Henry and Lucy Knox’s Revolutionary Romance 

by Rakashi Chand, Reading Room Supervisor

In the aftermath of Valentine’s Day during the 250th anniversary of the American Revolution, we invite you to celebrate some of the most romantic figures of the Revolutionary era.  

The Couple  

In the turbulent years when a young America was struggling to define itself, two young people met in a bookstore. Her name was Lucy Flucker, just sixteen, the daughter of a wealthy Loyalist family whose father ranked as the third highest British official in Massachusetts. His name was Henry Knox, a Boston bookseller who devoured volumes, was outgoing, warm, endlessly curious, and remarkably intelligent. 

By every measure of class, politics, and expectation, she was not meant to fall in love with Henry Knox. Yet she did, and with the courage that would come to mirror the revolution reshaping the world around them. This silhouette at the Massachusetts Historical Society is the only known contemporary image of Lucy Flucker Knox. 

Lucy Flucker Knox, silhouette, circa 1790

The Marriage 

Their affection grew in the corners of a city on the brink of war and soon they married, defying her family and the life laid out for her. Although Lucy and Henry are well documented and significant figures in the formation of our nation, for a while there was considerable confusion about where and even when they were married.  

For a deeper look at the confusion surrounding their wedding, read these two posts from J. L. Bell’s Boston1775 blog: “When did Henry Knox and Luck Flucker marry?” and “Where did Lucy Flucker and Henry Knox marry?” Bell notes that the couple married at King’s Chapel in Boston. Luckily, the MHS houses the Records of King’s Chapel, and a dive into the archives shows the recording of their marriage on June 23, 1774.  Lucy’s sister Hannah and half sister Sallie attended the wedding, but her parents were notably absent.

Register of marriages, 1718-1841, Vol 41 (XT), King’s Chapel (Boston, Mass.) Records

The War Begins

A year later the Battles of Lexington and Concord forced the young couple to slip out of Boston for their safety. Lucy took refuge in Worcester, Mass., never to see her family again, while Henry joined the militia besieging the city. He directed fortifications using knowledge he had gained from his books, and in his first surviving letter to Lucy, dated July 6, 1775, he described meeting George Washington, who was impressed by his engineering skill. 

Not long after, Henry embarked on his now famous feat, transporting 59 captured cannons from Fort Ticonderoga over 300 winter miles by ox drawn sled to Boston. Washington positioned the guns above Boston and forced the British to evacuate. Henry, only twenty-five, became commander of the Continental Army’s artillery and would rise to major general before the war’s end.  

As the American Revolution ignited, the nation and the newlyweds came of age together. Forced apart by battle lines and duty, Henry and Lucy kept their bond alive through letters that pulsed with longing, fear, devotion, and hope. With Henry often away, Lucy also grew into a woman forged by independence and responsibility, writing him on 23 August 1777 that “I hope you will not consider yourself as commander in chief of your own house.”

The Love Letters 

The wartime correspondence between Henry and Lucy Knox offers a vivid, intimate window into both the American Revolution and the emotional world of a couple separated by conflict. Over the course of the Revolution, they exchanged more than 150 letters. 

Below are a few excerpts that illustrate the tone and content of their letters to one another, demonstrating their commitment to each other during a remarkable time. 

This rich letter from Henry notes both the sadness of separation and the hardships encountered in transporting the artillery from Fort Ticonderoga, though is not without humor.

“My dearest Companion, It is now twelve days since I’ve had the least opportunity of writing to her who I value more than life itself. . . .Had I the power to transport myself to you, how eagerly rapid would be my flight. It makes me smile to think how I should look, like a tennis ball bow’ld down.”

Henry Knox to Lucy Flucker Knox, Ft. George, NY, 17 December 1775  

Their letters continue to gush with love and sadness at separation.

“My lovely & dearest friend, Those people who love, as you & I do, never ought to part. It is with the greatest anxiety that I am forc’d to date my letter at this distance from my love at a time too when I thought to have been happily in [your] Arms.” 

Henry Knox to Lucy Flucker Knox, Albany, NY, 5 January 1776

“I should long before this have indulged myself in the pleasure of writing to him who is allways in my thoughts, whose image is deeply imprinted on my heart and whom I love too much for my peace, but the fear that the language of a tender wife might appear ridiculous to an impartial reader (should it miscarry) has restrain’d me.

Lucy Flucker Knox to Henry Knox, Boston, MA, 29 or 30 April, 1776

Born in a bookstore, tested by war, and carried in ink, Henry and Lucy’s love came of age alongside a nation fighting to define itself. 

