Bad
News’ to stir, / Or in suspense bang Jefferson and Burr.” AA sent the article
in return for one sent to her by WSS, which has not been
found but was probably from the New-York
Gazette, 1 Jan., and reflected with concern on the approaching
presidential transition. “No lover of his country can look forward
without anxiety” to Thomas Jefferson or Aaron Burr as president, the
article claimed, and while JA’s loss was “deeply regretted
by all Federal Republicans, they will steadily maintain the
Constitution.” WSS’s letter with the enclosed article was
likely carried by Senator John Armstrong Jr. (1758–1843) of New York
(
Biog. Dir. Cong.
).
th:January 1801
I have your favor of the 15th: instt: and am pleased to find in
it an interpretation of the 6th: Article of the
Convention with France, which had escaped my reflection—1 Viewing it as a provision only to
operate after the expiration of our treaty with G Britain, it may be both
natural & proper, but as the time when it was to operate was not
specified, many others, like myself, have supposed it to be quite
incompatible with our precedent engagements—
It has always appeared strange to me, that the same men
and the same families, who during the first paroxism, which the french
Revolution produced among all ranks of people in this Country, were led away
with the most extravagant admirers & partizans of revolutionary
doctrine, should have vibrated to the opposite extreme, without seeming to
be aware of the glaring inconsistency of their behavior. In the years 1791.
2. 3–4. yourself & family were obnoxious to the greater part of the now
high toned Oligarchiques, because you were firmly opposed, from conviction
of their evil tendency, to the principles of the french Revolution, and it
is remarkable, though not surprising, that a judicious and discriminating
foreigner, should be the only one to applaud & to notice your opinions
in this particular. I allude to the pamphlet of Mr: Gentz and the note to page 56. where he speaks of a
conversation between M. de Brissot and
yourself, for the authenticity of which fact he appeals to Brissot’s 533 tour itself.2 I have a vivid recollection that
so early as the year 1789 when I was at New York, you drew my attention to
two french works of great merit & singular application to the Revolution
which had just then burst forth in France; and although I was then too young
and too much a tyro in the french language, or the science of politics, to
appreciate the records which those books contain—I have since read them with
delight and I hope with improvement. The Books were L’esprit de la ligue,
& L’esprit de la fronde. The Memoirs of Cardinal de Retz are of the
latter period, and not less instructive than either.3 Our Countrymen, who affect to be
so learned, so wise, and to have attained such perfection in the Science of
government, are almost universally ignorant of all these repositories of
wisdom and experience; and they are obstinately bent upon going over the
same turbulent round of experiment, which must inevitably lead to the same
pitiful & deplorable results, and all for the love of liberty—
The adherents of Mr: Hamilton
are men of violence; impetuous in their resentments and utterly regardless
of the ties of gratitude. They can discern no title to favor or support in
any but devoted partizans. In general they are hostile to our present
institutions, and therefore feel no obligation imposed upon them to promote
the success of them. They imagine that opposition is the only means to
effect a change more consonant to their wishes. The Democrats, who are a
vast majority when compared with this small band, profess that the design
& scope of their opposition is to restore the Government of the Country
to old, original principles. The plausibility of their doctrines is
irresistibly persuasive with the multitude, who have in all ages been gulled
out of their liberties by such gilded artifices. They yield to the syren
song of these base & profligate seducers, who no sooner have robbed them
of their chastity than they desert them, or impose heavier shackles than
they wore before.
The Judiciary Bill now labouring in the house of Representatives, excites some attention. I, for one, think that the salaries proposed for the Judges are too high. It is true that Two thousand dollars per annum, is a small compensation to men of the first talents and repute in their professions; but some discrimination proportioned to the different prices of living, in the several Circuits, ought to be made.4 The people of this Country are not lightly taxed for the degree of liberty & security & protection they enjoy— I will go as far as any individual in this Country, in contributing, according to my means, towards the support of a permanent, respectable and numerous Navy— It is all the defence we want against foreigners and 534 the only gurantee we shall ever obtain for our National growth. But in our domestic regulations, frugality bordering on parsimony would be excusable in order to secure the other object.
Should the judiciary Bill be enacted into a law, this
Session, there will be an host of officers to appoint, before the rising of
Congress, and numerous applications will doubtless be made for those places.
Mr: Ingersoll, who will be at Washington in
February would be able, if consulted, to designate suitable characters in
this State, and I hope his advice will be asked.
I am with true respect & attachment / Your Son
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “The
President of the United States / City of Washington—”; internal address:
“The President of the U.S.”; endorsed: “T. B Adams 20. Jan. / Ansd 24. 1801.”
That is, JA to TBA, 14 Jan., above.
Jacques Pierre Brissot de Warville visited
JA in 1788 in London and during a tour of the United
States. Brissot in his account of the visits claimed that
JA said that a new French constitution would not
establish the kind of liberty Britain enjoyed under a constitutional
monarchy and that the French did not have the popular support to enact
such reforms. Gentz, Origin and Principles of the American
Revolution
, p. 58, recounts the anecdote and cites
Brissot’s Nouveau voyage dans les États-Unis de
l’Amérique septentrionale, 3 vols., Paris, 1791, 1:147 (JA, Papers
, 19:302–303).
Louis Pierre Anquetil, L’Esprit de la ligue; ou, histoire politique des troubles de la
France, 3 vols., Paris, 1779; Jean Baptiste Mailly, L’Esprit de la fronde; ou, histoire politique et
militaire des troubles de France, 5 vols., Paris, 1772–1773;
and Jean François Paul de Gondi de Retz, Mémoires du Cardinal de Retz, 4 vols., Geneva, 1777. The
second and third works are in JA’s library at MB (
Catalogue of JA’s Library
).
The judiciary bill, for which see William Smith Shaw to
TBA, 8 Jan. 1801, and note 7, above,
specified annual salaries for federal judges of $2,000, a level
criticized as excessive by Democratic-Republicans. On 9 Jan.
Pennsylvania’s Andrew Gregg introduced an amendment in the House to
reduce them to $1,800. After lengthy debate, Gregg’s amendment failed
and the salaries remained at $2,000 in the final version of the bill
that became law on 13 Feb. (
Annals of Congress
, 6th
Cong., 2d sess., p. 900–905;
U.S. Statutes at Large
,
2:100).