Adams Family Correspondence, volume 15

Thomas Boylston Adams to Abigail Adams, 14 July 1802 Adams, Thomas Boylston Adams, Abigail
Thomas Boylston Adams to Abigail Adams
Dear Mother. Philadelphia 14th: July 1802

I have received & thank you for your favor of the 6th: currt:. This day, twelve months ago, I left Philadelphia to visit my friends, in N. England, but however strong my inclination to see them often, I must forego that gratification for the sake of bettering my condition here. Should any serious cause occur, such as the yellow fever, (of which we have already had some alarm), which should make it dangerous to abide here, I shall then set my face towards a more healthful dwelling, and perhaps renounce the design, to which I have hitherto so pertinaciously adhered, of making this City my permanent residence.

You notice the jealousies, which are daily disclosing themselves, between the chiefs of the prevailing sect. They are indeed worthy of remark, as they have a tendency to display the characters of principals, no less than of subordinate agents. Here is that John Wood, who falls out with Duane, and they begin to expose each other’s villainy, in print.1 There is that J T Callender, who wrote “the prospect before us,” so much praised & extolled by the Jacobins, and who disagreeing with his employers about the wages of his sins, now comes out, with his “secrets worth knowing,” which for your amusement I herewith enclose.2 This unprincipled scoundrel, who was actually caressed by Jefferson, until he became importunate for his recompense, may be believed when he testifies against himself, however unworthy of credit on other subjects, and when he confesses his own venality, we must suppose that he knew to whom he was indebted for the bribe. The low & dirty malignity of this transaction, if Jefferson was really guilty of it, ought to blast his name & fame to all eternity. But what else can we expect from “a man of the people”?

Burr & Hamilton are alike inimical to my father, and though they could agree in nothing else, they are both glad to see & hear him traduced. Woods testimony goes thus far. There cannot be a coalition between their adherence, and if the breach with Burr & the Republicans widens, Clinton or McKean will throw him out. It seems that Jefferson thinks Burr ought not to be travelling about, so much, 218 and it begins to be understood that Burr would have willingly been chosen President, by the Representatives.3

There is an abusive paragraph in the Aurora of the 13th: currt: partly aimed at JQA, and partly at the Junto. I knew not whence Duane got this, unless from some of the Boston correspondents— He did not write it. It made me angry when I read it, and heaped one more coal of fire upon that miscreants head. The defeat of the bronze Statue of Washington, is attributed to JQA—s amendment, and the paragraph says there was zeal & activity displayed on the occasion by the mover— You will have a better idea of the matter from reading the paper itself, which I send you, with my best love to the old woman. 4

Your’s

T B Adams.

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A Adams.”

1.

Although John Wood relied on William Duane as a source for his History of the Administration of John Adams, Duane in the Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 5 July, labeled the resulting work as “stupid and vapid.” This prompted a 6 July letter from Wood, published in New York newspapers on 8 July, claiming the dispute stemmed from Duane’s displeasure with Wood for showing his letters to Aaron Burr and his dislike of Wood’s characterization of Alexander Hamilton. Duane responded by printing Wood’s letter in the Aurora, 12 July, and offering additional detail on the History’s suppression. Wood offered a final rebuttal on 30 July, when he published A Correct Statement of the Various Sources from which the History of the Administration of John Adams was Compiled, and the Motives for its Suppression by Col. Burr, N.Y., 1802, Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 3578, and attributed the errors within his History to Duane (Burr, Political Correspondence , 2:727).

2.

The enclosure has not been found, but it was an article titled “Secrets worth Knowing” in the Philadelphia Gazette and the Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, both 14 July. The article was extracted from James Thomson Callender’s letter “To the Public” in the Richmond, Va., Recorder, 7 July, which claimed that in 1798 Thomas Jefferson had characterized Callender as one of America’s best writers and had made two $50 payments to Callender in support of The Prospect before Us, for which see vol. 14:228 (Jefferson, Papers , 44:6). See also AA to Jefferson, 1 July 1804, below.

3.

New York City’s Democratic-Republicans were embroiled in a dispute that pitted Clintonians against Burrites. Jefferson’s assessment was that the Clintonians embraced “the whole republican interest” of New York while supporters of Burr sought only to advance his personal agenda. Burr’s decision to travel to North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia during the early stages of the dispute was seen by critics as an attempt to curry favor with southern Democratic-Republicans, a move that invited questions about Burr’s loyalties to Jefferson and the interests of the party as a whole. He returned to New York on 23 June 1802 and avoided participating publicly in the debate until September (Freeman, Affairs of Honor , p. 182; Jefferson, Papers , 38:89; Burr, Political Correspondence , 2:720, 724–728; Thomas N. Baker, “‘An Attack Well Directed’: Aaron Burr Intrigues for the Presidency,” JER , 31:572–574 [Winter 2011]).

