Adams Family Correspondence, volume 4
1781-07-13
I have already acknowledged the Receipt of your Favour of June 10th.1 Severely as it concluded in Regard to my Reputation I did not arraign
its Justice, but wrote an ingenuous Confession, similar to one I had before made by the
Opportunity of Genl. Ward.2 I thought your
Conclusion was founded upon a natural Construction of what you had been reading.3 I venerated the Purity of your Sentiments. I was
persuaded that no unkind Suspicions guided your Pen. But your
Letter of the 23d. of that month wears a different Complexion from the former. My Fall, Ma'am
was not from a Horse, but still it was an “honest” one. I had been engaged in the most
benevolent Way, at my Pen for hours that Evening, witness, among others my Letter to Mr. Thos.
Russel and Mr. Nathl. Barber April 24th. I was forced out, in the Rain, to procure Money for a
Person who wanted it much against the Dawn of next Morning. I found when abroad that I had
misguided a Stranger as to the Lodging of the Gentleman from whom I was to receive the Money.
I meant to rectify that Error by taking the Stranger with me. I suddenly crossed the Street
where I was, at right Angle; and looking up under my flopped Hatt saw a Vacancy immediately
before me, which I took to be an Alley I had often gone through; but I found that a Shop had
been drawn away and a Cellar 10 feet deep had been dug to receive me. The Consequences were
nearly mortal. I had delivered my Letters at the Office. The giving of early Intelligence to Mr. R of the miserable State of his captive Unkle was honest Employment. The Endeavour to prevent an abrupt Notice to Mr. B of the death of an amiable Son was equally
honest. The Seeking of money for one of my Creditors who was then in want of Cash,
and the putting of a Stranger into the right Way were both of
them honest Works. But, as the Honesty of my Pursuits was no Security against a Fall, neither
has it been a Preventive against false Constructions of that Destiny. Michael Morgan Obrian,
most naturally indeed, concluded that I had staggered sideways
drunken into the Dock. Some, as naturally, and One against Nature have supposed I fell dishonestly down a Pair of dark
Stairs. I have Hopes of being intirely free from Lameness in the Course of the Summer;
and I am sure that Portia will rejoice at such an Event as my walking
rightly for the Rest of my Life.
Give my Compliments to your amorous Friend Cornelia. I hope her
Husband never leaves her for a Night. I presume she holds the 173general opinion that Friendship may be
even encreased by Seperation of the Parties; tho, differently from some of Us, she thinks
bodily Presence essential to Love. She may be assured that there
is that mixture of Friendship and Love in the Affection which unites Mrs. L and Me that
Presence does not burn up the former, nor Absence congeal the Latter.
I send you an Extract that will prove the confidential Sincerity of my former Letters to
you. I would not wish that any other should see it. The Friends she alludes to are perhaps now
my Enemies. I sacrifice to my Value for your Good Opinion.4
Yes, I am “Portia's affectionate Friend,” and I did not “mean
to retaliate for the Pain she had given me.” I “could” not, I “would” not. Led astray by Cornelia's Fancy, your Mind had taken a
“dark” Turn, and you found dreadful Things in an innocent
Phraise “on this subject.” Why, Ma'am, in my Thoughts the Subject
simply was Absence; and compoundly long Absence, but in yours it was a Breach of the
Commandments and What not.5
I have no Copy of any Letter to you but I imagine I was not very unconnected or enigmatical.
If you had ventured to converse with Mr. SAll is not servile enough to gain
the unbounded Affection of the foreign Court at which he resided when he had the
Correspondence which produced the two Resolves of Congress already communicated to you.6 You would have found that distinct powers.“on this Subject” to S.A. and you must
have it at 2d. hand.8 I will only say for your
Satisfaction that I cannot accuse any one or more of any want of Esteem for Mr. A, but I see
him indelicately handled by Means of wrong measures on a general Scale.