Further Reading:

The Henry Knox Papers, on microform at the MHS, owned by the Gilder Lehrman Institute, include the correspondence between Henry and Lucy Knox

Henry Knox Papers II collection

Henry Knox Papers III collection

Hamilton, Phillip. The Revolutionary War Lives and Letters of Lucy and Henry Knox. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2017. 

Stuart, Nancy Rubin. Defiant Brides: The Untold Story of Two Revolutionary Era Women and the Radical Men They Married. Boston: Beacon Press, 2013. 

Calling All History Enthusiasts!

By Alexandra Moleski, Massachusetts History Day Program Coordinator

The 2026 Massachusetts History Day (MHD) season is in full swing and we would love to have you join us as a judge. Spend your day supporting history and civics education with other like-minded history buffs of all ages! All you need is a love of history–no experience or prior knowledge required.

Massachusetts History Day is a project-based learning program in which students grades 6-12 conduct research on a historical topic of their choice and present their work as a documentary, website, performance, paper, exhibit, or–for the first time ever–a podcast. Think science fair, but history! Through their research and the curation of their projects, students will explore the 2026 theme, Revolution, Reaction, Reform in History.

Judging is a great opportunity to learn from and celebrate our student historians and their hard work. You will:

  • Be assigned to a small judging team, as well as a specific age division and project category
  • Review student research projects and their project paperwork
  • Interview the students using sample questions provided to you
  • Work with your team to provide written feedback for each project
  • Receive a judging orientation and all the information you need beforehand
  • Enjoy breakfast, lunch, coffee, and sweet treats on us!

Visit https://www.masshist.org/masshistoryday/judges for more information on MHD contests, the judging experience, and how to register.

Are you an educator? Join us as an MHD judge and earn professional development points. Teachers who judge at a contest/showcase will receive 10 PDPs per event.

The Diaries of Henrietta Maria Schroeder Stout, Part III

By Susan Martin, Senior Processing Archivist

This is the third part of a series. Read Part I and Part II to catch up.

I hope you’ve been enjoying the diaries of 13-year-old Henrietta Schroeder as much as I have. In early July 1889, she and her family were staying at Keswick, in England’s beautiful Lake District, part of their grand tour of Europe. After Keswick, they spent the summer traveling up and down Great Britain, hitting all the tourist hotspots.

As I mentioned in Part II, Henrietta described events a little out of order, frequently backtracking to catch up, so it’s sometimes difficult to pinpoint her location. I’ve done my best to trace her route from July to the middle of August on this map.

Color screenshot of Great Britain, with a red line tracing up the west coast of the island to Scotland and then down the east coast to London.
Map of Henrietta’s route

The cities and towns the Schroeders visited included Carlisle, Glasgow, Rothesay, Rowardennan, Stirling, Edinburgh, Melrose, Newcastle upon Tyne, York, Rowsley, Warwick, Stratford-upon-Avon, Oxford, and finally London. It’s no wonder she often fell behind in her diary!

I enjoy how Henrietta addressed her diary as if it were another person, calling it “my dear old Journal,” “my darling Journal,” “dearest Companion,” or “my dearest Confidante,” and apologizing when she neglected it. It feels like you, the reader, are having a conversation with her. But she also had another audience in mind: her best friend Caroline “Lina” Wetherill, who she mentioned frequently and missed terribly.

In fact, on July 6, when she received three letters from Lina, she was overjoyed, writing:

You see how she forgot herself entirely, and only thought of me and my well fare, she is the best girl that ever breathed the breath of life!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Oh! dear! I wish that I were worthy of her!! . . . God bless her she is so sweet. The dear old girl! I wonder what she is doing now, I dare say she is climbing some haystack or perhaps swimming about like a duck in the water. I wonder if she ever thinks of me. Oh! I love her so!!!!!

Close-up color photograph of one page of a manuscript volume. The text is written in black ink and contains underlining, exclamation points, and smudges.
Excerpt from Henrietta Schroeder’s diary, July 6, 1889

The Schroeders were energetic tourists. Here are some of the sights they saw during this period: the Castlerigg stone circle, Carlisle Cathedral, Carlisle Castle, Rothesay Castle, Dunoon Castle, Loch Eck, Loch Katrine, Edinburgh Castle, Holyrood Palace, Melrose Abbey, Abbotsford, Newcastle Cathedral, Durham Castle, Durham Cathedral, York Minster, Haddon Hall, Chatsworth House, Kenilworth Castle, Warwick Castle, St. Mary’s Church in Warwick, Trinity Church in Stratford-upon-Avon, William Shakespeare’s house, and Christ Church and Magdalen Chapel in Oxford.

