Adams Family Correspondence, volume 15

436 John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Adams, 23 September 1804 Adams, John Quincy Adams, Louisa Catherine
John Quincy Adams to Louisa Catherine Adams
Quincy 23. September 1804

I am in hopes there is a letter from you, lingering somewhere, at the Post-Office; not having received any, since I wrote you last; nor of course heard from you of a later date than the 4th: of this month.1

I have not been from Quincy since my last; nor shall probably more than once or twice, before my departure to rejoin you— My present intention is to leave this place about the twenty-first of next month— I shall probably be detained two or three days at New-York; but I flatter myself that before the close of October, I shall once more enjoy the happiness of being with you.

We have had in the course of the last week, a celebration of an unusual kind here— It is called the Installation of a Lodge of Free-Masons— It was performed at the Meeting-House, with a Sermon by Mr: Whitney, and a prayer by Mr: Harris; preceded by a Masonic Procession, to the House, and followed by a Masonic Dinner at the Town-Hall— All of which we were invited by the lodge to attend, and did attend, excepting my brother, who was detained at home by a visit from Mr: Palaeske, who came up from Boston to dine with him— The weather was somewhat unfavourable, as during the procession there was a small rain that annoyed us not a little— The Ceremonies have nothing in them very striking; but the House was very much crowded; and B. Russell, who performed a conspicuous Character, as Marshall of the Royal Arch Lodge, has given a pompous account of the day, in his Centinel.2

I was last Evening at Mr: Quincy’s, to pass an Evening hour, and as he was not, nor any of his family at the Celebration, I gave them an account of it— This naturally leading to a conversation on the subject of Free-Masonry in General, I indulged myself at some length, and with great freedom on the nature of the Institution, and its effects; untill all at once it came out that Quincy himself was of the brotherhood.—3 This incident however as the whole conversation had been perfectly good-humoured, contributed only to divert us: and I task’d him for his inexcusible neglect of attending at the Installation—

The Summer, and indeed the whole of my farming Season is over. The fruits have principally attained their maturity, and all I expect to do further this year, will be to set out a few trees— The house where 437 I hope we shall pass together the next Summer, I am afraid I shall not have it in my power previously to enlarge, as I intended— We shall of course be somewhat straitened in it; but I hope to be able another Season more effectually to accomplish the purpose of enlarging it.

I observe in the newspapers, that somebody in London, (I suppose it must be Dickins) has published in a Volume, my letters on Silesia, pilfered doubtless from the Port-Folio— And to help the sale has not only given my name, but added a despicable parade of rank and titles to it, which a rational man cannot hear thus applied without laughing—4 I can indeed as well as most people bear to be laughed at, when knowing the occasion to be trivial in its Nature, or not proceeding from my own fault; and therefore I shall concern myself very little with this Bookseller’s device for gull-catching— But there was one of those letters which ought never to have been published at-all; and would not have been but by accident, and an inattention which I could not controul.

It contained an allusion to the domestic History, of certain characters we met at Dresden, and having no relation whatsoever to the Silesian Tour, ought never to have been published with it—5 While the letters were confined to the Port-Folio, I consoled myself that this indiscreet part of the publication would never reach the persons to whom it must give pain, and who imputing it to me, would think it a very ill-return for civilities and good-offices. Now however it appears to me more than probable that some “d——d good-natured friend,” will not fail to convey the obnoxious matter to those most affected by it, and they will think very hardly of me for it—6 It is however too late for a remedy— As to the publication itself, it will certainly not tend to place me on that point of literary fame to which I should aspire, if to any at-all— The whole collection was written for my own amusement, and that of my friends in this Country; without any design for compilation publication.— The observations of my own therefore, contained in them, are superficial, and the whole valuable matter is taken from the German Tourists and other writers on the Province— The credit due for all this, is of a very humble nature indeed; and if I should ever appear voluntarily before the Public, as a candidate for the reputation of an Author, it would be with pretensions of rather more elevation— I must however be content with things as they are.— If Heaven should grant me life and Health, I hope, at some future day to offer something of more 438 value, to the world— But as yet I am only preparing myself to undertake it; and like many other good Resolutions, it will perhaps never come to the maturity of accomplishment.

We are all tolerably well here, but Mr: Cranch is confined to his house with a swelling and inflammation in his ancles— We have just received the first Volume of his Son’s Reports, and have not yet had time to read them through— Mr: Elliot brought one of them for My Father, which is the only one we have yet seen— Mr: Elliot returns immediately to Washington— I know not whether you are acquainted with this Gentleman, who is a nephew of Mrs: Cranch—7

Ever affectionately your’s—

RC (Adams Papers). Tr (Adams Papers).

1.

