Adams Family Correspondence, volume 15

Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, 10 January 1804 Adams, Abigail Adams, John Quincy
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
my dear Son Quincy Jan’ry 10th 1804

I am indebted to You for two Letters Since I Wrote to you. Your Letter of december 22d I thank You for, as well as the other;1 to me your conduct wanted not any justification or explanation. I am fully Satisfied that You have Weighed every measure, looking much further into concequences than those who censure and condemn. Yet I like to have some reasons to give to those who feel anxious upon the Subject. no Man in congress is So delicately Situated, when we take into View Your Connections. You must expect that a jealousy will be ever awake, and upon the watch upon both Sides: I wish not to see you a cypher, nor is it [po]ssible you can be one. You have indeed embarkd upon a tempestous [se]a, and must prepare for Storms: I shall rejoice if the constitution does not suffer Ship wreck in the Voyage: You must not however permit yourself to be so anxiously engaged as to injure your Health.—

Your Brother will keep you informd of the politicks here. our Newspapers are not worth a rush I think you must not omit Writing either to him or some friend in Town when you have a leisure moment. the Bostonians want to be roused and awakened from their lethargy. they act as if all was safe and no other pursuit necessary but getting money and laying up goods for many years.

I thank you for mr Tracys Speech I have read it with much interest, and trust it will have due weight with our Legislature who are now about to convene. it now remains with the States to determine Whether they will give their Throats to the knife of the assassins, or push back the dagger.—

Whether they will be self immolated, or whether they will make a bold and noble stand, and save themselves and posterity.

The points of Etiquette between the Ladies you mention ought long ago to have been regularly Setled, but a Nation which does not respect itself, cannot expect to receive it from others. tho this point upon which mrs Merry raises a difficulty has not been decided in the court callender. usage has establishd it, at least whilst I bore any part. neither Mrs Lyston or Madam deFreire took umbrage at it.2 the Lady of the Secretary of State had always the precedence at the table of the President, and at the drawing Room— Mrs Merry can only do as the Dutchess Le Vauguyon did at the Hague. She refused to make the first visit to the Princess of orange, the Princess, the 322 Daughter & Sister of a King and the consort of a Prince, thought it descending from her Rank and dignity to yeald— the concequence was Madam never went to Court, nor into any other Society.3 this is rather unpleasent for one who is fond of sociability, but may be in the end no disadvantage; Some Characters shew best at a distance— I am wholy unacquainted with all the Secretarys Ladies, the Secretary of the Treasurys excepted with whom I have exchanged visits.4 Mrs Merry is undoubtedly a well bred Lady. they say I Should regreet that any real umbrage Should be given because the concequences may be unpleasent—

alass I mournd with you the death of the early Friend of your Youth. I know it must wound your Heart he was also a Friend of many years Ripening. he possessd a refined taste & a cultivated mind, tho to me he always appeard, upon the wing with health, that trembled & shook at every blast— it has been the System of those now in power to burry every federal Man by silence and neglect, however important his Services, or faithfully he has executed them— but the Spirit of party is the spirit of Satan: if this was not sufficient to crush him, then to load him with calumny and reproach.

We are very anxious to learn how Mrs Cranch is, yet dread to hear.5 I hope the Children are well. We Shall be very glad to See you let congress rise when it will— I do not believe it will be before March.

We are in tolerable Health. Mrs C Adams with her children, have been with us all winter. Thomas too is a pleasent addition to us— I shall write to mrs Adams—

I am my Dear son / affectionatly / Your Mother

A Adams

my Respects to mr Tracy tell him I thank him for the good he intended, and trust he has done. if he does not meet with Success, he has deserved it—

RC (Adams Papers); addressed by TBA: “John Q Adams Esqr: / Senator of the US. / City of Washington”; endorsed: “My Mother 10. Jany: 1804. / 24. Jany: recd: / 26. Do:: Ansd:.” Some loss of text due to the placement of the seal.

1.

In addition to JQA’s letter of 22 Dec. 1803, AA was probably referring to his of 9 Dec., which arrived after she sent hers of 11 Dec., all above.

2.

That is, Henrietta Marchant Liston and Agnes Frances Lockyer Freire, the wives of British minister Robert Liston and Portuguese minister Ciprão Ribeiro, Chevalier de Freire, respectively (vols. 10:319; 13:220).

3.