What I like most about Henrietta is her combination of exuberance and irreverence. From making up songs to chipping off pieces of castles as keepsakes to complaining about her bedtime, she feels real. Her diary is also just plain funny. One entry mentions “that nasty old Cromwell,” like he was a schoolyard bully. And this dismissive aside made me laugh: “My window looks right down on the city, the Cathedral & a ruin of some abbey or something.”

But Henrietta was also growing up. I think we get a glimpse of this in the following passage, about a distant family relation the Schroeders happened to meet in Glasgow.

He has three awfully nice looking boys (they are young men though) and I am going to make a mark on one I know, for he stares at me so already. (Don’t say a word, we must make great friends with them, they are as rich as Croesus.[)]

I’ll pick up the next installment of Henrietta’s story in London.

The Society to Encourage Studies at Home Teaches Me How to Get off My Phone

By Abba Connally, Library Resident

It is the season for many of us to begin making and implementing our 2026 New Year’s Resolutions. Considering the average person today spends 47 hours a week on their phone, I’m sure many others are also considering a resolution to spend less time on their mobile devices. As I look into going more “analog,” I’ve been searching the past to find enjoyable ways to pass the time. One of the examples that I have seen for this is self-paced learning. Some people online call this a “personal curriculum,” and they are meant to be a way to enjoy education for fulfillment rather than work.

As I work on my current project at the MHS, a subject guide on 19th-century intellectual culture in Beacon Hill, I was amazed to run into a self-guided program of study made for women that feels incredibly ahead of its time, not only in its audience, but in the method of instruction. The Society to Encourage Studies at Home, founded in 1873 by Anna Eliot Ticknor, was the first correspondence school in America and functioned as a network of women teaching other women by mail. The purpose was surprisingly conservative; the goal of providing secondary education was not to further women’s careers but to offer them more fulfillment from the home.

The MHS collection houses a variety of materials from the Society to Encourage Studies at Home, including its offered courses, lending library catalog, and a pamphlet entitled “Health,” which gives advice for a healthy and fulfilled life. Looking at these items has given me ideas as to some ways that I can spend my time learning and engaging in hobbies when I’m not at work.

a spread from a printed document with lists of courses and textbooks, including history, natural sciences, art, German literature, French literature, and English literature
Some of the courses offered by the Society

In “Health,” there is a section on how to achieve what may today be called a work-life balance. It discusses how women can balance sedentary work, manual work, exercise, and learning, and argues that all are necessary for balanced wellness.  Something that was particularly notable to me was how the author emphasized the importance of life-long education, stating that many women fall out of the habit and “sink into depression. . . . and may even become insane. They are mentally starved to death.” They also warn against learning too much and advise hobbies for those who are struggling to find balance.

Title page of pamphlet printed with title "Health"
Pamphlet titled “Health,” 1892

As someone who is both a full-time student and works a lot of library desk shifts, I find that I spend a lot of my time sitting. If, like me, this is what your workday looks like, this pamphlet advises that “for those whose work is sedentary, a study of botany or geology is excellent, as it calls them from their houses, and gives a pleasant interest to their walks” Although the weather is cold right now, I may try to get a head start and do some natural science reading for my spring walks.

Looking at the Society to Encourage Studies at Home has helped me build out more of my “personal curriculum” instead of scrolling on social media. I am always reminded of how amazing it is to have such a wealth of information and educational materials constantly within reach, but finding quiet structured time to build mindfulness and find balance is something I am excited to work on in the new year.  In addition to the advice found here, I’m linking items in our collection that relate to tech-free hobbies, and of course, botany and geology.

“If I could put in words my thoughts of you”: What Only Poetry Can Confess 

By Jolivette Shevitz, Library Assistant 

This is the first in a series I am calling “What Only Poetry Can Confess” that will pull out poetry used in diaries or personal letters from the collection and discuss how people have used poetry to express themselves. As an avid poetry writer and reader, I am drawn to exploring how people rely on poetry to say what they may struggle to fully articulate otherwise. Through these poems, whether they are famously well known or have only been seen by their author, we will get a small look into the lives of people in the collection here at the Massachusetts Historical Society.