JQA’s previous letter to LCA, of 16 Sept., noted that AA had been unwell but was “so far recovered as to be about the house.” He also reported a visit by former Prussian consul general Charles Gottfried Paleske, whom they had known at Berlin, and relayed an unfounded rumor that Elizabeth Patterson Bonaparte would sail to France without her husband, Jerome Bonaparte. LCA’s 4 Sept. letter to JQA commented on Rebeckah Tirrell and Richard Dexter’s marriage, regretting that JQA had not attended because his “spirrits were so depressed as it prevented your partaking of the amusements as I think it a duty incumbent on every one to promote as far as possible the happiness of those in an inferior station.” She also noted that though she received $50 JQA had sent, she would soon need more because “the Children who are both very well are all in rags” (both Adams Papers).

2.

The founding consecration of Quincy’s Rural Lodge of Freemasons took place at the First Church on 19 Sept., with Rev. Peter Whitney Jr. delivering a sermon and Rev. Thaddeus Mason Harris of the First Church of Dorchester offering a prayer. The ceremony was followed by a dinner at the town hall where JA and JQA were among invited guests. Boston Columbian Centinel editor Benjamin Russell attended as Deputy Grand High Priest of the Grand Royal Arch Chapter of Massachusetts. The Centinel, 22 Sept., described the Quincy ceremony as “brilliant and engaging,” exemplifying “beauty, fashion, and rural worth” (By-Laws of Rural Lodge of Ancient, Free, and Accepted Masons, Boston, 1862, p. 42–44; Thomas Waterman, By-Laws of St. Andrew’s Royal Arch Chapter, Boston, Boston, 1866, p. 92).

3.

Josiah Quincy III became a Freemason in 1795 (Proceedings of the Most Worshipful Grand Lodge of Ancient Free and Accepted Masons of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Boston, 1883, p. 175).

4.

Port Folio printer Asbury Dickins was responsible for the London printing of JQA’s letters from Silesia as Letters on Silesia, Written during a Tour Through that Country in the Years 1800, 1801, London, 1804, for which see vol. 14:305–368. An advertisement in the Boston Columbian Centinel, 15 Sept. 1804, identified the author as “His Excellency John Quincy Adams, then Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States to the Court of Berlin; and since a Member of the American Senate,” while a prefatory note further stated that the letters were written “by the eldest son of the late President of the United States, at the time American Minister at Berlin, to his brother Thomas Boylston Adams, Esq. at Philadelphia” (p. iii). A copy bearing CFA’s bookplate is in the library at MQA (vol. 14:309; S. Austin Allibone, A Critical Dictionary of English Literature and British and American Authors, 3 vols., Phila., 1858–1871; Catalog of the Stone Library).

5.

JQA was concerned about passages from his Silesia letters that commented on the private lives of Henry Richard Vassall Fox, 3d Baron Holland, and Elizabeth Vassall Webster Fox, Lady Holland, and British minister to Saxony Hugh Elliot and his wife, Margaret Jones, for which see vol. 14:356, 357, 360 (D/JQA/27, 20 Sept., APM Reel 30).

6.

Richard Brinsley Sheridan, The Critic; or, A Tragedy Rehearsed, Act I, scene i, para. 16.

7.

William Cranch published reports on the 439 August and Dec. 1801 and Feb. 1803 sessions of the U.S. Supreme Court in the first of fourteen volumes of Cranch, Reports of Cases in the Supreme Court , which he published in Washington, D.C., from 1804 to 1815. Cranch’s work, which followed another series covering earlier cases, is commonly cited in legal writings as United States Reports, vols. 5–13. The visitor who carried the volume to Quincy was Nancy Greenleaf Cranch’s nephew Samuel Eliot Jr., who moved from Boston to Washington in the 1790s and in 1809 became the first cashier of the Bank of Washington (vol. 11:379; ANB ; Walter Graeme Eliot, A Sketch of the Eliot Family, N.Y., 1887, p. 122–123; William Tindall, Standard History of the City of Washington, Knoxville, Tenn., 1914, p. 542).