AA was describing a disagreement over Dutch diplomatic protocols between Marie Antoinette Rosalie de Pons de Roquefort, Duchesse de La Vauguyon (1751–1824), who was the wife of Paul François de Quélen de Stuer de Caussade, Duc de La Vauguyon, and Wilhelmina, Princess of Orange, who was a niece of Frederick II, a sister of King Frederick William II of Prussia, and the wife of William V, Prince of Orange and Stadholder of the Netherlands. The disagreement arose because the duchess believed she deserved social precedence due to her 323 connection to the French royal family. The Duc de La Vauguyon was French minister to the Netherlands from 1776 to 1784, and JA socialized with the couple during his diplomatic tenure at The Hague (vols. 7:325, 8:188; Jean Baptiste Pierre Courcelles, Histoire généalogique et héraldique des pairs de France, 12 vols., Paris, 1822–1833, 4:60; Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale ; JA, Papers , 6:50; Henriette Louise von Waldner, Baronne d’Oberkirch, Memoirs of the Baroness d’Oberkirch, ed. Léonce, Comte de Montbrison, 3 vols., London, 1852, 2:117).

4.

In addition to Hannah Nicholson Gallatin (1766–1849), who was married to treasury secretary Albert Gallatin, the wives of the cabinet members were Dorcas Osgood Marble Dearborn (1752–1810), wife of Secretary of War Henry Dearborn; Martha Waldo Lincoln (1761–1828), wife of U.S. attorney general Levi Lincoln; Dolley Payne Todd Madison; and Margaret Smith Smith, wife of Secretary of the Navy Robert Smith (William H. Smith, “Gen. Henry Dearborn: A Genealogical Sketch,” Maine Historical and Genealogical Recorder, 3:5 [1886]; Waldo Lincoln, “Four Generations of the Waldo Family in America,” NEHGR , 52:226 [April 1898]; Leo Schelbert, Historical Dictionary of Switzerland, 2d edn., N.Y., 2014).

5.

For the health of Nancy Greenleaf Cranch, see LCA to AA, 11 Feb. 1804, and note 2, below.

John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 14 January 1804 Adams, John Quincy Adams, Thomas Boylston
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
My dear Brother. Washington 14. January 1804.

The Louisiana revenue bill (of which I sent you some time since a copy) has this day pass’d the third reading in the Senate— But with various amendments so that it must go back to the House of Representatives, where it will probably pass on Monday— The first section has been altered in point of form, and made as I conceive more vague and uncertain than it was at first— In thirty-five days from this, it will go into operation as the law of Louisiana.— I have opposed it at every stage to the utmost of my power as an outrageous violation

1. Of the natural rights of the People of Louisiana by taxing them to pay our debts, and without their consent.

2. Of the Treaty, by which we stipulated to protect them in the enjoyment of their liberty and property.

3. Of the Constitution of the United States, which neither contains nor could possibly contain any authority to Congress to tax the people of Louisiana without their consent.

4. Of the fundamental principle of our own Revolution, and of our national Independence.

5. Of Common Sense and common prudence, which forbid the introduction of Laws in the Mass, in a language which the people over whom they are to operate cannot understand, for the purpose of imposing upon them a heavy burthen of taxation, when we know almost as little of them as they know of us.1

The only answer given to all these objections, that had a colour of plausibility was comprized in one word—RevenueMoney— And so 324 powerful has been this single answer that when the yeas and nays have been taken on any question, involving either of the principles to which I appealed, there has never been more than three votes with me besides my own— The Stamp Act itself did not pass more triumphantly through the British Parliament, when first introduced, than this bill will pass through Congress.2

As the mere giving a negative vote on this bill could not have shewn on any future occasion, the principles upon which it rested, I introduced some days since three Resolutions, the two first of which contained fully the question as to the rightful power of Congress to pass this Law— They were rejected after very little discussion, without being suffered to lay one day upon the table— The reason given for this rejection was that their tendency was dangerous, and might rouse the Louisianians to a sense of their rights, which they are now too ignorant to comprehend— All this goes on swimmingly; but if the principles which I advocated are not formed of sturdier stuff than to be put down by votes of a Senate, or even Acts of a Congress, it is time to know that they must be abandoned as solemn impostures—the mere cant of political hypocrisy.— On finding myself almost alone in my adherence to them, I have been diffident of my own Judgment, and fearful of some fallacy, in my own reasoning— This I have diligently but fruitlessly sought after— Nor has any one of the majority so strong to outvote me, attempted to point it out— Their answer is what would become of the Revenue?