That I may be more at Leisure to be attentive only to
senatorial Subjects, I will now close the former by telling you that Mrs. L added in her
Letter “I think, however, you will be obliged to come and show
yourself this Fall.”—This you will find is enough, tho it is not founded in her Wishes
but in her Fears. The enevitable ill Consequences which I have proved to you, and the almost
enevitable ones which I was afraid to name to you or to your Husband, who glories 174in what I should be sorry for, will not deter me from obeying this Half-Call, which is what I have never had before since I quitted
Home.—I add also—That the Expression, which I wish had never seen
Light, was in Fact the Fruit of a Desire to pass a Compliment upon the Figure and Portrait
which Mr. GDay Labour you
can think of for me while I am there?9
I do not find Opportunity to send your Boxes. I wish you would keep a good Account of what I sent: for really I cannot tell. I think I wrote you exactly at the Time of sending. Mr. Moylan perhaps will give an Invoice some Time or other. J. P. Jones is on the Road and will see you.
Letters of
Members
, 6:219, under the later and wrong date.
Not found. Lovell had acknowledged its receipt in his reply of 2 July, above.
Lovell to AA, 16 June, above.
In the MS at this point appears the figure 5, or possibly a capital S, in parentheses. This parallels the use of the same symbol in a cryptic passage in Lovell's letter to AA of 2 July, above, q.v. at note 3.
Thus apparently in MS, although because of ink marks that may be blots it is not clear whether a full stop, a colon, or no punctuation at all was intended by Lovell after the word “Enemies.”
Here the first sheet of Lovell's MS ends; see descriptive note.
In the foregoing paragraph Lovell is echoing and answering AA's letter to him of 23 June, above, particularly its animadversions on his letter to her of 29 May, also above.
Sent in Lovell to AA, 26 June q.v. above.
Lovell here returns to, and under the protection of ciphered phrases is a little more explicit about, what was currently happening to French-American relations in Paris and Philadelphia. The immediate background is given in his letter to AA, 26 June, above; see especially note 4 there on Congress' alteration of JA's peace instructions and its joining him with other commissioners in the peace negotiation. The incidents which led up to these actions, and which Lovell refers to here, nearly a whole year later, are set forth above in note 5 on Thaxter to JA, 7 Aug. 1780 (vol. 3:390–395).
“Gravier” is the family name of the French foreign minister, the Comte de Vergennes. His
“two Letters Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 175
3:827); and (2) that dated 31 July 1780,
enclosing the mass of his recent correspondence with JA on other topics in
dispute between them, and demanding that the whole of it be submitted to Congress for
appropriate action, by which Vergennes certainly meant a reprimand (same, 4: 18–19; text of
French original quoted at vol. 3:392, above).
Franklin's “unkind and stabbing” letter transmitting the documents to Congress is dated 9
Aug. 1780 and is the fullest comment Franklin ever permitted himself to make on
JA's conduct as a diplomat, contrasting it with his own more accommodating
approach to the French court and condemning the whole concept of what has come to be known as
“militia diplomacy.” The original is in PCC, No.
82, I; it is printed in Franklin's Writings, ed. Smyth, 8:124–130 (see esp. p. 126–128); a
normalized text is in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 4:21–25 (see esp. p. 22–23).
Relevant portions are quoted in vol. 3:394,
above, but to understand the deepening embitterment between the partisans of JA
and of Franklin on both sides of the Atlantic, the whole passage dealing with JA
should be read and pondered.
Just how Franklin's remarks got into circulation at this time in Boston and vicinity is not known, but letters that follow in the present volume make clear that they indeed did and that they stirred up strong feelings there. See AA to Lovell, 14 July; Richard Cranch to JA, 16 July; AA to Elbridge Gerry, 20 July; Gerry to AA, 30 July; all below.
Congress had considered the JA-Vergennes exchanges on 26 Dec. 1780, together with numerous
dispatches from JA dating between the previous July and October (
JCC
, 18:1194). Not
a word was recorded at this time concerning Franklin's dispatch of 9 Aug., which according to
the Journals was not read in Congress until 19 Feb. 1781,
together with other Franklin letters and enclosures (same, 19:174). While a good deal of
discussion “out-of-doors” must have followed from the revelation of the disputes between
JA and Vergennes, Congress officially noticed only three of the letters read in
December, namely JA to Vergennes, 17 and 26 July, and Vergennes to
JA, 25 July, in which JA had asked leave to communicate to the
British ministry his powers to negotiate a commercial treaty, and Vergennes had refused to
give such leave (texts in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev.
