Adams Family Correspondence, volume 15
I received a few days ago your kind letter of 29 January. After having been so many months without a line from you, it gave me sincere pleasure to see your hand-writing again, though I could not but sympathise with the afflictions under the immediate burden of which it was written— I have cordially and deeply lamented my poor brother, and will obey your injunction respecting his child1
I learn with extreme satisfaction that under all these circumstances my father has retained his health and spirits— I have ever been fully convinced of his vigour and energy of mind, and was persuaded that it would bear him up on these occasions, as it had done in many former instances, of difficulty, danger and disappointment— I knew he was aware that in contributing to found a great republic, he was not preparing a School for public gratitude; that bad passions and bad practices would produce the same effects there, that they have in all other ages and climates with similar governments; and that he himself would in all probability be one of the most signal instances of patriotism sacrificed to intrigue and envy.
Mr: Hamilton’s pamphlet I have not
seen, and have heard but very obscurely and imperfectly of the Essex junto and their
manoeuvres—2 But I could not avoid the
conclusion when once the fact was established of such a
division in the friends to the Government, that the administration would certainly
change hands— The usual details of 51 party manoeuvering,
intrigues, calumnies, perfidies, frauds, baseness and brutality of every kind, I have
known very little of and have no desire to know more— That they would be, there was no
reason to doubt, and that they have been can therefore give no surprize— The alledged
motives of a public nature upon which Mr: Hamilton and his
party separated from the government, are in themselves not merely a justification, they
are the best eulogium of my father’s administration.— I regret very much not having
received your letter from Quincy, not only as it contained explanations upon this
subject, which I am very desirous to possess, but because it would have made known the
reasons to me, for which you think it would be advisable for me to return home
immediately.—3 I am the more anxious
for this, because two motives which to my own mind are of peculiar weight and importance
have led me to a different determination— The first is the present situation of the
North of Europe, which seems more than at any other period, to render expedient the
presence of a person in a public character from the United States— And the second is
that being under a confident expectation of a recall from the new Administration, I do
not think proper to have the appearance of anticipating it, by asking it myself— If for
public reasons or from private motives, the President judges fit to remove me from this
place, I shall submit, and go home, not to publish a libel against him, by betraying the
documents of my mission, when they are no longer mine; not to insult him by blubbering
to the house of Representatives an insolent complaint against him for recalling me— Not
to treasure up in my heart wrath for the day of wrath,4 and ransack the United States for every private
confidential letter he ever wrote, to make it a tool of malice and revenge against
himself— High and illustrious as these precedents of patriotism are, I will sooner turn
scavenger and earn my living by clearing away the filth of the streets, than plunge into
this bottomless filth of faction that with the ordure with which I shall cover my self I
may stink him out of office. I certainly never will ask him for any place— Nor will I
complain if he removes me from that which I already hold— But in following my own
feelings of delicacy, I think that the removal ought to be entirely an act of his own,
and that it would be unbecoming in me to ask, or by any thing on my part provoke it.
That my brother’s conduct is in every respect such as to give you satisfaction, I rejoyce to hear, though I should have been certain it could not be otherwise, even had you not so written— I fully know his worth and have in him an unlimited confidence— It must be to him 52 a source of equal pleasure to know that he has your approbation— The most exquisite enjoyment which can delight a filial heart, is the certainty of giving joy to that of a parent. I should have wished that he had changed his determination, and settled in our native State. Without feeling any thing of local prejudice I cannot consider either the physical, the moral or the political climate of Pennsylvania, as so healthy as that of Massachusetts— It is not inconsistent with religious ideas, and is much less so than shallow thinkers persuade themselves, with the lessons of natural and experimental philosophy, to suppose that the pestilence of the mind, which rages with such violence in that State under the name of party-Spirit, is intimately connected with that physical pestilence which sweeps away so many thousands of its people.