For this first entry in the series I looked at the Samuel L. Barres papers. Samuel L. Barres has been written about on this blog before, once by Meg Szydlik in her series on disability in the archives and also by Susanna Sigler about Jewish American Soldiers in World War II. Samuel L. Barres trained and served in World War II until his injury during the lead-up to the Battle of the Bulge (Ardennes), losing both of his legs while serving with the 80th Infantry Division. He wrote and received many letters from his future wife Bernice while recovering until they got married in 1946. I want to highlight two poems out of the 10-15 poems that were sent between the two of them in these letters.

Poem "The Old Story" written in ink on paper with letterhead "Walter Reed General Hospital". Poem begins "I try to think of things to say - And yet I said them yesterday. For only yesterday I told you how in my heart I always hold you. Now, if I say the same again, my words would be the same as then."
Letter written by Samuel to Bernice with poem “The Old Story”

The first poem is from Samuel to Bernice, called “The Old Story”, (author unknown). It discusses how repetitive and insignificant all of these declarations of love and missing one another feel in comparison to how great these feelings are. This poem caught my heart as I also live far away from family and often feel the same way. The poem is a beautiful expression of the fact that even though Samuel might be repeating himself in many of his letters, he wants Bernice to know his feelings extend much more than what words exist to say.

Handwritten letter in ink, including a poem that begins "If I could put in words my thoughts of you And say with speech the sounds that mean your name If writing and the tongue could bring to view The thoughts that ever crowd my stubborn brain Then I'd declare in tone of purest gold The thoughts that slumber in my soul so deep..."
Letter written by Bernice to Samuel

The second poem is from Bernice to Samuel. It’s the only poem that she writes to him that echoes a similar message to poem “The Old Story”. This poem was written by a friend of Bernice, Beverly Rosenburg, who saw Bernice writing to Samuel and gave her the poem. Once again the poem seeks to attempt and fail at expressing the deepness of the love Bernice feels for Samuel. It’s very sweet how both of them seem to say the same thing to each other at different times, frustrated almost over their inability to find words for their love.

Black and white photo shows man wearing uniform sitting in a wheelchair and a woman in dark coat standing beside him with arm around shoulder. In the background is what appears to be a decorative fountain.
Samuel and Bernice in front of a fountain.

These poems are just a small piece of their writings to each other, and I encourage anyone to come visit the MHS and read through them all. Both of them have so much life in their letters and it truly was a joy to get a glimpse into their lives.

The Diaries of Henrietta Maria Schroeder Stout, Part II

by Susan Martin, Senior Processing Archivist

This is the second part of a series. Read Part I here.

A few weeks ago, I introduced you to a precocious 13-year-old girl named Henrietta Schroeder. Her diaries in the Stout family papers are a really fun read.

Black and white photograph of a white girl wearing a dark coat, a dark hat decorated with feathers, and straight hair hanging loose down her back.
Photograph of Henrietta Maria Schroeder, age 13, taken March 1889

When we last saw Henrietta, it was June 1889, and she was on her way to Europe on the S.S. Alaska with her mother, sister Lucy, and two brothers Langdon and Harry. Her father Francis Schroeder had died three years before.

Henrietta had a rough voyage; she got both sunburned and seasick (though “not actively so”!) Worse still was how much she missed her “most beloved and most loving friend” Caroline Bowen Wetherill, or “Lina.” Caroline was nine months younger than Henrietta and lived in Philadelphia. My best guess is that the two girls met in Jamestown, R.I., a popular vacation destination at the time. Henrietta’s diary includes a photograph of Jamestown and references to seeing Caroline there.

Henrietta wrote often in her diary about her “darling” Caroline. She described their last goodbye (“the last figure I saw kissing her hand to me through the window of the closed carriage”) and attached on facing pages both some flowers Caroline had sent and a folded-up “wish” to be opened when they saw each other again. The friends even had pet names for each other: “Lul-i-nun” for Caroline and “Yud-e-tub” for Henrietta. Try as I might, I couldn’t identify the source of the names.

Color photograph of two pages of a volume. Attached to the left page is an envelope labeled in pencil, “Flowers from dear old Jamestown June 12th 1889 sent to me by Lina.” Below the envelope is more writing in black ink. Attached to the right page is a folded-up piece of paper, sealed by wax on four sides, and labeled in black ink, “Do not open this or take off your silver bracelet until I see you again after you come home.” The wax seals have been broken. Both pages are stained and discolored.
Two pages from the 1889 diary of Henrietta Schroeder

After landing at Liverpool, the Schroeder family visited Chester, England, before traveling north to the Lake District. Henrietta seemed to enjoy sightseeing, and though she got some details wrong, her breathless descriptions would make an entertaining guidebook. She was especially awestruck by how old everything was.