4.

TBA enclosed the Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 13 July, which reported on divisions among Massachusetts Federalists and blamed the cause, in part, on “the Adamite dynasty.” In particular, the article pointed to JQA’s actions on a bill to erect a monument to George Washington. The bill originated in the Mass. house of representatives, and when it reached the state senate JQA introduced an amendment to alter the material from bronze to marble. The amendment passed, but when the house disagreed over the change, the issue was tabled until the following legislative session. The Aurora offered JQA’s actions as evidence that he and “the old woman”—a reference previously used 219 for AA—pursued a different agenda to that of the Essex Junto, to the detriment of Federalist political aspirations (vol. 13:421, 425; Boston Columbian Centinel, 12, 19 June; Boston Independent Chronicle, 17 June).

John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 25 July 1802 Adams, John Quincy Adams, Thomas Boylston
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
My dear Brother. Quincy 25. July 1802.

In point of form I know not how the balance of epistolary correspondence between you and me stands; and it is altogether immaterial: having at present some leisure and the prospect of more, I cannot employ it to better advantage than in adding to the frequency of communication with you.

My wife has recently received a letter from you, and has answered it within these two days, with an invitation to you to come and spend the remainder of the summer with us—1 She gave this invitation in my name as well as her own; but I cannot be easy without repeating it under my own hand— If the fever at Philadelphia should really disappear, as from our latest accounts we have some reason to hope, you had much better be here amusing yourself between Boston and Quincy, than boiling upon that grid-iron of Penn—2 If it should spread, you cannot stay there, and surely you can have no retreat preferable to my house— At least you will find none by the choice of which you can confer so much pleasure.

I am obliged to Oldschool for the handsome manner in which he has spoken of the address; and I am sorry to see that his paper is so rapidly dying of a consumption—3 So totally destitute of all support from sources which tend in this country to circulate periodical prints, his day must be fixed; and a short one too— I wish it were in my power to prolong his life.

You told me in one of your late letters, that Rule-New-England, was a sentiment as obnoxious to Pennsylvania federalists, as Rule Virginia—4 I can readily conceive that; but there is a still stronger objection against it— The sentiment is fundamentally wrong— It is substituting a part for the whole— It is making one great interest, the slave or the tool of another, and every system of administration founded upon such a principle, must in its nature be oppressive— But it must be confess’d that the Pennsylvania federalists have been so active so industrious and so successful in support of the common cause, they are even now sacrificing themselves with so much devotion, and making such powerful and disinterested exertions for it, that the mere idea of New-England’s rule, would be unjust beyond 220 measure.— New-England shews three states where the honourable and just principles of federalism, have at least maintained their ground; where the State Legislature’s and Executive’s, have not sacrificed to the Gods of delusion and democracy—where the men and the measures which have produced the present prosperity of this Country, are still held in honour, and where the federalists have not in a selfish and lifeless despair abandoned the public and its interests to political impostors and United Irishmen—to the lying fifty-dollar men, and their paymasters— When the sturdy spirit of New-England federalism shall be so far subdued and degraded, as to suffer all these things without daring to utter a sigh against them, without presuming to vote for a candidate of virtuous mind and manners against some staggering Silenus of democracy—then! then my good friends and fellow-citizens who call yourselves Pennsylvania federalists, New-England if she will take my advice shall come to you for rulers— Then! at least she will disclaim all pretension to rule, herself, for she will have no principles to rule by.— Pray how stands the prospect of your election for Governor?

You see my letter is dated from Quincy— It has become almost a necessary of life for me to come out on Saturday in the afternoon, and breathe a little fresh air untill monday morning— The tranquility of the place affords me relaxation and relief from the perpetual agitation and hurry of the week— The wharf below gives me an excellent opportunity for the sea-bath, and I pass the leisure time of the day in the library reading the moral treatises of Plutarch in Amyot’s old french translation, or the letters of Madame de Sevigné—5 I am now writing in it; and if all my poetical ideas were not irrecoverably drown’d, the prospect from the window where I sit, and the music of the birds upon every tree, would inspire such thoughts as the Muses are wont to impart, as effectually, as were this delicious pasture the vale of Tempe, the rippling stream I hear, the waters of Helicon, and those feathered songsters the sweetest nightengales of Arcadia.

