“Her face and Hart have no Correspondence”: Hannah Quincy’s Romantic Intrigues

By Jenna Colozza, Library Assistant

Psst! Do you like gossip? Well, what about historical gossip?

Okay, don’t tell anyone you heard this from me, and I don’t know what exactly, but something very dramatic happened between Hannah Quincy and Richard Cranch in the 1750s. Just read this letter she wrote him!

Image of 2 handwritten pages of text.
Hannah Quincy’s letter to Richard Cranch.

Sr.

I receiv’d this morning your unexpected Epistle, but Wish that you had oblig’d me by comeing yourself, that I might have acknowledged my ingratitude and beg’d your pardon, which I am but too sensible I ought to have done before I parted wth you; your goodness in forgiving my past Offence, is what I have not merited by any Confession of my fault, (but sincerely desire that I may.) as to your wishing, that I may have pleasureable sensations arise in my mind, when ever I think of it, I dont immagine [sic.] that you really think I can, No believe me I cannot, but on the Contrray [sic.], when ever I reflect on it, it will be with the utmost regret.—

Why will you Damon, make me unhappy by terming me your destroyer? for tis with the greatest sincerity, that I wish it were possible for me to make you happy by returning your affection in specie, and how often have [inserted: you] said that without such a return there could be no prospect at happiness.—

Then why will you teize me, in vain,

When I told you before and I tell you again,

I can never be yours.

But if you will favour me with your Friendship I shall allways Glory in it; but Let me beg you to place your Tenderest affections on a more worthy object, on one who will be sensible of: and return you that affection which is not in my power.

Noble may she be by birth made good by Virtue.

And Exceeding fair, mild as the infant rose;

And innocent; as when Heaven Lent her,

Her mind, as well as face, be yet a paradise

Untainted with blemishes:

Or the spreading weeds of Vice.—[1]

I know, it seems fairly straightforward at first—he liked her, she didn’t like him—but wait, it gets juicier.

Hannah Quincy was the daughter of Col. Josiah Quincy and the sister of Josiah Quincy II, who would go on to be Mayor of Boston. Richard Cranch was a close friend of John Adams. The letter is not dated, but it is cataloged as originating from 1754. If this attribution is correct, Cranch still hadn’t quite gotten over Quincy two years later. John Adams tried to comfort his cousin in a letter dated October 18, 1756: “I know it must be hard to conquer a Passion for a Lady so greatly accomplished as Miss H—— Q. But consider my friend that the more engaging the charms of her person and the more distinguished the Refinements of her Mind, the more noble your Resolution will appear if you subdue the inclination that such qualities naturally excite.”[2]

Hannah Quincy was quite popular among the bachelors of Braintree. Only a few years later, Adams himself would fall for Quincy, whom he sometimes called “Orlinda” in his diaries. By his description, Quincy was well-read, witty, charming, and beautiful. She was also clever and shrewd, with a good poker face: “She is apparently frank, but really reserved, seemingly pleased, and almost charmed, when she is really laughing with Contempt. Her face and Hart have no Correspondence.”[3] The two of them shared stimulating conversation and the occasional romantic stroll throughout the winter and spring of 1759.

Adams even came close to proposing to Quincy that spring, but they were interrupted in conversation, giving a doctor named Bela Lincoln the opportunity to sweep in and propose to her instead. Quincy and Lincoln were married in 1760. At the time, Adams evidently assumed the proposal was sudden and unexpected on Quincy’s part. He called this twist of fate “a great sacrifice to Reason”—he knew he wasn’t quite ready for marriage and needed to focus on his law career.[4]

Adams later developed a relationship with Quincy’s cousin, Abigail Smith, who of course would go on to be his wife and trusted friend and advisor. But first, in the summer of 1759, Adams drafted a very curious letter to Hannah’s father, Col. Josiah Quincy:

H. was very imprudent, to endeavour to exasperate Mr. Cranch, for she is sensible, that he knows a story to her Disadvantage, and she should remember that Love turned to Hatred, is like the best Wine turned to Vinegar, the most acrid in the World. He will seek Revenge. Arise black Vengeance from the hollow Hell is the language of Othello. I expect to hear very soon that he has divulged that story.

By saying you have corresponded with Dr. Lincoln so long and by saying I can tell you how J. Brackett carries your Letters to Captn. Hews’s, and leaves them there, and takes Lincolns Letters to you, she judged, that J. Brackett had told me she held a correspondence with Lincoln, and went to clearing herself. She declared and protested, she never wrote a Line to him in her Life, excepting one Billet, relating to those Reflections on Courtship and Marriage which she sent with that Book. So I got satisfied.

H. I dont know who has been plagued most, Mr. Cranch or I. I think I have as much Reason to complain of being plagued as he.[5]

By the summer, Adams had discovered that Hannah had played the field a bit, allowing Bela Lincoln to court her at the same time she entertained a relationship with Adams. But what exactly happened between Hannah Quincy and Richard Cranch that “plagued” him so—that Cranch could have chosen to damage her reputation by telling it? Perhaps it was simply the revelation about Quincy and Lincoln, but why would that be Cranch’s secret to tell? Could it be something even more shocking?

I suppose we may never know. But doesn’t that make the gossip even more intriguing?

