Adams Family Correspondence, volume 15

Abigail Adams to Thomas Jefferson, 1 July 1804 Adams, Abigail Jefferson, Thomas
Abigail Adams to Thomas Jefferson
Sir Quincy July 1st 1804

Your Letter of June 13th came duly to hand; if it had contained no other Sentiments and opinions than those which my Letter of condolence could have excited, and which are expressed in the first page of Your reply, our correspondence would have terminated here; but you have been pleased to enter upon some subjects which call for a reply; and as you observe that You have wished for an opportunity to express the your Sentiments, I have given to them every weight they claim.

“one act of Mr Adamss Life, and one only, you repeat, ever gave me a moments personal displeasure. I did think his last appointments to office personally unkind. they were from among my most ardent political Enemies”

As this act I am certain was not intended to give any personal pain or offence, I think it a duty to explain it so far as I then knew his views and designs. The constitution empowers the President to fill up offices as they become vacant. it was in the excercise of this power that appointments were made, and Characters Selected whom mr Adams considerd, as Men faithfull to the constitution and where he personally knew them, such as were capable of fullfilling their 400 duty to their country. This was done by President Washington Equally, in the last days of his administration so that not an office remaind vacant for his successor to fill upon his comeing into the office.1 no offence was given by it, and no personal unkindness thought of, but the different political opinions which have so unhappily divided our Country, must have given rise to the Idea, that personal unkindness was intended. You will please to recollect Sir, that at the time these appointments were made, there was not any certainty that the Presidency would devolve upon You, which is an other circumstance to prove that personal unkindness was not meant. no person was ever selected by him from such a motive—and so far was mr Adams from indulging such a sentiment, that he had no Idea of the intollerence of party spirit at that time, and I know it was his opinion that if the Presidency devolved upon you, except in the appointment of secretaries, no material Changes would be made.

I perfectly agree with You in opinion that these should be Gentlemen in whom the President can repose confidence, possessing opinions, and sentiments corresponding with his own, or if differing from him, that they ought rather to resign their office, than cabal against measures which he may think essential, to the honour safety and peace of the country, much less should they unite, with any bold, and dareingly ambitious Character, to over rule the Cabinet, or betray the Secrets of it to Friends or foes. the two Gentlemen who held the offices of Secretaries, when you became President were not of this Character. they were appointed by your predecessor nearly two years previous to his retirement. they were Gentlemen who had cordially co-opperated with him, and enjoyed the public confidence, possessing however different political sentiments from those which you were known to have embrased, it was expected that they would, as they did, resign.2

I have never felt any enmity towards You sir for being Elected President of the United States, but the instruments made use of, and the means which were pratised to effect a change, have my utter abhorrence and detestation, for they were the blackest calumny, and foulest falshoods. I had witnessd enough of the anxiety, and solicitude, the envy jealousy and reproach, attendant upon the office, as well as the high responsibility of the Station, to be perfectly willing to See a transfer of it. and I can truly Say, that at the time of Election, I considerd Your pretentions much superior to his, to whom an equal vote was given.

Your experience I venture to affirm has convinced you that it is 401 not a Station to be envy’d. If you feel Yourself a free man, and can act in all cases, according to Your own Sentiments, opinions and judgment, You can do more than either of your predecessors could, and are awfully responsible to God and your Country for the measures of Your Administration.

I rely upon the Friendship you still profess for me, and (I am conscious I have done nothing to forfeit it), to excuse the freedom of this discussion to which you have led with an unreserve, which has taken off the Shackles I should otherways have found myself embarrassed with— and now Sir I will freely disclose to you what has severed the bonds of former Friendship, and placed You in a light very different from what I once viewd you in—

One of the first acts of your administration was to liberate a Wretch who was suffering the just punishment of the Law, due to his crimes for writing and publishing the basest libel, the lowest and vilest Slander, which malice could invent, or calumny exhibit against the Character and reputation of your predecessor, of him for whom You profest the highest esteem and Friendship, and whom you certainly knew incapable of such complicated baseness. the remission of Callenders fine was a public approbation of his conduct. is not the last restraint of vice, a sense of shame, renderd abortive, if abandoned Characters do not excite abhorrence? If the chief Majestrate of a Nation, whose elevated station places him in a conspicuous light, and renders his every action a concern of general importance, permits his public conduct to be influenced by private resentment, and so far forgets what is due to his Character as to give countanance to a base Calumniater, is he not answerable for the influence which his example has upon the manners and morals of the community?