Whitcomb and his wife are out here upon a visit, and the sight of her portly person as she passes along reminds me of your question some time since, how they come on? Whitcomb is doing very well in his business, and making money fast— So that he thrives in all sort of ways.6

Your mother has just shewn me a letter from you, noticing among other things a paragraph in the Aurora pointed partly against me—7 I wonder that it should have had a sting, in your estimation, for when I first read it, I was indebted to it for a hearty laugh.— It was such a 221 whimsical compound of lies and blunders, such a hotchpot of mistake and wilful falsehood, and withal so free from all mixture of wit as well as of truth, that it gave me not a little diversion— I hope the wholesale dealer in slander gets such paragraphs as that dog-cheap, if not thrown into the bargain— Else his oeconomical reputation will stand but a poor chance in the long run.

The old rope that bound together the faggots of democracy, has not been able to stand the wear and tear of a single-year— It has broken asunder by its own rottenness, and we are to see what substitute will be found to gather up and tie the bundle again— The Country will not suffer by the dissolution of the faction— Her only danger is from its Union— You observe truly that the New-York Caesar and Pompey, as well as the bank-bill philosopher, all appear to have taken equal delight in seeing the object of their common hatred libelled—but there is another observation which the late disclosures have impress’d with equal force on my mind; which is that all that infamous ribaldry poured upon him in such torrents for such a series of years, is thus ascertained to have been purchased and paid for by his personal enemies and rivals— Whether the people will see and reflect upon this is of no consequence— At least posterity will not be duped by the smiling villains of this age; and eternal Justice though late will assert her rights.8

Your’s faithfully

————

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “T. B. Adams.”; endorsed: “J. Q Adams Esqr. / 25th: July 1802 / 30th: Recd: / 2d: Aug: Ansd:.”

1.

Neither TBA’s letter nor LCA’s response has been found.

2.

The Boston Republican Gazetteer, 21 July, noted that Philadelphia was experiencing a yellow fever epidemic comparable to those it experienced “in the years ’93, 97, 98 and 99,” although in contrast the Boston Columbian Centinel, 24 July, reported that incidences of the disease were declining. TBA also wrote of yellow fever in Philadelphia in a short letter of 13 Sept. to William Smith Shaw, stating that reports from the city’s board of health “confirm all our terrors respecting the prevalence of the fever” (MHi:Misc. Bound Coll.).

3.

The Port Folio, 2:214–215 (10 July) included a review of JQA’s 28 May address to the Massachusetts Charitable Fire Society, for which see AA to TBA, 13 March, and note 5, above, describing the address as “the vigorous and graceful off-spring of a mind, stored with the aphorisms of wisdom, and imbued with a deep tinct of classical literature.”

4.

In a letter to JQA of 18 June, TBA made the following comment: “The friends and pretended admirers of N England politic’s, & institutions, laugh, here, at the, what they call, arrogance of her pretentions. ‘Rule new England’ is quite as humiliating to a Pennsylvania federalist, as to a Virginia Democrat; but Virginia Rule, is not so grating to the Pennsylvania democrats; for thereby dominion is conferred upon them. We shall never be able to change the present order of things, without some external pressure.” He also reported on local electioneering and discussed bankruptcy commissions in Pennsylvania (Adams Papers).

5.

Les oeuvres morales & meslees de Plutarque, transl. Jacques Amyot, Paris, 1572, and Marie de Rabutin-Chantal, Marquise de Sévigné, Recueil des lettres de Madame la Marquise de Sévigné, à Madame la Comtesse 222 de Grignan, sa fille, 8 vols., Paris, 1775, a copy of which is in JA’s library at MB; see also JQA to LCA, 25 May 1804, and note 4, below ( Catalogue of JA’s Library ).

6.

At the start of 1803, Tilly Whitcomb was operating a stable at the Haymarket Tavern in Boston. In April he became the proprietor of the New Coffee House in Half-Court Square. Until 1 July 1804 Whitcomb leased the property from JQA, who purchased it in Nov. 1802 from Boston merchant Charles Nolen (Boston Commercial Gazette, 20 Jan. 1803, 21 April; JQA to LCA, 2 May 1804, below; Memorandum between JQA and Nolen, 13 Oct. 1802, MWA:Adams Family Letters; D/JQA/24, 6 Nov., APM Reel 27).

7.

TBA to AA, 14 July, and note 4, above.

8.

Shakespeare, Hamlet, Act I, scene v, lines 106, 108.