For more juicy tidbits, see the Boston 1775 series on the Quincy/Cranch/Adams/Lincoln drama:

Bell, J. L. “Bachelors in Braintree.” Boston 1775 (blog). October 16, 2020. https://boston1775.blogspot.com/2020/10/bachelors-in-braintree.html

—. “Dr. Lincoln and His Lady.” Boston 1775 (blog). October 23, 2020. https://boston1775.blogspot.com/2020/10/dr-lincoln-and-his-lady.html

—. “The Career of Dr. Bela Lincoln.” Boston 1775 (blog). October 24, 2020. https://boston1775.blogspot.com/2020/10/the-career-of-dr-bela-lincoln.html

—. “Miss Quincy, Mrs. Lincoln, Mrs. Storer, and the Adamses.” Boston 1775 (blog). October 26, 2020. https://boston1775.blogspot.com/2020/10/miss-quincy-mrs-lincoln-mrs-storer-and.html

With thanks to Gwen Fries, Production Editor of The Adams Papers, for her input.


[1] Hannah Quincy to Richard Cranch, [1754], Adams-Cranch papers, Massachusetts Historical Society. Unofficial transcription.

[2] John Adams to Richard Cranch, October 18, 1756. https://www.masshist.org/publications/adams-papers/index.php/view/ADMS-06-01-02-0009

[3] The Diary of John Adams, Spring 1759. https://www.masshist.org/publications/adams-papers/index.php/view/ADMS-01-01-02-0004-0001-0001

[4] The Diary of John Adams, Spring 1759.

[5] The Diary of John Adams, Summer 1759. https://www.masshist.org/publications/adams-papers/index.php/view/ADMS-01-01-02-0004-0007-0001#DJA01d225n17a

Domestic Photography Blues: Cyanotypes at the MHS

By Klara Pokrzywa, Library Assistant

The late 19th and early 20th centuries saw a plethora of innovations in photographic development. As photographic reproduction technology became more widely distributed, both professional and amateur photographers had the opportunity to experiment with different ways of capturing images. While it may be hard to imagine today, when most photographs are taken with a single tap on a smartphone screen, early photographs widely varied in their methods of documenting the world around them.

One early photographic technique I find particularly interesting is the cyanotype method. By bathing paper in a mixture of iron salts and potassium ferricyanide, and then exposing the treated paper to light, a photographer can capture images in distinctive shades of Prussian blue—a rich near-indigo color that gives cyanotypes an immediately identifiable aesthetic.

This process was invented by English photographer John Frederick William Herschel in the 1840s—but perhaps its most iconic images were created by his acquaintance Anna Atkins, a botanist who used the cyanotype process to create photograms of seaweed, algae, and ferns. Now considered the first female photographer, Atkins had a keen eye for artistic detail and composition that ensured her images are celebrated everywhere from the Getty Museum to the MOMA.

I’ve long been interested in cyanotypes for their vivid monochromes and fascinating history, and have occasionally gone out of my way to find exhibits on them, such as the Provincetown Art Association and Museum’s Out of the Blue show from last fall. So I was happy to recently discover that ABIGAIL, our online catalog, has a subject heading under which our cyanotype holdings are cataloged! This made it easy for me to explore what kinds of cyanotypes we have here at the MHS—and I certainly wasn’t disappointed.

Many of our cyanotypes depict domestic scenes and personal, poignant snapshots. In the below photograph, a grandfatherly man reclines in a garden, the textures of his clothing and the trees surrounding him picked out in stunning pacific blues. The monochrome coloring mimics the cool shade of the trees, making the scene’s careful composition and use of light a snapshot of private peace.

A deep blue cyanotype depicting an older man with a beard sitting in a chair beneath a large tree.
Taken by S.D. Hiller. Wigglesworth family photographs II.

Perhaps because we’re used to seeing old photographs in black and white, the cyanotypes feel particularly alive—details jump out at me more in blue, and make moments that break the serious propriety so often (and wrongly) associated with old photographs feel even more vivid. The presence of a dog (maybe a pitbull?) in the lower right hand of the below photograph is especially delightful in the below image: blurry and wide-eyed, its startled stare into the camera feels like an ancestor of the many pet photographs stored on my phone.

A light blue cyanotype depicting a woman, a dog, and a baby sitting together in a nursery.
Mrs. Seabury and Leonora. Bemis family photograph album.

Sometimes, though, the blued lens of a cyanotype can lend a melancholy cast to an otherwise neutral tableau. In the below photograph, the lit window of an empty room appears almost ghostly to me, blotting out the details of the scene with periwinkle sheen.

A faded blue cyanotype depicting a home office with a desk and bookcases illuminated by a sunlit window.
Wigglesworth family photographs II.

Similarly, the careful, minimalist composition in the following images of flowers feels a little lonely when rendered in blue—what might have merely been pretty in color appears wistful in monochrome.

A faded blue cyanotype depicting a bunch of small, leafy plants with flowers.
Trillium. Wigglesworth family photographs II.

A high-contrast cyanotype depicting two small white flowers against a dark background.
Jasminum sambac. Wigglesworth family photographs II.

Artistic interpretations aside, cyanotypes were an easy and cheap method of photographic reproduction, commonly used before the advent of other, later methods of film reproduction. Their low barrier to access meant that their use is more generally one of convenience than intentional artistic statement. Still, with the distance of time, it’s hard not to gaze into the blue and see something more than pure color staring back.

If you’re interested in viewing cyanotypes at the MHS, try exploring the Wigglesworth family photographs II, the Rotch family photographs, and the Bemis family photograph album, or heading to ABIGAIL and doing a subject search for “cyanotypes.”

