Papers of John Adams, volume 21
I recieved some time ago your favor of July 29. and was
happy to find that you saw in it’s true point of view the way in which I had
been drawn into the scene which must have been so disagreeable to you. the
importance which you still seem to allow to my note, & the effect you
suppose it to have had tho unintentional in me, induce me to shew you that
it really had no effect. Paine’s pamphlet, with my note, was published here
about the 2d. week in May. not a word ever
appeared in the public papers here on the subject for more than a month; and
I am certain not a word on the subject would ever have been said had not a
writer, under the name of Publicola, at length undertaken to attack mr̃
Paine’s principles, which were the principles of the citizens of the U.S.
instantly a host of writers attacked Publicola in support of those
principles. he had thought proper to misconstrue a figurative expression in
my note; & these writers so far noticed me as to place the expression in
it’s true light. but this was only an incidental skirmish preliminary to the
general engagement, & they would not have thought me worth naming, had
not he thought proper to bring me on the scene. his antagonists, very
criminally in my opinion presumed you to be Publicola, and on that
presumption hazarded a personal attack on you. no person saw with more
uneasiness than I did, this unjustifiable assault, and the more so, when I
saw it continued after the printer had declared you were not the author. but
you will perceive from all this, my dear Sir, that my note contributed
nothing to the production of these disagreeable peices. as long as Paine’s
pamphlet stood on it’s own feet, & on my note, it was unnoticed. as soon
as Publicola attacked Paine, swarms appeared in his defence. to Publicola
then & not in the least degree to my note, this whole contest is to be
ascribed & all it’s consequences.
You speak of the execrable paragraph in the Connecticut paper.1 this it is true appeared before Publicola, but it had no more relation to Paine’s pamphlet & my note, than to the Alcoran. I am satisfied the writer of it had never seen either; for when I past through Connecticut about the middle of June, not a copy had ever been seen by any body, either in Harford or New Haven, nor probably in that whole state: and that paragraph was so notoriously the reverse of 55 the disinterestedness of character which you are known to possess by every body who knows your name, that I never heard a person speak of the paragraph but with an indignation in your behalf, which did you entire justice. this paragraph then certainly did not flow from my note, any more than the publications which Publicola produced. indeed it was impossible that my note should occasion your name to be brought into question; for so far from naming you, I had not even in view any writing which I might suppose to be yours, & the opinions I alluded to were principally those I had heard in common conversation from a sect aiming at the subversion of the present government to bring in their favorite form of a King, lords, & commons.
Thus I hope, my dear Sir, that you will see me to have
been as innocent in effect as I was in
intention. I was brought before the public without my own consent, &
from the first moment of seeing the effort of the real aggressor in this
business to keep me before the public, I determined that nothing should
induce me to put pen to paper in the controversy. the business is now over,
& I hope it’s effects are over, and that our friendship will never be
suffered to be committed, whatever use others may think proper to make of
our names.
The event of the King’s flight from Paris & his
recapture will have struck you with it’s importance.2 it appears I think that the nation
is firm within, and it only remains to see whether there will be any
movement from without. I confess I have not changed my confidence in the
favourable issue of that revolution, because it has always rested on my own
ocular evidence of the unanimity of the nation, & wisdom of the
Patriotic party in the national assembly. the last advices render it
probable that the emperor will recommence hostilities against the Porte. it
remains to see whether England & Prussia will take a part.3 present me to mr̃s Adams with all
the affections I feel for her and be assured of those devoted to yourself
by, my dear Sir your sincere friend & sert
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “the Vice President of the
U.S.”; docketed by JQA: “1791. / Jefferson Thomas—to J.
Adams. 30. Augt.”
See JA’s 29 July letter to Jefferson, and note 1, above.
Jefferson, who traveled through Connecticut from 7 to 11 June and
reached Philadelphia eight days later, had also likely read editor
Benjamin Russell’s note in the Boston Columbian
Centinel, 2 July, assuring readers that JA was not
Publicola. By the time he wrote this letter, Jefferson knew of
JQA’s authorship (Jefferson, Papers
, 20:283, 285, 472, 473).
Throughout 1791 popular support for the
constitutional monarchy weakened and 56
public unrest soared in France, and European critics weighed in on the
nation’s tumult. In the spring, Pope Pius VI denounced the French
Revolution and the treatment of Roman Catholic clergy. The king’s
expenses were trimmed, while excise duties were abolished, and the
National Assembly struggled to form key ministries. On the night of
20–21 June, King Louis XVI, Queen Marie Antoinette, and their children
embarked on a desperate flight to northeastern France. They were
recognized at Varennes and forced back to Paris. Highly factionalized
political clubs deepened their differences as calls for a republic grew.
On 17 July, 10,000 National Guard officers clashed with 50,000
protesters in the heart of the city, resulting in fifty deaths, a dozen
injuries, and multiple arrests in what became known as the “massacre of
the Champ de Mars.” The National Assembly adopted a new constitution on
3 Sept., and the king signed it on 14 September. While the new
government retained the monarchy, a legislative assembly, elected via a
process of indirect voting, essentially held the reins of power.
“Active” citizens who paid a minimum annual tax earned suffrage (vol.
20:433; Bosher, French
Rev.
, p. xviii, xix, 156–157).
The U.S. secretary of state’s most recent
intelligence on the second Russo-Turkish War came from William Short,
who reported on 6 June that the armistice between Austria and the
Ottoman Empire had waned. Short speculated that if fighting resumed,
Prussia and Great Britain would enter the conflict against Russia.
Instead, Austria and the Ottoman Empire signed the Treaty of Sistova on
4 Aug., ending Austrian involvement. Despite issuing a March ultimatum
to Russia to make peace and return the fortress of Ochakov, the British
ministry failed to rally public support for entering the war. Lacking
British aid, Prussia stood down (vol. 19:42;
Jefferson, Papers
, 20:534–535;
Cambridge Modern Hist.
, 8:293, 295; David R. Stone,
A Military History of Russia: From Ivan the
Terrible to the War in Chechnya, Westport, Conn., 2006, p.
85).
ca. 2 September 1791
I have the honor to inform you that I have been engaged
thro this week in attempts to provide for you an house fit for the reception
of your family but have not yet succeeded. Genl.
Knox is also paying attention to the matter & we shall certainly
accommodate you, if in our power. He is of opinion that it will not be
proper to refuse £300 per Annum for Mrs.
Keppele’s2 house at the
corner of Arch & fourth streets, should it be obtainable at that price.
To morrow she is to inform me— Mr Hamilton gives
£250 for a single house of about 26 or 27 feet front in Market street
opposite the presidents— Mr. delaforest after a
fruitless trial of a week has bought a new house for £1560—3
I merely write, Sir, to inform you of the present train
of things, and assuring you of my unremitted Attention to your instructions,
I have the honor to be with the highest respect, / sir, your most obedt. / & most hum. Servant
RC (Adams Papers). Filmed at [Oct.–Nov.
1793].
The dating of this letter is based on Coxe’s 3 Sept. letter to JA, below.
Alexander Hamilton resided at 164 High Street, while
George and Martha 57
Washington then lived at 190 High Street, commonly known as Market
Street. Antoine René Charles Mathurin, Comte de Papers
, 8:511; Philadelphia Directory, 1791, p. 124, Evans, No. 23205; Washington, Papers, Presidential Series
,
6:399–400;
AFC
, 8:296,
9:xvi; Philadelphia Directory, 1793, p. 34, Evans, No. 25585).