, 3:861–863; 4:3–6, 7–11). A committee
consisting of Thomas Burke, John Witherspoon, and James Duane was appointed to report on
these letters (
JCC
, 18:1194), and on 10 Jan. it brought in a draft of a letter which was agreed
to and sent over Pres. Huntington's signature to JA on that day (same,
19:41–42). Although the letter recognized the “zeal and assiduity” displayed by
JA in his request of Vergennes, it amounted to a rebuke because it approved
Vergennes' reasons for refusing the request (Adams
Papers; printed in JA, Works
, 7:353;
JCC
, 19:42).
During the following months La Luzerne, under guidance from Vergennes that was hardly
needed, conducted his campaign among friendly delegates in Congress that culminated in the
measures taken by that body in June to curb JA's freedom of action. A further
measure to the same effect was taken the day before Lovell dated the present letter. This was
the outright revocation of JA's commission and instructions to negotiate a
treaty of commerce with Great Britain, issued to him in Sept.–Oct. 1779 simultaneously with
his peace commission (see
Diary and Autobiography
, 4:179–180,
183–184; see also vol. 3:230–233, above). The immediate initiative for this had come from
the committee of conference with La Luzerne in May, and an attempt was made on 19 June to
transfer these powers from JA to the five newly named peace commissioners (of
whom JA was one), but this failed at the moment (
JCC
, 20:619, 676). After further
maneuvers which cannot be traced here, James Madison moved on 12 July that JA's
commercial powers be revoked and that, among other things, the peace commissioners be
instructed to place the territorial claims of the United States all the way to the
Mississippi on an equal footing with its claims to the Atlantic fisheries—neither of these
claims being any longer ultimatums because of the alterations in the instructions for peace
and the contemplated revocation 176of
JA's commission to negotiate a treaty of commerce. This motion passed by a
large majority, only the New England delegates dissenting (same, 713–714, 746–747; Madison, Papers, ed.
Hutchinson, 3:188–189). Madison's multiple and complex motives have been discussed by
Brant in his Madison, 2:143–145, from Madison's point of view.
Justly or not, Madison had by this time come to distrust JA's egotism and
impulsiveness, his New Englandism, and his suspected partiality for British as opposed to
French interests. Subsequent events deepened Madison's prejudices toward JA, as
will later appear.
JA's view of these transactions was that they constituted the most humiliating
stroke ever dealt him in the house of his supposed friends. See his confidential conversation
in Jan. 1783 with Benjamin Vaughan as recorded in
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:103–105; also his letter to Secretary R. R. Livingston, 5 Feb.
1783, in which he endeavored to reconstruct Congress' motives, as shaped by French intrigue,
and to show how mistaken they were (LbC, Adams Papers; JA, Works
, 8:33–40).
No letter from Lovell to Samuel Adams on this subject at this time has been found. In forwarding to JA the resolution of 12 July, Lovell was laconic in his official note for the Committee of Foreign Affairs, but he added a “private” postscript, partly in cipher, that was more revealing:
“The whole of the Proceedings here in regard to your two Commissions are, I think,
(21 July, Adams Papers; JA,
Works
, 7:453;
Burnett, ed., Letters
of Members
, 6:151).
The allusions in this paragraph can be only partially clarified. The “ill Consequences” of Lovell's now seriously contemplated return home would be poverty, which JA might glory in but Lovell would not. It would appear from this and similar remarks elsewhere in Lovell's correspondence that he feared outright impoverishment if he gave up his seat in Congress. (See especially Lovell to Gerry, 13 July and 14 Sept., MHi: Gerry-Knight Coll.; and Lovell to AA, 10 Aug., below.) The letter from Gerry to Lovell here mentioned must have been one of the several acknowledged in Lovell's by now notorious intercepted reply of 20 Nov. 1780 (see AA to Lovell, 17 March, above, and notes and references there).