“Speaking in Relief: Women in the Early American Printing Industry”

By Emily Petermann, Library Assistant

Relief Printing: to carve away at a block of medium– often wood, linoleum, or metal–leaving behind a raised image that will be inked and printed onto paper. This type of printing is often referred to as letterpress printing and was the primary form of printing from Gutenberg to the 20th century.[i]

Although women have always been a part of industry, their work has been undervalued and underrepresented in the historical record. The contributions of women have regularly been portrayed as somehow deficient or unequal to the work of their male counterparts. Women are often not even considered in many historical writings but are rather resigned to the background–carved away, to leave the relief-print of men at work.

In the Colonial period, printing was hard, but vital work. Women often filled these vital roles in printing, working alongside men as printer’s devils and compositors, for example. Yet their names were often not recorded and thus they are not easily seen in history.

Today we will explore the MHS collections to find the imprints of the women who were part of the Early American Printing Industry: Ann Franklin, Sarah Goddard, and Mary Katherine Goddard.

Ann Franklin: 1734-1763

Like many women in the early printing industry, Ann Franklin came into the business through the death of a male relative; her husband, James. Franklin had previously taken over the press while James was in prison, and at a time when her brother-in-law, Benjamin (yes, that Benjamin Franklin) had fled to Philadelphia.[ii] Following the death of James in 1735, Franklin took on the family printing business in Newport, RI. In 1736 she became the Colony Printer,[iii] which meant that she printed all of the new legislative and official documents. In addition to printing books and pamphlets, Franklin also edited, printed, and published a newspaper titled The Newport Mercury.[iv] At a time when women had little legal standing, Franklin, as a businesswoman and widow, was able to run the business like any man: forming and dissolving partnerships, pursuing contracts, and expanding the business. Franklin would run the shop until her death in 1763.[v]

The MHS has a few items published by Ann Franklin, including this broadside titled “A journal of the survey of the Narragansett Bay, and parts adjacent” by William Chandler, which Franklin printed in 1741.

Image of a yellowed paper with large title text at the top followed by three columns of text.
A journal of the survey of the Narragansett Bay, and parts adjacent” by William Chandler, printed by Ann Franklin, 1741.

To find other materials in Abigail published by Franklin, perform a keyword search for “Widow Franklin” and “Ann Franklin”.

Sarah Goddard, 1765-1768

Sarah Goddard was introduced to the world of printing in 1762, when her son William chose to open a printing shop in Providence, RI. Sarah and her daughter, Mary Katherine, moved to Providence to support him in his business. Instead, William’s attention would soon be drawn to other lines of business, leaving Sarah and Mary Katherine to manage the press in his absence: Sarah, who owned a share in William’s press, managing the business, with Mary Katherine as a compositor.[vi]  In 1766, Goddard took public ownership of the press, as the imprint became “Sarah Goddard and Company.” Like Franklin, Goddard was legally able to form partnerships and pursue contracts. One such partnership, formed in 1767, was with John Carter, who had been apprenticed to Ann Franklin’s brother-in-law. Goddard and Mary Katherine ran the business in Providence for many years, until William decided to set up another printing shop in Philadelphia. The Goddards sold the Providence shop to Carter and followed William to Philadelphia, where Sarah Goddard died in 1768, shortly after the move.[vii]

The MHS holds one item published by Sarah Goddard and Company: a pamphlet titled “Divine Providence illustrated and improved” by David S. Rowland, published in 1766.

Image of one page of a pamphlet with text.
Divine Providence illustrated and improved” by David S. Rowland, published in 1766.

Mary Katherine Goddard, 1774-1784

Mary Katherine Goddard came into the printing industry with her mother, Sarah Goddard, first as a compositor in Providence, RI and then in Philadelphia. Upon her mother’s death in 1768, she assumed ownership of her mother’s share in her brother William’s business, and management of the print shop as a whole.[viii] Four years later, in 1772, William again moved the print shop, this time to Baltimore. Once more, Mary Katherine followed her brother to manage the operation.[ix]

Mary Katherine eventually left her brother’s shop and began her own, competing press, publishing under the imprint “M.K. Goddard.”[x] While managing her own press, Goddard also served as the Baltimore Postmaster from 1775-1789. She was forced to relinquish that title in 1789 when the postal system was consolidated; at that time, over 200 Baltimore businessmen attested that she was well deserving of the title and position.[xi] In 1777, Goddard‘s press was the first to print the official Declaration of Independence with the signatures attached 7.[xii] Eight copies of Goddard’s printing of the Declaration of Independence still exist; you can see one here, held by the New York Public Library.

Although we would love to say that we hold the other copies, in fact, the MHS holds one item published by M.K. Goddard: “Baltimore, Dec. 31, 1776. This morning Congress received the following…”

Paper broadside with text running across the page at the top followed by 2 columns of text, and then several lines of text running across the bottom.
“Baltimore, Dec. 31, 1776. This morning Congress received the following…”

These women made, and quite literally, recorded early American history. Franklin, as one of the first female printers in the British Colonies, Sarah Goddard as she ran multiple printing shops, and Mary Katherine Goddard as she printed the first signed edition of the Declaration of Independence, all played a vital role in the transition of the colonies to a nation. There are, of course, more such women whose lives were not recorded in the same way as Franklin and the Goddards. These three women are among the many whose work has been undervalued and underrepresented in the historical record.

I hope you enjoyed a quick look into the history of women in Early American Printing history!


[i] Sidney E. Berger. “Relief Printing,” The Dictionary of the Book : A Glossary for Book Collectors, Booksellers,

Librarians, and Others. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2016. https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=nlebk&AN=1351166&site=eds-live&scope=site.

[ii] Leona M. Hudak. Early American Women Printers and Publishers, 1639-1820.

 Metuchen: Scarecrow, 1978.

[iii] Frances Hamill. “Some Unconventional Women Before 1800: Printers, Booksellers, and

Collectors” The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 49, no. 4 (1955): 300-314.

