I have your favor of the 15th: instt: and am pleased to find in it an interpretation of the 6th: Article of the Convention with France, which had escaped my reflection—1 Viewing it as a provision only to operate after the expiration of our treaty with G Britain, it may be both natural & proper, but as the time when it was to operate was not specified, many others, like myself, have supposed it to be quite incompatible with our precedent engagements—

It has always appeared strange to me, that the same men and the same families, who during the first paroxism, which the french Revolution produced among all ranks of people in this Country, were led away with the most extravagant admirers & partizans of revolutionary doctrine, should have vibrated to the opposite extreme, without seeming to be aware of the glaring inconsistency of their behavior. In the years 1791. 2. 3–4. yourself & family were obnoxious to the greater part of the now high toned Oligarchiques, because you were firmly opposed, from conviction of their evil tendency, to the principles of the french Revolution, and it is remarkable, though not surprising, that a judicious and discriminating foreigner, should be the only one to applaud & to notice your opinions in this particular. I allude to the pamphlet of Mr: Gentz and the note to page 56. where he speaks of a conversation between M. de Brissot and yourself, for the authenticity of which fact he appeals to Brissot’s 533 tour itself.2 I have a vivid recollection that so early as the year 1789 when I was at New York, you drew my attention to two french works of great merit & singular application to the Revolution which had just then burst forth in France; and although I was then too young and too much a tyro in the french language, or the science of politics, to appreciate the records which those books contain—I have since read them with delight and I hope with improvement. The Books were L’esprit de la ligue, & L’esprit de la fronde. The Memoirs of Cardinal de Retz are of the latter period, and not less instructive than either.3 Our Countrymen, who affect to be so learned, so wise, and to have attained such perfection in the Science of government, are almost universally ignorant of all these repositories of wisdom and experience; and they are obstinately bent upon going over the same turbulent round of experiment, which must inevitably lead to the same pitiful & deplorable results, and all for the love of liberty—

The adherents of Mr: Hamilton are men of violence; impetuous in their resentments and utterly regardless of the ties of gratitude. They can discern no title to favor or support in any but devoted partizans. In general they are hostile to our present institutions, and therefore feel no obligation imposed upon them to promote the success of them. They imagine that opposition is the only means to effect a change more consonant to their wishes. The Democrats, who are a vast majority when compared with this small band, profess that the design & scope of their opposition is to restore the Government of the Country to old, original principles. The plausibility of their doctrines is irresistibly persuasive with the multitude, who have in all ages been gulled out of their liberties by such gilded artifices. They yield to the syren song of these base & profligate seducers, who no sooner have robbed them of their chastity than they desert them, or impose heavier shackles than they wore before.

The Judiciary Bill now labouring in the house of Representatives, excites some attention. I, for one, think that the salaries proposed for the Judges are too high. It is true that Two thousand dollars per annum, is a small compensation to men of the first talents and repute in their professions; but some discrimination proportioned to the different prices of living, in the several Circuits, ought to be made.4 The people of this Country are not lightly taxed for the degree of liberty & security & protection they enjoy— I will go as far as any individual in this Country, in contributing, according to my means, towards the support of a permanent, respectable and numerous Navy— It is all the defence we want against foreigners and 534 the only gurantee we shall ever obtain for our National growth. But in our domestic regulations, frugality bordering on parsimony would be excusable in order to secure the other object.

Should the judiciary Bill be enacted into a law, this Session, there will be an host of officers to appoint, before the rising of Congress, and numerous applications will doubtless be made for those places. Mr: Ingersoll, who will be at Washington in February would be able, if consulted, to designate suitable characters in this State, and I hope his advice will be asked.