While touring Chester Cathedral, which was undergoing renovation, Henrietta took—with the permission of the guide—a centuries-old piece of crumbling wall as a memento. The Schroeders also visited Chester’s ancient Roman baths, and Henrietta exclaimed, “just think, before Christ!” Later at their Lake District hotel, she slept in a large canopy bed that, she wrote excitedly, dated back to the reign of Elizabeth I. In a quieter moment, she summed it up this way: “No matter where you go, you step on graves.”

It’s around this time we get a glimpse of another side of Henrietta: her temper. One day when Lucy and Langdon went rowing with their mother, Henrietta stayed back with her younger brother Harry. Unfortunately the rowing party didn’t come back when they said they would.

“I was simply frightened out of my wits […] Twelve came, and still not a sign of them, and then half past twelve, and then I thought surely they were drowned or something, and I began planning out what to sell, to get a little money and pay for the bills of the hotel, and to telegraph to Grandpa for some money, and then one o’clock came, and with it in sailed Lucy as large as life […] I tell you, I gave it to her!!!!!!”

The stream-of-consciousness style of Henrietta’s diaries sometimes makes it hard to pinpoint exact dates and places, but July 4, 1889, found her at Lake Hotel in Keswick. She was enjoying the trip, but felt disappointed at having to spend Independence Day in the U.K., writing, “It will seem so horrid not to have any racket, you know it is a black day over here in England. Oh! how mean!” She celebrated by rising early, going into the woods, and belting out patriotic songs to no one in particular.

I hope you’ll join me next time for more of Henrietta’s adventures.

Latin: The Other Adams Family Business

by Gwen Fries and Rhonda Barlow, The Adams Papers

On 4 October 1815, twelve-year-old John Adams II sat down at a desk outside London to write a letter to his grandfather. The middle child of John Quincy and Louisa Catherine Adams had spent several years of his life being raised by John and Abigail on their farm, Peacefield, while his father and mother served in a diplomatic role in St. Petersburg, Russia. Now reunited with his parents, John II wanted to write a letter to his grandfather to show how far his education had come. His little brother, Charles Francis Adams, had just composed a letter in French. Not to be bested, John II was going to do it in Latin.

The problem was John II was an indifferent scholar. He loved to be the center of attention, stalking his aunts and cousins around Peacefield and chattering incessantly. What he possessed in charm and charisma, he lacked in concentration. Thus, his father insisted on looking over the letter before it was sent. John Quincy, ever the perfectionist, had some thoughts.

Rarer than an extant copy of a child’s Latin is an extant draft of a Latin composition. We’re given a clear visual of how he thought through each word of the letter and how his father refined it. I could see the juvenile writing and the interlineated corrections, but I had to tag in Adams Papers research associate Rhonda Barlow to make sense of what I was seeing. She translated John II’s letter thus:

My dear grandfather,

I received your letter from you on 23 July beginning that you were awakened by a morning bombardment. You say that you have no taste for noisy rattling and clapping, but I have and my brothers have.

I am a student at Ealing which has 275 boys served by Dr. Nicholas from the schools of Oxford[.] I am very pleased with him.

It is the first time that I ever wrote a letter in Latin, and thus you will expect I make many mistakes.

I am your obedient grandson

J Adams

Then she translated John Quincy’s interlineations:

My Dear Grandfather

I received your letter written by you on the 23d of the month of July where you reported that you were awakened by a morning bombardment.

You say that you take no pleasure in applause and toasts but they are pleasing to my brothers and I.

I am a student in the school of Dr. Nicholas, at Ealing, where I have 275 fellow-students. Our teacher, the doctor, is an alumnus of Oxford University, and I am very grateful.

This letter is my first in the Latin language, Dearest Grandfather, I wish you to receive it kindly; and that you forgive its many faults.

Farewell, my grandfather, and love, your most humble and most loving grandson.

J. Adams

Barlow explained to me that JQA’s edits were in the spirit of conforming more to classical Latin. The one exception to this is the word “bombarda,” which John II likely plucked out of the Ainsworth Latin Dictionary, and which his father and grandfather enjoyed. (To be fair to the tweenager, classical Latin wouldn’t have a word to mean gun, and it’s the noisy nature of guns that’s key to the sentence.)

The letter went from the composition of a careless child to the product of a skilled linguist. “Your classical letter of the 4th. of Octr, does you honour, upon every Supposition that I can make,” his delighted grandfather responded on 14 Dec. 1815. However, a hint of suspicion crept in amongst the praise. “If you have composed it yourself, it is highly honourable to the Skill and care of your Preceptors and to your own Application to your Studies; All of which must have concurred in producing Such a proficiency in so Short a time.”