“The first magistrates of a republic (says Cicero) should always
observe two precepts of Plato— The one, to sacrifice their own ease to the benefit of
the people, and refer to that end all their actions— The other, to apply their cares to
the whole body of the Republic, and not abandon one part
for the sake of protecting another— For, (adds he,) they who consult the interests only
of a part of the citizens, and neglect the rest, introduce into the city, those most
pernicious evils, discord and sedition; from which some become partizans of the
populace, and others, of the better sort—very few, of the whole— Hence arose cruel
dissensions in Athens, and in our republic not only seditions but these pestiferous
civil wars— A firm and honest citizen, worthy of being placed at the head of his nation,
will shun, will abhor such conduct, and give himself up entirely to the Republic.”—5 It is the misfortune of Pennsylvania to be
governed by persons who care very little for the precepts of Plato, and perhaps know as
little of those of Cicero— Pennsylvania has taken great and very laudable pains to
reform her criminal code, and I hope the day will come when she will be no longer liable
to the reproach of having been more solicitous to mitigate punishments than to diminish
crimes.6 It is not from petty
larcenies, and paltry frauds that the danger of our country proceeds— It is from political vices, widening into moral depravity of the worst
kind— Against these Pennsylvania has provided no school of correction—no work-shop gaol;
no solitary dungeon; though she needs them much more than for offences against her
common or statute Laws.— All the States of our union suffer by the same evil; but
Pennsylvania is more afflicted with it than any of the rest.
The Gazettes which I have begun to address to my father will 53 abridge all I can say to you upon the politics of
Europe— My greatest concern with regard to this plan is, that before the several numbers
come to hand, all the news will be old— It was from this consideration that I dropp’d
the purpose I had form’d when I first came to Europe, of sending something similar to
the Secretary of State— I now venture upon the trial, especially as I feel a greater
latitude of liberty in delivering my opinions upon facts,
to my father, than to the official department.
The death of the Emperor of Russia, and the English expedition
against Copenhagen are the most important recent incidents in the North of Europe— When
I wrote my letter to my father of March 24th: I little
thought that Paul the first was no more— That on that very day he had perished, probably
by an eruption of the volcano upon which he was doom’d to live— It is yet very doubtful
whether the changes which I then anticipated as the probable consequence of such a
contingency will actually take place. At least it is certain that the new Emperor has
sent a Commission to the former Russian Minister in England, and that Count Panin is to
be Vice-Chancellor again7
Since Nelson’s first attack upon the line of defence before Copenhagen, and the armistice which succeeded upon its issue, there is nothing certain from that place— Whatever may happen there will be sooner known in England than here; and of course will reach you sooner by the newspapers than from me.
The day before yesterday, at half-past three o’clock afternoon, my dear Louisa gave me a Son—8 She has had a very severe time, through the winter, and is now so ill that I dare not write to her mother, to give her notice of this event— I will humbly hope that in a few days, I may be relieved from my anxiety on her account, and enabled to announce to her mother, only news of joy.— The child is well.
Ever affectionately your’s
RC (Adams
Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A. Adams.”;
docketed: “1801.” LbC (Adams
Papers); APM Reel 134.
Tr (Adams Papers).
See vol. 14:547–551.
For Alexander Hamilton’s Oct. 1800 pamphlet, Letter from Alexander Hamilton, Concerning the Public Conduct
and Character of John Adams, Esq. President of the United States, see vol. 14:435.
AA’s letter from Quincy of 1 Sept., for which see vol. 14:392–396, did not reach JQA until he returned to the United States in the fall of 1801.
Romans, 2:5.
Cicero, De officiis, Book I, sect.
25.
Spurred by Quaker reformers, the Pennsylvania legislature passed
criminal justice acts in 1786 and 1794 that reduced penalties for many crimes and
limited capital punishment to first-degree murder. To address a resulting increase in
the prison population, the state instituted municipal work programs and improved
conditions at Philadelphia’s 54 Walnut Street jail
(vol. 12:49, 51; Bradley Chapin, “Felony Law
Reform in the Early Republic,”
PMHB
, 113:168, 169–172, 174, 178 [April 1989]).
Count Semon Romanovich Vorontsov had served as Russia’s minister
to Britain since 1785 and would continue in that role under Alexander I until 1806.
For Nikita Petrovich Panin’s removal as vice chancellor, see
JQA to JA, 24 March
1801, and note 6, above (vol. 14:264;
Repertorium
, 3:355).
