Papers of John Adams, volume 20
The honour I had of an Aquaintance with your Excellency Shortly after your arrival at the Court of Varsailles; and some friendly letters you was pleased to write me after my return to Alicante, together with my affection for the United States to which you have rendered so many signal services, Impel me to take the liberty of addressing you at this time with my Sincerest Congratulations on your being Ellected Vice President; accept Sir of my warmest wishes for your wellfare and happiness, and may that Success and Prosperity which has so much distinguished your Character continue to attend you thro’ a long And useful Life.1
As by a long residence here as a Merchant I have aquired a tolorable knowledg of the Language and manners of the People, and the Intrests of this Countrey with respect to Ours and of Ours with respect to this; I may be able occationally to give such Informations on those points as your Station of second Legislator of our Countrey may require for your goverment in frameing any laws respecting our commerce with Spain, in which should you think I can be any way useful I Shall be highly honoured by recieving any of your Commands
As Madrid is at so great a distance from every part of the Coast of
Spain; a person who Resides there cannot be of Such immediate service to our Vessels and
the Active part of our commerce as may often be required, which will I Suppose make it
Necessary to follow the Example of Other Nations, and appoint Consuls in the Principal
Ports, whoes business it will be to attend to those matters in perticular, and Give such
advices to Congress as may be prudent and useful in that Line, and as I have by
approbation of the Honorable Mr
93 Jay and Mr. Carmichael
continued to do the office of Consule ever Since the Independance, I hope you will do me
the honour to confirm me in it, and you may depend on my utmost Exertions to be useful
and Give every Satisfaction to the United states, with honour to your recommendation,
being with the greatest respect and Veneration / Dear Sir / Your Excellency’s Obedient
and Affectionate / Humble Servant
tMontgomery
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “His Excellency the Honorable John Adams.”
Irish-born merchant Robert Montgomery (b. 1754) solicited Thomas
Jefferson for a consular appointment in Spain on 22 May 1787, stating that he had
operated “the first American House of Commerce” there since 1776 and that John Jay
would vouch for him. Throughout JA’s and Jefferson’s diplomatic tenure in
Europe, Montgomery regularly reported on the Barbary corsairs’ movements, plague
conditions in Spain, and the plight of the American captives in Algiers. His brother
John also petitioned JA on his behalf, writing on 16 Feb. 1790 and 28
June (both Adams Papers). George
Washington nominated Robert Montgomery as consul at Alicante on 19 Feb. 1793. He was
confirmed by the Senate the next day and served until his death in 1823 (Jefferson, Papers
, 11:376; Franklin, Papers
, 26:242; U.S. Senate, Exec. Jour.
, 2d Cong., 2d sess., p. 130, 131; Philadelphia National Gazette, 21 Feb. 1824).
th.1789
I was honored with your letters of the 17th. & 18 Inst. And am much obliged to you for the observations they contain—
The Subject of Government is an important one, and necessary to be well understood, by
the citizens & especially by the legislators of these States. I Shall be happy to
receive further light on the Subject, and to have any errors that I may have entertained
corrected.
I find that writers on government differ in their difinition of a
Republic. Entick’s Dictionary defines it, “A commonwealth, without a King” I find you do not agree to
the negative part of his definition.1
What I meant by it was—a government under the authority of the people—consisting of
legislative, executive and judiciary powers, the legislative powers vested in an
assembly consisting of one or more branches, who together with the executive are
appointed by the people, and dependent on them for continuence by frequent periodical elections, agreably to an
established Constitution, and that what especially denominates it a Republic, is its dependence on the public or people at large without any hereditary
powers. But it is not of so much importance by what appellation the government is
distinguished, as to have it well constituted to Secure the rights, and 94 advance the happiness of the Community.— I fully agree with you Sir, that it is
optional with the people of a State, to establish any form of Government they please, to
vest the powers, in one, a few or many, and for a limited or unlimited time, and the individuals of the State will
be bound to yield obedience to such government while it continues; but I am also of
opinion that they may alter their frame of government when they please, any former act
of theirs, however explicit to the contrary notwithstanding.
But what I principally have in view is to submit to your
consideration the reasons that have inclined me to think that the qualified negative
given to the Executive by our constitution is better than an absolute negative:— In
Great Britain where there are the rights of the nobility as well as the rights of the
common people to Support, it may be necessary that the Crown should have a compleat
negative to preserve the balance;—but in a Republic like
ours, wherein is no higher rank than that of common citizens, unless distinguished by
appointment to office—what occasion can there be for such a balance? It is true that
some men in every Society, have natural and acquired abilities Superiour to others, and
greater wealth. yet these give them no legal claim to offices in preference to others,
but will doubtless give them some degree of influence, and justly, when they are men of
integrity, and may procure them appointments to places of trust in the government, yet
they having only the Same common rights with the other citizens what competition of
Interests can there be to require a balance? besides while the real estates are
divideable among all the children, or other kindred in equal degree, and Entails are not
admitted, it will operate as an agrarian law, and the influence arising from great
estates in a few hands or families, will not exist to such a degree of extent or
duration as to form a System, or have any great effect.
In order to trace moral effects to their causes & vice versa—it is necessary to attend to principles as
they operate on mens minds.— Can it be expected that a chief Magistrate of a free and
enlightened people on whom he depends for his election and continuance in office, would
give his negative to a law passed by the other two branches of the legislature if he had
power? But the qualified negative given to the Executive by our Constitution, which is
only to produce a revision, will probably be exercised on proper Occasions, and the
legislature have the benefit of the President’s reasons in their further deliberations
on the Subject, and if a sufficient number of the members of either house should be
convinced by them to 95 put a negative upon the Bill it would add weight to
the Presidents opinion & render it more Satisfactory to the people.— but if two
thirds of the members of each house after considering the reasons offered by the
President Should adhere to their former opinion, will not that be the most Safe
foundation to rest the decision upon? on the whole it appears to me that the power of a compleat negative if given would be a dormant and
useless one and that the provision in the constitution is calculated to operate with
proper weight, and will produce beneficial effects.
The negative vested in the Crown of Great Britain has never been exercised since the revolution, and the great influence of the Crown in the legilature of that Nation is derived from another Source, that of appointment to all offices of honor & profit, which has rendered the power of the Crown nearly absolute.— So that the Nation is in fact governed by the Cabinet Council, who are the creatures of the Crown, the consent of Parliament is necessary to give Sanction to their measures, and this they easily obtain by the influence aforesaid.
If they should carry their points so far as directly to affect
personal Liberty or private property the people would be alarmed and oppose their
progress. but this forms no part of their System, the principal object of which is revenue, which they have carried to an enormous height. Where
ever the chief Magisgrate may appoint to offices without controul, his government, may
become absolute or at least oppressive. therefore the concurrence of the Senate, is made
requisite by our Constitution.
I have not time or room to add, or apologive. I am with great respect your obliged humble Servant
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “The Vice President of the United States”;
endorsed by CA: “Mr Sherman / July 20”;
notation by CFA: “1789.”
John Entick, The New Spelling
Dictionary, London, 1772.