Papers of John Adams, volume 20
Your Single Principle, in your Letter of the 15th must fail you.— You say “that Republican Systems have never
had a fair Tryal.”— What do you mean by a fair Tryal? and what by Republican systems.—
Every Government that has more than one Man in its soverignty is a republican system.
Tryals innumerable have been made. as many as there have existed Nations. There is not
and never was, I believe, on Earth, a Nation, which has not been, at Some Period of its
duration, under a republican Government. i. e. under a Government of more than one. all
the various combinations and modifications which the subtile Brains of Men could invent
have been attempted, to no other purpose but to shew that Discord Anarchy and
Uncertainty of Life, Liberty and Property; can be avoided only by a perfect Equilibrium
in the Constitution. You Seem determined not to allow a limited 36 monarchy to be a republican System, which it certainly is, and the best that ever has
been tryed.—
There is no Proposition, of the Truth of which I am more clearly convinced than this, that the “Influence of general Science,” instead of curing any defects in an unballanced Republick, would only increase and inflame them and make them more intollerable. for this obvious and unanswerable Reason, that Parties would have in them, a greater number of able and ambitious Men, who would only understand the better, how to worry one another with greater Art and dexterity.— Religion itself, by no means cures this inveterate Evil, for Parties are always founded on some Principle, and the more conscientious Men are, the more determined they will be in pursuit of their Principle system and Party.
I Should as soon think of closing all my Window shutters, to enable me to see, as of banishing the Classicks, to improve Republican Ideas.— How can you Say that Factions have been few in America? Have they not rendered Property insecure? have they not trampled Justice under foot? have not Majorities voted Property out of the Pocketts of others into their own, with the most decided Tyranny.?
Have not our Parties behaved like all Republican Parties? is not the History of Hancock and Bowdoin, the History of the Medici, and Albizi—that of Clinton and Yates, the Same with that of the Cancellieri and the Panchiatichi.?1 and so on through the Continent.— and We Shall find, that without a Ballance the Progress will soon be, from Libels to Riots, from Riots to Seditions and from Seditions to civil Wars.
Every Project to enlighten our Fellow Citizens has my most hearty good Wishes: because it tends to bring them into a right Way of thinking respecting the means of their Happiness, civil political social and religious.
I wish with all my heart, that the Constitution had expressed as much Homage to the Supream Ruler of the Universe as the President has done in his first Speech. The Petit Maitres who call themselves Legislators and attempt to found a Government on any other than an eternal Basis of Morals and Religion, have as much of my Pitty as can consist with Contempt.
I am my dear sir yours
RC (private owner, 1977); addressed by
WSS: “Dr. Benjamin Rush / Philadelphia”;
internal address: “Dr Rush.”; endorsed: “John Adams.”
LbC (Adams Papers);
APM Reel 115.
The Medici and Albizzi families were longstanding political
rivals in medieval Florence, while the Cancellieri and Panchiatichi clans headed
warring factions in Pistoia. JA included the history of both Italian
republics in the second and third volumes of his
Defence of the Const.
,
for which see vol. 19:130–132.
During the 1789 New York gubernatorial election, Federalists supported Robert Yates
despite his Antifederalist leanings, in an attempt to divide the Antifederalists and
oust incumbent George Clinton (JA,
Defence of the Const.
, 2:103, 3:56–57; William
J. Connell and Andrea Zorzi, Florentine Tuscany: Structures
and Practices of Power, N.Y., 2000, p. 238, 319; Young, Democratic
Republicans
, p. 130–132).
th.1789
Among the Candidates for the Honour of public Employment, under the
New Government there is one, whose connection in my family, and public relation to me,
in the late legation to St. James’s would render my total
silence on his account, liable to misinterpretation, as proceeding, either from a want
of esteem, confidence, or affection for him on the one hand, or to a failure of respect
to The President on the other,
The Gentleman, I mean is Colonel Smith whose original, education and Services, during the late War are all better known to you, Sir, than to me, He was indeed so much a stranger to me, that, to my recollection I never heared his name, ’till he was announced as the secretary, of my Legation to Great Britain1
During the three Years that he resided with me in England, his Conduct was to my satisfaction—and his Character was much esteemed in England, France, spain, Portugal through all which Countries he had occasion to travel—
As his Qualifications, are as well known to you, sir, as to me, and the situations that require to be filled, and the merit of other Candidates, much better: it is not my intention to solicit any particular place for him. his inclination, as well as mine, would no doubt prefer something at home,—but if the public service require a minister to go abroad, and he should be thought a proper person, I presume he would have no objection
In England he has served three Years; is known at Court, and in the Nation, and is as much esteemed and would be as well recieved, as any other faithfull American. As all my Dispatches passed through his hands, he is well acquainted, with the rise, progress and present state, of the negotiations of the United states at that Court. I shall not however dissemble my opinion, that it would not consist with the dignity of this Nation, or Her Chief Majistrate, to send to 38 that Country, any Character higher than a Consul, before an explicit agreement shall be made on their part, to return to your Court a Minister of equal rank—
In Portugal Mr. Smith has already
executed one Commission, to the satisfaction of that Court as well as of his
Constituents. With the Present Prime Minister, The Chevelier De Pinto, he has had a
personal Acquaintance in London for several years, and to my knowledge is much esteemed
by that wise, able, and amiable Nobleman, one of whose most earnest Wishes, it is, to
form a Treaty with this Country—2
In Holland Mr. Smith is known to many:
and I flatter myself, that, from my long residence and numerous Acquaintances in that
Republic; especially among the Capitalists, Stock-Brokers, Loan-Undertakers and money
Lenders who have now in their possession, obligations under my hands, for more than nine
Millions of Guilders.
And from his known Connection with me, he would be, as well received, both at the Prince of Orange’s Court, by their High Mightinesses, by the Corps Diplomatique, and the Nation, as any other Person—
While on one hand I shall hold myself under Obligation for whatever appointment The President may judge fit for him, I shall cheerfully acquiesse, on the other, in whatever may be the determination—
With every sentiment of Respect / and affection, I have the Honor
to be / Dear sir. / Your most Obedt— / & most Humble
servt—
LbC in WSS’s hand (Adams Papers); internal address: “To / The President / of The United States—”; APM Reel 114.
Despite rumors of a diplomatic assignment, WSS was
nominated on 25 Sept. to serve as marshal for the district of New York, and the Senate
confirmed the appointment on the same day (vol. 19:201, 202;
AFC
, 9:93, 149).
For WSS’s goodwill mission to Lisbon and the [25 April 1786] proposed Portuguese-American Treaty of Amity
and Commerce, see vols. 18:256–271; 19:46,
153.