I am with true respect & attachment / Your Son

When I said, that I did not disagree with Manlius, in attributing the downfall of the federal cause, to the Mission to France, my meaning was, not, that the loss of the late election, was to be viewed, as the consequence of that Mission, for I believe with you Sir, that independent of that measure, the federal Candidate would have been almost universally deserted. But I meant to assert as my belief, that this was looked upon by the Hamiltonians as a fit occasion to sever from the Administration; a thing contemplated & advised, I have no 535 doubt, a considerable time before it took place. The appointment of Mr: Gerry, and not abandoning him, when he deserted his colleagues, was the first exasperating act to the Essez Junto, who were all his deadly enemies. This is the leading string to all the subsequent discord among the federalists— There is scarcely a man in Pennsylvania, professing Federalism, who does not think Mr: Gerry a thorough-paced, incorrigible Jacobin, and nothing but his retaining your friendship & confidence, ever raised a doubt in favor of his political principles— Here was a violent clamor, therefore, raised against the first Mission, on account of one obnoxious man. This clamor had not subsided, before the second Mission was projected, & as the character first chosen, nor those afterwards appointed, as colleagues, were in any manner exceptionable to the federal party, they vented all their rage against the measure. I say they, by which I mean, only the most violent, who were certainly a minority of the federal party—

The motives to opposition were various in different parts of the Country; but the object in all was the same, to defeat or frustrate the attempt.

Lord Clarendon in his history of the Rebellion,1 has a very long passage which describes, most elaborately, the propensity of men to defeat the successful termination of any scheme or measure— against which they have once soberly & earnestly set their faces— I will try to find it, and have it published, with a few remarks. The Application is, I think, obvious—

Mr: Hamilton, whose influence & popularity in New York, was ruined, by his anxiety to vindicate his character, no less than in every quarter of the Union; by his own mismanagement or by his deliberate intention, (of the two, the most probable) occasioned the loss of New York to the federal scale— I sincerely believe, he would rather see Mr: Jefferson at the head of the Govt:, than yourself—for you were the first to learn the Americans, how to appreciate this little gentleman, from St Croix. For this, you never will be forgiven by him; enmity is never more malignant than when provoked by a conviction that a small opinion is entertained by any individual, of talents, which receive homage from all the world besides—

It ought never to have been the plan of the federal party to support a Gentleman from the South, merely for the sake of securing the interest of the any Southern State in favor of the federal ticket— There was evidence enough on the former trial, what result might 536 be calculated upon, in making another— I believe that some of the federalists, who gave in to this scheme, were honest—but many expected that South Carolina would vote for you Genl: Pinckney, and drop you— This was Hamilton’s plot; but the true friends of the Administration ought to have taken up Mr: Jay or Mr: Ellsworth, and if the same exertions had been made in favor of either of these gentlemen, they would have succeeded. I should have been perfectly willing to give Mr: Jefferson my vote, as an Elector, if I could have had confidence in the Southern people—but our elections have become so much a job, that the patriotism & services of our most distinguished characters, has little to do in their promotion to office—

I do not think that the unconditional ratification of our Convention with France would be inconsistent with our honor or our good faith— I did think it would clash with our engagements to G. Britain, before I understood the true construction of the 6th: article. The 3d: article, which contracts for the giving up of State vessels, wounded my pride, at first, though I could easily discern that the pride of the french governt: would be much concerned in securing the surrender; but the result may yet be in our favor, if the private vessels, captured before the exchange of Ratifications, should be given up, or paid for, with good faith—

After all, as we know & can judge of the purport of the present bargain, and as we do not know what might result from further negotiation, I should give my voice for ratifying the Convention. The adoption or the rejection of all Commercial Conventions, must eventually be regulated by interest—and I know not that the United States can better themselves by refusing to accept what is now offered to them.

Manlius is a young man—inexperienced, warm and ardent, but not inimical to the independence or the best interests of his Country— but he sees a different route to the attainment of them, than I do. As he knows I sent you some of his numbers, and as I extorted from him a confession that he was the writer, I feel some delicacy, upon the subject of giving his name—

It has been said in the papers of the morning that L. H Stockton has been nominated as Secretary at War, and Genl Marshall Chief Justice— The latter is contradicted this evening, and I think Richard Stockton must be the person nominated for the other office—2

I am dear Sir, truly & sincerely / Your affectionate Son