Untill I read callenders Seventh Letter containing your compliment to him as a writer, and your reward of 50 dollors, I could not be made to believe, that such measures could have been resorted to; to Stab the fair fame, and upright intentions of one, who to use Your own Language, “was acting from an honest conviction in his own mind that he was right.” this Sir I considerd as a personal injury.3 this was the sword that cut assunder the Gordian knot, which could not be untied by all the efforts of party Spirit, by Rivalship by Jealousy or any other Malignant fiend.

The Serpent You cherished and warmed, bit the hand that nourished him, and gave you sufficient specimins of his talents, his gratitude his justice, and his truth. When such vipers are let loose upon 402 Society: all distinction between Virtue and vice are levelld all respect for Character is lost in the overwhelming deluge of calumny that respect which is a necessary bond in the social union, which gives efficacy to laws, and teaches the subject to obey the Majestrate, and the child to submit to the parent.

There is one other act of your administration which I considerd as personally unkind, and which your own mind will readily Suggest to you, but as it neither affected Character, or Reputation I forbear to state it—4

This Letter is written in confidence— no Eye but my own has seen what has passed.5 faithfull are the wounds of a Friend— often have I wished to have seen a different course pursued by you. I bear no malice I cherish no enmity. I would not retaliate if I could—nay more in the true Spirit of christian Charity,6 I would forgive, as I hope to be forgiven. and with that disposition of mind and heart— / I Subscribe the Name of

Abigail Adams

RC (DLC:Jefferson Papers); endorsed: “Adams Abigail. Quincy July 1. 04. recd. July 10.” Dft (Adams Papers). Tr (Adams Papers); APM Reel 327.

1.

Between 9 Dec. 1796 and 3 March 1797, George Washington nominated 49 men for federal posts, including district judges, attorneys, port collectors, revenue inspectors, surveyors, marshals, diplomats, and military personnel. The Senate rejected only one of the nominations: John Gibbons as surveyor and inspector of the revenue for Savannah, Ga. (U.S. Senate, Exec. Jour. , 4th Cong., 2d sess., p. 215–219, 221, 223–224, 225, 226–229, 232).

2.

Samuel Dexter and Benjamin Stoddert remained as treasury secretary and naval secretary, respectively, as Jefferson sought replacements, for which see TBA to JQA, 12 April 1801, and note 5, above.

3.

For Jefferson’s pardon of James Thomson Callender, see AA to JQA, 30 May 1801, and note 5, above. For Callender’s letter regarding the president’s support of his work, see TBA to AA, 14 July 1802, and note 2, above.

4.

In the Dft, AA canceled the following: “tho I own I have not been able to reconcile professions & practise. How shall I reconcile profession and practise, is there not much for Friendship to forgive.”

5.

In the Dft, AA canceled the preceding sentence, started again with “I have found it hard to,” and then canceled that as well.

6.

In the Dft, AA continued this sentence, “I would do you all the good I could.

John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Adams, 1 July 1804 Adams, John Quincy Adams, Louisa Catherine
John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Adams
My dearest Louisa. Quincy 1. July 1804.

On Thursday, I went into Boston, for the first time this month past, and there received at once your two letters of 14th: and 20th: of June.1 They alleviated in part, and only in part the heavy anxiety which has weighed on my Spirits for the health of the dear child— I hope the fine weather has return’d with you, so that you have been able to give him the benefit of the air and exercise— I cannot avoid misgivings for you all as the trying Season approaches— God Grant 403 you may all go through it without inconvenience or illness.— For the last fortnight our weather here has been generally cold, and great part of it rainy— But the preceding week at the very time when by your letters it appears to have been the worst, we had only to complain of the heat, which was excessive, and which occasioned some drought, while you were in such a drenching.

My lettered, and silent companion of the Office, whom I mentioned to you in my last, soon after departed; and yesterday Mrs: Foster and her two children left us, so that we are now reduced to the family alone— But Susan is in vacation, and here— She grows tall and slender—And continues to make rapid improvement at School— She already writes a very tolerable hand.