The Adams Papers editorial project at the Massachusetts Historical Society gratefully acknowledges the generous support of our sponsors. Major funding of the edition has been provided by the Packard Humanities Institute, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

A Perilous Transformation: The Soldiers of Fort Washington & the Siege of Boston

by Aaron Peterka, MHS Early Career Scholar Committee & Mentorship Program Member

Over the course of 250 years, the grass-covered mounds of Cambridge’s Fort Washington morphed from a necessary military fortification to a lasting monument to the American Revolution’s early perils. It is also a monument to another kind of metamorphosis: that of a colonial citizen army outside Boston in 1775-76 to the professional Continental Army that emerged victorious at Yorktown in 1781. Diaries from the MHS archives, like that of Boston merchant William Cheever, clearly illustrate the hazards for the New Englanders who faced the British, who, though besieged, were still mobile and active in late 1775/early 1776.

In one entry dated November 9, 1775, mere weeks before Fort Washington’s construction began, Cheever noted that “Several Companies” of British regulars crossed over to “Phip’s Farm” and “brought off some Cattle at noon day under Cover of a Ship in the River, Cannon on Charlestown point, and their own Floats.” He recorded a similar raid that took place on February 14, 1776, wherein the night before, “a Number of the Light Infantry and Grenadiers went over to Dorchester Neck and burnt 4 or 5 Houses” and took several prisoners. Moreover, as the Americans continued to entrench in front of Cambridge, the British did likewise in Boston. Cheever noted on December 4, 1775, that the “regulars have a Battery just above the Copper-Works” in west Boston, as well as colonial artillery dueling British ships “at the head of the Charles River,” as the British attempted to keep the Americans from “carrying on their Works on a Rise at Phips’s Farm.” Soldiers like Private Obadiah Brown of Gageborough, Massachusetts, could easily supplement Cheever’s observations, as Brown recalled an ordeal on February 20, 1776, where the British “Regulars fired all Day” at him and his comrades as they dug trenches at “Leachmore point.”

Such accounts bring to life the hardships and precarity of the Revolution’s earliest days, and it is to this narrative of trial and peril, so carefully preserved in the MHS’s collections, that Fort Washington belongs. However, that narrative not only includes the challenges of containing a worthy foe, but also the complex characters of those soldiers who held the line in bastions like Fort Washington.          

Photo of 3 cut-out statues standing in a park-like environment
Life-size renderings of colonial soldiers at Fort Washington today.
Courtesy of Aaron Peterka.

In the summer and fall of 1775, General Washington hardly held those soldiers in high esteem. He lamented their apparent self-centeredness, poor discipline, and civilian attitude, writing to Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Reed on November 28, 1775, that “such a dirty mercenary Spirit pervades the whole, that I should not be at all surprised at any disaster that may happen.” Granting generous furloughs just to keep up enlistments, the general also despaired over the Connecticut regiments’ refusal to extend their service beyond their original term, fearing that absent soldiers and expiring enlistments would weaken his army to the point of disintegration. “[O]ur lines will be so weakened that the Minute Men & Militia must be call’d in for their defence,” Washington ruefully observed, and “these being under no kind of Government themselves, will destroy the little subordination I have been laboring to establish.”

The diary of the aforementioned Private Brown allows for a glimpse into Washington’s conundrum. Oftentimes, Brown stood “gard” or performed “feteague” duty at the “Leachmore point” fort from January to March 1776. But interspersed throughout his terse entries are observations of drunkenness and ill-discipline; the kind that would drive mad a professional soldier like Washington. In one instance on February 7, 1776, “Two Sodiers Drank 33 glases of Brandy and Gin one Died.” Five days later, Brown witnessed another soldier receiving “39 lashes” for an unspecified indiscretion. And on February 16, 1776, Brown recalled that “orders came for one Shilling to be taken out of the Sodier wages for Every Cartridg Lost,” a stark reflection of the dire shortage of shot and powder that threatened the army, as well as the general unmilitary air that characterized the army in New England. And despite its successful re-occupation of Boston in March 1776, this same army would endure defeat after defeat in the coming years, and through the miseries of Valley Forge, painfully transform into the Continental Army that would ultimately prevail at Yorktown. Fort Washington is a testament to the beginning of that metamorphosis.