1781-07-14
Your favour by General Ward2 was not deliverd me
till this day or I should have replied to it by the last post; the Generous acknowledgement of
having tran
I am gratified however to have from your own Hand arguments 177to rectify the Ideas of some who I really believe your Friends, but
who not knowing or fully attending to the circumstances you mention, have been left to wonder
at a conduct they could not account for. The affectionate regard you profess for a Lady who I
believe every way deserving of it, intirely banishes from my mind the insinuations of
Cornelia, and I could wish that Letter might not be submitted as you tell me others have
been,3 least it should unnecessaryly give pain to
a Lady I must more and more Esteem—and with whom I am determined to cultivate a more
particular acquaintance. Possibly I may be able to render her some small services. I cannot be
so particular as I wish because this must take its chance by the post. I will not thank you
for your comments upon my Letter of March 17th. They are not generous. However as I have never
spaired my correspondent when I thought him wrong, I will suppose that he really believed
Portia deserving the censure he has bestowed.—“Dutch Idea” abominable. You know I meant by the
Word property, only an exclusive right, a possession held in ones own right.4 Will you please to consult Johnson upon the term?—Still more
Sophistical is your comment upon the fine tuned Instrument. If I did not know you I should
suppose you a practiseing Attorney. There is one thing however that sticks a little hardly by
me—“I am very unwilling that it should be submitted to the Eye of one so very much my Friend as you profess yourself
to be.” This looks like such a distrust of my sincerity as wounds me. There are some
other strokes to which I am not callous, but can forgive them considering the freedom I have
exercised in my own remarks.
Will you balance accounts? and we will begin a New Score upon the old Stock of Friendship. I do not pretend to exculpate from censure what I really thought deserving of it, but only the doubtfull right I had to use it as it did not at that time particularly affect me.
You have not fulfilled one part of your promise which was to transmit to me some Annecdotes
respecting my Friend abroad and as a preparitive I was to see Mr.——.5 I have received my preparitive. In the Name of
Indignation can there be any thing more diabolical than what is put into my Hands? False
insinuating disembling wretch—is it for this your Grey Head is spaired—is this the language of
courts?—is this the reward of an Independant Spirit, and patriotick virtue? Shall the Zealous
and Strenuous asserter of his countrys rights be sacrificed to a court Sycophant? This
finished Courtier has first practised his Arts upon the M
Join to him an upright honest Man of real abilities and he will thank you for an assistant
should a negotiation commence, but do not Saddle him with a Man
who looks no further than the present state of existance for a retribution of his virtues or
his vices, but who considering this world as the summum bonum of Man might I think have a
little more regard to the happiness of his fellow Mortals in the present state, and not quite
so willing to relinquish their Natural Rights. One will speak a bold and firm language
becomeing a free sovereign and Independant Nation, the other will be indesisive yealding
fauning flattering. Are these consistant qualities? Very justly does he observe that they do
not always hold the same language and the one may erase the impressions of the other.—If after
all the Efforts of the Friends of Liberty Cconsidering himself only as one individual of the
many he represents.
Day of the month, left blank by AA, supplied from Lovell's acknowledgment of receipt of this letter in his reply of 10 Aug., below.
Dated 16 June, above.
The “Lady” is Mrs. Lovell, and “that Letter” (which AA did not wish to have “submitted” to Mrs. Lovell) is AA's to Lovell, 23 June, above.
On the “Dutch Idea” see Lovell to AA, 16 June, above, at note 10.
Samuel Adams; see Lovell to AA, 29 May, above.
AA wrote “&.”
Sentence thus punctuated in MS. The allusions in this paragraph will not 179be clear unless read in the light of a number of letters that precede. The “False ... wretch” is Franklin, and what had been put into AA's hands—her “preparitive”—was a text of Franklin's letter to Congress of 9 Aug. 1780, which took the French side in the dispute between JA and Vergennes and which Lovell characterized as “most unkind and stabbing” toward JA (Lovell to AA, preceding; see note 7 there; and see also vol. 3:394–395, above).
AA's term “the M