“I have this day to offer my humble and devout thanks to almighty
God, for the birth of a son,” JQA recorded after his and
LCA’s first child, George Washington Adams, designated GWA
in the Adams Papers, was born at 3:30 P.M. on 12
April. The next day JQA reported that LCA was ill, and it
was not until 21 April that he wrote to TBA that she was out of danger:
“The most critical period, the nine days are now past, and she is as well as would be
expected in an ordinary case— Of course much better than I could hope from the
threatening symptoms of the first days” (Adams
Papers). JQA preserved manuscript records of GWA’s
birth and 4 May baptism (both Adams
Papers). The baptism was performed by Rev. Charles Proby, chaplain of the
British legation, and witnessed by Thomas Welsh Jr. and Tilly Whitcomb. John Joshua
Proby, Baron Carysfort, a first cousin of the officiant, and his wife, Elizabeth
Grenville Proby, stood as godparents. JQA reported in his Diary that
LCA was not well enough to attend, concluding, “The child’s name is
George Washington; and I implore the favour of almighty God, that he may live, and
never prove unworthy of it” (LCA, D&A
, 1:154;
D/JQA/24, APM
Reel 27; Sir Egerton Brydges, Collins’s Peerage of
England, 9 vols., London, 1812, 9:139–142).
th1801
I have received the things you sent me by Townsend and my Aunt Cranch with your letter of this morning and the shirts, for which please to receive my thanks.1 I find this town so very noisy and the present situation in which I am so very different, on many accounts from any in which I have ever before been, that it will take some time before I shall become naturalized. This circumstance and not having any thing interesting to tell you are my reasons for not writing to you.
There has yet been no change of officers by Mr Jefferson in this state, excepting the appointment of Mr Brown, who does not except of the office, in the place of Mr. Higginson, Mr. Blake is not appointed to the exclusion of Mr Otis as was reported—although the probability seems to be that he will. Mr. J. reinstating Gardner and Whipple of N Hampsire is to me demonstrative proof of his determination to wage war against all the wise measures of the preceding administration. The marshall and district Attorney of Vermont have had their commissions taken from them. I am told they are both excellent men and that nothing can be alledged against them, than that they did their duty in the prosecution of the U States against Lyon2
The Galen arrived here yesterday—but brings papers to 7 of March only two days later than we had before received, nothing new.3
I send you Monday and todays paper—also Hardgraves law tracts, 55 which the P.t asked me to purchase for him.4 I shall speak to Ben Russell as you request. He has always been like the Desdemona of Othello’s distempered immagination, “who could turn and turn and yet go on, and turn again.[”]5 I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you at Quincy on Saturday
With every sentiment of respectful attachment / I am yours &c.
RC (Adams Papers).
AA’s 16 April letter has not been found.
On 1 April Thomas Jefferson continued his program of removing Federalists from federal posts and replacing them with Democratic-Republicans, naming Boston merchant Samuel Brown as U.S. naval agent for the port of Boston in place of Stephen Higginson. Brown initially declined the position but was prevailed upon to accept and remained in the post until 1807. Harrison Gray Otis remained the U.S. district attorney for Massachusetts until 27 July 1801 when Jefferson replaced him with Boston attorney George Blake, a recess appointment confirmed by the Senate on 26 Jan. 1802.
New Hampshire commissioner of loans William Gardner (1751–1834)
and collector of customs Joseph Whipple (1737–1816) were removed from their posts in
1798 at the behest of local political opponents. Jefferson reinstated them on 28 and
30 March 1801, respectively, recess appointments that were also confirmed by the
Senate on 26 Jan. 1802. Vermont marshal Jabez Gale Fitch (1764–1824) and district
attorney Charles Marsh (1765–1849) oversaw the 1798 sedition prosecution of Matthew
Lyon, for which see vol. 13:334. Lyon lobbied Jefferson for the removal of both in letters of 1 and 3
March 1801. Jefferson complied on 5 March, describing each man as an “oppressor of
Lyon” and adding of Fitch that he was “removed for cruelty” (
Naval Documents of the
Quasi-War
, 7:167, 171, 208, 374; New York Commercial Advertiser, 22 April; Jefferson, Papers
, 33:111, 125, 561, 668, 672,
674, 677; Exec. Jour., 1:402, 403, 405Exec. Jour.
, 7th Cong., 1st
sess., p. 402–403, 405Papers
, 7:600; Washington,
Papers, Presidential Series
, 16:78;
Biog. Dir.
Cong.
).
The ship Galen, Capt. Robert
Hinckley, arrived at Boston on 15 April after a passage of 38 days from London (Boston Commercial Gazette, 16 April).
Francis Hargrave, ed., A Collection of
Tracts Relative to the Law of England, London, 1787.
Shakespeare, Othello, Act IV, scene
i, lines 264–265.