It is this complicated history of which Fort Washington is a part. It is a reminder of the challenges and contradictions that shaped the Revolution and this country’s birth: the fierce independent spirit that drove the colonists to rebel and made them poorly disciplined soldiers; the uncertainties of maintaining adequate supplies and manpower; and the looming threat posed by the growing might of the British army in Boston. In a time when the United States remains the world’s superpower, its military might thus far unmatched in the 21st century, it is easy to forget these truths. And yet, Fort Washington continues its silent vigil; a memorial that compels all who reflect upon it to remember “the times that try men’s souls.”      

Further Reading:

“From George Washington to Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Reed. 28 November 1775,” Founders Online, National Archives. https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-02-02-0406.

Thomas Paine. Common Sense and Other Works. New York: Fall River Press, 2021.

Silent Sentinel, Silent Witness: Reflections upon Fort Washington & the Siege of Boston

by Aaron Peterka, MHS Early Career Scholar Committee & Mentorship Program Member

At 95 Waverly Street in Cambridgeport, a silent sentinel still keeps watch. Its four earthen mounds, cradling three eighteen-pound cannons, still face eastward towards Boston, standing at the ready for a long-departed foe from a long-ago war. This is Fort Washington. A relic from the beginning of the American Revolution, this unimposing redoubt is all that remains of the fortifications that besieged the British army in Boston from April 1775 to March 1776. As the country marks the Revolution’s semiquincentennial anniversary, it is all together appropriate to reflect upon Fort Washington and its testimonial to the perilous origins of an army and the embryonic country for which it fought.

Photo of a grassy area with some cannons. Large buildings and trees are in the background.
Facing east, Fort Washington’s three 18-pounder guns positioned between earthworks dug by the Continental Army besieging Boston in 1775-1776.
Courtesy of Aaron Peterka.
Photo of a grassy mound with two cannons on it
Looking west into Cambridge. Although not the originals, the cannons date from the Revolutionary era, while the gun carriages are from the 1850s.
Courtesy of Aaron Peterka.

Fort Washington’s service began on a simple piece of paper upon which General George Washington penned a letter to Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Reed on November 27, 1775. When he first arrived in Cambridge that July to take command of the fledgling Continental Army, he found the fortifications woefully inadequate for a siege, with “shallow redoubts on Winter Hill and Prospect Hill,” a “crude abatis on the Boston Road,” a mere trench stretching across Roxbury’s main street, and a single “breastwork on Dorchester Road.” Rightly concerned with such vulnerabilities, the general labored to improve the American defenses through the coming months, and it was under this labor in the fall of 1775 that he informed Reed that he “caused two half Moon Batteries to be thrown up, for occasional use, between Litchmores point to command that pass, & rake the little rivulet which runs by it to Patterson’s Fort.” Washington also commissioned the construction of three other fortifications “between Sewells point, & our Lines on Roxbury Neck” to further reinforce the American lines.

These fortifications are clearly visible on the Henry Pelham Map from 1775 in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s collection, with Fort Washington appearing as the “3 Gun Battery” sitting along the Charles River just before it empties into Boston Harbor. Today, modern Cambridge surrounds the fort, but in 1775, it commanded both the river’s mouth and the southernmost extremity of a meadow that is now part of the MIT campus. This strategic position contributed to Washington’s goal of preventing a British “Sortee, when the Bay gets Froze” and securing Cambridge from attack. Designed to accommodate roughly 50-60 soldiers, the earthen redoubt took the name of the American general-in-chief, its garrison scanning the marshy approaches for any sign of British encroachment. Although there is no record of the fort having ever fired its guns in anger, it nevertheless served an important purpose; a brick in the greater wall that Washington designed to restrict General William Howe’s freedom of movement. And yet, Fort Washington’s service transcends the realm of strategy.

Beyond its military utility, Cambridge’s redoubt gives testament to the harsh realities that confronted the infant American army outside of Boston. In another letter to Reed dated November 28, 1775, Washington conveyed his fears of dwindling gun powder supplies, writing that the vital commodity was “so much wanted, that nothing without it can be done.” Also weighing heavily upon Washington was the omnipresent threat of British spoiling attacks and counter-strikes. Indeed, the general expressed his expectation that the British would interfere with the digging of the “Letchmores point” earthworks, “unless Genl Howe is waiting the favorable moment he has been told of, to aim a capitol blow.”

Facing a growing force of British regulars with an army of untrained civilian-soldiers and his supplies dangerously low, General Washington confided to Reed that had he been able to foresee the dismal state of affairs outside Boston, “no consideration upon Earth should have induced me to accept this Command.” Thus, Fort Washington is both a literal product and reflection of the crisis of 1775, wherein the siege of Boston, even the survival of the Revolution, was in doubt. Erected out of military exigency, the Cambridge earthworks remain a physical reminder that no cause, no revolution, no fight for independence, is ever guaranteed.     