My reply was—Obtain by an Amendment of the Constitution, as you can with perfect ease between this and the next Session, explicit powers to Congress, to do, what is stipulated in the third Article of the Treaty—3 That will comprize authority to legislate for and tax the Louisianians with their consent, untill they can be admitted as equal partners into the Union— Obtain also between this and the next Session, the consent of the Louisianians, of which you are equally sure to obey your laws for the sake of your protection—that is, an acknowledgment of allegiance— The manner of obtaining this consent, of the Louisianians which I proposed was, by giving them an option, similar to that stipulated in Mr: Jay’s treaty of 1794, for the settlers at the British Posts, and requiring them within a given time to declare whether they would or would not be subject to the authority, of the United States; and if not, permission for a limited time to sell their property and remove.4 This would have sufficed to shew respect for the principle, and might have been effected with perfect ease.— They would all or next to all have staid And then a 325 revenue system may be introduced— Untill then, govern them by their antient laws, without attempting any alteration whatsoever— Receive the revenue collected under them, which will probably be as much as you will eventually get by thus abruptly crowding upon them a complicated revenue-system of your own, the work of fifteen years legislation, and in a tongue unknown to them— If money alone were to be the object, this plan would be unwise— But when for the sake of one year’s revenue from the single port of New-Orleans we must trample upon the most sacred laws human and divine—I cannot do it.— Here then the matter rests untill we see what effect the system adopted will produce— If the people there are satisfied with it; my principles will not be disproved; but they will be held in contempt still more than they are at present— Of this I am not unaware— But the [. . . .] of this must be one of the things for which I ought to be prepared—

As soon as the sheet of our Journals, shall be printed, containing my resolutions, I will send it to you;5 and with these explanations you will be on your guard against such misrepresentations, as my conduct in this case may be exposed to with you, as they have it has been in former instances.— Meantime I am faithfully yours.

John Q. Adams

RC (MHi:Photostat Coll.); internal address: “T. B. Adams Esqr.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.

1.

On 30 Nov. 1803 a bill was introduced in the House of Representatives authorizing the collection of duties on goods transported into the new Louisiana territory. It passed the House on 19 Dec. and was introduced in the Senate on 5 Jan. 1804. JQA opposed the bill, arguing that imposing duties on Louisiana residents without their approval was akin to the British system of taxation that Americans had so recently thrown off. In three resolutions offered on 10 Jan., JQA urged the Senate to acknowledge that the U.S. Constitution did not confer upon the Senate the right to tax Louisiana, that imposing such taxes was “dangerous to the liberties of the people of the United States,” and that such action by the Senate infringed upon the House’s power to raise revenue. The Senate defeated each resolution, the first and second by votes of 22 to 4 and the third by a unanimous vote after JQA joined in an acknowledgment of defeat. The Senate passed the revenue bill on 14 Jan., and Thomas Jefferson signed it into law on 26 March ( Annals of Congress , 8th Cong., 1st sess., p. 226–227, 228–229, 232, 638, 781–782; U.S. Statutes at Large , 2:283–289).

2.

Although a few members of the British House of Commons attempted to delay consideration of the proposed Stamp Act in Feb. 1765, the motion to postpone failed by a vote of 245 to 49. The act passed with little further dissent, receiving unanimous support without debate in the House of Lords (A Companion to the American Revolution, ed. Jack P. Greene and J. R. Pole, Malden, Mass., 2000, p. 121; Parliamentary Hist. , 16:40).

3.

Art. 3 of the treaty between France and the United States ceding Louisiana stated: “The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States and admitted as soon as possible according to the principles of the federal Constitution to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States, and in the mean time they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property and the Religion which they profess.” JQA’s 326 transcription of Art. 3 in French dated [1803–1804] is in the Adams Papers (Miller, Treaties , 2:501).

4.

JQA was referring to the treatment of occupants of former British posts in Art. 2 of the Jay Treaty, which decreed: “All Settlers and Traders, within the Precincts or Jurisdiction of the said Posts, … shall not be compelled to become Citizens of the United States, or to take any Oath of allegiance to the Government thereof, but they shall be at full liberty so to do, if they think proper, and they shall make and declare their Election within one year after the Evacuation aforesaid. And all persons who shall continue there after the expiration of the said year, without having declared their intention of remaining Subjects of His Britannick Majesty, shall be considered as having elected to become Citizens of the United States” (Miller, Treaties , 2:246).

5.

William Duane & Son published the original edition of U.S. Senate, Jour. , 8th Cong., 1st sess., and Samuel Harrison Smith likewise published U.S. House, Jour. , 8th Cong., 1st sess., in Washington in 1803 and 1804. On 27 Dec. 1803 (Adams Papers), JQA also wrote TBA of his intention to send “the Journals of the two houses sheet by sheet, as they are published.”