[iv] Leona M. Hudak. Early American Women Printers and Publishers, 1639-1820.

[v] Hudak. Early American Women Printers and Publishers, 1639-1820.

[vi] Hudak. “Early American Women Printers and Publishers, 1639-1820.”

[vii] Hudak. “Early American Women Printers and Publishers, 1639-1820.”

[viii] Hudak. ”Early American Women Printers and Publishers, 1639-1820.”

[ix] S tate of Maryland Archives. “Mary Katherine Goddard (1738-1816).” Archives of Maryland. https://msa.maryland.gov/megafile/msa/speccol/sc3500/sc3520/002800/002809/html/2809bio.html

[x] State of Maryland Archives. “Mary Katherine Goddard (1738-1816).” Archives of Maryland.

[xi] State of Maryland Archives. ”Mary Katherine Goddard (1738-1816).”

[xii] Hamill. ”Some Unconventional Women Before 1800: Printers, Booksellers, and Collectors.”

The Great Detective Game: Clue & The George S. Parker House

By Evan McDonagh, Library Assistant

White drawing of a house and trees on blue paper.
Parker House Perspective View

Delving into the stacks of the Massachusetts Historical Society collections, one might happen upon a series of sprawling and intricate blueprints for the “Residence of George S. Parker” in Peterborough, New Hampshire. A majestic home with gleaming white walls and several stalwart chimneys, the New Hampshire “Clue House” has impacted lives worldwide through the most unexpected of sources: the board game Clue.

Blueprint of a building. White lines form the plan on a blue background.
Parker House blueprint

Clue, or Cluedo as it was called originally, came about during the Second World War and the air-raid blackouts of 1943-1945. Its inventor–British musician Anthony Pratt–greatly enjoyed murder mystery parties. Facing the isolation of nighttime raids, Pratt decided to transform this experience into a playable board game. By 1947, Pratt and his wife had finished designing the game and patented it to the U.K. board game manufacturer Waddington’s and its American counterpart, Parker Brothers.[1]

House plan for the Parker residence.
Parker House second floor blueprint

George Swinnerton Parker was born in 1867 in Salem, Mass. An avid lover of games, Parker invented his first game–a card-based game called Banking–as a teenager. This passion pushed Parker to establish his game publishing company in 1883. The addition of George’s brothers Charles and Edward in 1888 and 1898 would create the company formally known as Parker Brothers. From these roots, Parker Brothers grew to exert massive influence on the world of board games, with the company producing or publishing classics like Monopoly, Risk, and Sorry.[2]

Drawings and plans of a house on yellowed onion paper.
Drawings and plans of the Parker house

The George S. Parker house entered the picture over one hundred years before the Parker Brothers even existed. Situated among the picturesque Monadnock mountains, the Peterborough property was constructed in 1790, a cape house built with wood from a sea captain’s home in Salem, Mass. When George S. Parker purchased the house in 1925, he expanded upon the existing structure with wood from his own ancestral home in Salem.

Drawn detail of a stairway.
Parker house stair detail

Parker and his wife lived in the house for three decades, during which Parker Brothers acquired the rights to produce Clue in 1947. The floor plan of the Parker estate, including the decorative furniture, the first floor rooms, and even the secret passages, all inspired the changes that George S. Parker made to the North American version of Clue. By the time of its release in 1949, the layouts of the Clue board and the Parker house were inextricably linked.[3]

Bibliography


[1] Alice Popovici, “The Game Was Borne of Boredom During WWII Air-Raid Blackouts,” The History Channel, last updated August 29, 2018, https://www.history.com/news/clue-game-origin-wwii.

[2] “The Parker Brothers,” The History Channel, accessed October 12, 2007, https://web.archive.org/web/20071012132037/http:/www.history.com/exhibits/toys/inventors.html.

[3] Jenny Donelan, “A House with Secrets,” New Hampshire Home, accessed April 4, 2023, https://www.nhhomemagazine.com/a-house-with-secrets/.

The DeGrasse-Howard Papers: Black Families in Boston and Philadelphia

By Susan Martin, Senior Processing Archivist

In previous Beehive posts, a few of our contributors have introduced you to the terrific DeGrasse-Howard papers here at the MHS. Crystal Lynn Webster discussed themes in the diary of Dr. Edwin Clarence Howard, and Mia Levenson wrote about the account book of Edwin’s uncle, Dr. John Van Surley DeGrasse. I’d like to revisit the collection, particularly because of the great work our digital team has done to digitize it in its entirety.

The MHS collection of DeGrasse-Howard papers is small but fascinating. Several members of the related DeGrasse, Howard, Downing, and Asbury families are represented, and each probably deserves a post of their own. Isaiah George DeGrasse and Howard DeGrasse Asbury were clergymen, John Van Surley DeGrasse and Edwin Clarence Howard were physicians, and George T. Downing was a civil rights leader. John also served as a medical officer during the Civil War.

Clipping from a newspaper. Image of a man's head and shoulders. The man has dark hair with a moustache. He is wearing a jacket and tie.
Edwin Clarence Howard from newspaper clipping in DeGrasse-Howard papers

Like Webster, I found myself particularly drawn to the diary of Dr. Edwin Clarence Howard (1846-1912), kept in 1865 while he was a student at Liberia College in Monrovia, Liberia. Edwin went on to become, in 1869, the first African American to graduate from Harvard Medical School. He practiced in Charleston, S.C. before settling in Philadelphia, and several biographical sketches I found note his impressive service during the 1870 smallpox epidemic there. He also played a part in the establishment of both the Frederick Douglass Hospital (1895) and the Mercy Hospital (1905) in Philadelphia.