Further Reading:

“From George Washington to Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Reed. 27 November 1775,” Founders Online, National Archives. https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-02-02-0401.

“From George Washington to Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Reed. 28 November 1775,” Founders Online, National Archives. https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-02-02-0406.

“Fort Washington,” https://historycambridge.org/Cambridge-Revolution/Fort%20Washington.html.

Robert Middlekauf. The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982.

The Diaries of Henrietta Maria Schroeder Stout, Part I

by Susan Martin, Senior Processing Archivist

I’d like to introduce you to a young woman named Henrietta, whose diaries form part of the Stout family papers here at the MHS. This post will be the first in a multi-part series.

Color photograph of one page of a manuscript volume with some creases and stains. In the center is a black and white photograph of a white girl wearing a dark coat, dark hat, and dark gloves. She is standing, and her fingers are interlocked in front of her. Below the photograph is written, in black and white ink, “Myself, age 13, taken March 1889.” Along the side of the photograph is written, “This picture no more looks like me than it looks like a crow.” At the top of the page is written, “This book is to be my companion wherever I go.”
Inside front cover of Henrietta M. Schroeder’s 1889 diary, including her photograph, taken March 1889, and the text: “This picture no more looks like me than it looks like a crow.”

Henrietta Maria Schroeder, or “Yetta,” was born in New York on October 9, 1875. Her father, Francis Schroeder, had been a diplomat, ambassador to Sweden, and superintendent of the Astor Library. Francis had had two children with his first wife, Caroline (née Seaton), and four with his second wife, Lucy (née Langdon). Henrietta was Lucy’s third child.

The Stout collection includes four of Henrietta’s diaries, two kept as a young teenager and two kept in her twenties. The first starts on June 27, 1889, when she was thirteen and on a trip through Europe with her mother and three siblings, Langdon, Lucy, and Harry. I was immediately drawn to the diaries because of how lively, creative, and sometimes laugh-out-loud funny they are. I think Henrietta will sound familiar to anyone who knows (or is) a thirteen-year-old. To give you a taste of her style, here’s an entry she wrote about the ocean voyage to Europe.

In the first place I was ill: not actively so, but I was ill. Days and days passed which seemed like years, but still I was ill, at last Mamma called the doctor, and such a doctor, […] and he gave me some lime water, & some awful stuff that tasted just like pepper and vinegar, but he cured me just the same! […] He is the most “blasted English don cher know” thing I ever saw, and I burst out laughing every time I see him. He waxes his mustache into spears about 4 inches long.

In addition to Henrietta’s entertaining run-on sentences and stream-of-consciousness anecdotes, the diaries also contain her original sketches and objects she added as illustrations or keepsakes. Here’s a partial list of items she pasted or pinned to the pages: letters, photographs, ticket stubs, menus, flowers, feathers, leaves, ribbons, wax seals, a piece of lead from a pencil-making factory, a piece of stone from Chester Cathedral, and a pouch of sand from the shores of Loch Katrine. You can see how overstuffed the volume is.

Color photograph of a volume on a table. The cover has a marbled pattern and the letters “IV” written on it in black ink. The pages of the volume are bulging out of its binding.
The 1889 diary of Henrietta M. Schroeder

As you can imagine, volumes like this are a preservation nightmare for archivists and conservators. Organic and acidic material will stain and degrade the pages. In most cases, all we have the time and the resources to do is stabilize the volume and prevent any further deterioration by housing it in an appropriate container and storing it in our climate-controlled stacks. We also often interleave the pages with tissue to protect them.

But the very same thing that makes these diaries tricky from a preservation standpoint also makes them interesting from a historical standpoint. The inserted material is fully integrated into the narrative, adding context and (literal!) texture to Henrietta’s stories. I love how free-wheeling and genre-bending it all is, this first diary in particular. Henrietta has taken a volume that cost her, she says, just 28 cents and turned it into a unique, interesting, and very fun historical document.

Color photograph of one page of a manuscript volume. At the top of the page is written, in black ink, the heading: “Myself.” Pasted to the page are three photographs of the same girl at different ages. Next to the photographs are written, “Age 1 ½ or 2,” “Age 5 or 4,” and “Age 11.” The page includes handwritten text around and between the photographs.
Page of Henrietta M. Schroeder’s 1889 diary including three photographs of herself at different ages

I look forward to telling you more about Henrietta in future Beehive posts.