We have many reports in circulation from Europe, and you have doubtless seen them in the newspapers, that Genl: Smith’s nephew’s brother (as Mr: Breckenridge called him) is not to be satisfied with the vapid denomination of first-Consul— But is soon to swell into an Emperor—2 Should this take effect the recognition of Citizen Jerome’s marriage, will prove more difficult than ever— However, I presume that it will thoroughly reconcile the Smith’s and the Nicholas’s and the Patterson’s, and all the fifteenth Cousins, who felt so radiant at their affinity to the wife of the first Consul’s brother—it will thoroughly reconcile them I think to the disavowal of the Connection on the french side of the water—3 For stern republicans as they are, however flattered they might be by kindred to a first-Consul, they must hold in utter abhorrence all relationship to an Emperor—

After all there is a very rational ground of hope upon which they may with some confidence rely— The rocket blazes just before its fall— In the mutabilities of this world nothing is more probable than that the citizen Jerome will at no very distant period be indebted for life and support, to this very despised alliance— Richard Cromwell by changing his name and plunging into the deepest obscurity, was suffered to live all his days, and attained a great age—4 Jerome was no more born to wield Empires than Richard— But both may be much wiser men than their towering relatives—

I delivered both your letters to Mrs: Whitcomb—5 The key and bill of lading came safe to hand but the vessel has not yet arrived— Mrs: Whitcomb will procure, and I will forward the Articles for which you write— They are to leave our house to-morrow— He goes to Concert-Hall— I am not determined what to do with the house, but think of selling it.— I shall duly attend to your request in a late 404 letter, and if possible with any convenience, will make an addition to the house at the foot of Penn’s hill— Dr: Phipps is building an house close in that neighbourhood, and on the other side of the road.6

Adieu, my dearest friend; I count as anxiously as you the moments as they roll, with impatience, waiting for that which shall unite you once more to your ever faithful and affectionate husband

John Q. Adams.

I enclose you a minute of the costs of the Articles sent you—as you requested—7

RC (Adams Papers). Tr (Adams Papers).

1.

In her letter of 14 June, LCA reported that Anthony and Elizabeth Death Leathes Merry would not visit Boston and that Jerome and Elizabeth Patterson Bonaparte had left the capital determined to travel to France despite the fact that Napoleon did not acknowledge his brother’s marriage. Continuing the letter on 17 June, LCA described a severe storm and the resulting property damage. No letter from LCA to JQA of 20 June has been found. LCA wrote again on 26 June reporting the returned good health of their sons but her increasing “impatience” with her and JQA’s separation. She also requested that he bring raspberry and currant seedlings when he returned (both Adams Papers).

2.

The Boston Democrat, 30 June, in reporting news from London at the start of May claimed, “The Senatus Consultum, by which Bonaparte is expected to be proclaimed Emperor of the Gauls, will, according to the last accounts from Paris, very shortly make its appearance.” The event took place on 18 May (An XII, 28 floréal), when the French senate proclaimed the French Empire and established Napoleon as emperor, endowing him with hereditary succession (Philip Dwyer, Citizen Emperor: Napoleon in Power, New Haven, 2013, p. 127–128).

3.

Elizabeth Bonaparte was related to the Smith and Nicholas families through her mother, Dorothy Spear Patterson. Patterson’s sister Margaret married Samuel Smith, the longstanding member of Congress from Maryland who was then serving in the Senate, and the sisters’ niece, Mary Spear Nicholas, was the wife of Virginia attorney general Philip Norborne Nicholas (Louise Pecquet du Bellet, Some Prominent Virginia Families, 4 vols., Lynchburg, Va., 1907, 2:320; Biog. Dir. Cong. ).

4.

Richard Cromwell (1626–1712), son of Oliver Cromwell, succeeded his father as lord protector of England in Sept. 1658. With his authority questioned by both the army and Parliament, the younger Cromwell’s tenure was brief; he resigned in May 1659. He fled abroad, living in Paris under various pseudonyms ( DNB ).

5.

Not found.

6.

Dr. Thomas Phipps resided on Franklin Street in Quincy near the John Quincy Adams Birthplace (Sprague, Braintree Families ).

7.

The enclosure has not been found.