Louisa Catherine Adams to John Quincy Adams, 23 September 1804 Adams, Louisa Catherine Adams, John Quincy
Louisa Catherine Adams to John Quincy Adams
My best friend Washington Septbr. 23d 1804

I recieved last night your charming letter of the 16 and was much distressed to learn that your mother had again been unwell1 the weather here is quite cold winthin this few day, and we all seem to revive I hope e’re this you have had a change as favorable and that you may all soon enjoy the blessing of health—

I was so unwell when I last wrote I scarcely answer’d any part of your letter assure yourself it did not proceed from indifference or want of proper attention to your concerns but I was so completely exhausted by illness & loss of blood (for Weems was under the necessity of taking above a pint) that my spirits seem’d to fail me entirely and I lost all power of exertion— I am sincerely rejoiced to hear that you have rented your house so well I never could endure the idea of your parting with it you have now so little property in Boston and it appears to me so much more valuable than any other I think it would be wrong to part with it while there is a possibility of retaining it the situation is such that there is a prospect of its encreasing in value every year and—a few years hence it may not be so easy to acquire property in Boston when perhaps you may stand in need of it I shall never cease to regret the house in Franklyn Place & most sorely our poor old house in Hanover St as I much question ever being mistress of one so comfortable again old & much as it wanted repair however these things can’t be help’d and as you say “whatever is is right—”2

The Spanish Minister & his Lady are down here they say upon business of importance the President returns on Tuesday to meet him3 I understand he intended staying three weeks longer we have nobody here at present but Mr. Galatin he has return’d about a week

Mr. Sheldon was here a few days since he has been on a visit in Connecticut the greatest part of the Summer—

I understand that the affairs in Louisianna occasion the greatest 440 inquietude & Mr. Livingston is become an object of terror although his conduct has been so disgraceful he has left such security it is not in their power to seize him and he is likely to prove so troublesome they are placed in a very disagreeable predicament.4

I wrote you that the Marines were very much dissatisfied I understand they are Station’d in a little town at some distance from New Orleans and almost entirely excluded from society which has very much disappointed them as they expected to have enter’d into all the dissipation of New Orleans and perhaps of forming connections with the natives which might not only have proved agreeable but profitable—5

I am extremely sorry to hear that Mrs Sullivans Child is so ill I hope however she will be more fortunate than she you seems to anticipate—6 I thank God ours are both well and I fondly flatter myself they will continue so our poor little John has had so many drawbacks I believe he will talk before he walks we must not be impatient my belov’d friend but return thanks to the father of all mercies for sparing him to our prayers— I intend sending George to School the beginning of next Month—7

Adieu my best friend six long weeks must yet elapse e’re we meet if you will permit me and write what time you expect to be there I will meet you in Baltimore it would indeed afford me the greatest pleasure as it shorten the period of absence one day and after such an absence each day is a year to your / impatient but fondly attached

L C Adams

P. S. I am anxious to know if Mrs. Whitcomb recieved the letters I wrote her by the post and if you recieved a paper enclosed with your letter directed to her8 if you did I hope you deliver’d it soon I fear you will think me extravagant but I am in such want of linnen &ce. I must thank you for some money your mother will tell you when a Woman wants these sort of things how much it takes— I have bought none since I left Leipsic

RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “John Q Adams Esqr.”; endorsed: “Louisa— 23. Sepr: 1804. / 2: Octr: recd:.”

1.

See JQA to LCA, 23 Sept., and note 1, above.

2.

Alexander Pope, Essay on Man, Epistle I, line 294.

3.

That is, Carlos Martínez de Irujo and Sarah Maria Theresa McKean Irujo. For the controversy that preceded the Spanish minister’s 24 Sept. visit to Thomas Jefferson at Monticello, see JQA to LCA, 30 Sept., and note 3, below.

4.

Former U.S. representative Edward Livingston resigned as U.S. attorney for the District of New York in Aug. 1803 following a federal investigation into the embezzlement of tax money by a clerk. In October he also resigned as mayor of New York City and 441 placed his property in trust to reimburse the federal treasury for its losses. Livingston moved to New Orleans in Feb. 1804 and began practicing law ( ANB ).

5.

For the military force in New Orleans, see JQA’s 15 March letter to JA , and note 2, above. LCA commented on the subject in her 28 Aug. letter to JQA: “Marines who were sent there are very much dissatisfied and very troublesome and all who went to make fortunes are most woefully disappointed” (Adams Papers).

6.

JQA in his letter of 16 Sept. reported that he and TBA had dined with Boston attorney William Sullivan. Sullivan’s wife, Sarah Webb Swan (1782–1851), was absent, having taken their son James (1803–1829) to Nahant, Mass., “for the benefits of the Sea Bath” (vol. 11:483; Thomas Coffin Amory, Materials for a History of the Family of John Sullivan of Berwick, New England, Cambridge, 1893, p. 152).

7.

LCA reported to AA on 27 Nov. that GWA attended school daily and JQA wrote on 19 Dec. that their son “has regularly been to school, for the last six weeks, and learns to read, though not very fast” (both Adams Papers).

8.

No letters between LCA and Elizabeth Epps Whitcomb have been found. The “paper,” also not found, was enclosed in her letter to JQA of 28 Aug., for which see JQA to LCA, 2 Sept., note 1, above.