This diary reveals Edwin at the beginning of his career, struggling with all the uncertainties of a young man far away from home. One of the things that makes the volume intriguing is that Edwin wrote about half of it in code. Much of this code consists of simple letter substitution (each letter represented by the one just before it in the alphabet), but he also incorporated French and Latin words and phrases and even what appear to be Greek symbols. Certain people are represented by initials, such as “O,” who was a woman with whom he apparently had a relationship. For example, in this entry from 1 April 1865, he switched in and out of code within a single sentence.

I am now almost always harrassed [sic] with unpleasant feelings, and were it not for a certain gnod que I gaud hm [hope that I have in] O I think I wd. use my utmost endeavours to return home.

This unhappy passage was written after a scolding from a doctor Edwin described as “pthsd shfgs,” or “quite tight”!

I hope someday to be able to spend more time with this interesting diary. While most of the entries are of a personal nature, Edwin also described the treatment of patients and his other daily activities, including long walks, social calls, a liberal amount of pipe smoking, and the occasional performance on his concertina.

Unfortunately, the DeGrasse-Howard papers contain only a few passing references to Edwin’s sisters, who were both accomplished educators. His older sister, Adeline Turpin Howard (1844-1922), became the principal of the Wormley School in Washington, D.C. His younger sister, Joan Imogen Howard (1848-1937), was the first Black graduate of the Girls’ High and Normal School in Boston. None of the siblings ever married or had children, and all three are buried in Eden Cemetery outside Philadelphia.

As I mentioned above, the entire DeGrasse-Howard collection has been digitized by the MHS digital team, so you can browse the papers at your leisure. The MHS also holds a collection of 24 DeGrasse-Howard photographs, which have also been digitized. My favorite is probably this Civil War-era photograph of a young Georgenia Cordelia DeGrasse, Edwin’s cousin.

Sepia toned photograph of a young girl standing in a long dress with her hand on the back of a chair.
Georgenia Cordelia DeGrasse, Photo. 36.1, DeGrasse-Howard photographs

And the last photograph in the collection depicts Rep. Shirley Chisolm speaking at an event in 1968 with Howard DeGrasse Asbury.

Black and white photograph of a woman in a white dress and hat speaking at a podium. Two men sit behind her to her left and one to her right. In the left foreground, the back of a photographer taking pictures is visible.
Howard DeGrasse Asbury and Shirley Chisolm, Photo. 36.24, DeGrasse-Howard photographs

We hope you’ll take some time to look through both of these amazing collections.

Annie Adams Fields in Later Life, Including a “Boston Marriage”

By Heather Rockwood, Communications Associate

In my previous post, I introduced Annie Adams Fields, a talented woman who wrote descriptions of contemporary authors in her diaries. She was a socialite married to James T. Fields, an author and publisher. Their circle of friends included American and European authors.

Henry James wrote about Annie in the Atlantic Monthly of July 1915:

The truth was of course very decidedly that the seed I speak of, the seed that has flowered into legend, and with the thick growth of which her domestic scene was quite embowered, had been sown in soil peculiarly grateful and favored by pleasing accidents. The personal beauty of her younger years, long retained and not even at the end of such a stretch of life quite lost; the exquisite native tone and mode of appeal, which anciently we perhaps thought a little “precious,” but from which the distinctive and the preservative were in time to be snatched, a greater extravagance supervening; the signal sweetness of temper and lightness of tact, in fine, were things that prepared together the easy and infallible exercise of what I have called her references. It adds greatly to one’s own measure of the accumulated years to have seen her reach the age at which she could appear to the younger world about her to “go back” wonderfully far, to be almost the only person extant who did, and to owe much of her value to this delicate aroma of antiquity.

Annie’s husband James died in 1881, after which she retired for a while from public life, and her friend, author Sarah Orne Jewett, moved in with her. Once Annie began returning to public life, hosting friends and family at her salon in Boston, Sarah moved out. However, the two women began a “Boston Marriage,” living and traveling together six months of the year, until Sarah died in 1909. The term Boston Marriage referred to two usually independently wealthy women living together, who were not seeking marriage to a man. Some Boston Marriages are now thought to have been romantic, some are not.

As a widow living part of the year with Sarah, Annie continued writing her diaries, especially about her travels. Her descriptions of the places she visited and the people she observed or met there are just as riveting as her earlier writings about her literary friends. On a trip to the Bahamas with Sarah in 1896, she wrote a few lines about a beautiful girl who must have lived near to their hotel.

A young girl in a white muslin dress with two or three gentlemen of varying hues of complexion especially attracted me. The soft olive tint of her skin and the real charm she possessed of manner as well as of face compelled me to turn an instant in her direction whenever the least chance offered itself.  She made the whole place instinct with native comeliness of expression to which we were only led up by the soft air, the hibiscus blossoms, the almond trees and the delicate stains of color on the walls and the gates and towers where they were seen peeping out between or above the foliage.

And the next day:

There was a little table there and coffee after dinner, and a mandolin and a Celtic singer—while we strolled about not too near, fascinated by the pretty scene—the tinkling of the strings and above all by the pretty girl. Later she bade farewell to a gentleman in the hall below. The manner was incomparable.  I am sure Juliet did no better for her Romeo in public!

