Papers of John Adams, volume 20
I thank you for correcting my careless Appellation of federal
Republic as applied to the National Government. We are so used to Absurdities &
indefinite Terms when speaking of the great Constitution, that I am now to ask your
Indulgence in future for sometimes 39 hastily adopting
Expressions which are so often improperly used by our Massachusetts Politicians. And yet
notwithstanding your just Idea of the sole Sovereignty of the national Government, was a
Man to tell our general Court that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts was not a sovereign
& independent State they would charge him with talking Treason. They admit that
Congress now is sovereign, quoad certain Purposes, and this State alone sovereign for
others. This Error & nonsense they will persist in, untill the full Operation of the
National Statutes, & the new Officers get into Play. And give me leave to ask if
Congress is not in a Degree countinancing this Delusion? Are they not, I mean the lower
House, encouraging those extreme democratic Notions which have hitherto impeded the
Advancement of that full Respectability that our Country is intitled to, by refusing to
admit of those Distinctions & Titles which effect so much in European Governments?
The News Papers inform that even the Title of Esquire is become an Abomination in their
Ears.1 And on the same Principle so
ought the Addition of Mr. to be. To act thoroughly
consistent they ought to turn Quakers in Politicks, if not in Religion. This Silliness
pleases Mr. Han. Mr. S. A. &
Dr. J.2 I
most heartily wish all the Fools of the same Stamp throughout the Union would unite
& colonize. There is Land enough upon the Banks of the Ohio for all the democratic
Simpletons in the united States. There let them found a Utopia & crack Acorns with
the equal Commoners of the Woods.
It is owing to Envy & a contemptible Pride, that our chief Magistrates are to be denied those Titles which would be expressive of their Posts, because two only can possess them. and because thirteen Excellencies would be then out titled.
I inclose You the Copy of a Petition presented to the General Court
in their May session of 1788.3 If it
should not furnish an argument in favour of a national Bankrupt Act, it may furnish a
very extraordinary & interesting Peice of private an
Individual’s History. The Facts alledged in the Petition were fully substantiated before
a Committee of both Houses, & a Bill in favour of the Petitioner was reported, but
miscarried, for various local Reasons, of no Importance now to relate.
I most sincerely thank You for your two last Letters, & for
your promised Care of the one I inclosed.4 That Letter occasioned me some Mortification. But a Wife & six Children with a
sinking Profession, forbid me being the Dupe of Feelings, which, perhaps, all the
Seekers & would be Devourers “of the Loaves & Fishes,” are not 40 troubled with. I hope before this Letter reaches New York You will have had the
Pleasure of Meeting Mrs. Adams; that Friend of your Heart so
well calculated to mitigate the Cares of your Station. Pray make my most affectionate
Compliments to that Lady, & be assured of my unalterable & perfect
Attachment.
mTudor
RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “President Adams”; endorsed: “Mr Tudor. 21. June / ansd. 28.
1789.”
A piece in the Boston Independent
Chronicle, 2 April, observed that Americans’ choice of titles for government
officials was evidence of “a propensity . . . to monarchy” and that
“Honourable and Esquire have become as common in America, as Captain is in
France,—Count in Germany,—or any Lord in Italy.” For the controversy over titles,
including a form of address for the president, see vol. 19:445.
Anonymous correspondents in several Boston newspapers identified
John Hancock, Samuel Adams, and Charles Jarvis as champions of republican principles
and opponents of aristocracy. Jarvis (1748–1807), Harvard 1766, of Boston, trained as
a physician and served in the Mass. General Court from 1788 to 1797 (Boston Gazette, 9 Feb. 1789; Boston Herald of Freedom, 15 May;
Sibley’s Harvard Graduates
, 16:378, 379, 382;
AFC
, 8:413).
The enclosure has not been found, but Newburyport merchant
Nathaniel Tracy submitted a similar request to Congress on 5 March 1790, recounting
his service as a financier during the Revolutionary War and asking Congress to enact a
bankruptcy law. Tracy indicated that he had presented the same query to the Mass.
General Court, but that it had not ruled on his petition, because drafting a uniform
law for bankruptcy lay within federal jurisdiction (vol. 3:327;
First Fed. Cong.
,
8:86–89).
Tudor referred to JA’s letters of 28 May 1789 (vol. 19:479–480) and 12 June, above. For the “inclosed letter,” see Tudor’s letter of 6 June, and note 1, above.
I received your letter of June. 16: and am glad to learn that you
“gain a little.” If as I have learnt from Dr Manning, the
leaders of your councils have an intercourse with the dissaffected in the Massachusetts,
and as appears by your letter a correspondence with antifederal members of a more august
body: it is probable there is a chain of communication throughout the states. If such
should be the actual situation of things, would not any address of Congress, give fresh
courage and spirits to the general cause of opposition? especially if it should be
found, not to make any great impression on the callous minds and hardened hearts of
desperate debtors?
I wonder that any class of farmers, provided they are not in debt, beyond the value of their possesions; Should continue their opposition: because their property must always lie at the mercy of those who have none, without a consistent government.
It is in vain to talk of oversights. The scene is new, and the actors are inexperienced. much light has been obtained and diffused by the 41 discussions which have occasioned delay—and there is no remedy but patience. Why will you afflict the modesty of any gentlemen by expecting that they will give themselves titles. They expect that you their creators will do them honor. They are no quakers I warrant you and will not be offended if you assert your own majesty, by giving your own representatives in the executive authority the title of majesty. Many of these quakers, think Highness not high enough, among whom I own I am one. In my opinion the American President will soon be introduced into some farce or other in half the theatres of Europe and be held up to ridicule. It would not be extravagant the prophecy that the want of titles may cost this Country fifty thousand lives and twenty millions of money, within twenty years. I will continue to be mindful of you and will endeavour to pursuade Gentlemen to promote such a resolution as you desire, but there seems to be a general aversion to it, or rather suspicion that it would do harm rather than good.
I beg leave to return you, and the other Gentm: of Providence and Newport my best thanks for your polite and friendly
attention to Mrs Adams and her family in her late journey
through your State.1
With esteem I have the honor to be Sir your most obedient and most
humble servt:
LbC in CA’s hand (Adams Papers); internal address: “The Hon: Jabez Bowen Esqr” and by JA: “Providence”; APM Reel 115.
For AA’s travel to New York, see JA’s letter of 12 June to Cotton Tufts, and note 4, above.
Signature in JA’s hand.