Papers of John Adams, volume 20
I wrote you some time ago, & desired Mr Lovell, who told me he should see Mr Ames before he left Dedham, to forward it by him. Your Son Tom writes me that you have not recieved it. I shall enquire of Lovell what he did with it. It contained several letters, one to Mrs Smith, one for Louisa, one or more for my Aunt, one for Tom & one for Charles.1
Our Legislature is now sitting. A question has arisen, “whether persons holding offices under the national Government similar to those prohibited by our State Constitution, have a right to hold their seats in our Legislature.” A joint Committee was chosen, who reported that they had no right. The Report was not accepted by the Senate. The numbers were 13 to 11. The house accepted the Report by a majority of 137 to 24.— However, the Senate still think that they have a sole right to judge of the quatifications of their own members, & are determined to pay no regard to the judgment of the House. The Consequence is that Mr Gore has quitted his seat in the house, while Mr Jackson remains still in the Senate.2
Mr Gardner, the Member from Pownalboro’, entirely regardless of
Popularity, as he himself says, & excited only by patriotic principles &
passions, has been urging an enquiry into the State of the law & its Professors in
this Commonwealth. On the first day of the Session, he inform’d the house that he
intended the honour of making a motion on the next Tuesday. On tuesday, after a long
Exordium upon Prejudice, which I suppose you have seen verbatim in the Centinel, he very
pompously made his motion. The consideration of it was postponed till thursday, when in
a verbose, florid speech he stated many of the pernicious practises of the lawyers &
Justices of the Peace; he dwelt long upon the illegality of the Bar-Call or Bar meeting,
which he affirmed to be a monster whose father was Tom Hutchinson—that it was no less
than an illegal Conspiracy against the laws and that if the Attorney Genl. had done his duty, they would have been indicted long
before this time. Here he betrayed his cloven-foot—for while he affirmed, as an instance
of their arbitrary proceedings, that they would not permit his Son to be recommended to
the Court, untill he had studied 3 years regularly, he discover’d the passion which
kindled his Zeal. He said that the Bills of 224 Cost were
unjust—that the law against Champerty had cut its own throat, by inflicting a punishment
upon both the parties. After stating these & some other malpractises, he was desired
to read to the house what amendments he had to propose. Upon which he produced a Bill consisting of 21. Chapters, each Chapter containing 8 or
10 sections, a detail of which he read to the house. The most remarkable heads were
these, as well as I can remember. A clause against perjury—against Champarty &
maintenance—a fee bill—against lawyers exercising the judicial powers of Justices of the
Peace,—destroying the distinctions between contracts under Seal & those which are
not—destroying special pleadings—permiting all kinds of demands between the same parties
to be contained in one writ—preventing Estates tail from being created for the future,
& providing a cheap & expeditious method of barring those already created—that
Deeds shall be construed more liberally & according to the Intention of the parties—rendering the forms of Declarations more simple—In fact
making every man a Compleat Lawyer. The bill is committed to a Committee of one member
from each County,—3
The Govr. has appointed Mr Paine, to
the office of Judge of the Supreme Court. An Attorny Genl is
not yet nominated. It is said the vacancy is to be filled by Judge Sullivan. The other
judge it is supposed will be either Mr Sprague or Judge Nathan Cushing. If Mr Sprague
should be chosen the Office of Sheriff of the County of Worcester will be vacant &
Mr Greenleaf is not disqualified for holding it again. But the popular opinion must be
first sounded upon that point—4
I recd. a letter from your Son at
Newbury Port, dated Jan. 18.5 he was then
well— I have the Honor to be Sir your grateful & affecte. Nephew
m.Cranch.
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “W. Cranch. Jan. 24. 1790 / ansd March 14.”
These letters, carried by Fisher Ames, have not been found.
The controversy centered on the Mass. General Court’s
interpretation of Art. 9 of the Massachusetts Constitution of 1780, which stipulated
that a member who accepted a state post could not simultaneously retain his seat in
the state legislature. When Christopher Gore was named the first U.S. attorney for the
district of Massachusetts, he faced pressure from local lawmakers to resign from the
Mass. house of representatives. In his printed letter of 29 Jan., Gore argued that the
article applied only to certain posts. His colleagues in the house of representatives
disagreed, and ultimately Gore yielded his seat. Massachusetts senators thought
differently on the question. In a 20 Jan. vote of 13 to 11, they permitted Jonathan
Jackson to retain his seat while serving as a federal marshal (
ANB
; Massachusetts Centinel, 23, 30 Jan.).
Lawyer John Gardiner (1731–1793), who represented Pownalborough,
addressed the Mass. General Court regarding legal reforms on 19 Jan., and his speech
was printed in the 225
Massachusetts Centinel the next day. Gardiner’s draft of
an extensive new law code featured a chapter on champerty, the practice by which a
third party carried on a lawsuit, at his own cost and risk, with the expectation of
collecting a share of any profits made in the result. Looking to trim frivolous
lawsuits, Gardiner accused several colleagues in the state legislature of engaging in
champerty, which he deemed “wild, unconstitutional, and highly injurious to the great
body of this people” (
AFC
, 9:10–11; Massachusetts Centinel,
20, 27, 30 Jan.; Black, Law Dictionary
).