Color photograph of a painted portrait of a white woman in later middle years. She has dark hair in a loose style atop her head, dark eyes, and a white shirt with ruffles and a brooch at the neck. She sits in a chair facing slightly right, while looking slightly over the viewers left shoulder, and she has a bemused expression on her face. The background is light on the right, fading through brown to black towards the left.
Annie Adams Fields, 1890, John Singer Sargent
Credit: Boston Athenaeum

In his Atlantic Monthly piece on Annie, Henry James also wrote this about her later years:  

I have but to recall the dawn of those associations that seemed then to promise everything, and the last declining ray of which rests, just long enough to be caught, on the benign figure of Mrs. Fields, of the latter city, recently deceased and leaving behind her much of the material out of which legend obligingly grows. She herself had the good fortune to assist, during all her later years, at an excellent case of such growth, for which nature not less than circumstance had perfectly fitted her—she was so intrinsically charming a link with the past and abounded so in the pleasure of reference and the grace of fidelity. She helped the present, that of her own actuality, to think well of her producing conditions, to think better of them than of many of those that open for our wonderment to-day: what a note of distinction they were able to contribute, she moved us to remark, what a quality of refinement they appeared to have encouraged, what a minor form of the monstrous modern noise they seemed to have been consistent with!

There is so much more to read in Annie Adams Fields’s fascinating diaries

“Some parts of the Instruction…are not the most suitable to their sex”: JQA’s Reflections on Young Noble Women’s Education in St. Petersburg

By Miriam Liebman, Adams Papers

On the morning of 21 February 1811, John Quincy Adams, Louisa Catherine Adams, and other members of the diplomatic corps in St. Petersburg attended the public examination for the young women at the Institute of the Order of St. Catherine, which was located on the Fontanka River in St. Petersburg. John Quincy recounted this event a few days later in a letter to his mother Abigail Adams on 26 February. He explained that there were four classes of students, who began their education between the ages of six and ten years old and upon completing their education, they took a public examination, which occurred over the course of two days in February every other year. For the exam, the students “dressed alike, in a plain white muslin gown, with a scarlet ribband round the waist. Those who had distinguished themselves by peculiar merit wore nosegays of lilies of the valley at the breast.—They were all extremely graceful—Some of them had fine forms; but there was scarcely a beautiful face in the whole number.”

The school was under the patronage of the Empress Mother Maria Feodorovna, who invited the members of the diplomatic corps to attend. JQA noted in his Diary that the royal family, however, was not present at the event. The first day of the examination consisted of many subjects, including religion, philosophy, geography, history, and Russian history. The second day of the exam, which the Adamses attended, covered math, German, French literature, experimental philosophy, and the arts, including music, singing, and dancing.

An excerpt from John Quincy Adams’s Diary describing the public examination at the Institute of the Order of St. Catherine.

The foreign ministers who attended did not just watch the examination but participated in it as examiners. While John Quincy did not understand the arithmetic portion of the exam since it was conducted in Russian, when it came time for French language, “One of the Ladies brought me a French Book, and translated into Russian a passage at which I opened it for her—I presume she performed it well, but if she was qualified for her task, I was not so for mine…I saw that she read French with perfect ease, but the language into which she rendered it might have been Sanscrit or Chinese for aught I knew.” He was more “at home” for the portion of the exam on French literature and found the experimental philosophy portion to be “at least amusing.” This was followed by an exhibition of the young ladies’ art, including drawings and embroideries, and concluded with the portions on singing and dancing.

Despite the long examination, John Quincy believed that not many of the students were “so learned, or even so accomplished, as these exhibitions would seem to import.” He also lamented about how many of the subjects were not adequately taught to young men. He concluded, “Yet with every allowance which ought to be made for the varnish of a public exhibition, I know not how it would be possible to make more judicious or more excellent provisions for the Education of young Ladies of rank and fortune in this Country than we find here exemplified.”

Louisa offered a perspective of her own. She later noted in her diary, “None of them are handsome…The performance of their Religious duties is strictly attended to and their long fasts reduce them so much that they look like Skeletons– Of course their complexions suffer.” Louisa’s more sympathetic perspective may have been influenced by her experiences boarding in a convent in Nantes during the American Revolution when she was four years old and then a boarding school in London after the war ended. While she did not enjoy her time at the boarding school in London, she had a passion for reading. She described in her memoir, Record of a Life that she was not privileged to learn many subjects because “Many of the modern studies not then being thought requisite in the education of Women and being thought to have a tendency to render them Masculine.” While her education was mostly limited to arts and a rudimentary education in reading and writing, she did have the privilege to be tutored by a woman, Miss Young, who was trained in classical education. Louisa reflected quite positively on this moment of her education and viewed Miss Young with the highest respect and was grateful for the opportunity to learn and converse on such “masculine” topics. The value Louisa placed on education remained with her throughout her life and was something she and John Quincy prioritized as parents.

More Secrets of the Seals

By Daniel Bottino, Rutgers University and MHS Society of Colonial Wars in Massachusetts fellow

Read an earlier post about the Secrets of the Seals at the MHS.

A notice printed in the Boston Gazette dated December 13, 1736, reads, “Lost a silver seal from a man’s watch, coat of arms on one side, CMH cypher and sloop cut into other side.”[1]  Perhaps it slipped from its attachment to a watch chain during a walk or horseback ride through the city streets.  We do not know if this small item was ever located or returned to its owner—it may be that it still lies where it was lost, waiting for a future archeologist to unearth it and return it to public sight.

