Adams Family Correspondence, volume 15

411 Thomas Jefferson to Abigail Adams, 22 July 1804 Jefferson, Thomas Adams, Abigail
Thomas Jefferson to Abigail Adams
Dear Madam Washington July 22. 04.

Your favor of the 1st. inst. was duly recieved, and I would not again have intruded on you but to rectify certain facts which seem not to have been presented to you under their true aspect. my charities to Callender are considered as rewards for his calumnies. as early, I think, as 1796. I was told in Philadelphia that Callendar, the author of the Political progress of Britain, was in that city, a fugitive from persecution for having written that book, and in distress. I had read and approved the book: I considered him as a man of genius, unjustly persecuted. I knew nothing of his private character, and immediately expressed my readiness to contribute to his relief, & to serve him. it was a considerable time after, that, on application from a person who thought of him as I did, I contributed to his relief, and afterwards repeated the contribution.1 himself I did not see till long after, nor ever more than two or three times. when he first began to write he told some useful truths in his coarse way; but no body sooner disapproved of his writings than I did, or wished more that he would be silent. my charities to him were no more meant as encouragements to his scurrilities than those I give to the beggar at my door are meant as rewards for the vices of his life, & to make them chargeable to myself. in truth they would have been greater to him had he never written a word after the work for which he fled from Britain. with respect to the calumnies and falsehoods which writers and printers at large published against mr̃ Adams, I was as far from stooping to any concern or approbation of them as mr̃ Adams was respecting those of Porcupine, Fenno, or Russell, who published volumes against me for every sentence vended by their opponents against mr̃ Adams. but I never supposed mr̃ Adams had any participation in the atrocities of these editors or their writers. I knew myself incapable of that base warfare, & believed him to be so. on the contrary, whatever I may have thought of the acts of the administration of that day, I have ever borne testimony to mr̃ Adams’s personal worth, nor was it ever impeached in my presence without a just vindication of it on my part. I never supposed that any person who knew either of us could believe that either meddled in that dirty work.

but another fact is that I “liberated a wretch who was suffering 412 for a libel against mr̃ Adams.” I do not know who was the particular wretch alluded to: but I discharged every person under punishment or prosecution under the Sedition law, because I considered & now consider that law to be a nullity as absolute and as palpable as if Congress had ordered us to fall down and worship a golden image; and that it was as much my duty to arrest it’s execution in every stage, as it would have been to have rescued from the fiery furnace those who should have been cast into it for refusing to worship their image.2 it was accordingly done in every instance, without asking what the offenders had done, or against whom they had offended, but whether the pains they were suffering were inflicted under the pretended Sedition law.3 it was certainly possible that my motives for contributing to the relief of Callender might have been and liberating sufferers under the Sedition law, might have been to protect, encourage and reward slander: but they may also have been those which inspire ordinary charities to objects of distress, meritorious or not, or the obligations of an oath to protect the constitution, violated by an unauthorised act of Congress. which of these were my motives must be decided by a regard to the general tenor of my life. on this I am not afraid to appeal to the nation at large, to posterity, and still less to that being who sees himself our motives, who will judge us from his own knolege of them, and not on the testimony of a Porcupine or Fenno.

You observe there has been one other act of my administration personally unkind, and suppose it will readily suggest itself to me. I declare on my honor, Madam, I have not the least conception what act is alluded to. I never did a single one with an unkind intention.

My sole object in this letter being to place before you attention that the acts imputed to me are either such as are falsely imputed, or as might flow from good as well as bad motives, I shall make no other addition than the assurances of my continued wishes for the health & happiness of yourself & mr̃ Adams.

Th: Jefferson

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs. Adams”; docketed: “Mr Jefferson to Mrs / A Adams July 22nd / 1804”; notation by CFA: “published in his Writings / Vol 4. p 22.” That is, Jefferson, Correspondence, ed. Randolph, 4:22–24.

1.

For The Political Progress of Britain, James Thomson Callender’s 1792 polemic against the British government and Thomas Jefferson’s support of Callender after he fled to the United States in 1793, see vol. 10:275–276, 277.

2.

Daniel, 3:6.

3.

For Jefferson’s pardon of the “wretch” Callender, see AA to JQA, 30 May 1801, note 5, above. Of the 25 Democratic-Republicans arrested under the Sedition Act between July 1798 and March 1801, ten cases went to trial and all led to conviction. On taking office, Jefferson swiftly issued a blanket presidential 413 pardon to all violators of the act, which he deemed to be unconstitutional (Geoffrey R. Stone, Perilous Times: Free Speech in Wartime from the Sedition Act of 1798 to the War on Terrorism, N.Y., 2004, p. 63).

Thomas Boylston Adams to Thomas Cadwalader, 26 July 1804 Adams, Thomas Boylston Cadwalader, Thomas
Thomas Boylston Adams to Thomas Cadwalader
Dear Tom: Quincy 26th: July 1804.