Gov. John Hancock appointed Robert Treat Paine and Nathan Cushing
to serve as associate justices on the Mass. Supreme Judicial Court in early 1790. John
Sprague remained sheriff of Worcester County until 1792 (vol. 4:204;
AFC
, 7:176, 9:32; Boston Independent Chronicle, 28 June 1792).
Not found.
Being on a circuit of our Superior Courts, & finding a Vessel ready to sail for New-York, I embrace the occasion of congratulating your zeal on the effectual opperation of the federal Government. Its quick progress to its present stage is a phenomonen in the history of mankind. But in such new and perplexed concerns a perfect combination of the various parts cannot be expected; and it is a problem which experience only will solve, whether some parts of the proceedings of the first Session of the National Congress will not be found to have exceptions. To me it appears that the Judiciary system is too ponderous, expensive and unwieldy; and its iron teeth too frightful for the condition of the Southern States.1 It is too unqualified. The right of the writ of Capias ad Satisfaciendum in the first and last instance, under our circumstances, and without any bankrupt provision, will, I fear, produce much uneasiness. Should the british debts be entirely and at once sued for from Virginia inclusive South, the consequences would be ruinous. That these debts remained so heavy is ascribable to the depredations of the War; and I ever thought ought to have been made an object of national consideration. With respect to this State I dont think we are affected, as those debts were confiscated prior to the Treaty of Peace; and all acts of confiscation already passed were recognized and confirmed by the Treaty. In another capacity I was called upon to give an opinion on this ground last year; and the state of facts made on that occasion I will do myself the pleasure to enclose to you, & shall be particularly obliged by any observations you shall see fit to make there upon.2
The principle of the general Representation in the national Government being according to numbers, this State has lately adopted a 226 measure to encrease hers, by disposing of a part of her vacant territory to three private Companies.3 This measure will, no doubt, be ascribed to other motives by some: but, although I was not a member of the legislature, I am well assured & believe that the true ground of the act was what I have mentioned. While human nature continues the same, Governments will always act from a sense of its own Interest and aggrandisement.
I did myself the pleasure to write to you some little time since from Augusta; and the sentiments then expressed will always continue to govern me.4 I am full of zeal for the prosperity of the United-States; and I am the servant of this state.
Colonel Gunn requests that this letter should be the Vehicle of his respects to you; & that I would add that he is extremely anxious to be with you: but that he was under the necessity of attending the court now sitting. In Schermehan he will certainly sail.5
With great & sincere respect & Esteem, I have the honor to
be, Sir, / Your mo. Ob. Servt.
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “His Excellency, / John Adams; / New-York—”; endorsed: “George Walton / 20 Jan. 1790.” Filmed at 20 January.
Although the Judiciary Act of 1789 recognized state jurisdiction
over common law, it mandated that the U.S. Supreme Court could rule that a state law
was unconstitutional—a form of judicial power that met with resistance in the southern
states. Specifically, Walton referred to the second article of the Process Act of
1789, which permitted defendants to be jailed until their debts were paid in gold or
silver. This provision disadvantaged debtors in the southern states, where specie was
scarce and prewar debts to British creditors lingered (Abernethy, The South in the New
Nation
, p. 38;
Doc. Hist. Supreme Court
, 4:108–109, 114–115,
179).
Enclosure not found.
The Georgia legislature passed the Yazoo Act on 16 Dec. 1789,
selling over 25 million acres, which make up modern-day Alabama and Mississippi, to
three groups of private speculators. The South Carolina Yazoo Company purchased 10
million acres for $66,964; the Virginia Yazoo Company bought more than 11 million
acres for $93,741; and the Tennessee Yazoo Company acquired 4 million acres for
$46,875. Georgia lawmakers gave the companies two years to pay, further requiring them
to secure the territory and remove Native American claims to the land. But the massive
sale fell through after the legislature stipulated on 11 June 1790 that the state
treasury would accept payment only in gold, silver, or paper money issued after 14
Aug. 1786 (George R. Lamplugh, Politics on the Periphery:
Factions and Parties in Georgia, 1783–1806, Newark, N.J., 1986, p. 67–68,
71).
Of 7 Nov. 1789, above.
The sloop Jenny, Capt. Cornelius
Schermerhorn (1756–1826), sailed from Savannah, Ga., on 1 April 1790 and reached New
York on 11 April. Sen. James Gunn took his seat in Congress two days later (Georgia Gazette, 1 April; New York Evening Post, 25 March 1826; New-York Journal, 15
April 1790;
First Fed. Cong.
, 1:284).