This misplaced item, referred to as a “silver seal,” is a stamping instrument or “seal matrix” used to create an impression in wax or paper.  Although thousands of colonial era New England seal impressions, usually in wax, have survived to the present day, surviving colonial seal matrices are much rarer.  This makes sense, for one matrix could produce hundreds of seal impressions.  Furthermore, wax seals are attached to documents—legal papers and letters—which have often been preserved for their written content.  Conversely, personal seal matrices are small, as they were meant to be used by hand, and thus easily lost or destroyed over the passage of centuries.  As the practice of sealing began to fall out of fashion in the 19th and 20th centuries, it is possible that many of these colonial era matrices, once carefully passed down through the generations, were discarded as useless relics of a bygone era.

Yet, to gain a full understanding of the material history of sealing in colonial New England, matrices must be studied as well as seal impressions. The collections of the MHS hold many surviving matrices—illustrated below is a matrix bearing the arms of Cotton Mather, certainly an illustrious resident of Boston.  Yet this particular seal was made by silversmith Nathaniel Hurd (1730-1777) who was born after Mather’s death in 1728.  Perhaps this seal was fashioned by Hurd for one of Mather’s relatives.  Like the seal in the lost notice, this seal is a fine and valuable piece of jewelry, its handle made of ivory and its design carved in silver.  Besides serving its basic purpose in creating seal impressions, such a precious object was likely also a status symbol and marker of wealth.  After its owner’s death, a seal made skillfully of silver or gold stood a good chance of preservation as a family heirloom before, perhaps, an eventual donation to an archive or museum. 

Color photo of a gloved hand holding a small, rounded object showing the arms of Cotton Mather.
Matrix bearing the arms of Cotton Mather
Seal matrix

On the other hand, most colonists in New England clearly could not afford to purchase precious seals made by prominent artisans.  Their humbler matrices likely were made of more common metals such as brass, their handles perhaps made of wood rather than ivory.  I have not found any of these more “ordinary” seals during my research at the MHS thus far—it is likely that few, if any, have survived through the centuries, although I remain hopeful. 

For those colonists who desired a cheaper option, their own fingers could serve as matrices.  While prominent New Englanders such as Cotton Mather and John Adams almost certainly would not have wanted to forgo their finely made matrices and instead press a finger into hot wax, I have nevertheless discovered many wax fingerprint impressions in the MHS’s collections.  All of these “fingerprint seals” date to the 18th century.  I believe it likely that most employers of fingerprint seals were of lower social status than those sealers who used metal matrices.  Confirmation of this hypothesis will require research into the identities of the hundreds of individual sealers in the documents I have encountered—I hope to complete this project in the coming months.

Image of a handwritten document with three red wax seals in the lower right corner. Names appear next to the seals.
Fingerprint seals

There is no evidence that the legal authority of fingerprint seals was ever looked down upon by colonial society.  Indeed, as a seal’s primary purpose was to serve as a unique symbolic representation of its possessor, the fingerprint seal can be seen as the perfect seal.  As was undoubtably understood by colonists, each person’s fingerprints are unique.  Accordingly, when used as a matrix, a sealer’s finger produced an impression unique to the sealer, created not by a skilled engraver but rather by their own body. Ultimately, no matter what form they took, matrices were an integral part of the ritual of sealing in colonial New England, and a close consideration of their materiality will prove to be of great value in the historical study of colonial New England society.


[1] My thanks to James Kences for finding this notice.

Fancy Types: The typeface specimens of Rand & Avery 

By Susanna Sigler, Library Assistant 

Happy spring, Beehive readers! Taking a departure from my usual blog posts spotlighting WWII-focused materials, I wanted to focus on a fun item that’s been on my mind for a while now. 

Over the summer, a researcher put in a request for a 19th-century book of typefaces. I took a peek at the book before the researcher examined it, and was delighted by its contents.  

Called Rand & Avery’s Specimens, this book was published by Rand, Avery & Company, a book- and map-printing company in Boston in the mid- to late-19th century.  

The book is exactly what a good business owner back then would have for their customers: a collection of specimens, or samples, of the different typefaces that the customers could order for their printing. 

(Prior to writing this post, I did not know the difference between a typeface and a font. According to the Oxford Learner’s Dictionaries, a typeface is a set of letters, numbers, etc. of a particular design, for example Times New Roman, while a font is the particular size and style of a set of letters, for example Times New Roman italic, size 12). 

What drew me to this book was not only the artistry of the typefaces themselves, but the sense of humor displayed in the sample text. You can guess just from the fake names the speciality of most of these businesses – “Jackplane & Broadaxe” (a carpentry firm), “Quadrant & Logline” (navigators), “Hopp & Ginger” (brewers), “Rains and Sunshine” (gardeners), and “Professor Lightheel” (a dancing instructor), to name a few.  

Sample text for different fake businesses showcasing the variety of typefaces on offer.

For some of the larger typefaces, there is less space to work with, and oftentimes the placeholder text is just nonsense phrases. Some veer into the poetic, while others often struck me as humorous (if you’re like me and find random words set in very large fonts amusing).  

Some of the phrases found in the book. 
We’re running out of space!

Aside from the textual content, the actual typefaces themselves are beautiful, ranging from simple and elegant to detailed and intricate. Some are ones that are still in use today, but many are not. Oftentimes the sample text will correspond to the qualities of the font itself–there’s a special typeface in the shape of snowballs, for example, and one proclaiming “tulip beds” that looks to be itself blooming.  

Is this the typography version of onomatopoeia?

In addition to the typefaces, there are also small drawn icons and other logos that can be incorporated into a customer’s design. My personal favorite is this one of Boston, with tiny ships. 

Boston, but make it maritime.

I’m not a pessimist, or someone who thinks that creativity and beauty in graphic design is long gone, but styles in the mainstream nowadays all seem to have a similar corporate look. Minimalism has rendered interiors completely boring at best, and terrifying alien spaceship at worst. I think they could take a page from Rand & Avery, and try to have a little more fun.  