I had for sometime contemplated offering you my congratulations on the auspicious event of your marriage, before the authentic annunciation of it, under your own hand.1 I noticed, with very lively pleasure this accession to the fund of happiness, which, if the wishes of friendship can [avail,] will be as inexhaustible as the Bank of my friends personal merits. You have been as prompt to execute, as you were sudden to conceive this favorite project, and I must own, with no small share of chagrin, that your example is a bitter reproach to my procrastination. My apology is—a lawless necessity, uncontroulable, but at the expence of sacrifices too great for my fortitude. I have submitted to a destiny, without being for a moment reconciled to the tyranny of its dominion—“But, these things must have an end.”2

Less than a twelvemonth ago, your sportive Muse indulged in unhallowed strains, on the subject of domestick establishments, and I trust, without my aid, your memory will be able to detect the allusion— It is not to be inferred, that your alteration of condition, since the period referred to, has caused such a reverse, as to render the lines less applicable than when they were written— No indeed— Scarce one little month since, on the sacred altar, you swore eternal sunshine of connubial bliss; the which was doubtless sealed with an holy kiss, and can my friend yet have seen that moment when he could not assert with all the sturdiness of a bachelor

“No peevish Wife is here to mar My humours, or my temper jar.”3

Forbid it Hymen!4

Make my particular compliments acceptable to your lady, and inform her, if you think proper from me, that there are others beside her charming self, who think they have claims to some of your attentions—among whom / your hble servt:

Rex—

I take a fresh start, on this side of the paper, in order to avoid the profanation of commingleing, ludicrous and sacred subjects; better expressed in latin, “miscere sacra profanis.”5

414

You speak of the Gang, as if you had never been among the foremost in their miscellaneous mysteries— I presume there will be no meetings to talk of “things foreknown,” since the Poet is out of town. Do you see much of D——? I suspect not—he “shuns” a petticoat with as much solicitude as he would “the proof sheet”— Why is Mercutio dumb? Is he swallowed up or down, in “Benedick, the married man?”6 Alas! Celibacy hath its charms after all— Freedom! Liberty! Yet how eagerly we embrace those silken chains, which, if there be any virtue or veracity stirring, many—very many, have found to be little less grievous, on experiment, than a hempen-cord. May your good Angel hover round the bridal couch and keep Centinel against the approach of the foul fiend.

You threaten to be more lengthy, soon. With great deference—I would suggest that your expression is incorrect, in as much as you have hitherto, in your communications, been so short; therefore, if you write lengthily, it will be for the first time; this I take to be what Duane calls a corrollary.

I have kept you informed of my stationary progress, (never mind a paradox) but you have never told me how the law flourished in your shop. You are now set up, and I presume intend to hang out, in Chesnut-Street, but not at the old haunt. Your vicinity to the Courts is a considerable advantage and I cordially wish you more success than I have had in our discouraging trade.7

I beg when you write to Dr: Earle to assure him of my best regards and unfaded friendship— I would write to him, if time did not fail at present.

Farewell— / Yours

The King

RC (PHi:Cadwalader Family Papers); addressed: “Thomas Cadwalader Esquire / Philadelphia”; internal address: “Th: Cadwalader Esqr:”; endorsed: “Quincy. Masstts. 26. July 1804 / T.B. Adams Esq.”

1.

A letter from Cadwalader to TBA announcing his 25 June marriage to Mary Biddle (1781–1850), the daughter of Clement and Rebekah Cornell Biddle, has not been found, although the news was reported in Boston in early July (John W. Jordan, ed., Colonial and Revolutionary Families of Pennsylvania, 3 vols., N.Y., 1911, 1:182; Boston Columbian Centinel, 4 July).

2.

TBA quoted from “No. 7” of the Burr-Hamilton correspondence, which was published in the Boston Repertory, 24 July. The note drafted by Aaron Burr formed the basis for a “verbal communication” delivered by William Peter Van Ness, Burr’s second, to Alexander Hamilton, characterizing the relationship between the two men as one where Burr “made great sacrifices for the sake of harmony” despite Hamilton’s “settled and implacable malevolence” toward him.

3.

Here and in the second paragraph of the postscript, TBA quoted from Cadwalader’s poem “Epistle to My Friend,” which appeared under the pseudonym Mercutio in the Port Folio, 3:304 [17 Sept. 1803] (Albrecht Koschnik, “Let a Common Interest Bind Us Together”: Associations, Partisanship, and Culture in Philadelphia, 1775–1840, 415 Charlottesville, Va., 2007, p. 167–168, 292).

4.

“The Coronation. A Poem,” line 159.

5.

Horace, Epistles, Book I, Epistle xvi, line 54.

6.

Shakespeare, Much Ado about Nothing, Act I, scene i, lines 269–270.

7.

Cadwalader was recorded on Market Street in Philadelphia before he moved to 172 Chestnut Street by May 1804 (Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, 7 Nov. 1803; Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 18 Feb. 1804; Philadelphia United States' Gazette , 2 May; Philadelphia Directory , [1805], Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 9139).