The Geo. C. Rand & Avery typeface book can be viewed at the MHS. The MHS also holds additional materials on typefaces and printing specimens, found under the subjects “Type and type-founding” and “Printing – Specimens” in ABIGAIL. 

Sources 

“Font.” Oxford Learner’s Dictionaries. Accessed March 21, 2023. https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/us/definition/english/font. 

Rand & Avery, Rand & Avery’s Specimens (Boston: Geo. C. Rand & Avery, 1860).  

“Typeface.” Oxford Learner’s Dictionaries. Accessed March 21, 2023. https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/us/definition/english/typeface. 

Disability in the Archive: Insanity & Institutions

By Meg Szydlik, Visitor Services Coordinator

Trigger warning: use of outdated but period-typical language to describe disabled and mentally ill individuals and includes descriptions of abuse.

In my last post, I looked at disabled people in the circus. For this post, I’m looking at how people deemed “insane,” “idiots,” or “feeble-minded” were treated. Like those of the previous post, the voices of these people were also missing in my searches of the MHS archives. What we do have, however, are records that help paint a picture of what life was like for someone “insane” and how abled people perceived them.

Insanity and feeble-mindedness cover a wide range of behaviors. In addition to mental illness and probable psychosis, developmental disorders, and neurodivergence are also included under this label. While the sources had different treatment plans, all of them used a “one size fits all” approach to these disabilities. However, modern practice is that individual treatments that center the person’s dignity are best.

Image of a page of an application to the Massachusetts School for the Feeble-Minded. The application asks questions ranging from basic demographic information to more invasive questions about how the person’s disability manifests itself. Questions about overall health, mental difficulties, and physical disabilities are included.
Application for placement in the Massachusetts School for the Feeble-Minded

In the pre-Civil War era when the materials I used were written, there were essentially two options for people considered insane. They could stay at home with family, or they could enter an institution. Poorhouses, hospitals, and even jails were used to house those the state deemed insane.

Whatever the caretakers of these places thought they were doing, Dorothea Dix’s Memorial: To the Legislature of Massachusetts demonstrated their actions were abusive. Originally delivered orally, her testimony was published and made its way into the MHS collection. It features page after page of stories of people being beaten, chained, and deprived of food, bathrooms, and clothing and even light or shelter. The abuse is horrifying to read and must have been even worse to hear about. However, I’m glad Dix was clear and explicit about the harm, as she says herself, “the condition of human beings reduced to the extremest states of degradation and misery, cannot be exhibited in softened language, or adorn a polished page.” You can read her words yourself by visiting the MHS or by reading an online copy.

Image of a page from the MHS copy of Dix’s Memorial. This page discusses some of the abuse that occurred to individuals on a town by town basis, as well as Dix’s thoughts on the treatment.
Page from the MHS copy of Dix’s Memorial: To the Legislature of Massachusetts

In addition to Dix’s more personal words, the MHS has government documents on the topic, including a copy of the Report on insanity and idiocy in Massachusetts by the Commission on Lunacy under resolve of the Legislature of 1854. This report looks at how insane persons were counted and treated in Massachusetts, starting with the complications involved in getting an accurate count of these populations because of the shame associated with the diagnosis. Their review revealed interesting things, including a fairly even gender split, a belief that lunacy is curable, and disproportionate numbers of “aliens,” or non-Americans, receiving treatment in institutions. The treatment of non-Americans was especially interesting, with the writers pre-answering critiques by countering that these “generous provisions for the alien lunatics will not be questioned here, for not one of these thus provided for should have been neglected. Indeed, it is the great honor of our Commonwealth that it has built…these institutions for the relief of the suffering.” Though lacking in many areas, this report and the men who created it seemed to have the dignity of the people they were serving at the core, which was comforting. Despite these positive elements, these documents are still primarily about abled people’s responses and responsibilities. The voices of the “insane and idiots” are not present in the text.

Image of a page of text from the “Report on Insanity.” The text discusses why people considered insane might not be kept at home and instead be in an institution.
Page from the “Report on Insanity” by the Commission on Lunacy

The final materials I examined were ephemera and reports from The Massachusetts School for the Feeble-Minded. Archivist Susan Martin wrote a wonderful blog post about the collection, so I won’t rehash everything, but I did find it interesting how these materials fit with the other documents the MHS has about idiocy and insanity. The reports are focused on how well students are progressing, as well as the work and value of the school. It operated significantly more like modern schools for severely disabled people than anything else I looked at, which is striking given that the documents are still pre-Civil War. Still, there is no element of the student voice anywhere in the ephemera, which consists largely of information on how to enroll and what to bring rather than content produced by students. Once again, abled people are telling disabled people’s stories–no matter how well-meaning they are.

Image of the cover page of the “Circular of the Institution for the Education of Idiots, Imbeciles, and Children of Retarded Development of Mind.” The page has text in a decorative border.
Cover page of the “Circular of the Institution for the Education of Idiots, Imbeciles, and Children of Retarded Development of Mind.”

Reading about the treatment of what was deemed idiocy and insanity was a deeply upsetting experience that required breaks. There’s so much dehumanization in the sources and even Dorothea Dix’s testimony, the source that focused primarily on their humanity and victimhood, highlighted that dehumanization. The treatment of these disabled people is, quite frankly, horrifying. In many ways, I see echoes of that treatment in the present with things like #FreeBritney and Disabled Day of Mourning.

Tune in next time, when I will look at some of the ways disabled veterans are represented in the archive.